G01 0010 1 NORTHERN liberals are the chief supporters of civil G01 0010 9 rights and of integration. They have also led the nation G01 0020 10 in the direction of a welfare state. And both in their G01 0030 9 objectives of non-discrimination and of social progress G01 0040 5 they have had ranged against them the Southerners who G01 0050 2 are called Bourbons. The name presumably derives from G01 0050 10 the French royal house which never learned and never G01 0060 9 forgot; since Bourbon whiskey, though of Kentucky origin, G01 0070 6 is at least as much favored by liberals in the North G01 0080 6 as by conservatives in the South. G01 0080 12 The nature of the opposition between liberals and G01 0090 8 Bourbons is too little understood in the North. The G01 0100 6 race problem has tended to obscure other, less emotional, G01 0110 3 issues which may fundamentally be even more divisive. G01 0120 1 It is these other differences between North and South- G01 0120 10 other, that is, than those which concern discrimination G01 0130 8 or social welfare- which I chiefly discuss herein. G01 0140 8 I write about Northern liberals from considerable G01 0150 3 personal experience. A Southerner married to a New G01 0160 3 Englander, I have lived for many years in a Connecticut G01 0160 13 commuting town with a high percentage of artists, writers, G01 0170 9 publicity men, and business executives of egghead tastes. G01 0180 7 Most of them are Democrats and nearly all consider G01 0190 5 themselves, and are viewed as, liberals. This is puzzling G01 0200 3 to an outsider conscious of the classic tradition of G01 0210 1 liberalism, because it is clear that these Democrats G01 0210 9 who are left-of-center are at opposite poles from the G01 0220 7 liberal Jefferson, who held that the best government G01 0230 4 was the least government. Yet paradoxically my liberal G01 0250 1 friends continue to view Jefferson as one of their G01 0250 10 patron saints. When I question them as to what they G01 0260 9 mean by concepts like liberty and democracy, I find G01 0270 4 that they fall into two categories: the simpler ones G01 0280 2 who have simply accepted the shibboleths of their faith G01 0280 11 without analysis; and the intelligent, cynical ones G01 0290 7 who scornfully reply that these things don't count G01 0300 5 any more in the world of to-day. I am naive, they say, G01 0310 3 to make use of such words. G01 0310 9 I take this to mean that the intelligent- and therefore G01 0320 6 necessarily cynical?- liberal considers that the need G01 0330 5 for a national economy with controls that will assure G01 0340 2 his conception of social justice is so great that individual G01 0350 1 and local liberties as well as democratic processes G01 0350 9 may have to yield before it. This seems like an attitude G01 0360 8 favoring a sort of totalitarian bureaucracy which, G01 0370 3 under a President of the same stamp, would try to coerce G01 0380 3 an uncooperative Congress or Supreme Court. As for G01 0380 11 states' rights, they have never counted in the thinking G01 0390 9 of my liberal friends except as irritations of a minor G01 0400 7 and immoral nature which exist now only as anachronisms. G01 0410 5 The American liberal may, in the world of to-day, G01 0420 4 have a strong case; but he presents it publicly so G01 0420 14 enmeshed in hypocrisy that it is not an honest one. G01 0430 10 Why, in the first place, call himself a liberal if G01 0440 6 he is against laissez-faire and favors an authoritarian G01 0450 3 central government with womb-to-tomb controls over G01 0460 1 everybody? If he attaches little importance to personal G01 0460 9 liberty, why not make this known to the world? And G01 0470 10 if he is so scornful of the rights of states, why not G01 0480 7 advocate a different sort of constitution that he could G01 0490 4 more sincerely support? G01 0490 7 I am concerned here, however, with the Northern G01 0500 5 liberal's attitude toward the South. It appears to G01 0510 3 be one of intense dislike, which he makes little effort G01 0520 1 to conceal even in the presence of Southern friends. G01 0520 10 His assumption seems to be that any such friends, being G01 0530 9 tolerable humans, must be more liberal than most Southerners G01 0540 5 and therefore at least partly in sympathy with his G01 0550 3 views. Time's editor, Thomas Griffith, in his book, G01 0560 1 The Waist-High Culture, wrote: "**h most of what was G01 0570 1 different about it (the Deep South) I found myself G01 0570 10 unsympathetic to **h". This, for the liberals I know, G01 0580 8 would be an understatement. Theirs is no mere lack G01 0590 6 of sympathy, but something closer to the passionate G01 0600 1 hatred that was directed against Fascism. G01 0600 7 I do not think that my experience would be typical G01 0610 7 for Southerners living in the North. In business circles, G01 0620 5 usually conservative, this sort of atmosphere would G01 0630 2 hardly be found. But in our case- and neither my wife G01 0630 13 nor I have extreme views on integration, nor are we G01 0640 10 given to emotional outbursts- the situation has ruined G01 0650 5 one or two valued friendships and come close to wrecking G01 0660 5 several more. In fact it has caused us to give serious G01 0670 2 thought to moving our residence south, because it is G01 0670 11 not easy for the most objective Southerner to sit calmly G01 0680 9 by when his host is telling a roomful of people that G01 0690 8 the only way to deal with Southerners who oppose integration G01 0700 4 is to send in troops and shoot the bastards down. G01 0710 2 Accounts have been published of Northern liberals G01 0710 9 in the South up against segregationist prejudice, especially G01 0720 8 in state-supported universities where pressure may G01 0730 5 be strong to uphold the majority view. But these accounts G01 0740 5 do not show that Northerners have been subjected to G01 0750 2 embarrassment or provocation by Yankee-hatred displayed G01 0750 9 in social gatherings. From my wife's experience and G01 0760 8 other sources, this seems to be rarely encountered G01 0770 6 in educated circles. The strong feeling is certainly G01 0780 3 there; but there is a leavening of liberalism among G01 0790 1 college graduates throughout the South, especially G01 0790 7 among those who studied in the North. And social relations G01 0800 8 arising out of business ties impose courtesy, if not G01 0810 6 sympathy, toward resident and visiting Northerners. G01 0820 1 Also, among the latter a large percentage soon acquire G01 0820 10 the prevalent Southern attitude on most social problems. G01 0830 8 There are of course many Souths; but for this discussion G01 0840 10 the most important division is between those who have G01 0850 7 been reconstructed and those who haven't. My definition G01 0860 4 of this much abused adjective is that a reconstructed G01 0870 1 rebel is one who is glad that the North won the War. G01 0870 13 Nobody knows how many Southerners there are in this G01 0880 9 category. I suspect that there are far more unreconstructed G01 0890 7 ones than the North likes to believe. I never heard G01 0900 5 of a poll being taken on the question. No doubt such G01 0910 2 a thing would be considered unpatriotic. Prior to 1954 G01 0910 11 I imagine that a majority of Southerners would have G01 0920 8 voted against the Confederacy. Since the Supreme Court's G01 0930 5 decision of that year this is more doubtful; and if G01 0940 5 a poll had been taken immediately following the dispatch G01 0950 3 of troops to Little Rock I believe the majority would G01 0960 1 have been for the Old South. G01 0960 7 Belief in the traditional way of life persists much G01 0970 4 more in the older states than in the new ones. Probably G01 0980 1 a larger percentage of Virginians and South Carolinians G01 0980 9 remain unreconstructed than elsewhere, with Georgia, G01 0990 6 North Carolina, and Alabama following along after them. G01 1000 6 Old attitudes are held more tenaciously in the Tidewater G01 1010 4 than the Piedmont; so that a line running down the G01 1020 3 length of the South marking the upper limits of tidewater G01 1030 1 would roughly divide the Old South from the new, but G01 1030 11 with, of course, important minority enclaves. G01 1040 4 The long-settled areas of states like Virginia and G01 1050 4 South Carolina developed the ante-bellum culture to G01 1060 2 its richest flowering, and there the memory is more G01 1060 11 precious, and the consciousness of loss the greater. G01 1070 7 Also, we should not even to-day discount the fact that G01 1080 5 a region such as the coastal lowlands centering on G01 1090 2 Charleston had closer ties with England and the West G01 1090 11 Indies than with the North even after independence. G01 1100 8 The social and psychological consequences of this continue G01 1110 5 to affect the area. In certain respects defeat increased G01 1120 4 the persistent Anglophilia of the Old South. Poor where G01 1130 3 they had once been rich, humbled where they had been G01 1140 1 arrogant, having no longer any hope of sharing in the G01 1140 11 leadership of the nation, the rebels who would not G01 1150 7 surrender in spirit drew comfort from the sympathy G01 1160 3 they felt extended to them by the mother country. And G01 1170 1 no doubt many people in states like the Carolinas and G01 1170 11 Georgia, which were among the most Tory in sentiment G01 1180 8 in the eighteenth century, bitterly regretted the revolt G01 1190 4 against the Crown. G01 1190 7 Among Bourbons the racial issue may have less to G01 1200 8 do with their remaining unreconstructed than other G01 1210 3 factors. All Southerners agree that slavery had to G01 1220 1 go; but many historians maintain that except for Northern G01 1220 10 meddling it would have ended in states like Virginia G01 1230 9 years before it did. Southern resentment has been over G01 1240 5 the method of its ending, the invasion, and Reconstruction; G01 1250 3 their fears now are of miscegenation and Negro political G01 1260 2 control in many counties. But apart from racial problems, G01 1270 1 the old unreconstructed South- to use the moderate G01 1270 9 words favored by Mr& Thomas Griffith- finds itself G01 1280 6 unsympathetic to most of what is different about the G01 1290 5 civilization of the North. And this, in effect, means G01 1300 2 most of modern America. G01 1300 6 It is hard to see how the situation could be otherwise. G01 1310 5 And therein, I feel, many Northerners delude themselves G01 1320 3 about the South. For one thing, this is not a subject G01 1330 1 often discussed or analyzed. There seems to be almost G01 1330 10 a conspiracy of silence veiling it. I suppose the reason G01 1340 9 is a kind of wishful thinking: don't talk about the G01 1350 6 final stages of Reconstruction and they will take care G01 1360 5 of themselves. Or else the North really believes that G01 1370 2 all Southerners except a few quaint old characters G01 1370 10 have come around to realizing the errors of their past, G01 1380 9 and are now at heart sharers of the American Dream, G01 1390 5 like everybody else. G01 1390 8 If the circumstances are faced frankly it is not G01 1400 7 reasonable to expect this to be true. The situation G01 1410 4 of the South since 1865 has been unique in the western G01 1420 1 world. Regardless of rights and wrongs, a population G01 1420 9 and an area appropriate to a pre-World-War-/1, great G01 1430 9 power have been, following conquest, ruled against G01 1440 3 their will by a neighboring people, and have had imposed G01 1450 2 upon them social and economic controls they dislike. G01 1450 10 And the great majority of these people are of Anglo-Saxon G01 1460 10 or Celtic descent. This is the only case in modern G01 1470 8 history of a people of Britannic origin submitting G01 1480 3 without continued struggle to what they view as foreign G01 1490 1 domination. The fact is due mainly to international G01 1490 9 wars, both hot and cold. In every war of the United G01 1500 9 States since the Civil War the South was more belligerent G01 1510 6 than the rest of the country. So instead of being tests G01 1520 4 of the South's loyalty, the Spanish War, the two World G01 1530 3 Wars, and the Korean War all served to overcome old G01 1530 13 grievances and cement reunion. And there is no section G01 1540 9 of the nation more ardent than the South in the cold G01 1550 8 war against Communism. Had the situation been reversed, G01 1560 4 had, for instance, England been the enemy in 1898 because G01 1570 3 of issues of concern chiefly to New England, there G01 1570 12 is little doubt that large numbers of Southerners would G01 1580 9 have happily put on their old Confederate uniforms G01 1590 6 to fight as allies of Britain. It is extraordinary G01 1600 3 that a people as proud and warlike as Southerners should G01 1610 2 have been as docile as they have. The North should G01 1610 12 thank its stars that such has been the case; but at G01 1620 10 the same time it should not draw false inferences therefrom. G01 1630 5 The two main charges levelled against the Bourbons G01 1640 4 by liberals is that they are racists and social reactionaries. G01 1650 2 There is much truth in both these charges, and not G01 1660 1 many Bourbons deny them. Whatever their faults, they G01 1660 9 are not hypocrites. Most of them sincerely believe G01 1670 6 that the Anglo-Saxon is the best race in the world G01 1680 5 and that it should remain pure. Many Northeners believe G01 1690 2 this, too, but few of them will say so publicly. The G01 1690 13 Bourbon economic philosophy, moreover, is not very G01 1700 7 different from that of Northern conservatives. But G01 1710 3 those among the Bourbons who remain unreconstructed G01 1720 1 go much further than this. They believe that if the G01 1720 11 South had been let alone it would have produced a civilization G01 1730 11 superior to that of modern America. As it is, they G01 1740 8 consider that the North is now reaping the fruits of G01 1750 5 excess egalitarianism, that in spite of its high standard G01 1760 2 of living the "American way" has been proved inferior G01 1770 1 to the English and Scandinavian ways, although they G01 1770 9 disapprove of the socialistic features of the latter. G01 1780 6 The South's antipathy to Northern civilization includes G01 1790 5 such charges as poor manners, harsh accents, lack of G01 1800 4 appreciation of the arts of living like gastronomy G01 1810 1 and the use of leisure. Their own easier, slower tempo G01 1810 11 is especially dear to Southerners; and I have heard G01 1820 8 many say that they are content to earn a half or a G01 1830 7 third as much as they could up North because they so G01 1840 3 much prefer the quieter habits of their home town. G02 0010 1 In the past, the duties of the state, as Sir Henry G02 0010 12 Maine noted long ago, were only two in number: internal G02 0020 9 order and external security. By prevailing over other G02 0030 5 claimants for the loyalties of men, the nation-state G02 0040 4 maintained an adequate measure of certainty and order G02 0050 1 within its territorial borders. Outside those limits G02 0050 8 it asserted, as against other states, a position of G02 0060 7 sovereign equality, and, as against the "inferior" G02 0070 3 peoples of the non-Western world, a position of dominance. G02 0080 2 It became the sole "subject" of "international law" G02 0090 1 (a term which, it is pertinent to remember, was coined G02 0090 11 by Bentham), a body of legal principle which by and G02 0100 9 large was made up of what Western nations could do G02 0110 4 in the world arena. (That corpus of law was a reflection G02 0120 2 of the power system in existence during the eighteenth G02 0120 11 and nineteenth centuries. Speaking generally, it furthered- G02 0130 7 and still tends to further- the interests of the Western G02 0140 9 powers. The enormous changes in world politics have, G02 0150 6 however, thrown it into confusion, so much so that G02 0160 4 it is safe to say that all international law is now G02 0160 15 in need of reexamination and clarification in light G02 0170 8 of the social conditions of the present era.) G02 0180 5 Beyond the two basic tasks mentioned above, no attention G02 0190 4 was paid by statesman or scholar to an idea of state G02 0200 1 responsibility, either internally or externally. This G02 0200 7 was particularly true in the world arena, which was G02 0210 8 an anarchical battleground characterized by strife G02 0220 3 and avaricious competition for colonial empires. That G02 0230 2 any sort of duty was owed by his nation to other nations G02 0230 14 would have astonished a nineteenth-century statesman. G02 0240 6 His duty was to his sovereign and to his nation, and G02 0250 6 an extension to peoples beyond the territorial boundaries G02 0260 2 was not to be contemplated. Thus, to cite but one example, G02 0270 2 the Pax Britannica of the nineteenth century, whether G02 0270 10 with the British navy ruling the seas or with the City G02 0280 11 of London ruling world finance, was strictly national G02 0290 6 in motivation, however much other nations (e&g&, the G02 0300 4 United States) may have incidentally benefited. At G02 0310 2 the same time, all suggestions that some sort of societal G02 0320 1 responsibility existed for the welfare of the people G02 0320 9 within the territorial state was strongly resisted. G02 0330 5 Social Darwinism was able to stave off the incipient G02 0340 4 socialist movement until well into the present century. G02 0350 1 However, in recent decades, for what doubtless are G02 0350 9 multiple reasons, an unannounced but nonetheless readily G02 0360 7 observable shift has occurred in both facets of national G02 0370 7 activity. A concept of responsibility is in process G02 0380 4 of articulation and establishment. Already firmly implanted G02 0390 2 internally, it is a growing factor in external matters. G02 0400 1 ## G02 0400 2 A little more than twenty years ago the American people G02 0400 12 turned an important corner. In what has aptly been G02 0410 9 called a "constitutional revolution", the basic nature G02 0420 5 of government was transformed from one essentially G02 0430 3 negative in nature (the "night-watchman state") to G02 0440 1 one with affirmative duties to perform. The "positive G02 0440 9 state" came into existence. For lawyers, reflecting G02 0450 6 perhaps their parochial preferences, there has been G02 0460 4 a special fascination since then in the role played G02 0470 2 by the Supreme Court in that transformation- the manner G02 0470 11 in which its decisions altered in "the switch in time G02 0480 10 that saved nine", President Roosevelt's ill-starred G02 0490 5 but in effect victorious "Court-packing plan", the G02 0500 3 imprimatur of judicial approval that was finally placed G02 0510 3 upon social legislation. Of greater importance, however, G02 0520 1 is the content of those programs, which have had and G02 0520 11 are having enormous consequences for the American people. G02 0530 6 Labor relations have been transformed, income security G02 0540 4 has become a standardized feature of political platforms, G02 0550 2 and all the many facets of the American version of G02 0560 1 the welfare state have become part of the conventional G02 0560 10 wisdom. A national consensus of near unanimity exists G02 0570 6 that these governmental efforts are desirable as well G02 0580 5 as necessary. Ratified in the Republican Party victory G02 0590 2 in 1952, the Positive State is now evidenced by political G02 0600 1 campaigns being waged not on whether but on how much G02 0600 11 social legislation there should be. G02 0610 5 The general acceptance of the idea of governmental G02 0620 3 (i&e&, societal) responsibility for the economic well-being G02 0630 3 of the American people is surely one of the two most G02 0630 14 significant watersheds in American constitutional history. G02 0640 6 The other, of course, was the Civil War, the conflict G02 0650 8 which a century ago insured national unity over fragmentation. G02 0660 5 A third, one of at least equal and perhaps even greater G02 0670 4 importance, is now being traversed: American immersion G02 0680 2 and involvement in world affairs. G02 0680 7 Internal national responsibility, now a truism, G02 0690 5 need not be documented. Nevertheless, it may be helpful G02 0700 5 to cite one example- that of employment- for, as will G02 0710 2 be shown below, it cuts across both facets of the new G02 0710 13 concept. Thirty years ago, while the nation was wallowing G02 0720 8 in economic depression, the prevailing philosophy of G02 0730 5 government was to stand aside and allow "natural forces" G02 0740 3 to operate and cure the distress. That guiding principle G02 0750 2 of the Hoover Administration fell to the siege guns G02 0750 11 of the New Deal; less than a score of years later Congress G02 0760 11 enacted the Employment Act of 1946, by which the national G02 0770 9 government assumed the responsibility of taking action G02 0780 5 to insure conditions of maximum employment. Hands-off G02 0790 3 the economy was replaced by conscious guidance through G02 0800 1 planning- the economic side of the constitutional revolution. G02 0800 8 In 1961 the first important legislative victory of G02 0810 8 the Kennedy Administration came when the principle G02 0820 5 of national responsibility for local economic distress G02 0830 3 won out over a "state's-responsibility" proposal- provision G02 0840 2 was made for payment for unemployment relief by nation-wide G02 0850 4 taxation rather than by a levy only on those states G02 0850 14 afflicted with manpower surplus. The American people G02 0860 7 have indeed come a long way in the brief interval between G02 0870 9 1930 and 1961. G02 0870 12 Internal national responsibility is a societal response G02 0880 7 to the impact of the Industrial Revolution. Reduced G02 0890 4 to its simplest terms, it is an assumption of a collective G02 0900 4 duty to compensate for the inability of individuals G02 0910 1 to cope with the rigors of the era. National responsibility G02 0910 11 for individual welfare is a concept not limited to G02 0920 9 the United States or even to the Western nations. A G02 0930 7 measure of its widespread acceptance may be derived G02 0940 4 from a statement of the International Congress of Jurists G02 0950 1 in 1959. Meeting in New Delhi under the auspices of G02 0950 11 the International Commission of Jurists, a body of G02 0960 7 lawyers from the free world, the Congress redefined G02 0970 4 and expanded the traditional Rule of Law to include G02 0980 3 affirmative governmental duties. It is noteworthy that G02 0990 1 the majority of the delegates to the Congress were G02 0990 10 from the less developed, former colonial nations. The G02 1000 5 Rule of Law, historically a principle according everyone G02 1010 3 his "day in court" before an impartial tribunal, was G02 1020 2 broadened substantively by making it a responsibility G02 1020 9 of government to promote individual welfare. Recognizing G02 1030 7 that the Rule of Law is "a dynamic concept **h which G02 1040 9 should be employed not only to safeguard the civil G02 1050 5 and political rights of the individual in a free society", G02 1060 2 the Congress asserted that it also included the responsibility G02 1070 1 "to establish social, economic, educational and cultural G02 1070 8 conditions under which his legitimate aspirations and G02 1080 7 dignity may be realized". The idea of national responsibility G02 1090 6 thus has become a common feature of the nations of G02 1100 6 the non-Soviet world. For better or for worse, we all G02 1110 3 now live in welfare states, the organizing principle G02 1110 11 of which is collective responsibility for individual G02 1120 6 well-being. G02 1120 8 Whether a concept analogous to the principle of G02 1130 8 internal responsibility operates in a nation's external G02 1140 6 relations is less obvious and more difficult to establish. G02 1150 4 The hypothesis ventured here is that it does, and that G02 1160 3 evidence is accumulating validating that proposition. G02 1160 9 The content is not the same, however: rather than individual G02 1170 9 security, it is the security and continuing existence G02 1180 7 of an "ideological group"- those in the "free world"- G02 1190 8 that is basic. External national responsibility involves G02 1200 3 a burgeoning requirement that the leaders of the Western G02 1210 3 nations so guide their decisions as to further the G02 1210 12 viability of other friendly nations. If internal responsibility G02 1220 8 suggests acceptance of the socialist ideal of equality, G02 1230 7 then external responsibility implies adherence to principles G02 1240 5 of ideological supranationalism. G02 1250 1 Reference to two other concepts- nationalism and G02 1250 8 sovereignty- may help to reveal the contours of the G02 1260 11 new principle. In its beginnings the nation-state had G02 1270 5 to struggle to assert itself- internally, against feudal G02 1280 3 groups, and externally, against the power and influence G02 1290 1 of such other claimants for loyalty as the Church. G02 1290 10 The breakup of the Holy Roman Empire and the downfall G02 1300 8 of feudalism led, not more than two centuries ago, G02 1310 5 to the surge of nationalism. (Since the time-span of G02 1320 2 the nation-state coincides roughly with the separate G02 1320 10 existence of the United States as an independent entity, G02 1330 9 it is perhaps natural for Americans to think of the G02 1340 7 nation as representative of the highest form of order, G02 1350 4 something permanent and unchanging.) The concept of G02 1360 1 nationalism is the political principle that epitomizes G02 1360 8 and glorifies the territorial state as the characteristic G02 1370 7 type of socal structure. But it is more than that. G02 1380 6 For it includes the emotional ties that bind men to G02 1390 3 their homeland and the complex motivations that hold G02 1390 11 a large group of people together as a unit. Today, G02 1400 9 as new nations rise from the former colonial empires, G02 1410 5 nationalism is one of the hurricane forces loose in G02 1420 3 the world. Almost febrile in intensity, the principle G02 1420 11 has become worldwide in application- unfortunately G02 1430 6 at the very time that nationalist fervors can wreak G02 1440 5 greatest harm. Historically, however, the concept is G02 1450 4 one that has been of marked benefit to the people of G02 1450 15 the Western civilizational group. By subduing disparate G02 1460 7 lesser groups the nation has, to some degree at least, G02 1470 9 broadened the capacity for individual liberty. Within G02 1480 3 their confines, moreover, technological and industrial G02 1490 2 growth has proceeded at an accelerated pace, thus increasing G02 1500 1 the cornucopia from which material wants can be satisfied. G02 1500 10 While the pattern is uneven, some having gained more G02 1510 8 than others, nationalism has in fact served the Western G02 1520 7 peoples well. (Whether historical nationalism helped G02 1530 2 the peoples of the remainder of the world, and whether G02 1540 1 today's nationalism in the former colonial areas has G02 1540 9 equally beneficial aspects, are other questions.) G02 1550 5 It is one of the ironic quirks of history that the G02 1560 5 viability and usefulness of nationalism and the territorial G02 1570 2 state are rapidly dissipating at precisely the time G02 1570 10 that the nation-state attained its highest number (approximately G02 1580 9 100). But it is more than irony: one of the main reasons G02 1590 11 why nationalism is no longer a tenable concept is because G02 1600 8 it has spread throughout the planet. In other words, G02 1610 5 nationalism worked well enough when it had limited G02 1620 2 application, both as to geography and as to population; G02 1620 11 it becomes a perilous anachronism when adopted on a G02 1630 9 world-wide basis. G02 1640 1 Complementing the political principle of nationalism G02 1640 7 is the legal principle of sovereignty. The former receives G02 1650 7 its legitimacy from the latter. Operating side by side, G02 1660 6 together they helped shore up the nation-state. While G02 1670 2 sovereignty has roots in antiquity, in its present G02 1680 1 usage it is essentially modern. Jean Bodin, writing G02 1680 9 in the sixteenth century, may have been the seminal G02 1690 7 thinker, but it was the vastly influential John Austin G02 1700 3 who set out the main lines of the concept as now understood. G02 1710 2 Austin's nineteenth-century view of law and sovereignty G02 1720 1 still dominates much of today's legal and political G02 1720 9 thinking. To him, law is the command of the sovereign G02 1730 9 (the English monarch) who personifies the power of G02 1740 5 the nation, while sovereignty is the power to make G02 1750 2 law- i&e&, to prevail over internal groups and to be G02 1750 12 free from the commands of other sovereigns in other G02 1760 9 nations. These fundamental ideas- the indivisibility G02 1770 3 of sovereignty and its dual (internal-external) aspects- G02 1780 1 still remain the core of that concept of ultimate political G02 1790 2 power. G02 1790 3 The nation-state, then, exemplifies the principle G02 1800 1 of nationalism and exercises sovereignty: supreme power G02 1800 8 over domestic affairs and independence from outside G02 1810 7 control. In fact, however, both principles have always G02 1820 5 been nebulous and loosely defined. High-level abstractions G02 1830 2 are always difficult to pin down with precision. That G02 1840 2 is particularly true of sovereignty when it is applied G02 1840 11 to democratic societies, in which "popular" sovereignty G02 1850 6 is said to exist, and in federal nations, in which G02 1860 7 the jobs of government are split. Nevertheless, nationalism G02 1870 2 and sovereignty are reputed, in the accepted wisdom, G02 1880 2 to describe the modern world. Is there a different G02 1880 11 reality behind the facade? Does the surface hide a G02 1890 8 quite different picture? G02 1900 1 The short answer to those questions is "yes". Both G02 1900 10 concepts are undergoing alteration; to some degree G02 1910 7 they are being supplanted by a concept of national G02 1920 6 responsibility. As evidence to support that view, consider G02 1930 4 the following illustrative instances. G03 0010 1 Can thermonuclear war be set off by accident? What G03 0010 10 steps have been taken to guard against the one sort G03 0020 8 of mishap that could trigger the destruction of continents? G03 0030 4 Are we as safe as we should be from such a disaster? G03 0040 3 Is anything being done to increase our margin of safety? G03 0050 1 Will the danger increase or decrease? G03 0050 7 I have just asked these questions in the Pentagon, G03 0060 6 in the White House, in offices of key scientists across G03 0070 4 the country and aboard the submarines that prowl for G03 0080 2 months underwater, with neat rows of green launch tubes G03 0080 11 which contain Polaris missiles and which are affectionately G03 0090 7 known as "Sherwood Forest". I asked the same questions G03 0100 7 inside the launch-control rooms of an Atlas missile G03 0110 6 base in Wyoming, where officers who wear sidearms are G03 0120 3 manning the "commit buttons" that could start a war- G03 0130 3 accidentally or by design- and in the command centers G03 0130 12 where other pistol-packing men could give orders to G03 0140 8 push such buttons. G03 0140 11 To the men in the instrument-jammed bomber cockpits, G03 0150 9 submarine compartments and the antiseptic, windowless G03 0160 5 rooms that would be the foxholes of tomorrow's impersonal G03 0170 3 intercontinental wars, the questions seem farfetched. G03 0180 1 There is unceasing pressure, but its sources are immediate. G03 0190 1 "Readiness exercises" are almost continuous. Each could G03 0190 8 be the real thing. G03 0200 2 In the command centers there are special clocks G03 0200 10 ready to tick off the minutes elapsed since "~E hour". G03 0210 10 "~E" stands for "execution"- the moment a "go order" G03 0220 9 would unleash an American nuclear strike. There is G03 0230 7 little time for the men in the command centers to reflect G03 0240 5 about the implications of these clocks. They are preoccupied G03 0250 4 riding herd on control panels, switches, flashing colored G03 0260 2 lights on pale green or gray consoles that look like G03 0260 12 business machines. They know little about their machinery G03 0270 8 beyond mechanical details. Accidental war is so sensitive G03 0280 7 a subject that most of the people who could become G03 0290 4 directly involved in one are told just enough so they G03 0300 2 can perform their portions of incredibly complex tasks. G03 0310 1 Among the policy makers, generals, physicists, psychologists G03 0310 7 and others charged with controlling the actions of G03 0320 7 the button pushers and their "hardware", the answers G03 0330 4 to my questions varied partly according to a man's G03 0340 3 flair for what the professionals in this field call G03 0340 12 "scenarios". As an Air Force psychiatrist put it: "You G03 0350 9 can't have dry runs on this one". The experts are thus G03 0360 10 forced to hypothesize sequences of events that have G03 0370 6 never occurred, probably never will- but possibly might. G03 0380 6 Only one rule prevailed in my conversations with these G03 0390 2 men: The more highly placed they are- that is, the G03 0390 12 more they know- the more concerned they have become. G03 0400 7 Already accidental war is a silent guest at the G03 0410 8 discussions within the Kennedy Administration about G03 0420 2 the urgency of disarmament and nearly all other questions G03 0430 1 of national security. Only recently new "holes" were G03 0440 1 discovered in our safety measures, and a search is G03 0440 10 now on for more. Work is under way to see whether new G03 0450 8 restraining devices should be installed on all nuclear G03 0460 4 weapons. G03 0460 5 Meanwhile, the experts speak of wars triggered by G03 0470 4 "false pre-emption", "escalation", "unauthorized behavior" G03 0480 2 and other terms that will be discussed in this report. G03 0490 1 They inhabit a secret world centered on "go codes" G03 0490 10 and "gold phones". Their conversations were, almost G03 0500 6 invariably, accompanied by the same gestures- arms G03 0510 6 and pointed forefingers darting toward each other in G03 0520 4 arclike semicircular motions. One arm represented our G03 0520 11 bombers and missiles, the other arm "theirs". Yet implicit G03 0530 9 in each movement was the death of millions, perhaps G03 0540 8 hundreds of millions, perhaps you and me- and the experts. G03 0550 7 These men are not callous. It is their job to think G03 0560 7 about the unthinkable. Unanimously they believe that G03 0570 2 the world would become a safer place if more of us- G03 0570 13 and more Russians and Communist Chinese, too- thought G03 0580 7 about accidental war. G03 0590 2 The first systematic thinking about this Pandora's G03 0590 9 box within Pandora's boxes was done four years ago G03 0600 9 by Fred Ikle, a frail, meek-mannered Swiss-born sociologist. G03 0610 7 He was, and is, with the ~RAND Corporation, a nonprofit G03 0620 5 pool of thinkers financed by the U& S& Air Force. His G03 0630 6 investigations made him the Paul Revere of accidental G03 0640 3 war, and safety procedures were enormously increased. G03 0660 1 In recent weeks, as a result of a sweeping defense G03 0660 11 policy reappraisal by the Kennedy Administration, basic G03 0670 6 United States strategy has been modified- and large G03 0680 6 new sums allocated- to meet the accidental-war danger G03 0690 2 and to reduce it as quickly as possible. G03 0700 1 The chain starts at ~BMEWS (Ballistic Missile Early G03 0700 8 Warning System) in Thule, Greenland. Its radar screens G03 0710 8 would register Soviet missiles shortly after they are G03 0720 6 launched against the United States. ~BMEWS intelligence G03 0730 3 is simultaneously flashed to ~NORAD (North American G03 0740 3 Air Defense Command) in Colorado Springs, Colorado, G03 0750 2 for interpretation; to the ~SAC command and control G03 0760 1 post, forty-five feet below the ground at Offutt Air G03 0760 11 Force Base, near Omaha, Nebraska; to the Joint War G03 0770 7 Room of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in the Pentagon and G03 0780 7 to the President. G03 0780 10 Telephones, Teletypes, several kinds of radio systems G03 0790 7 and, in some cases, television, link all vital points. G03 0800 5 Alternate locations exist for all key command centers. G03 0810 2 For last-ditch emergencies ~SAC has alternate command G03 0820 1 posts on ~KC-135 jet tankers. Multiple circuits, routings G03 0820 10 and frequencies make the chain as unbreakable as possible. G03 0830 9 The same principle of "redundancy" applies to all G03 0840 8 communications on these special networks. And no messages G03 0850 6 can be transmitted on these circuits until senders G03 0860 3 and receivers authenticate in advance, by special codes, G03 0880 1 that the messages actually come from their purported G03 0880 9 sources. Additional codes can be used to challenge G03 0890 7 and counterchallenge the authentications. G03 0900 1 Only the President is permitted to authorize the G03 0910 1 use of nuclear weapons. That's the law. But what if G03 0910 11 somebody decides to break it? The President cannot G03 0920 7 personally remove the safety devices from every nuclear G03 0930 5 trigger. He makes the momentous decision. Hundreds G03 0940 2 of men are required to pass the word to the button G03 0940 13 pushers and to push the buttons. What if one or more G03 0950 11 of them turn irrational or suddenly, coolly, decide G03 0960 5 to clobber the Russians? What if the President himself, G03 0970 2 in the language of the military, "goes ape"? Or singlehandedly G03 0980 3 decided to reverse national policy and hit the Soviets G03 0990 1 without provocation? G03 0990 3 Nobody can be absolutely certain of the answers. G03 1000 3 However, the system is designed, ingeniously and hopefully, G03 1010 1 so that no one man could initiate a thermonuclear war. G03 1010 11 Even the President cannot pick up his telephone G03 1020 8 and give a "go" order. Even he does not know the one G03 1030 8 signal for a nuclear strike- the "go code". In an emergency G03 1040 6 he would receive available intelligence on the "gold-phone G03 1050 5 circuit". A system of "gold"- actually yellow- phones G03 1060 2 connects him with the offices and action stations of G03 1070 1 the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, G03 1070 10 the ~SAC commander and other key men. All can be connected G03 1080 10 with the gold circuit from their homes. All could help G03 1090 7 the President make his decision. The talk would not G03 1100 5 be in code, but neither would it ramble. Vital questions G03 1110 2 would be quickly answered according to a preprepared G03 1110 10 agenda. Officers who participate in the continual practice G03 1120 8 drills assured me that the President's decision could G03 1130 7 be made and announced on the gold circuit within minutes G03 1140 5 after the first flash from ~BMEWS. G03 1150 1 If communications work, his decision would be instantly G03 1150 9 known in all command posts that would originate the G03 1160 9 actual go order. For these centers, too, are on the G03 1170 7 gold circuit. They include the Navy's Atlantic Command G03 1180 3 at Norfolk, Virginia, which is in contact with the G03 1190 2 Polaris subs; ~NATO headquarters in Europe; Air Force G03 1200 1 forward headquarters in Europe and in the Pacific, G03 1200 9 which control tactical fighters on ships and land bases; G03 1210 8 and ~SAC, which controls long-range bombers and Atlas G03 1220 6 missiles. G03 1220 7 Let us look in on one of these nerve centers- ~SAC G03 1230 7 at Omaha- and see what must still happen before a wing G03 1250 6 of ~B-52 bombers could drop their ~H-bombs. G03 1260 1 In a word, plenty. The key man almost certainly G03 1260 10 would be Col& William W& Wisman, ~SAC's senior controller. G03 1270 9 He or his deputy or one of their seven assistants, G03 1280 10 all full colonels, mans the heart of the command post G03 1290 8 twenty-four hours a day. It is a quiet but impressive G03 1300 3 room- 140 feet long, thirty-nine feet wide, twenty-one G03 1310 1 feet high. Movable panels of floor-to-ceiling maps G03 1310 10 and charts are crammed with intelligence information. G03 1320 6 And Bill Wisman, forty-three, a farmer's son from Beallsville, G03 1330 6 Ohio, is a quiet but impressive man. His eyes are steady G03 1340 6 anchors of the deepest brown. His movements and speech G03 1350 3 are precise, clear and quick. No question ruffles him G03 1360 1 or causes him to hesitate. G03 1360 6 Wisman, who has had the chief controller's job for G03 1370 3 four years, calls the signals for a team operating G03 1380 1 three rows of dull-gray consoles studded with lights, G03 1380 10 switches and buttons. At least a dozen men, some armed, G03 1390 8 are never far away from him. In front of him is a gold G03 1400 8 phone. In emergencies the ~SAC commander, Gen& Thomas G03 1410 3 Power, or his deputies and their staff would occupy G03 1420 1 a balcony that stretches across the length of the room G03 1420 11 above Wisman and his staff. At General Power's seat G03 1430 8 in the balcony there is also a gold phone. General G03 1440 6 Power would participate in the decision making. Wisman, G03 1450 3 below, would listen in and act. His consoles can give G03 1460 1 him instant contact with more than seventy bases around G03 1460 10 the world and with every ~SAC aircraft. G03 1470 5 He need only pick up one of the two red telephone G03 1480 5 receivers at his extreme left, right next to the big G03 1490 2 red button marked ALERT. (There are two receivers in G03 1490 11 case one should be dropped and damaged.) G03 1500 7 But Wisman, too, does not know the go code. He must G03 1510 7 take it from "the red box". In point of fact, this G03 1520 4 is a beige box with a bright red door, about one and G03 1520 16 a half feet square and hung from the wall about six G03 1530 10 feet from the door to Wisman's right. The box is internally G03 1540 7 wired so the door can never be opened without setting G03 1550 5 off a screeching klaxon ("It's real obnoxious"). G03 1560 1 Now we must become vague, for we are approaching G03 1570 1 one of the nation's most guarded secrets. The codes G03 1570 10 in the red box- there are several of them covering G03 1580 9 various contingencies- are contained in a sealed ~X-ray-proof G03 1590 7 "unique device". They are supplied, a batch at a time, G03 1600 6 by a secret source and are continually changed by Wisman G03 1610 3 or his staff, at random intervals. G03 1610 9 But even the contents of Wisman's box cannot start G03 1620 6 a war. They are mere fragments, just one portion of G03 1630 5 preprepared messages. What these fragments are and G03 1640 2 how they activate the go order may not be revealed. G03 1640 12 The pieces must be placed in the context of the prepared G03 1650 9 messages by Wisman's staff. In addition to the authentication G03 1660 6 and acknowledgment procedures which precede and follow G03 1670 5 the sending of the go messages, again in special codes, G03 1680 2 each message also contains an "internal authenticator", G03 1690 1 another specific signal to convince the recipient that G03 1690 9 he is getting the real thing. G03 1700 4 I asked Wisman what would happen if he broke out G03 1710 2 the go codes and tried to start transmitting one. "I'd G03 1710 12 wind up full of .38 bullet holes", he said, and there G03 1720 11 was no question that he was talking about bullets fired G03 1730 7 by his coworkers. G03 1730 10 Now let us imagine a wing of ~B-52's, on alert near G03 1740 11 their "positive control (or fail-safe) points", the G03 1750 6 spots on the map, many miles from Soviet territory, G03 1760 3 beyond which they are forbidden to fly without specific G03 1770 1 orders to proceed to their targets. They, too, have G03 1770 10 fragments of the go code with them. As Wisman put it, G03 1780 10 "They have separate pieces of the pie, and we have G03 1790 7 the whole pie. Once we send out the whole pie, they G03 1800 3 can put their pieces into it. Unless we send out the G03 1800 14 whole pie, their pieces mean nothing". Why does Wisman's G03 1810 9 ever-changing code always mesh with the fragments in G03 1820 8 possession of the button pushers? The answer is a cryptographic G03 1830 6 secret. At any rate, three men out of a six-man ~B-52 G03 1840 9 crew are required to copy down Wisman's go-to-war message. G03 1850 5 Each must match Wisman's "pie" with the fragment that G03 1860 3 he carries with him. All three must compare notes and G03 1860 13 agree to "go". G03 1870 3 ## G03 1870 4 After that, it requires several minutes of concentrated G03 1880 1 work, including six separate and deliberate actions G03 1880 8 by a minimum of three men sitting at three separate G03 1890 8 stations in a bomber, each with another man beside G03 1900 5 him to help, for an armed bomb to be released. Unless G03 1910 2 all gadgets are properly operated- and the wires and G03 1910 11 seals from the handles removed first- no damage can G03 1920 9 be done. G04 0010 1 Suddenly, however, their posture changed and the G04 0010 8 game ended. They went as rigid as black statuary **h G04 0020 8 six figures, lean and tall and angular, went still. G04 0030 4 Their heads were in the air sniffing. They all swung G04 0040 2 at the same instant in the same direction. They saw G04 0040 12 it before I did, even with my binoculars. It was nothing G04 0050 10 more than a tiny distant rain squall, a dull gray sheet G04 0060 7 which reached from a layer of clouds to the earth. G04 0070 4 In the 360 degrees of horizon it obscured only a degree, G04 0080 1 no more. A white man would not have seen it. The aborigines G04 0080 13 fastened upon it with a concentration beyond pathos. G04 0090 8 Watching, they waited until the squall thickened and G04 0100 6 began to move in a long drifting slant across the dry G04 0110 4 burning land. At once the whole band set off at a lope. G04 0120 1 They were chasing a rain cloud. G04 0120 7 They went after the squall as mercilessly as a wolf G04 0130 6 pack after an abandoned cow. I followed them in the G04 0140 3 jeep and now they did not care. The games were over, G04 0140 14 this was life. Occasionally, for no reason that I could G04 0150 10 see, they would suddenly alter the angle of their trot. G04 0160 7 Sometimes I guessed it was because the rain squall G04 0170 4 had changed direction. Sometimes it was to skirt a G04 0180 2 gulley. Their gait is impossible to convey in words. G04 0180 11 It has nothing of the proud stride of the trained runner G04 0190 9 about it, it is not a lope, it is not done with style G04 0200 7 or verve. It is the gait of the human who must run G04 0210 3 to live: arms dangling, legs barely swinging over the G04 0210 12 ground, head hung down and only occasionally swinging G04 0220 8 up to see the target, a loose motion that is just short G04 0230 8 of stumbling and yet is wonderfully graceful. It is G04 0240 4 a barely controlled skimming of the ground. G04 0250 1 They ran for three hours. Finally, avoiding hummocks G04 0250 9 and seeking low ground, they intercepted the rain squall. G04 0260 7 For ten minutes they ran beneath the squall, raising G04 0270 5 their arms and, for the first time, shouting and capering. G04 0280 3 Then the wind died and the rain squall held steady. G04 0290 1 They were studying the ground. Suddenly one of them G04 0290 10 shouted, ran a few feet, bent forward and put his mouth G04 0300 9 to the ground. He had found a depression with rain G04 0310 5 water in it. He bent down, a black cranelike figure, G04 0320 1 and put his mouth to the ground. G04 0320 8 With a lordly and generous gesture, the discoverer G04 0330 3 stood up and beckoned to the closest of his fellows. G04 0330 13 The other trotted over and swooped at the tiny puddle. G04 0340 10 In an instant he had sucked it dry. G04 0350 6 The aborigine lives on the cruelest land I have G04 0360 3 ever seen. Which does not mean that it is ugly. Part G04 0360 14 of it is, of course. There are thousands of square G04 0370 9 miles of salt pan which are hideous. They are huge G04 0380 6 areas which have been swept by winds for so many centuries G04 0390 3 that there is no soil left, but only deep bare ridges G04 0400 1 fifty or sixty yards apart with ravines between them G04 0400 10 thirty or forty feet deep and the only thing that moves G04 0410 9 is a scuttling layer of sand. Such stretches have an G04 0420 5 inhuman moonlike quality. But much of the land which G04 0430 2 the aborigine wanders looks as if it should be hospitable. G04 0440 1 It is softened by the saltbush and the bluebush, has G04 0440 11 a peaceful quality, the hills roll softly. G04 0450 5 The malignancy of such a landscape has been beautifully G04 0460 4 described by the Australian Charles Bean. He tells G04 0470 2 of three men who started out on a trip across a single G04 0470 14 paddock, a ten-by-ten-mile square owned by a sheep G04 0480 11 grazer. They went well-equipped with everything except G04 0490 4 knowledge of the "outback" country. " G04 0500 1 The countryside looked like a beautiful open park G04 0500 9 with gentle slopes and soft gray tree-clumps. Nothing G04 0510 8 appalling or horrible rushed upon these men. Only there G04 0520 6 happened- nothing. There might have been a pool of G04 0530 5 cool water behind any of these tree-clumps: only- there G04 0540 4 was not. It might have rained, any time; only- it did G04 0540 15 not. There might have been a fence or a house just G04 0550 11 over the next rise; only- there was not. They lay, G04 0560 6 with the birds hopping from branch to branch above G04 0570 4 them and the bright sky peeping down at them. No one G04 0580 1 came". G04 0580 2 The white men died. And countless others like them G04 0580 11 have died. Even today range riders will come upon mummified G04 0590 10 bodies of men who attempted nothing more difficult G04 0600 7 than a twenty-mile hike and slowly lost direction, G04 0610 3 were tortured by the heat, driven mad by the constant G04 0620 1 and unfulfilled promise of the landscape, and who finally G04 0620 10 died. G04 0630 1 The aborigine is not deceived; he knows that the G04 0630 10 land is hard and pitiless. He knows that the economy G04 0640 8 of life in the "outback" is awful. There is no room G04 0650 7 for error or waste. Any organism that falters or misperceives G04 0660 3 the signals or weakens is done. I do not know if such G04 0670 3 a way of life can come to be a self-conscious challenge, G04 0670 15 but I suspect that it can. Perhaps this is what gives G04 0680 11 the aborigine his odd air of dignity. G04 0690 5 #THE FAMILY AT THE BOULDER# G04 0690 10 SEEING an aborigine today is a difficult thing. Many G04 0700 7 of them have drifted into the cities and towns and G04 0710 5 seaports. Others are confined to vast reservations, G04 0720 1 and not only does the Australian government justifiably G04 0720 9 not wish them to be viewed as exhibits in a zoo, but G04 0730 11 on their reservations they are extremely fugitive, G04 0740 4 shunning camps, coming together only for corroborees G04 0750 1 at which their strange culture comes to its highest G04 0750 10 pitch- which is very low indeed. G04 0760 8 I persuaded an Australian friend who had lived "outback" G04 0770 5 for years to take me to see some aborigines living G04 0780 2 in the bush. It was a difficult and ambiguous kind G04 0780 12 of negotiation, even though the rancher was said to G04 0790 8 be expert in his knowledge of the aborigines and their G04 0800 6 language. Finally, however, the arrangements were made G04 0810 3 and we drove out into the bush in a Land Rover. We G04 0820 1 followed the asphalt road for a few miles and then G04 0820 11 swung off onto a smaller road which was nothing more G04 0830 7 than two tire marks on the earth. The rancher went G04 0840 4 a mile down this road and then, when he reached a big G04 0850 1 red boulder, swung off the road. At once he started G04 0850 11 to glance toward the instrument panel. It took me a G04 0860 8 moment to realize what was odd about that panel: there G04 0870 5 was a gimbaled compass welded to it, which rocked gently G04 0880 2 back and forth as the Land Rover bounced about. The G04 0880 12 rancher was navigating his way across the flatland. G04 0890 8 "Do you always navigate like this"? I asked. G04 0900 6 "Damned right", he said. "Once I get out on the G04 0910 8 flat I do. Some chaps that know an area well can make G04 0920 5 their way by landmarks **h a tree here, a wash here, G04 0930 1 a boulder there. But if you don't know the place like G04 0930 12 the palm of your hand, you'd better use a compass and G04 0940 9 the speedometer. Two miles northeast, then five miles G04 0950 5 southwest **h that sort of thing. Very simple". G04 0960 2 He was right. The landscape kept repeating itself. G04 0970 1 I would try to memorize landmarks and saw in a half-hour G04 0970 13 that it was hopeless. Finally we approached the bivouac G04 0980 7 of the aborigines. They were camped beside a large G04 0990 6 column-shaped boulder: a man, his lubra, and two children. G04 1000 4 The sun was not yet high and all of them were in the G04 1010 2 small area of shade cast by the boulder. G04 1020 7 There was also a dog, a dingo dog. Its ribs showed, G04 1030 7 it was a yellow nondescript color, it suffered from G04 1040 4 a variety of sores, hair had scabbed off its body in G04 1050 1 patches. It lay with its head on its paws and only G04 1050 12 its eyes moving, watching us carefully. It struck me G04 1060 7 as a very bright and very malnourished dog. No one G04 1070 4 patted the dog. It was not a pet. It was a worker. G04 1080 1 "The buggers love shade", the rancher said. "I suppose G04 1090 1 because it saves them some loss of body water. They'll G04 1090 11 move around that rock all day, following the shade. G04 1100 8 During the hottest part of the day, of course, the G04 1110 6 sun comes straight down and there isn't any shade". G04 1120 2 We drove close to the boulder, stopped the Land G04 1120 11 Rover, and walked over toward the family. G04 1130 7 The man was leaning against the rock. He gazed away G04 1140 6 from us as we approached. He was over six feet tall G04 1150 4 and very thin. His legs were narrow and very long. G04 1150 14 Every bone and muscle in his body showed, but he did G04 1160 11 not give the appearance of starving. He had long black G04 1170 7 hair and a wispy beard. The ridges over his eyes were G04 1180 5 huge and his eyelids were half shut. There was something G04 1190 1 about his face that disturbed me and it took several G04 1190 11 seconds to realize what. It was not merely that flies G04 1200 10 were crawling over his face but his narrowed eyelids G04 1210 6 did not blink when the flies crawled into his eye sockets. G04 1220 4 A fly would crawl down the bulging forehead, into the G04 1230 2 socket of the eye, walk along the man's lashes and G04 1230 12 across the wet surface of the eyeball, and the eye G04 1240 8 did not blink. The Australian and I both were wearing G04 1250 6 insect repellent and were not badly bothered by insects, G04 1260 3 but my eyes watered as we stood watching the aborigine. G04 1260 13 I turned to look at the lubra. She remained squatting G04 1270 11 on her heels all the time we were there; like the man, G04 1280 10 she was entirely naked. Her long thin arms moved in G04 1290 7 a slow rhythmical gesture over the family possessions G04 1300 2 which were placed in front of her. There were two rubbing G04 1310 1 sticks for making fire, two stones shaped roughly like G04 1310 10 knives, a woven-root container which held a few pounds G04 1320 7 of dried worms and the dead body of some rodent. There G04 1330 6 was also a long wooden spear and a woomera, a spear-throwing G04 1340 4 device which gives the spear an enormous velocity and G04 1350 2 high accuracy. There was also a boomerang, elaborately G04 1350 10 carved. Everything was burnished with sweat and grease G04 1360 7 so that all of the objects seemed to have been carved G04 1370 6 from the same material and to be ageless. G04 1380 1 The two children, both boys, wandered around the G04 1380 9 Australian and me for a few moments and then returned G04 1390 10 to their work. They squatted on their heels with their G04 1400 6 heads bent far forward, their eyes only a few inches G04 1410 4 from the ground. They had located the runway of a colony G04 1420 1 of ants and as the ants came out of the ground, the G04 1420 13 boys picked them up, one at a time, and pinched them G04 1430 9 dead. The tiny bodies, dropped onto a dry leaf, made G04 1440 5 a pile as big as a small apple. G04 1440 13 The odor here was more powerful than that which G04 1450 8 surrounded the town aborigines. The smell at first G04 1460 5 was more surprising than unpleasant. It was also subtly G04 1470 2 familiar, for it was the odor of the human body, but G04 1470 13 multiplied innumerable times because of the fact that G04 1480 8 the aborigines never bathed. One's impulse is to say G04 1490 6 that the smell was a stink and unpleasant. But that G04 1500 3 is a cliche and a dishonest one. The smell is sexual, G04 1500 14 but so powerfully so that a civilized nose must deny G04 1510 10 it. G04 1510 11 Their skin was covered with a thin coating of sweat G04 1520 10 and dirt which had almost the consistency of a second G04 1530 6 skin. They roll at night in ashes to keep warm and G04 1540 3 their second skin has a light dusty cast to it. In G04 1540 14 spots such as the elbows and knees the second skin G04 1550 10 is worn off and I realized the aborigines were much G04 1560 5 darker than they appeared; as if the coating of sweat, G04 1570 3 dirt, and ashes were a cosmetic. The boys had beautiful G04 1580 1 dark eyes and unlike their father they brushed constantly G04 1580 10 at the flies and blinked their eyes. G04 1590 5 "That smell is something, eh, mate"? the Australian G04 1600 3 asked. "They swear that every person smells different G04 1610 2 and every family smells different from every other. G04 1610 10 At the corroborees, when they get to dancing and sweating, G04 1620 9 you'll see them rubbing up against a man who's supposed G04 1630 9 to have a specially good smell. Idje, here", and he G04 1640 6 nodded at the man, "is said to have great odor. The G04 1650 4 stink is all the same to me, but I really think they G04 1660 1 can make one another out blindfolded". G04 1660 7 "Here, Idje, you fella like tabac"? he said sharply. G04 1670 7 Idje still stared over our shoulders at the horizon. G04 1680 4 The Australian stopped trying to talk a pidgin I could G04 1690 3 understand, and spoke strange words from deep in his G04 1690 12 chest. G05 0010 1 It was a fortunate time in which to build, for the G05 0010 12 seventeenth century was a great period in Persian art. G05 0020 9 The architects, the tile and carpet makers, the potters, G05 0030 6 painters, calligraphers, and metalsmiths worked through G05 0040 3 Abbas's reign and those of his successors to enrich G05 0050 1 the city. Travelers entering from the desert were confounded G05 0050 10 by what must have seemed an illusion: a great garden G05 0060 10 filled with nightingales and roses, cut by canals and G05 0070 7 terraced promenades, studded with water tanks of turquoise G05 0080 5 tile in which were reflected the glistening blue curves G05 0090 3 of a hundred domes. At the heart of all of this was G05 0090 15 the square, which one such traveler declared to be G05 0100 8 "as spacious, as pleasant and aromatick a Market as G05 0110 6 any in the Universe". In time Isfahan came to be known G05 0120 5 as "half the world", Isfahan nisf-i-jahan. G05 0130 1 In the early eighteenth century this fantastic city, G05 0130 9 then the size of London, started to decline. The Afghans G05 0140 9 invaded; the Safavids fell from power; the capital G05 0150 6 went elsewhere; the desert encroached. Isfahan became G05 0160 3 more of a legend than a place, and now it is for many G05 0170 3 people simply a name to which they attach their notions G05 0170 13 of old Persia and sometimes of the East. They think G05 0180 10 of it as a kind of spooky museum in which they may G05 0190 7 half see and half imagine the old splendor. G05 0200 1 Those who actually get there find that it isn't G05 0200 10 spooky at all but as brilliant as a tile in sunlight. G05 0210 11 But even for them it remains a museum, or perhaps it G05 0220 7 would be more accurate to say a tomb, a tomb in which G05 0230 5 Persia lies well preserved but indeed dead. Everyone G05 0240 1 is ready to grant the Persians their history, but almost G05 0240 11 no one is willing to acknowledge their present. It G05 0250 7 seems that for Persia, and especially for this city, G05 0260 5 there are only two times: the glorious past and the G05 0270 3 corrupt, depressing, sterile present. The one apparent G05 0270 10 connection between the two is a score of buildings G05 0280 9 which somehow or other have survived and which naturally G05 0290 6 enough are called "historical monuments". G05 0300 1 However, just as all the buildings have not fallen G05 0300 10 and flowed back to their original mud, so the values G05 0310 10 which wanted them and saw that they were built have G05 0320 8 not all disappeared. The values and talents which made G05 0330 4 the tile and the dome, the rug, the poem and the miniature, G05 0340 1 continue in certain social institutions which rise G05 0340 8 above the ordinary life of this city, as the great G05 0350 9 buildings rise above blank walls and dirty lanes. Often, G05 0360 5 too, the social institutions are housed in these pavilions G05 0370 4 and palaces and bridges, for these great structures G05 0380 1 are not simply "historical monuments"; they are the G05 0380 9 places where Persians live. G05 0390 3 The promenade, for example, continues to take place G05 0400 2 on the Chahar Bagh, a mile-long garden of plane and G05 0400 13 poplar trees that now serves as the city's principal G05 0410 8 street. ?t takes place as well along the terraces and G05 0420 7 through the arcades of the Khaju bridge, and also in G05 0430 4 the gardens of the square. On Fridays, the day when G05 0440 1 many Persians relax with poetry, talk, and a samovar, G05 0440 10 people do not, it is true, stream into Chehel Sotun- G05 0450 8 a pavilion and garden built by Shah Abbas /2, in the G05 0460 7 seventeenth century- but they do retire into hundreds G05 0470 3 of pavilions throughout the city and up the river valley, G05 0480 1 which are smaller, more humble copies of the former. G05 0480 10 And of course religious life continues to center in G05 0490 7 the more famous mosques, and commercial life- very G05 0500 2 much a social institution- in the bazaar. Those three G05 0510 2 other great activities of the Persians, the bath, the G05 0510 11 teahouse, and the zur khaneh (the latter a kind of G05 0520 10 club in which a leader and a group of men in an octagonal G05 0530 9 pit move through a rite of calisthenics, dance, chanted G05 0540 3 poetry, and music), do not take place in buildings G05 0550 1 to which entrance tickets are sold, but some of them G05 0550 11 occupy splendid examples of Persian domestic architecture: G05 0560 6 long, domed, chalk-white rooms with daises of turquoise G05 0570 6 tile, their end walls cut through to the orchards and G05 0580 5 the sky by open arches. G05 0580 10 But more important, and the thing which the casual G05 0590 7 traveler and the blind sojourner often do not see, G05 0600 4 is that these places and activities are often the settings G05 0610 1 in which Persians exercise their extraordinary aesthetic G05 0610 8 sensibilities. Water, air, fruit, poetry, music, the G05 0620 7 human form- these things are important to Persians, G05 0630 5 and they experience them with an intense and discriminating G05 0640 3 awareness. G05 0640 4 I should like, by the way, to make it clear that G05 0650 4 I am not using the word "Persians" carelessly. I don't G05 0660 3 mean a few aesthetes who play about with sensations, G05 0660 12 like a young prince in a miniature dabbling his hand G05 0670 10 in a pool. These things are important to almost all G05 0680 6 Persians and perhaps most important to the most ordinary. G05 0690 4 The men crying love poems in an orchard on any summer's G05 0700 1 night are as often as not the lutihaw, mustachioed G05 0700 10 toughs who spend most of their lives in and out of G05 0710 11 the local prisons, brothels, and teahouses. A few months G05 0720 6 ago it was a fairly typical landlord who in the dead G05 0730 5 of night lugged me up a mountainside to drink from G05 0730 15 a spring famous in the neighborhood for its clarity G05 0740 8 and flavor. Not long ago an acquaintance, a slick-headed G05 0750 7 water rat of a lad up from the maw of the city, stood G05 0760 5 on the balcony puffing his first cigarette in weeks. G05 0770 1 The air, he said, was just right; a cigarette would G05 0770 11 taste particularly good. I really didn't know what G05 0780 7 he meant. It was a nice day, granted. But he knew; G05 0790 5 he sniffed the air and licked it on his lip and knew G05 0800 4 as a vintner knows a vintage. G05 0800 10 The natural world then, plus poetry and some kinds G05 0810 7 of art, receives from the most ordinary of Persians G05 0820 3 a great deal of attention. The line of an eyebrow, G05 0830 1 the color of the skin, a ghazal from Hafiz, the purity G05 0830 12 of spring water, the long afternoon among the boughs G05 0840 7 which crowd the upper story of a pavilion- these things G05 0850 5 are noticed, judged, and valued. G05 0850 10 Nowhere in Isfahan is this rich aesthetic life of G05 0860 9 the Persians shown so well as during the promenade G05 0870 6 at the Khaju bridge. There has probably always been G05 0880 3 a bridge of some sort at the southeastern corner of G05 0880 13 the city. For one thing, there is a natural belt of G05 0890 11 rock across the river bed; for another, it was here G05 0900 7 that one of the old caravan routes came in. It was G05 0910 4 to provide a safe and spacious crossing for these caravans, G05 0920 1 and also to make a pleasance for the city, that Shah G05 0920 12 Abbas /2, in about 1657 built, of sun-baked brick, G05 0930 9 tile, and stone, the present bridge. It is a splendid G05 0940 6 structure. From upstream it looks like a long arcaded G05 0950 3 box laid across the river; from downstream, where the G05 0960 1 water level is much lower, it is a high, elaborately G05 0960 11 facaded pavilion. G05 0970 1 The top story contains more than thirty alcoves G05 0970 9 separated from each other by spandrels of blue and G05 0980 8 yellow tile. At either end and in the center there G05 0990 5 are bays which contain nine greater alcoves as frescoed G05 1000 1 and capacious as church apses. Here, in the old days- G05 1000 11 when they had come to see the moon or displays of fireworks- G05 1010 11 sat the king and his court while priests, soldiers, G05 1020 6 and other members of the party lounged in the smaller G05 1030 4 alcoves between. G05 1030 6 Below, twenty vaults tunnel through the understructure G05 1040 4 of the bridge. These are traversed by another line G05 1050 3 of vaults, and thus rooms, arched on all four sides, G05 1050 13 are formed. Down through the axis of the bridge there G05 1060 10 is a long diminishing vista like a visual echo of piers G05 1070 8 and arches, while the vaults fronting upstream and G05 1080 3 down frame the sunset and sunrise, the mountains and G05 1090 1 river pools. Here, on the hottest day, it is cool beneath G05 1090 12 the stone and fresh from the water flowing in the sluices G05 1100 10 at the bottom of the vaults. G05 1110 2 On the downstream, or "pavilion", side these vaults G05 1120 1 give out onto terraces twice as wide as the bridge G05 1120 11 itself. From the terraces- eighteen in all- broad flights G05 1130 6 of steps descend into the water or onto still more G05 1140 6 terraces barely above the level of the river. Out of G05 1150 3 water, brick, and tile they have made far more than G05 1150 13 just a bridge. G05 1160 2 On spring and summer evenings people leave their G05 1160 10 shops and houses and walk up through the lanes of the G05 1170 11 city to the bridge. It is a great spectacle. The bridge G05 1180 7 itself rises up from the river, light-flared and enormous, G05 1190 3 like the outdoor set for an epic opera. Crowds press G05 1200 2 along the terraces, down the steps, in and out of the G05 1200 13 arcades, massing against it as though it were a fortress G05 1210 10 under siege. All kinds come to walk in the promenade: G05 1220 7 merchants from the bazaar bickering over a deal; a G05 1230 5 Bakhtiari khan in a cap and hacking jacket; dervishes G05 1240 1 who stand with the stillness of the blind, their eyes G05 1240 11 filmed with rheum and visions; the old Kajar princes G05 1250 8 arriving in their ancient limousines; students, civil G05 1260 4 servants, beggars, musicians, hawkers, and clowns. G05 1270 3 Families go out to the edge of the terraces to sit G05 1270 14 on carpets around a samovar. Below, people line the G05 1280 9 steps, as though on bleachers, to watch the sky and G05 1290 7 river. Above, in the tiled prosceniums of the alcoves, G05 1300 4 boys sing the ghazals of Hafiz and Saadi, while at G05 1310 1 the very bottom, in the vaults, the toughs and blades G05 1310 11 of the city hoot and bang their drums, drink arak, G05 1320 7 play dice, and dance. G05 1320 11 Here in an evening Persians enjoy many of the things G05 1330 10 which are important to them: poetry, water, the moon, G05 1340 7 a beautiful face. To a stranger their delight in these G05 1350 5 things may seem paradoxical, for Persians chase the G05 1360 2 golden calf as much as any people. Many of them, moreover, G05 1360 13 are beginning to complain about the scarcity of Western G05 1370 9 amusements and to ridicule the old life of the bazaar G05 1380 8 merchant, the mullah, and the peasant. Nonetheless, G05 1390 2 they take time out- much time- from the game of grab G05 1400 2 and these new Western experiments to go to the gardens G05 1400 12 and riverbanks. Above all, they will stop in the middle G05 1410 9 of anything, anywhere, to hear or quote some poetry. G05 1420 7 Poetry in Persian life is far more than a common G05 1430 5 ground on which- in a society deeply fissured by antagonisms- G05 1440 1 all may stand. It contains, in fact, their whole outlook G05 1450 1 on life. And it is expressed, at least to their taste, G05 1450 12 in a perfect form. Poetry for a Persian is nothing G05 1460 8 less than truth and beauty. In most Western cultures G05 1470 5 today these twins have been sent away to the libraries G05 1480 2 and museums. In Persia, where practically speaking G05 1480 9 there are no museums or libraries or, for that matter, G05 1490 10 hardly any books, the twins run free. G05 1500 4 It is perhaps difficult to conceive, but imagine G05 1510 1 that tonight on London bridge the Teddy boys of the G05 1510 11 East End will gather to sing Marlowe, Herrick, Shakespeare, G05 1520 8 and perhaps some lyrics of their own. That, at any G05 1530 8 rate, is what happens at the Khaju bridge. Boys and G05 1540 4 men go along the riverbank or to the alcoves in the G05 1550 1 top arcade. Here in these little rooms- or stages arched G05 1550 11 open to the sky and river- they choose a few lines G05 1560 10 out of the hundreds they may know and sing them according G05 1570 7 to one of the modes into which Persian music is divided. G05 1580 4 Each mode is believed to have a specific attribute- G05 1590 3 one inducing pleasure, another generosity, another G05 1590 9 love, and so on, to include all of the emotions. The G05 1600 9 singer simply matches the poem to a mode; for example, G05 1610 6 the mode of bravery to this anonymous folk poem: "They G05 1620 3 brought me news that Spring is in the plains And Ahmad's G05 1630 2 blood the crimson tulip stains; Go, tell his aged mother G05 1640 1 that her son Fought with a thousand foes, and he was G05 1640 12 one". Or the mode of love to this fragment by a recent G05 1650 12 poet: "Know ye, fair folk who dwell on earth Or shall G05 1660 10 hereafter come to birth, That here, with dust upon G05 1670 5 his eyes, Iraj, the sweet-tongued singer, lies. In G05 1680 2 this true lover's tomb interred A world of love lies G05 1680 12 sepulchred **h". G05 1690 2 These songs (practically all Persian music, for G05 1700 1 that matter) are limited to a range of two octaves. G05 1700 11 Yet within this limitation there is an astonishing G05 1710 6 variety: design as intricate as that in the carpet G05 1720 5 or miniature, with the melodic line like the painted G05 1730 1 or woven line often flowing into an arabesque. G06 0010 1 Die Frist ist um, und wiederum verstrichen sind sieben G06 0010 10 Jahr, the Maestro quoted The Flying Dutchman, as he G06 0020 8 told of his career and wanderings, explaining that G06 0030 5 the number seven had significantly recurred in his G06 0040 3 life several times. G06 0040 6 The music director of the Pittsburgh Symphony Orchestra, G06 0050 3 William Steinberg, has molded his group into a prominent G06 0060 4 musical organization, which is his life. When he added G06 0070 2 to his Pittsburgh commitments the directorship of the G06 0070 10 London Philharmonic Orchestra in 1958, he conducted G06 0080 7 one hundred fifty concerts within nine months, "commuting" G06 0090 5 between the two cities. This schedule became too strenuous, G06 0100 5 even for the energetic and conscientious Mr& Steinberg. G06 0110 3 His London contract was rescinded, and now, he explains G06 0120 2 cheerfully, as a bright smile lightens his intense, G06 0120 10 mobile face, "I conduct only one hundred and twenty G06 0130 8 concerts"! G06 0140 1 Our meeting took place in May, 1961, during one G06 0140 9 of the Maestro's stop-overs in New York, before he G06 0150 6 left for Europe. As we began to converse in the lounge G06 0160 4 of his Fifth Avenue hotel, his restlessness and sensitivity G06 0170 2 to light and sound became immediately apparent. Seeking G06 0180 1 an obscure, dark, relatively quiet corner in the airy G06 0180 10 room otherwise suffused with afternoon sunshine, he G06 0190 6 asked if the soft background music could be turned G06 0200 4 off. Unfortunately, it was Muzak, which automatically G06 0210 1 is piped into the public rooms, and which nolens volens G06 0210 11 had to be endured. As he talked about himself, time G06 0220 9 and again stuffing and dragging on his pipe, Steinberg G06 0230 6 began to relax and the initial hurried feeling grew G06 0240 3 faint and was dispelled. G06 0240 7 Did he come from a musical family? Yes: though not G06 0250 5 professional musicians, they were a music-loving family. G06 0260 4 In his native Cologne, where his mother taught him G06 0270 2 to play the piano, he was able to read notes before G06 0270 13 he learned the alphabet. She even devised a system G06 0280 7 of colors, whereby the boy could easily distinguish G06 0290 3 the different note values. When he started school at G06 0300 2 the age of five-and-a-half, he could not understand G06 0300 13 why the alphabet begins with the letter ~A, instead G06 0310 7 of ~C, as in the scale. Because, like many other children, G06 0320 5 he intensely disliked practicing Czerny Etudes, he G06 0330 3 composed his own studies. When he was eight he began G06 0340 1 violin lessons. Soon he was playing in the Cologne G06 0340 10 Municipal Orchestra, and during World War /1,, when G06 0350 7 musicians were scarce, he joined the opera orchestra G06 0360 5 as well. Steinberg claims that these early years of G06 0370 3 orchestra participation were of invaluable help to G06 0370 10 his career. "By observing the conductor", he says with G06 0380 8 a twinkle in his eyes, "I learned how not to conduct". G06 0390 8 The musician ran away from school when he was fifteen, G06 0400 7 but this escapade did not save him from the Gymnasium. G06 0410 4 Simultaneously, he pursued his musical studies at the G06 0420 3 conservatory, receiving sound training in counterpoint G06 0420 9 and harmony, as well in the violin and piano. His professional G06 0430 10 career began when he was twenty; he became Otto Klemperer's G06 0440 8 personal assistant at the Cologne Opera, and a year G06 0450 8 later was promoted to the position of regular conductor. G06 0460 4 Wasn't this an unusually young age to fill such G06 0470 3 a responsible post? Yes, the Maestro assented. G06 0480 1 Had he always wished to be a conductor? No, originally G06 0480 10 he had hoped to become a concert pianist and had even G06 0490 9 performed as such. However, when he assumed the duties G06 0500 6 of a conductor, he relinquished his career as a pianist. G06 0510 4 Five years were spent with the Cologne Opera, after G06 0520 2 which he was called to Prague by Alexander von Zemlinsky, G06 0520 12 teacher of Arnold Scho^nberg and Erich Korngold. In G06 0530 8 1927 he succeeded Zemlinsky as opera director of the G06 0540 7 German Theater at Prague. During his tenure he also G06 0550 6 fulfilled guest engagements at the Berlin State Opera. G06 0560 3 Two years later he became director of the Frankfurt G06 0560 12 Opera, where he remained until he lost this position G06 0570 9 in 1933 through the rise of the Hitler regime. During G06 0580 7 these years the youthful conductor had contributed G06 0590 3 greatly to the high level of musical life in Germany. G06 0600 1 He had presented the first German performances of Puccini's G06 0605 1 Manon Lescaut and de Falla's La Vida Breve. The Frankfurt G06 0620 1 years were particularly noteworthy for his performance G06 0620 8 of Berg's Wozzek soon after the Berlin premiere under G06 0630 8 Erich Kleiber, and the world premiere of Scho^nberg's G06 0640 7 Von heute auf morgen. At the outset of his career, G06 0650 7 Steinberg had dedicated himself to the advancement G06 0660 2 of contemporary music by vowing to do a Scho^nberg G06 0660 11 work every year. In Frankfurt, too, he directed the G06 0670 9 Museum and Opera House concerts which, in addition G06 0680 6 to the standard repertoire, featured novelties like G06 0690 3 Erdmann's Piano Concerto and Mahler's Sixth Symphony. G06 0700 2 Because of the political upheaval in Germany in G06 0700 10 the 1930's, Steinberg was forced to restrict his activities G06 0710 8 to the Jewish community. Through the Frankfurt Jewish G06 0720 6 Kulturbund he began to give sonata recitals in synagogues, G06 0730 7 with Cellist Emanuel Feuermann. As more and more Jewish G06 0740 6 musicians lost their jobs with professional organizations G06 0750 2 Steinberg united them into the Frankfurt Kulturbund G06 0760 1 Orchestra, which also gave guest performances in other G06 0760 9 German cities. In 1936 he accepted the leadership of G06 0770 9 the Berlin Kulturbund. In the fall of that year the G06 0780 8 best musicians of the Berlin and Frankfurt Kulturbund G06 0790 4 orchestras joined under the combined efforts of Bronislaw G06 0800 3 Hubermann and Steinberg to become the Palestine Orchestra- G06 0810 1 now known as the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra- with G06 0820 1 Steinberg as founder-conductor. G06 0820 5 In 1938, at the insistence of Arturo Toscanini, G06 0830 4 Steinberg left Germany for the United States, by way G06 0840 3 of Switzerland. After he had spent the first three G06 0840 12 years in New York as associate conductor, at Toscanini's G06 0850 9 invitation, of the ~NBC Orchestra, he made numerous G06 0860 7 guest appearances throughout the United States and G06 0870 5 Latin America. In 1945 he became conductor of the Buffalo G06 0880 4 Philharmonic. Seven years later he was asked to become G06 0890 1 director of the Pittsburgh Symphony. Since 1944 he G06 0890 9 has also conducted regularly at the San Francisco Opera, G06 0900 7 where he made his debut with a memorable performance G06 0910 5 of Verdi's Falstaff. In recent years he has traveled G06 0920 5 widely in Europe, conducting in Italy, France, Austria, G06 0930 2 and Switzerland. He returned to Germany for the first G06 0940 1 time in 1953, where he has since conducted in Cologne, G06 0940 11 Frankfurt, and Berlin. G06 0950 3 Where in Europe was he going now? G06 0950 10 First of all, to Italy for a short vacation- Forte G06 0960 10 dei Marmi, a place he loves. Since it is not far from G06 0970 9 Viareggio, he will visit Puccini's house, as he never G06 0980 5 fails to do, to pay his respects to the memory of the G06 0990 3 composer of La Boheme, which he considers one of Puccini's G06 1000 1 masterpieces. Steinberg spoke with warmth and enthusiasm G06 1000 8 about Italy: "Rome is my second home. I consider it G06 1010 10 the center of the world and make it a point to be there G06 1020 10 once a year". He will conduct two concerts at the Accademia G06 1030 6 di Santa Cecilia, as well as concerts in Munich and G06 1040 4 Cologne. "Then I return to the United States for engagements G06 1050 3 at the Hollywood Bowl and in Philadelphia", he added. G06 1060 2 The forthcoming season in Pittsburgh also promises G06 1060 9 to be of unusual interest. There will be premieres G06 1070 9 of new works, made possible through Ford Foundation G06 1080 4 commissions: Carlisle Floyd's Mystery, with Phyllis G06 1090 3 Curtin as soprano soloist. Other world premieres will G06 1100 2 be Gardner Read's Third Symphony and Burle Marx's Samba G06 1110 2 Concertante. G06 1110 3 "And next year we will do- also a Ford commission- G06 1120 4 a piano concerto by Elliott Carter, with Jacob Lateiner G06 1130 2 as soloist. Of course, I shall conduct Mahler and Bruckner G06 1140 1 works in the coming season, as usual. We'll play Bruckner's G06 1150 1 Fifth Symphony in the original version, and Mahler's G06 1150 9 Seventh- the least accessible, known, and played of G06 1160 10 Mahler's works. My Pittsburghers have become real addicts G06 1170 5 to Mahler and Bruckner". G06 1180 1 He added that he also stresses the works of these G06 1180 11 favorite masters on tour, especially Mahler's First G06 1190 6 and Fourth symphonies, and Das Lied von der Erde, and G06 1200 7 Bruckner's Sixth- which is rarely played- and Seventh. G06 1210 3 Bruckner's Eighth he refers to as "my travel symphony". G06 1220 3 He recalled that in California after a critic had attacked G06 1230 3 him for "still trying to sell Bruckner to the Americans", G06 1240 1 the public's response at the next concert was a standing G06 1240 11 ovation. G06 1250 1 "Now that Bruno Walter is virtually in retirement G06 1250 9 and my dear friend Dimitri Mitropoulos is no longer G06 1260 9 with us, I am probably the only one- with the possible G06 1270 7 exception of Leonard Bernstein- who has this special G06 1280 7 affinity for and champions the works of Bruckner and G06 1290 2 Mahler". G06 1290 3 Since he introduces so much modern music, I could G06 1300 3 not resist asking how he felt about it. G06 1300 11 "There was always and at all times a contemporary G06 1310 8 music and it expresses the era in which it was created. G06 1320 6 But I usually stick to the old phrase: 'Ich habe ein G06 1330 4 Amt, aber keine Meinung (I hold an office, but I do G06 1340 3 not feel entitled to have an opinion). I consider it G06 1340 13 to be my job to expose the public to what is being G06 1350 10 written today". G06 1350 12 With all his musical activities, did he have the G06 1360 9 time and inclination to do anything else? He had just G06 1370 7 paid a brief visit to the Frick Collection to admire G06 1380 3 his favorite paintings by Rembrandt and Franz Hals. G06 1390 1 He was not enthusiastic over the newly acquired Claude G06 1390 10 Lorrain, but reminisced with pleasure over a Poussin G06 1400 8 exhibit he had been able to see in Paris a year ago. G06 1410 8 And how did he feel about modern art? Again Steinberg G06 1420 4 was cautious and replied with a smile that he was not G06 1430 3 exposed to it enough to hazard comments. "As my wife G06 1430 13 puts it", he said, again with a twinkle in his eyes, G06 1440 11 "all you know is your music. But after all, you never G06 1450 8 learned anything else"! G06 1460 1 What did he do for relaxation? Like his late colleague, G06 1460 11 Mitropoulos, he reads mystery stories, in particular G06 1470 7 Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. He cited Heine and Stendhal G06 1480 6 as favorites in literature. G06 1490 1 But his prime interest, apart from music, he insisted G06 1490 10 seriously, was his family- his wife, daughter and son. G06 1500 8 At the moment he was excited about his son's having G06 1510 5 received the Prix de Rome in archaeology and was looking G06 1520 4 forward to being present this summer at the excavation G06 1530 1 of an Etruscan tomb. "Both children are musical and G06 1530 10 my wife is a music lover of unfailing instinct and G06 1540 8 judgment". "IS the attitude of German youth comparable G06 1550 8 to that of "the angry young men' of England"? was the G06 1560 7 topic for a round-table discussion at the Bayerische G06 1570 4 Rundfunk in Munich. G06 1570 7 I was chairman, the only not youthful participant. G06 1580 6 Since attack serves to stimulate interest in broadcasts, G06 1590 4 I added to my opening statement a sentence in which G06 1600 2 I claimed that German youth seemed to lack the enthusiasm G06 1600 12 which is a necessary ingredient of anger, and might G06 1610 9 be classified as uninterested and bored rather than G06 1620 5 angry. I was far from convinced of the truth of my G06 1630 4 statement, but could not think of anything that might G06 1630 13 evoke responses more quickly. G06 1640 4 "It is easy for you to talk"; countered a twenty G06 1650 4 year old law student, "you travel around the world. G06 1660 1 We would like to do that too". G06 1660 8 "But you want a job guaranteed when you return", G06 1670 4 I continued my attack. "You must have some security", G06 1680 3 said a young clerk. G06 1680 7 When I mentioned that for my first long voyage I G06 1690 7 did not even have the money for the return fare, but G06 1700 3 had trusted to luck that I would earn a sufficient G06 1700 13 amount, the young people looked at me doubtingly. One G06 1710 9 girl expressed what was obviously in their minds. G06 1720 5 "Would you advise us to act the same way? You might G06 1730 5 have failed. I think it is rather foolhardy to trust G06 1740 2 to luck". G06 1740 4 Others mentioned that I might have had to ask friends G06 1760 2 or even strangers for help and that to be stranded G06 1760 12 in a foreign country without sufficient funds did not G06 1770 7 contribute to international understanding. G06 1780 2 The debate needed no additional controversy and G06 1790 2 soon I could ask each individually what he expected G06 1790 11 from life, what his hopes were and what his fears. G06 1800 8 Though the four boys and two girls, the youngest G06 1810 5 nineteen years of age, the oldest twenty-four, came G06 1820 2 from varying backgrounds and had different professional G06 1820 9 and personal interests, there was surprising agreement G06 1830 6 among them. What they wished for most was security; G06 1840 6 what they feared most was war or political instability G06 1850 2 in their own country. G06 1850 6 The ideal home, they agreed, would be a small private G06 1860 7 house or a city apartment of four to five rooms, just G06 1870 4 enough for a family consisting of husband, wife, and G06 1880 1 two children. No one wanted a larger family or no children, G06 1880 12 and none hoped for a castle or said that living in G06 1890 10 less settled circumstances would be satisfactory. G06 1900 3 All expressed interest in world affairs but no one G06 1910 4 offered to make any sacrifices to satisfy this interest. G07 0010 1 ## G07 0010 2 ONCE again, as in the days of the Founding Fathers, G07 0010 12 America faces a stern test. That test, as President G07 0020 9 Kennedy forthrightly depicted it in his State of the G07 0030 8 Union message, will determine "whether a nation organized G07 0040 4 and governed such as ours can endure". G07 0050 1 It is well then that in this hour both of "national G07 0050 12 peril" and of "national opportunity" we can take counsel G07 0060 9 with the men who made the nation. Incapable of self-delusion, G07 0070 8 the Founding Fathers found the crisis of their time G07 0080 7 to be equally grave, and yet they had confidence that G07 0090 3 America would surmount it and that a republic of free G07 0100 1 peoples would prosper and serve as an example to a G07 0100 11 world aching for liberty. G07 0110 1 Seven Founders- George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, G07 0120 1 John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, James G07 0130 1 Madison and John Jay- determined the destinies of the G07 0130 10 new nation. In certain respects, their task was incomparably G07 0140 8 greater than ours today, for there was nobody before G07 0150 6 them to show them the way. As Madison commented to G07 0160 3 Jefferson in 1789, "We are in a wilderness without G07 0170 1 a single footstep to guide us. Our successors will G07 0170 10 have an easier task". G07 0180 1 They thought of themselves, to use Jefferson's words, G07 0190 1 as "the Argonauts" who had lived in "the Heroic Age". G07 0190 11 Accordingly, they took special pains to preserve their G07 0200 8 papers as essential sources for posterity. Their writings G07 0210 6 assume more than dramatic or patriotic interest because G07 0220 4 of their conviction that the struggle in which they G07 0230 3 were involved was neither selfish nor parochial but, G07 0230 11 rather, as Washington in his last wartime circular G07 0240 8 reminded his fellow countrymen, that "with our fate G07 0250 5 will the destiny of unborn millions be involved". G07 0260 1 Strong men with strong opinions, frank to the point G07 0270 1 of being refreshingly indiscreet, the Founding Seven G07 0270 8 were essentially congenial minds, and their agreements G07 0280 6 with each other were more consequential than their G07 0290 3 differences. Even though in most cases the completion G07 0300 1 of the definitive editions of their writings is still G07 0300 10 years off, enough documentation has already been assembled G07 0310 7 to warrant drawing a new composite profile of the leadership G07 0320 8 which performed the heroic dual feats of winning American G07 0330 5 independence and founding a new nation. G07 0340 1 Before merging them into a common profile it is G07 0340 10 well to remember that their separate careers were extraordinary. G07 0350 7 Certainly no other seven American statesmen from any G07 0360 6 later period achieved so much in so concentrated a G07 0370 4 span of years. G07 0370 7 Eldest of the seven, Benjamin Franklin, a New Englander G07 0380 5 transplanted to Philadelphia, wrote the most dazzling G07 0390 3 success story in our history. The young printer's apprentice G07 0400 1 achieved greatness in a half-dozen different fields, G07 0400 9 as editor and publisher, scientist, inventor, philanthropist G07 0410 6 and statesman. Author of the Albany Plan of Union, G07 0420 8 which, had it been adopted, might have avoided the G07 0430 4 Revolution, he fought the colonists' front-line battles G07 0440 2 in London, negotiated the treaty of alliance with France G07 0440 11 and the peace that ended the war, headed the state G07 0450 10 government of Pennsylvania, and exercised an important G07 0460 5 moderating influence at the Federal Convention. G07 0470 2 ## G07 0470 3 ON a military mission for his native Virginia the youthful G07 0480 3 George Washington touched off the French and Indian G07 0490 1 War, then guarded his colony's frontier as head of G07 0490 10 its militia. Commanding the Continental Army for six G07 0500 7 long years of the Revolution, he was the indispensable G07 0510 5 factor in the ultimate victory. Retiring to his beloved G07 0520 4 Mount Vernon, he returned to preside over the Federal G07 0530 1 Convention, and was the only man in history to be unanimously G07 0530 12 elected President. During his two terms the Constitution G07 0540 8 was tested and found workable, strong national policies G07 0550 6 were inaugurated, and the traditions and powers of G07 0560 5 the Presidential office firmly fixed. G07 0570 1 John Adams fashioned much of pre-Revolutionary radical G07 0570 8 ideology, wrote the constitution of his home state G07 0580 7 of Massachusetts, negotiated, with Franklin and Jay, G07 0590 5 the peace with Britain and served as our first Vice G07 0600 2 President and our second President. G07 0600 7 ## G07 0600 8 HIS political opponent and lifetime friend, Thomas G07 0610 6 Jefferson, achieved immortality through his authorship G07 0620 4 of the Declaration of Independence, but equally notable G07 0630 3 were the legal and constitutional reforms he instituted G07 0640 1 in his native Virginia, his role as father of our territorial G07 0640 12 system, and his acquisition of the Louisiana Territory G07 0650 8 during his first term as President. G07 0660 4 During the greater part of Jefferson's career he G07 0670 3 enjoyed the close collaboration of a fellow Virginian, G07 0670 11 James Madison, eight years his junior. The active sponsor G07 0680 9 of Jefferson's measure for religious liberty in Virginia, G07 0690 7 Madison played the most influential single role in G07 0700 5 the drafting of the Constitution and in securing its G07 0710 3 ratification in Virginia, founded the first political G07 0720 1 party in American history, and, as Jefferson's Secretary G07 0720 9 of State and his successor in the Presidency, guided G07 0730 8 the nation through the troubled years of our second G07 0740 6 war with Britain. G07 0740 9 If Franklin was an authentic genius, then Alexander G07 0750 6 Hamilton, with his exceptional precocity, consuming G07 0760 3 energy, and high ambition, was a political prodigy. G07 0770 1 His revolutionary pamphlets, published when he was G07 0770 8 only 19, quickly brought him to the attention of the G07 0780 8 patriot leaders. Principal author of "The Federalist", G07 0790 4 he swung New York over from opposition to the Constitution G07 0800 4 to ratification almost single-handedly. His collaboration G07 0810 2 with Washington, begun when he was the general's aide G07 0820 1 during the Revolution, was resumed when he entered G07 0820 9 the first Cabinet as Secretary of the Treasury. His G07 0830 7 bold fiscal program and his broad interpretation of G07 0840 3 the Constitution stand as durable contributions. G07 0850 1 ## G07 0850 2 LESS dazzling than Hamilton, less eloquent than Jefferson, G07 0860 1 John Jay commands an equally high rank among the Founding G07 0860 11 Fathers. He served as president of the Continental G07 0870 8 Congress. He played the leading role in negotiating G07 0880 6 the treaty with Great Britain that ended the Revolution, G07 0890 4 and directed America's foreign affairs throughout the G07 0900 2 Confederation period. As first Chief Justice, his strong G07 0910 1 nationalist opinions anticipated John Marshall. He G07 0910 7 ended his public career as a two-term governor of New G07 0920 9 York. G07 0920 10 These Seven Founders constituted an intellectual G07 0930 4 and social elite, the most respectable and disinterested G07 0940 3 leadership any revolution ever confessed. Their social G07 0950 2 status was achieved in some cases by birth, as with G07 0950 12 Washington, Jefferson and Jay; in others by business G07 0960 8 and professional acumen, as with Franklin and Adams, G07 0970 6 or, in Hamilton's case, by an influential marriage. G07 0980 2 Unlike so many of the power-starved intellectuals in G07 0990 2 underdeveloped nations of our own day, they commanded G07 0990 10 both prestige and influence before the Revolution started. G07 1000 7 As different physically as the tall, angular Jefferson G07 1010 7 was from the chubby, rotund Adams, the seven were striking G07 1020 6 individualists. Ardent, opinionated, even obstinate, G07 1030 3 they were amazingly articulate, wrote their own copy, G07 1040 1 and were masters of phrasemaking. G07 1040 6 ## G07 1040 7 CAPABLE of enduring friendships, they were also stout G07 1050 5 controversialists, who could write with a drop of vitriol G07 1060 5 on their pens. John Adams dismissed John Dickinson, G07 1070 1 who voted against the Declaration of Independence, G07 1070 8 as "a certain great fortune and piddling genius". Washington G07 1080 7 castigated his critic, General Conway, as being capable G07 1090 7 of "all the meanness of intrigue to gratify the absurd G07 1100 5 resentment of disappointed vanity". And Hamilton, who G07 1110 3 felt it "a religious duty" to oppose Aaron Burr's political G07 1120 2 ambitions, would have been a better actuarial risk G07 1120 10 had he shown more literary restraint. G07 1130 6 The Seven Founders were completely dedicated to G07 1140 4 the public service. Madison once remarked: "My life G07 1150 3 has been so much a public one", a comment which fits G07 1150 14 the careers of the other six. Franklin retired from G07 1160 9 editing and publishing at the age of 42, and for the G07 1170 9 next forty-two years devoted himself to public, scientific, G07 1180 4 and philanthropic interests. Washington never had a G07 1190 3 chance to work for an extended stretch at the occupation G07 1190 13 he loved best, plantation management. He served as G07 1200 7 Commander in Chief during the Revolution without compensation. G07 1210 5 ## G07 1210 6 JOHN ADAMS took to heart the advice given him by his G07 1220 9 legal mentor, Jeremiah Gridley, to "pursue the study G07 1230 5 of the law, rather than the gain of it". In taking G07 1240 2 account of seventeen years of law practice, Adams concluded G07 1250 1 that "no lawyer in America ever did so much business G07 1250 11 as I did" and "for so little profit". When the Revolution G07 1260 9 broke out, he, along with Jefferson and Jay, abandoned G07 1270 6 his career at the bar, with considerable financial G07 1280 2 sacrifice. G07 1280 3 Hamilton, poorest of the seven, gave up a brilliant G07 1290 5 law practice to enter Washington's Cabinet. While he G07 1300 3 was handling the multi-million-dollar funding operations G07 1300 11 of the Government he had to resort to borrowing small G07 1310 10 sums from friends. "If you can conveniently let me G07 1320 7 have twenty dollars", he wrote one friend in 1791 when G07 1330 6 he was Secretary of the Treasury. G07 1330 12 To support his large family Hamilton went back to G07 1340 9 the law after each spell of public service. Talleyrand G07 1350 5 passed his New York law office one night on the way G07 1360 5 to a party. Hamilton was bent over his desk, drafting G07 1370 1 a legal paper by the light of a candle. The Frenchman G07 1370 12 was astonished. "I have just come from viewing a man G07 1380 9 who had made the fortune of his country, but now is G07 1390 7 working all night in order to support his family", G07 1400 2 he reflected. G07 1400 4 ## G07 1400 5 ALL seven combined ardent devotion to the cause of G07 1410 5 revolution with a profound respect for legality. John G07 1420 1 Adams asserted in the Continental Congress' Declaration G07 1420 8 of Rights that the demands of the colonies were in G07 1430 10 accordance with their charters, the British Constitution G07 1440 5 and the common law, and Jefferson appealed in the Declaration G07 1450 5 of Independence "to the tribunal of the world" for G07 1460 4 support of a revolution justified by "the laws of nature G07 1470 2 and of nature's God". G07 1470 6 They fought hard, but they were forgiving to former G07 1480 4 foes, and sought to prevent vindictive legislatures G07 1490 1 from confiscating Tory property in violation of the G07 1490 9 Treaty of 1783. G07 1500 2 This sense of moderation and fairness is superbly G07 1500 10 exemplified in an exchange of letters between John G07 1510 8 Jay and a Tory refugee, Peter Van Schaack. Jay had G07 1520 6 participated in the decision that exiled his old friend G07 1530 4 Van Schaack. Yet when, at war's end, the ex-Tory made G07 1540 2 the first move to resume correspondence, Jay wrote G07 1540 10 him from Paris, where he was negotiating the peace G07 1550 8 settlement: G07 1555 1 "As an independent American I considered all who G07 1560 8 were not for us, and you amongst the rest, as against G07 1570 6 us, yet be assured that John Jay never ceased to be G07 1580 4 the friend of Peter Van Schaack". G07 1580 10 The latter in turn assured him that "were I arraigned G07 1590 9 at the bar, and you my judge, I should expect to stand G07 1600 7 or fall only by the merits of my cause". G07 1610 1 All seven recognized that independence was but the G07 1610 9 first step toward building a nation. "We have now a G07 1620 10 national character to establish", Washington wrote G07 1630 5 in 1783. "Think continentally", Hamilton counseled G07 1640 3 the young nation. This new force, love of country, G07 1650 1 super-imposed upon- if not displacing- affectionate G07 1650 8 ties to one's own state, was epitomized by Washington. G07 1660 7 His first inaugural address speaks of "my country whose G07 1670 7 voice I can never hear but with veneration and love". G07 1680 4 All sought the fruition of that nationalism in a G07 1690 3 Federal Government with substantial powers. Save Jefferson, G07 1700 1 all participated in the framing or ratification of G07 1700 9 the Federal Constitution. They supported it, not as G07 1710 7 a perfect instrument, but as the best obtainable. Historians G07 1720 5 have traditionally regarded the great debates of the G07 1730 4 Seventeen Nineties as polarizing the issues of centralized G07 1740 1 vs& limited government, with Hamilton and the nationalists G07 1750 1 supporting the former and Jefferson and Madison upholding G07 1750 9 the latter position. G07 1760 2 ## G07 1760 3 THE state's rights position was formulated by Jefferson G07 1770 2 and Madison in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolves, G07 1770 10 but in their later careers as heads of state the two G07 1780 11 proved themselves better Hamiltonians than Jeffersonians. G07 1790 4 In purchasing Louisiana, Jefferson had to adopt Hamilton's G07 1800 5 broad construction of the Constitution, and so did G07 1810 4 Madison in advocating the rechartering of Hamilton's G07 1820 1 bank, which he had so strenuously opposed at its inception, G07 1820 11 and in adopting a Hamiltonian protective tariff. Indeed, G07 1830 7 the old Jeffersonians were far more atune to the G07 1840 7 Hamilton-oriented G07 1840 9 Whigs than they were to the Jacksonian Democrats. G07 1850 6 ## G07 1850 7 WHEN, in 1832, the South Carolina nullifiers adopted G07 1860 4 the principle of state interposition which Madison G07 1870 3 had advanced in his old Virginia Resolve, they elicited G07 1880 1 no encouragement from that senior statesman. In his G07 1880 9 political testament, "Advice to My Country", penned G07 1890 6 just before his death, Madison expressed the wish "that G07 1900 5 the Union of the States be cherished and perpetuated. G07 1910 3 Let the open enemy to it be regarded as a Pandora with G07 1920 2 her box opened; and the disguised one, as the serpent G07 1920 12 creeping with his deadly wiles into Paradise". G08 0010 1 #TOBACCO ROAD IS DEAD. LONG LIVE TOBACCO ROAD.# G08 0010 9 Nostalgic Yankee readers of Erskine Caldwell are today G08 0020 7 informed by proud Georgians that Tobacco Road is buried G08 0030 6 beneath a four-lane super highway, over which travel G08 0040 3 each day suburbanite businessmen more concerned with G08 0040 10 the Dow-Jones average than with the cotton crop. Thus G08 0050 10 we are compelled to face the urbanization of the South- G08 0060 8 an urbanization which, despite its dramatic and overwhelming G08 0070 5 effects upon the Southern culture, has been utterly G08 0080 4 ignored by the bulk of Southern writers. Indeed, it G08 0090 1 seems that only in today's Southern fiction does Tobacco G08 0090 10 Road, with all the traditional trimmings of sowbelly G08 0100 8 and cornbread and mint juleps, continue to live- but G08 0110 6 only as a weary, overexploited phantom. G08 0120 1 Those writers known collectively as the "Southern G08 0120 8 school" have received accolades from even those critics G08 0130 8 least prone to eulogize; according to many critics, G08 0140 5 in fact, the South has led the North in literature G08 0150 3 since the Civil War, both quantitatively and qualitatively. G08 0160 1 Such writers as William Faulkner and Robert Penn Warren G08 0170 1 have led the field of somewhat less important writers G08 0170 10 in a sort of post-bellum renaissance. It is interesting, G08 0180 5 however, that despite this strong upsurge in Southern G08 0190 5 writing, almost none of the writers has forsaken the G08 0200 3 firmly entrenched concept of the white-suited big-daddy G08 0200 12 colonel sipping a mint julep as he silently recounts G08 0210 9 the revenue from the season's cotton and tobacco crops; G08 0220 6 of the stereotyped Negro servants chanting hymns as G08 0230 4 they plow the fields; of these and a host of other G08 0240 2 antiquated legends that deny the South its progressive G08 0240 10 leaps of the past century. This is not to say that G08 0250 11 the South is no longer agrarian; such a statement would G08 0260 6 be the rankest form of oversimplification. But the G08 0270 3 South is, and has been for the past century, engaged G08 0280 1 in a wide-sweeping urbanization which, oddly enough, G08 0280 9 is not reflected in its literature. G08 0290 4 In 1900 the South was only 15% urban; in 1950 it G08 0300 4 had become 47.1% urban. In a mere half-century the G08 0300 14 South has more than tripled its urban status. There G08 0310 9 is a New South emerging, a South losing the folksy G08 0320 6 traditions of an agrarian society with the rapidity G08 0330 3 of an avalanche- especially within recent decades. G08 0330 10 As the New South snowballs toward further urbanization, G08 0340 8 it becomes more and more homogeneous with the North- G08 0350 7 a tendency which Willard Thorp terms "Yankeefication", G08 0360 4 as evidenced in such cities as Charlotte, Birmingham, G08 0370 2 and Houston. It is said that, even at the present stage G08 0380 2 of Southern urbanization, such a city as Atlanta is G08 0380 11 not distinctly unlike Columbus or Trenton. Undoubtedly G08 0390 6 even the old Southern stalwart Richmond has felt the G08 0400 6 new wind: William Styron mentions in his latest novel G08 0410 5 an avenue named for Bankhead McGruder, a Civil War G08 0420 2 general, now renamed, in typical California fashion, G08 0420 9 "Buena Vista Terrace". The effects of television and G08 0430 8 other mass media are erasing regional dialects and G08 0440 6 localisms with a startling force. As for progress, G08 0450 4 the "backward South" can boast of Baton Rouge, which G08 0460 2 increased its population between 1940 and 1950 by two G08 0460 11 hundred and sixty-two percent, to 126,000, the second G08 0470 9 largest growth of the period for all cities over 25,000. G08 0480 6 The field, then, is ripe for new Southerners to G08 0490 4 step to the fore and write of this twentieth-century G08 0500 1 phenomenon, the Southern Yankeefication: the new urban G08 0500 8 economy, the city-dweller, the pains of transition, G08 0510 8 the labor problems; the list is, obviously, endless. G08 0520 5 But these sources have not been tapped. Truman Capote G08 0530 3 is still reveling in Southern Gothicism, exaggerating G08 0540 1 the old Southern legends into something beautiful and G08 0540 9 grotesque, but as unreal as- or even more unreal than- G08 0550 9 yesterday. William Styron, while facing the changing G08 0560 6 economy with a certain uneasy reluctance, insists he G08 0570 3 is not to be classified as a Southern writer and yet G08 0580 2 includes traditional Southern concepts in everything G08 0580 8 he publishes. Even the great god Faulkner, the South's G08 0590 8 one probable contender for literary immortality, has G08 0600 5 little concerned himself with these matters; such are G08 0610 3 simply not within his bounded province. G08 0610 9 Where are the writers to treat these changes? Has G08 0620 9 the agrarian tradition become such an addiction that G08 0630 6 the switch to urbanism is somehow dreaded or unwanted? G08 0640 3 Perhaps present writers hypnotically cling to the older G08 0650 2 order because they consider it useful and reliable G08 0650 10 through repeated testings over the decades. Lacking G08 0660 6 the pioneer spirit necessary to write of a new economy, G08 0670 6 these writers seem to be contenting themselves with G08 0680 2 an old one that is now as defunct as Confederate money. G08 0680 13 An example of the changes which have crept over G08 0690 10 the Southern region may be seen in the Southern Negro's G08 0700 8 quest for a position in the white-dominated society, G08 0710 5 a problem that has been reflected in regional fiction G08 0720 2 especially since 1865. Today the Negro must discover G08 0720 10 his role in an industrialized South, which indicates G08 0730 8 that the racial aspect of the Southern dilemma hasn't G08 0740 7 changed radically, but rather has gradually come to G08 0750 5 be reflected in this new context, this new coat of G08 0760 2 paint. The Negro faces as much, if not more, difficulty G08 0760 12 in fitting himself into an urban economy as he did G08 0770 9 in an agrarian one. This represents a gradual change G08 0780 5 in an ever-present social problem. But there have been G08 0790 3 abrupt changes as well: the sit-ins, the picket lines, G08 0800 1 the bus strikes- all of these were unheard-of even G08 0800 11 ten years ago. Today's evidence, such as the fact that G08 0810 8 only three Southern states (South Carolina, Alabama G08 0820 4 and Mississippi) still openly defy integration, would G08 0830 2 have astounded many of yesterday's Southerners into G08 0830 9 speechlessness. G08 0840 1 Other examples of gradual changes that have affected G08 0850 2 the Negro have been his moving up, row by row, in the G08 0850 14 busses; his requesting, and often getting, higher wages, G08 0860 8 better working conditions, better schools- changes G08 0870 4 that were slowly emerging even before the Supreme Court G08 0880 4 decision of 1954. Then came this decision, which sped G08 0890 2 the process of gaining equality (or perhaps hindered G08 0890 10 it; only historical evolution will determine which): G08 0900 6 an abrupt change. G08 0910 1 Since 1954 the Negro's desire for social justice G08 0910 9 has led to an ironically anarchical rebellion. He has G08 0920 8 frequently refused to move from white lunch counters, G08 0930 5 refused to obey local laws which he considers unjust, G08 0940 3 while in other cases he has appealed to federal laws. G08 0950 2 This bold self-assertion, after decades of humble subservience, G08 0960 1 is indeed a twentieth-century phenomenon, an abrupt G08 0960 9 change in the Southern way of existence. A new order G08 0970 7 is thrusting itself into being. A new South is emerging G08 0980 6 after the post-bellum years of hesitation, uncertainty, G08 0990 2 and lack of action from the Negro in defining his new G08 0990 13 role in the amorphously defined socio-political organizations G08 1000 8 of the white man. G08 1010 2 The modern Negro has not made a decisive debut into G08 1010 12 Southern fiction. It is clear that, while most writers G08 1020 9 enjoy picturing the Negro as a woolly-headed, humble G08 1030 8 old agrarian who mutters "yassuhs" and "sho' nufs" G08 1040 4 with blissful deference to his white employer (or, G08 1050 2 in Old South terms, "massuh"), this stereotype is doomed G08 1060 1 to become in reality as obsolete as Caldwell's Lester. G08 1060 10 While there may still be many Faulknerian Lucas Beauchamps G08 1070 9 scattered through the rural South, such men appear G08 1080 7 to be a vanishing breed. Writers openly admit that G08 1090 4 the Negro is easier to write than the white man; but G08 1100 2 they obviously mean by this, not a Negro personality, G08 1100 11 but a Negro type. Presenting an individualized Negro G08 1110 6 character, it would seem, is one of the most difficult G08 1120 8 assignments a Southern writer could tackle; and the G08 1130 4 success of such an endeavor is, as suggested above, G08 1140 1 glaringly rare. G08 1140 3 Just as the Negro situation points up the gradual G08 1150 2 and abrupt changes affecting Southern life, it also G08 1150 10 points up the non-representation of urbanism in Southern G08 1160 8 literature. The book concerned with the Negro's role G08 1170 6 in an urban society is rare indeed; recently only Keith G08 1180 4 Wheeler's novel, Peaceable Lane, has openly faced the G08 1190 4 problem. G08 1190 5 All but the most rabid of Confederate flag wavers G08 1200 3 admit that the Old Southern tradition is defunct in G08 1210 1 actuality and sigh that its passing was accompanied G08 1210 9 by the disappearance of many genteel and aristocratic G08 1220 6 traditions of the reputedly languid ante-bellum way G08 1230 4 of life. Many earlier writers, mourning the demise G08 1240 1 of the old order, tended to romanticize and exaggerate G08 1240 10 this "gracious Old South" imagery, creating such lasting G08 1250 7 impressions as Margaret Mitchell's "Tara" plantation. G08 1270 3 Modern writers, who are supposed to keep their fingers G08 1280 5 firmly upon the pulse of their subjects, insist upon G08 1300 2 drawing out this legend, prolonging its burial, when G08 1300 10 it well deserves a rest after the overexploitation G08 1310 6 of the past century. Perhaps these writers have been G08 1320 5 too deeply moved by this romanticizing; but they can G08 1330 3 hardly deny that, exaggerated or not, the old panorama G08 1330 12 is dead. As John T& Westbrook says in his article, G08 1340 9 "Twilight of Southern Regionalism" (Southwest Review, G08 1350 4 Winter 1957): "**h The miasmal mausoleum where an Old G08 1360 7 South, already too minutely autopsied in prose and G08 1370 5 poetry, should be left to rest in peace, forever dead G08 1380 2 and (let us fervently hope) forever done with". G08 1380 10 Westbrook further bemoans the Southern writers' G08 1390 6 creation of an unreal image of their homeland, which G08 1400 5 is too readily assimilated by both foreign readers G08 1410 2 and visiting Yankees: "Our northerner is suspicious G08 1410 9 of all this crass evidence [of urbanization] presented G08 1420 8 to his senses. It bewilders and befuddles him. He is G08 1430 8 too deeply steeped in William Faulkner and Robert Penn G08 1440 5 Warren. The fumes of progress are in his nose and the G08 1450 4 bright steel of industry towers before his eyes, but G08 1450 13 his heart is away in Yoknapatawpha County with razorback G08 1460 9 hogs and night riders. On this trip to the South he G08 1470 9 wants, above all else, to sniff the effluvium of G08 1480 4 backwoods-and-sand-hill G08 1480 8 subhumanity and to see at least one barn burn at midnight". G08 1490 7 Obviously, such a Northern tourist's purpose is somewhat G08 1500 4 akin to a child's experience with Disneyland: he wants G08 1510 3 to see a world of make-believe. G08 1510 10 In the meantime, while the South has been undergoing G08 1520 8 this phenomenal modernization that is so disappointing G08 1530 5 to the curious Yankee, Southern writers have certainly G08 1540 3 done little to reflect and promote their region's progress. G08 1550 2 Willard Thorp, in his new book American Writing in G08 1560 1 the Twentieth Century, observes, quite validly it seems: G08 1560 9 "**h Certain subjects are conspicuously absent or have G08 1570 8 been only lightly touched. No southern novelist has G08 1580 5 done for Atlanta or Birmingham what Herrick, Dreiser, G08 1590 3 and Farrell did for Chicago or Dos Passos did for New G08 1600 3 York **h There are almost no fictional treatments of G08 1600 12 the industrialized south". Not a single Southern author, G08 1610 8 major or minor, has made the urban problems of an urban G08 1620 9 South his primary source material. G08 1630 1 Faulkner, for one, appears to be safe from the accusing G08 1640 1 fingers of all assailants in this regard. Faulkner G08 1640 9 culminates the Southern legend perhaps more masterfully G08 1650 6 than it has ever been, or could ever be, done. He has G08 1660 6 made it his, and his it remains, irrevocably. He treats G08 1670 3 it with a mythological, universal application. G08 1670 9 As his disciples boast, even though his emphasis G08 1680 8 is elsewhere, Faulkner does show his awareness of the G08 1690 7 changing order of the South quite keenly, as can be G08 1700 4 proven by a quick recalling of his Sartoris and Snopes G08 1710 1 families. Even two decades ago in Go Down, Moses Faulkner G08 1720 1 was looking to the more urban future with a glimmer G08 1720 11 of hope that through its youth and its new way of life G08 1730 9 the South might be reborn and the curse of slavery G08 1740 4 erased from its soil. Yet his concern even here is G08 1750 1 with a slowly changing socio-economic order in general, G08 1750 10 and he never deals with such specific aspects of this G08 1760 8 change as the urban and industrial impact. G08 1770 2 Faulkner traces, in his vast and overpowering saga G08 1780 1 of Yoknapatawpha County, the gradual changes which G08 1780 8 seep into the South, building layer upon layer of minute, G08 1790 8 subtle innovation which eventually tend largely to G08 1800 4 hide the Old Way. Thus Faulkner reminds us, and wisely, G08 1810 4 that the "new" South has gradually evolved out of the G08 1820 2 Old South, and consequently its agrarian roots persist. G08 1820 10 Yet he presents a realm of source material which may G08 1830 9 well serve other writers if not himself: the problems G08 1840 6 with which a New South must grapple in groping through G08 1850 4 a blind adolescence into the maturity of urbanization. G08 1860 1 With new mechanization the modern farmer must perform G08 1860 9 the work of six men: a machine stands between the agrarian G08 1870 9 and his soil. The thousands of city migrants who desert G08 1880 7 the farms yearly must readjust with even greater stress G08 1890 4 and tension: the sacred wilderness is gradually surrendering G08 1900 2 to suburbs and research parks and industrial areas. G09 0010 1 Another element to concern the choreographer is G09 0010 8 that of the visual devices of the theatre. Most avant-garde G09 0020 8 creators, true to their interest in the self-sufficiency G09 0030 6 of pure movement, have tended to dress their dancers G09 0040 3 in simple lines and solid colors (often black) and G09 0040 12 to give them a bare cyclorama for a setting. But Robert G09 0050 11 Rauschenberg, the neo-dadaist artist, has collaborated G09 0060 7 with several of them. He has designed a matching backdrop G09 0070 5 and costumes of points of color on white for Mr& Cunningham's G09 0080 4 Summerspace, so that dancers and background merge into G09 0090 3 a shimmering unity. For Mr& Taylor's Images and Reflections G09 0100 3 he made some diaphanous tents that alternately hide G09 0110 2 and reveal the performer, and a girl's cape lined with G09 0110 12 grass. Mr& Nikolais has made a distinctive contribution G09 0120 7 to the arts of costume and decor. In fact, he calls G09 0130 7 his productions dance-theatre works of motion, shape, G09 0140 4 light, and sound. To raise the dancer out of his personal, G09 0150 1 pedestrian self, Mr& Nikolais has experimented with G09 0150 8 relating him to a larger, environmental orbit. He began G09 0160 9 with masks to make the dancer identify himself with G09 0170 6 the creature he appeared to be. He went on to use objects- G09 0180 6 hoops, poles, capes- which he employed as extensions G09 0190 2 of the body of the dancer, who moved with them. The G09 0190 13 depersonalization continued as the dancer was further G09 0200 7 metamorphosed by the play of lights upon his figure. G09 0210 6 In each case, the object, the color, even the percussive G09 0220 3 sounds of the electronic score were designed to become G09 0230 1 part of the theatrical being of the performer. The G09 0230 10 dancer who never loosens her hold on a parasol, begins G09 0240 8 to feel that it is part of herself. Or, clad from head G09 0250 5 to toe in fabric stretched over a series of hoops, G09 0260 2 the performer may well lose his sense of self in being G09 0260 13 a "finial". As the dancer is depersonalized, his accouterments G09 0270 8 are animized, and the combined elements give birth G09 0280 7 to a new being. From this being come new movement ideas G09 0290 5 that utilize dancer and property as a single unit. G09 0300 2 Thus, the avant-garde choreographers have extended G09 0300 9 the scope of materials available for dance composition. G09 0310 8 But, since they have rejected both narrative and emotional G09 0320 7 continuity, how are they to unify the impressive array G09 0330 6 of materials at their disposal? Some look deliberately G09 0340 3 to devices used by creators in the other arts and apply G09 0350 1 corresponding methods to their own work. Others, less G09 0350 9 consciously but quite probably influenced by the trends G09 0360 8 of the times, experiment with approaches that parallel G09 0370 5 those of the contemporary poet, painter, and musician. G09 0380 3 An approach that has appealed to some choreographers G09 0390 1 is reminiscent of Charles Olson's statement of the G09 0390 9 process of projective verse: "one perception must immediately G09 0400 8 and directly lead to a further perception". The creator G09 0410 8 trusts his intuition to lead him along a path that G09 0420 7 has internal validity because it mirrors the reality G09 0430 3 of his experience. He disdains external restrictions- G09 0430 10 conventional syntax, traditional metre. The unit of G09 0440 7 form is determined subjectively: "the Heart, by the G09 0450 6 way of the Breath, to the Line". The test of form is G09 0460 6 fidelity to the experience, a gauge also accepted by G09 0470 2 the abstract expressionist painters. G09 0470 6 An earlier but still influential school of painting, G09 0480 6 surrealism, had suggested the way of dealing with the G09 0490 5 dream experience, that event in which seemingly incongruous G09 0500 2 objects are linked together through the curious associations G09 0510 1 of the subconscious. The resulting picture might appear G09 0510 9 a maze of restless confusions and contradictions, but G09 0520 6 it is more true to life than a portrait of an artificially G09 0530 6 contrived order. The contemporary painter tends to G09 0540 3 depict not the concrete objects of his experience but G09 0550 1 their essences as revealed in abstractions of their G09 0550 9 lines, colors, masses, and energies. He is still concerned, G09 0560 7 however, with a personal event. He accepts the accidents G09 0570 5 of his brushwork because they provide evidence of the G09 0580 3 vitality of the experience of creation. The work must G09 0590 1 be true to both the physical and the spiritual character G09 0590 11 of the experience. G09 0600 1 Some painters have less interest in the experience G09 0600 9 of the moment, with its attendant urgencies and ambiguities, G09 0610 8 than in looking beyond the flux of particular impressions G09 0620 7 to a higher, more serene level of truth. Rather than G09 0630 5 putting their trust in ephemeral sensations they seek G09 0640 3 form in the stable relationships of pure design, which G09 0640 12 symbolize an order more real than the disorder of the G09 0650 10 perceptual world. The concept remains subjective. But G09 0660 5 in this approach it is the artist's ultimate insight, G09 0670 3 rather than his immediate impressions, that gives form G09 0680 2 to the work. G09 0680 5 Others look to more objective devices of order. G09 0690 2 The musician employing the serial technique of composition G09 0690 10 establishes a mathematical system of rotations that, G09 0700 7 once set in motion, determines the sequence of pitches G09 0710 6 and even of rhythms and intensities. The composer may G09 0720 4 reverse or invert the order of his original set of G09 0730 1 intervals (or rhythms or dynamic changes). He may even G09 0730 10 alter the pattern by applying a scheme of random numbers. G09 0740 8 But he cannot order his elements by will, either rational G09 0750 6 or inspired. The system works as an impersonal mechanism. G09 0760 3 Musicians who use the chance method also exclude subjective G09 0770 2 control of formal development. Again, the composer G09 0770 9 must select his own materials. But a tossing of coins, G09 0780 10 with perhaps the added safeguard of reference to the G09 0790 6 oracles of the I Ching, the Chinese Book of Changes, G09 0800 4 dictates the handling of the chosen materials. G09 0810 1 Avant-garde choreographers, seeking new forms of G09 0810 8 continuity for their new vocabulary of movements, have G09 0820 8 turned to similar approaches. Some let dances take G09 0830 5 their form from the experience of creation. According G09 0840 2 to Katherine Litz, "the becoming, the process of realization, G09 0850 1 is the dance". The process stipulates that the choreographer G09 0860 1 sense the quality of the initial movement he has discovered G09 0860 11 and that he feel the rightness of the quality that G09 0870 9 is to follow it. The sequence may involve a sharp contrast: G09 0880 6 for example, a quiet meditative sway of the body succeeded G09 0890 5 by a violent leap; or it may involve more subtle distinctions: G09 0900 2 the sway may be gradually minimized or enlarged, its G09 0910 2 rhythmic emphasis may be slightly modified, or it may G09 0910 11 be transferred to become a movement of only the arms G09 0920 9 or the head. Even the least alteration will change G09 0930 4 the quality. An exploration of these possible relationships G09 0940 2 constitutes the process of creation and thereby gives G09 0940 10 form to the dance. G09 0950 4 The approach to the depiction of the experience G09 0960 1 of creation may be analytic, as it is for Miss Litz, G09 0960 12 or spontaneous, as it is for Merle Marsicano. She, G09 0970 8 too, is concerned with "the becoming, the process of G09 0980 5 realization", but she does not think in terms of subtle G09 0990 4 variations of spatial or temporal patterns. The design G09 1000 1 is determined emotionally: "I must reach into myself G09 1000 9 for the spring that will send me catapulting recklessly G09 1010 7 into the chaos of event with which the dance confronts G09 1020 6 me". Looking back, Miss Marsicano feels that her ideas G09 1030 5 may have been influenced by those of Jackson Pollock. G09 1040 1 At one time she felt impelled to make dances that "moved G09 1040 12 all over the stage", much as Pollock's paintings move G09 1050 9 violently over the full extent of the canvas. But her G09 1060 9 conscious need was to break away from constricting G09 1070 3 patterns of form, a need to let the experience shape G09 1080 1 itself. G09 1080 2 Midi Garth also believes in subjective continuity G09 1090 1 that begins with the feeling engendered by an initial G09 1090 10 movement. It may be a free front-back swing of the G09 1100 10 leg, leading to a sideways swing of the arm that develops G09 1110 6 into a turn and the sensation of taking off from the G09 1120 3 ground. This became a dance called Prelude to Flight. G09 1130 1 A pervading quality of free lyricism and a building G09 1130 10 from turns close to the ground towards jumps into the G09 1140 8 air gives the work its central focus. G09 1150 1 Alwin Nikolais objects to art as an outpouring of G09 1150 10 personal emotion. He seeks to make his dancers more G09 1160 9 "godlike" by relating them to the impersonal elements G09 1170 6 of shape, light color, and sound. If his dancers are G09 1180 4 sometimes made to look as if they might be creatures G09 1190 1 from Mars, this is consistent with his intention of G09 1190 10 placing them in the orbit of another world, a world G09 1200 8 in which they are freed of their pedestrian identities. G09 1210 3 It is through the metamorphosed dancer that the germ G09 1220 2 of form is discovered. In his recognition of his impersonal G09 1220 12 self the dancer moves, and this self, in the "first G09 1230 10 revealed stroke of its existence", states the theme G09 1240 6 from which all else must follow. The theme may be the G09 1250 5 formation of a shape from which other shapes evolve. G09 1260 1 It may be a reaction to a percussive sound, the following G09 1260 12 movements constituting further reactions. It may establish G09 1270 7 the relation of the figure of the dancer to light and G09 1280 8 color, in which case changes in the light or color G09 1290 4 will set off a kaleidescope of visual designs. Unconcerned G09 1300 1 with the practical function of his actions, the dancer G09 1300 10 is engrossed exclusively in their "motional content". G09 1310 6 Movements unfold freely because they are uninhibited G09 1320 5 by emotional bias or purposive drive. But the metamorphosis G09 1330 4 must come first. G09 1330 7 Though he is also concerned with freeing dance from G09 1340 5 pedestrian modes of activity, Merce Cunningham has G09 1350 3 selected a very different method for achieving his G09 1350 11 aim. He rejects all subjectively motivated continuity, G09 1360 7 any line of action related to the concept of cause G09 1370 7 and effect. He bases his approach on the belief that G09 1380 5 anything can follow anything. An order can be chanced G09 1390 1 rather than chosen, and this approach produces an experience G09 1390 10 that is "free and discovered rather than bound and G09 1400 9 remembered". Thus, there is freshness not only in the G09 1410 8 individual movements of the dance but in the shape G09 1420 5 of their continuity as well. Chance, he finds, enables G09 1430 1 him to create "a world beyond imagination". He cites G09 1430 10 with pleasure the comment of a lady, who exclaimed G09 1440 8 after a concert: "Why, it's extremely interesting. G09 1450 4 But I would never have thought of it myself". G09 1460 1 The sequence of movements in a Cunningham dance G09 1460 9 is unlike any sequence to be seen in life. At one side G09 1470 12 of the stage a dancer jumps excitedly; nearby, another G09 1480 5 sits motionless, while still another is twirling an G09 1490 4 umbrella. A man and a girl happen to meet; they look G09 1500 2 straight at the audience, not at each other. He lifts G09 1500 12 her, puts her down, and walks off, neither pleased G09 1510 8 nor disturbed, as if nothing had happened. If one dancer G09 1520 6 slaps another, the victim may do a pirouette, sit down, G09 1530 3 or offer his assailant a fork and spoon. Events occur G09 1540 1 without apparent reason. Their consequences are irrelevant- G09 1540 8 or there are no consequences at all. G09 1550 6 The sequence is determined by chance, and Mr& Cunningham G09 1560 5 makes use of any one of several chance devices. He G09 1570 3 may toss coins; he may take slips of paper from a grab G09 1580 1 bag. The answers derived by these means may determine G09 1580 10 not only the temporal organization of the dance but G09 1600 6 also its spatial design, special slips designating G09 1610 3 the location on the stage where the movement is to G09 1610 13 be performed. The other variables include the dancer G09 1620 8 who is to perform the movement and the length of time G09 1630 8 he is to take in its performance. The only factors G09 1640 4 that are personally set by the choreographer are the G09 1650 1 movements themselves, the number of the dancers, and G09 1650 9 the approximate total duration of the dance. The "approximate" G09 1660 8 is important, because even after the order of the work G09 1670 8 has been established by the chance method, the result G09 1680 4 is not inviolable. Each performance may be different. G09 1690 1 If a work is divided into several large segments, a G09 1690 11 last-minute drawing of random numbers may determine G09 1700 7 the order of the segments for any particular performance. G09 1710 4 And any sequence can not only change its positions G09 1720 2 in the work but can even be eliminated from it altogether. G09 1730 1 Mr& Cunningham tries not to cheat the chance method; G09 1730 10 he adheres to its dictates as faithfully as he can. G09 1740 10 However, there is always the possibility that chance G09 1750 5 will make demands the dancers find impossible to execute. G09 1760 3 Then the choreographer must arbitrate. He must rearrange G09 1770 2 matters so that two performers do not bump into each G09 1770 12 other. He must construct transitions so that a dancer G09 1780 9 who is told to lie prone one second and to leap wildly G09 1790 7 the next will have some physical preparation for the G09 1800 3 leap. G10 0010 1 THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH were in greater agreement G10 0010 10 on sovereignty, through all their dispute about it, G10 0020 7 than were the Founding Fathers. The truth in their G10 0030 5 conflicting concepts was expounded by statesmen of G10 0040 2 the calibre of Webster and Calhoun, and defended in G10 0040 11 the end by leaders of the nobility of Lincoln and Lee. G10 0050 10 The people everywhere had grown meanwhile in devotion G10 0060 6 to basic democratic principles, in understanding of G10 0070 3 and belief in the federal balance, and in love of their G10 0080 1 Union. Repeated efforts- beginning with the Missouri G10 0080 8 Compromise of 1821- were made by such master moderates G10 0090 9 as Clay and Douglas to resolve the difference peacefully G10 0100 6 by compromise, rather than clear thought and timely G10 0110 4 action. Even so, confusion in this period gained such G10 0120 2 strength (from compromise and other factors) that it G10 0120 10 led to the bloodiest war of the Nineteenth century. G10 0130 7 Nothing can show more than this the immensity of the G10 0140 6 danger to democratic peoples that lies in even relatively G10 0150 3 slight deviation from their true concept of sovereignty. G10 0160 1 The present issue in Atlantica- whether to transform G10 0160 9 an alliance of sovereign nations into a federal union G10 0170 9 of sovereign citizens- resembles the American one of G10 0180 8 1787-89 rather than the one that was resolved by Civil G10 0190 5 War. And so I would only touch upon it now (much as G10 0200 3 I have long wanted to write a book about it). I think G10 0200 15 it is essential, however, to pinpoint here the difference G10 0210 8 between the two concepts of sovereignty that went to G10 0220 6 war in 1861- if only to see better how imperative is G10 0230 4 our need today to clarify completely our far worse G10 0240 1 confusion on this subject. G10 0240 5 The difference came down to this: The Southern States G10 0250 4 insisted that the United States was, in last analysis, G10 0260 2 what its name implied- a Union of States. To their G10 0260 12 leaders the Constitution was a compact made by the G10 0270 9 people of sovereign states, who therefore retained G10 0280 5 the right to secede from it. This right of the State, G10 0290 4 its upholders contended, was essential to maintain G10 0300 1 the federal balance and protect the liberty of the G10 0300 10 people from the danger of centralizing power in the G10 0310 6 Union government. The champions of the Union maintained G10 0320 4 that the Constitution had formed, fundamentally, the G10 0330 2 united people of America, that it was a compact among G10 0330 12 sovereign citizens rather than states, and that therefore G10 0340 8 the states had no right to secede, though the citizens G10 0350 6 could. Writing to Speed on August 24, 1855, Lincoln G10 0360 4 made the latter point clear. In homely terms whose G10 0370 1 timeliness is startling today, he thus declared his G10 0370 9 own right to secede. " G10 0380 1 We began by declaring that all men are created equal. G10 0390 1 We now practically read it, all men are created equal G10 0390 11 except negroes. When the Know-nothings get control, G10 0400 7 it will read, All men are created equal except negroes G10 0410 6 and foreigners and Catholics. When it comes to this, G10 0420 5 I shall prefer emigrating to some country where they G10 0430 2 make no pretence of loving liberty- to Russia, for G10 0430 11 instance, where despotism can be taken pure, without G10 0440 7 the base alloy of hypocrisy". [His emphasis] G10 0450 3 When the Southern States exercised their "right G10 0460 3 to secede", they formed what they officially styled G10 0460 11 "The Confederate States of America". Dictionaries, G10 0470 6 as we have seen, still cite this government, along G10 0480 7 with the Articles of Confederation of 1781, as an example G10 0490 6 of a confederacy. The fact is that the Southern Confederacy G10 0500 3 differed from the earlier one almost as much as the G10 0510 2 Federal Constitution did. The Confederate Constitution G10 0510 8 copied much of the Federal Constitution verbatim, and G10 0520 8 most of the rest in substance. It operated on, by and G10 0530 7 for the people individually just as did the Federal G10 0540 4 Constitution. It made substantially the same division G10 0550 1 of power between the central and state governments, G10 0550 9 and among the executive, legislative and judicial branches. G10 0560 6 #THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN CONFEDERACY AND FEDERAL UNION G10 0570 5 IN 1861# G10 0570 7 Many believe- and understandably- that the great difference G10 0580 7 between the Constitution of the Southern Confederacy G10 0590 4 and the Federal Constitution was that the former recognized G10 0600 3 the right of each state to secede. But though each G10 0610 1 of its members had asserted this right against the G10 0610 10 Union, the final Constitution which the Confederacy G10 0620 5 signed on March 11- nearly a month before hostilities G10 0630 3 began- included no explicit provision authorizing a G10 0640 2 state to secede. Its drafters discussed this vital G10 0640 10 point but left it out of their Constitution. Their G10 0650 8 President, Jefferson Davis, interpreted their Constitution G10 0660 4 to mean that it "admits of no coerced association", G10 0670 2 but this reremained so doubtful that "there were frequent G10 0680 2 demands that the right to secede be put into the Constitution". G10 0690 1 The Constitution of the Southern "Confederation" G10 0700 1 differed from that of the Federal Union only in two G10 0700 11 important respects: It openly, defiantly, recognized G10 0710 5 slavery- an institution which the Southerners of 1787, G10 0720 6 even though they continued it, found so impossible G10 0730 2 to reconcile with freedom that they carefully avoided G10 0730 10 mentioning the word in the Federal Constitution. They G10 0740 8 recognized that slavery was a moral issue and not merely G10 0750 9 an economic interest, and that to recognize it explicitly G10 0760 5 in their Constitution would be in explosive contradiction G10 0770 2 to the concept of sovereignty they had set forth in G10 0780 1 the Declaration of 1776 that "all men are created equal, G10 0780 11 that they are endowed by their Creator with certain G10 0790 8 unalienable rights, that among them are life, liberty G10 0800 5 and the pursuit of happiness **h". The other important G10 0810 3 difference between the two Constitutions was that the G10 0820 1 President of the Confederacy held office for six (instead G10 0820 10 of four) years, and was limited to one term. G10 0830 8 These are not, however, differences in federal structure. G10 0840 4 The only important differences from that standpoint, G10 0850 2 between the two Constitutions, lies in their Preambles. G10 0860 1 The one of 1861 made clear that in making their government G10 0860 12 the people were acting through their states, whereas G10 0870 7 the Preamble of 1787-89 expressed, as clearly as language G10 0880 6 can, the opposite concept, that they were acting directly G10 0890 4 as citizens. Here are the two Preambles: G10 0900 1 _FEDERAL CONSTITUTION, 1789_ G10 0900 3 "we the People of the United States, in order to G10 0910 4 form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure G10 0920 1 domestic Tranquility, provide for the common Defence, G10 0920 8 promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings G10 0930 6 of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain G10 0940 5 and establish this Constitution for the United States G10 0950 2 of America". G10 0950 4 _CONFEDERATE CONSTITUTION, 1861_ G10 0960 1 "We the people of the Confederate States, each state G10 0960 9 acting in its sovereign and independent character, G10 0970 5 in order to form a permanent federal government, establish G10 0980 3 justice, insure domestic tranquility, and secure the G10 0990 2 blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity- G10 0990 10 invoking the favor and the guidance of Almighty God- G10 1000 9 do ordain and establish this Constitution for the Confederate G10 1010 6 States of America". G10 1020 1 One is tempted to say that, on the difference between G10 1020 11 the concepts of sovereignty in these two preambles, G10 1030 7 the worst war of the Nineteenth century was fought. G10 1040 4 But though the Southern States, when drafting a constitution G10 1050 3 to unite themselves, narrowed the difference to this G10 1060 1 fine point by omitting to assert the right to secede, G10 1060 11 the fact remained that by seceding from the Union they G10 1070 8 had already acted on the concept that it was composed G10 1080 5 primarily of sovereign states. If the Union conceded G10 1090 2 this to them, the same right must be conceded to each G10 1090 13 remaining state whenever it saw fit to secede: This G10 1100 9 would destroy the federal balance between it and the G10 1110 6 states, and in the end sacrifice to the sovereignty G10 1120 3 of the states all the liberty the citizens had gained G10 1130 1 by their Union. G10 1130 4 Lincoln saw that the act of secession made the issue G10 1140 2 for the Union a vital one: Whether it was a Union of G10 1140 14 sovereign citizens that should continue to live, or G10 1150 8 an association of sovereign states that must fall prey G10 1160 6 either to "anarchy or despotism". G10 1170 1 Much as he abhorred slavery, Lincoln was always G10 1170 9 willing to concede to each "slave state" the right G10 1180 8 to decide independently whether to continue or end G10 1190 5 it. Though his election was interpreted by many Southerners G10 1200 3 as the forerunner of a dangerous shift in the federal G10 1210 1 balance in favor of the Union, Lincoln himself proposed G10 1210 10 no such change in the rights the Constitution gave G10 1220 7 the states. After the war began, he long refused to G10 1230 5 permit emancipation of the slaves by Union action even G10 1240 2 in the Border States that stayed with the Union. He G10 1240 12 issued his Emancipation Proclamation only when he felt G10 1250 8 that necessity left him no other way to save the Union. G10 1260 9 In his Message of December 2, 1862, he put his purpose G10 1270 7 and his policy in these words- which I would call the G10 1280 4 Lincoln Law of Liberty-and-Union: "In giving freedom G10 1290 2 to the slave, we assure freedom to the free". G10 1290 11 What Lincoln could not concede was that the states G10 1300 9 rather than the people were sovereign in the Union. G10 1310 6 He fought to the end to preserve it as a "government G10 1320 4 of the people, by the people, for the people". G10 1330 1 #THE TRUTH ON EACH SIDE WON IN THE CIVIL WAR# G10 1330 10 The fact that the Americans who upheld the sovereignty G10 1340 5 of their states did this in order to keep many of their G10 1350 5 people more securely in slavery- the antithesis of G10 1360 2 individual liberty- made the conflict grimmer, and G10 1360 9 the greater. Out of this ordeal the citizen emerged, G10 1370 8 in the South as in the North, as America's true sovereign, G10 1380 5 in "a new birth of freedom", as Lincoln promised. But G10 1390 4 before this came about, 214,938 Americans had given G10 1400 2 their lives in battle for the two concepts of the sovereign G10 1400 13 rights of men and of states. G10 1410 6 On their decisive battlefield Lincoln did not distinguish G10 1420 4 between them when he paid tribute to the "brave men, G10 1430 2 living and dead, who fought here". He understood that G10 1430 11 both sides were at fault, and he reached the height G10 1440 10 of saying so explicitly in his Second Inaugural. G10 1450 5 To my knowledge, Lincoln remains the only Head of G10 1460 5 State and Commander-in-Chief who, while fighting a G10 1470 2 fearful war whose issue was in doubt, proved man enough G10 1470 12 to say this publicly- to give his foe the benefit of G10 1480 8 the fact that in all human truth there is some error, G10 1490 6 and in all our error, some truth. So great a man could G10 1500 4 not but understand, too, that the thing that moves G10 1500 13 men to sacrifice their lives is not the error of their G10 1510 10 thought, which their opponents see and attack, but G10 1520 6 the truth which the latter do not see- any more than G10 1530 6 they see the error which mars the truth they themselves G10 1540 1 defend. G10 1540 2 It is much less difficult now than in Lincoln's G10 1540 11 day to see that on both sides sovereign Americans had G10 1550 10 given their lives in the Civil War to maintain the G10 1560 8 balance between the powers they had delegated to the G10 1570 4 States and to their Union. They differed in the balance G10 1580 2 they believed essential to the sovereignty of the citizen- G10 1590 1 but the supreme sacrifice each made served to maintain G10 1590 10 a still more fundamental truth: That individual life, G10 1600 5 liberty and happiness depend on a right balance between G10 1610 6 the two- and on the limitation of sovereignty, in all G10 1620 3 its aspects, which this involves. The 140,414 Americans G10 1630 1 who gave "the last full measure of devotion" to prevent G10 1630 11 disunion, preserved individual freedom in the United G10 1640 7 States from the dangers of anarchy, inherent in confederations, G10 1650 6 which throughout history have proved fatal in the end G10 1660 6 to all associations composed primarily of sovereign G10 1670 1 states, and to the liberties of their people. But the G10 1670 11 fact that 70,524 other Americans gave the same measure G10 1680 8 of devotion to an opposing concept served Liberty-and-Union G10 1690 6 in other essential ways. G10 1700 1 Its appeal from ballots to bullets at Fort Sumter G10 1700 10 ended by costing the Southerners their right to have G10 1710 7 slaves- a right that was even less compatible with G10 1720 4 the sovereignty of man. The very fact that they came G10 1730 2 so near to winning by the wrong method, war, led directly G10 1730 13 to their losing both the war and the wrong thing they G10 1740 10 fought for, since it forced Lincoln to free their slaves G10 1750 6 as a military measure. There was a divine justice in G10 1760 5 one wrong thus undoing another. There was also a lesson, G10 1770 2 one that has served ever since to keep Americans, in G10 1770 12 their conflicts with one another, from turning from G10 1780 7 the ballot to the bullet. Yet though the Southern States G10 1790 6 lost the worst errors in their case, they did not lose G10 1800 5 the truth they fought for. The lives so many of them G10 1810 1 gave, to forestall what they believed would be a fatal G10 1810 11 encroachment by the Union on the powers reserved to G10 1820 9 their states have continued ever since to safeguard G10 1830 5 all Americans against freedom's other foe. G11 0010 1 As cells coalesced into organisms, they built new "unnatural" G11 0010 10 and internally controlled environments to cope even G11 0020 7 more successfully with the entropy-increasing properties G11 0030 5 of the external world. The useful suggestion of Professor G11 0040 4 David Hawkins which considers culture as a third stage G11 0050 3 in biological evolution fits quite beautifully then G11 0050 10 with our suggestion that science has provided us with G11 0060 9 a rather successful technique for building protective G11 0070 4 artificial environments. One wonders about its applicability G11 0080 4 to people. Will advances in human sciences help us G11 0090 2 build social structures and governments which will G11 0090 9 enable us to cope with people as effectively as the G11 0100 8 primitive combination of protein and nucleic acid built G11 0110 5 a structure of molecules which enabled it to adapt G11 0120 2 to a sea of molecular interaction? The answer is of G11 0120 12 course yes. For the family is the simplest example G11 0130 8 of just such a unit, composed of people, which gives G11 0140 5 us both some immunity from, and a way of dealing with, G11 0150 2 other people. Social invention did not have to await G11 0150 11 social theory any more than use of the warmth of a G11 0160 11 fire had to await Lavoisier or the buoyant protection G11 0170 5 of a boat the formulations of Archimedes. But it has G11 0180 4 been during the last two centuries, during the scientific G11 0190 1 revolution, that our independence from the physical G11 0190 8 environment has made the most rapid strides. We have G11 0200 8 ample light when the sun sets; the temperature of our G11 0210 5 homes is independent of the seasons; we fly through G11 0220 2 the air, although gravity pulls us down; the range G11 0220 11 of our voice ignores distance. At what stage are social G11 0230 9 sciences then? Is the future of psychology akin to G11 0240 7 the rich future of physics at the time of Newton? There G11 0250 4 is a haunting resemblance between the notion of cause G11 0260 3 in Copernicus and in Freud. And it is certainly no G11 0260 13 slight to either of them to compare both their achievements G11 0270 10 and their impact. G11 0280 1 Political theoretical understanding, although almost G11 0280 6 at a standstill during this century, did develop during G11 0290 7 the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and resulted G11 0300 4 in a flood of inventions which increased the possibility G11 0310 3 for man to coexist with man. Consitutional government, G11 0320 1 popular vote, trial by jury, public education, labor G11 0320 9 unions, cooperatives, communes, socialized ownership, G11 0330 4 world courts, and the veto power in world councils G11 0340 5 are but a few examples. Most of these, with horrible G11 0350 2 exceptions, were conceived as is a ship, not as an G11 0350 12 attempt to quell the ocean of mankind, nor to deny G11 0360 9 its force, but as a means to survive and enjoy it. G11 0370 5 The most effective political inventions seem to make G11 0380 2 maximum use of natural harbors and are aware that restraining G11 0380 12 breakwaters can play only a minor part in the whole G11 0390 10 scheme. Just as present technology had to await the G11 0400 6 explanations of physics, so one might expect that social G11 0410 4 invention will follow growing sociological understanding. G11 0420 1 We are desperately in the need of such invention, for G11 0420 11 man is still very much at the mercy of man. In fact G11 0430 11 the accumulation of the hardware of destruction is G11 0440 5 day by day increasing our fear of each other. G11 0450 1 #/3,# G11 0450 2 I want, therefore, to discuss a second and quite different G11 0460 1 fruit of science, the connection between scientific G11 0460 8 understanding and fear. There are certainly large areas G11 0470 8 of understanding in the human sciences which in themselves G11 0480 5 and even without political invention can help to dispel G11 0490 5 our present fears. Lucretius has remarked: "The reason G11 0500 2 why all Mortals are so gripped by fear is that they G11 0500 13 see all sorts of things happening in the earth and G11 0510 9 sky with no discernable cause, and these they attribute G11 0520 5 to the will of God". Perhaps things were even worse G11 0530 4 then. It is difficult to reconstruct the primeval fears G11 0540 1 of man. We get some clue from a few remembrances of G11 0540 12 childhood and from the circumstance that we are probably G11 0550 8 not much more afraid of people now than man ever was. G11 0560 6 We are not now afraid of atomic bombs in the same way G11 0570 4 that people once feared comets. The bombs are as harmless G11 0580 1 as an automobile in a garage. We are worried about G11 0580 11 what people may do with them- that some crazy fool G11 0590 8 may "push the button". G11 0600 1 I am certainly not adequately trained to describe G11 0600 8 or enlarge on human fears, but there are certain features G11 0610 7 of the fears dispelled by scientific explanations that G11 0620 3 stand out quite clearly. They are in general those G11 0630 2 fears that once seemed to have been amenable to prayer G11 0630 12 or ritual. They include both individual fears and collective G11 0640 8 ones. They arise in situations in which one believes G11 0650 7 that what happens depends not only on the external G11 0660 5 world, but also on the precise pattern of behavior G11 0670 1 of the individual or group. Often it is recognized G11 0670 10 that all the details of the pattern may not be essential G11 0680 8 to the outcome but, because the pattern was empirically G11 0690 5 determined and not developed through theoretical understanding, G11 0700 2 one is never quite certain which behavior elements G11 0710 1 are effective, and the whole pattern becomes ritualized. G11 0710 9 Yet often fear persists because, even with the most G11 0720 8 rigid ritual, one is never quite free from the uneasy G11 0730 6 feeling that one might make some mistake or that in G11 0740 3 every previous execution one had been unaware of the G11 0740 12 really decisive act. To say that science had reduced G11 0750 8 many such fears merely reiterates the obvious and frequent G11 0760 5 statement that science eliminated much of magic and G11 0770 4 superstition. But a somewhat more detailed analysis G11 0780 1 of this process may be illuminating. G11 0780 7 The frequently postulated antique worry that the G11 0790 5 daylight hours might dwindle to complete darkness apparently G11 0800 2 gave rise to a ritual and celebration which we still G11 0800 12 recognize. It is curious that even centuries of repetition G11 0810 9 of the yearly cycle did not induce a sufficient degree G11 0820 8 of confidence to allow people to abandon the ceremonies G11 0830 5 of the winter solstice. This and other fears of the G11 0840 4 solar system have disappeared gradually, first, with G11 0840 11 the Ptolemaic system and its built-in concept of periodicity G11 0850 9 and then, more firmly, with the Newtonian innovation G11 0860 6 of an universal force that could account quantitatively G11 0870 3 for both terrestial and celestial motions. This understanding G11 0880 3 provides a very simple example of the fact that one G11 0890 1 can eliminate fear without instituting any controls. G11 0890 8 In fact, although we have dispelled the fear, we have G11 0900 8 not necessarily assured ourselves that there are no G11 0910 5 dangers. There is still the remote possibility of planetoid G11 0920 3 collision. A meteor could fall on San Francisco. Solar G11 0930 1 activities could presumably bring long periods of flood G11 0930 9 or drought. Our understanding of the solar system has G11 0940 8 taught us to replace our former elaborate rituals with G11 0950 5 the appropriate action which, in this case, amounts G11 0960 2 to doing nothing. Yet we no longer feel uneasy. This G11 0960 12 almost trivial example is nevertheless suggestive, G11 0970 6 for there are some elements in common between the antique G11 0980 6 fear that the days would get shorter and shorter and G11 0990 4 our present fear of war. We, in our country, think G11 1000 1 of war as an external threat which, if it occurs, will G11 1000 12 not be primarily of our own doing. And yet we obviously G11 1010 9 also believe that the avoidance of the disaster depends G11 1020 5 in some obscure or at least uncertain way on the details G11 1030 4 of how we behave. What elements of our behavior are G11 1030 14 decisive? Our weapons production, our world prestige, G11 1040 7 our ideas of democracy, our actions of trust or stubbornness G11 1050 7 or secrecy or espionage? We have staved off a war and, G11 1060 8 since our behavior has involved all these elements, G11 1070 3 we can only keep adding to our ritual without daring G11 1080 1 to abandon any part of it, since we have not the slightest G11 1080 13 notion which parts are effective. G11 1090 4 I think that we are here also talking of the kind G11 1100 3 of fear that a young boy has for a group of boys who G11 1100 16 are approaching at night along the streets of a large G11 1110 9 city. If an automobile were approaching him, he would G11 1120 6 know what was required of him, even though he might G11 1130 3 not be able to act quickly enough. With the group of G11 1130 14 boys it is different. He does not know whether to look G11 1140 11 up or look aside, to put his hands in his pockets or G11 1150 9 to clench them at his side, to cross the street, or G11 1160 4 to continue on the same side. When confronted with G11 1170 1 a drunk or an insane person I have no notion of what G11 1170 13 any one of them might do to me or to himself or to G11 1180 10 others. I believe that what I do has some effect on G11 1190 5 his actions and I have learned, in a way, to commune G11 1200 1 with drunks, but certainly my actions seem to resemble G11 1200 10 more nearly the performance of a rain dance than the G11 1210 9 carrying out of an experiment in physics. I am usually G11 1220 6 filled with an uneasiness that through some unwitting G11 1230 2 slip all hell may break loose. Our inability to explain G11 1240 1 why certain people are fond of us frequently induces G11 1240 10 the same kind of ritual and malaise. We are forced, G11 1250 7 in our behavior towards others, to adopt empirically G11 1260 3 successful patterns in toto because we have such a G11 1270 1 minimal understanding of their essential elements. G11 1270 7 Our collective policies, group and national, are G11 1280 6 similarly based on voodoo, but here we often lack even G11 1290 6 the empirically successful rituals and are still engaged G11 1300 2 in determing them. We use terms from our personal experience G11 1310 1 with individuals such as "trust", "cheat", and "get G11 1310 9 tough". We talk about national character in the same G11 1320 9 way that Copernicus talked of the compulsions of celestial G11 1330 7 bodies to move in circles. We perform elaborate international G11 1340 4 exhortations and ceremonies with virtually no understanding G11 1350 3 of social cause and effect. Small wonder, then, that G11 1360 2 we fear. G11 1360 4 The achievements which dispelled our fears of the G11 1370 2 cosmos took place three centuries ago. What additional G11 1370 10 roles has the scientific understanding of the 19th G11 1380 7 and 20th centuries played? In the physical sciences, G11 1390 5 these achievements concern electricity, chemistry, G11 1400 1 and atomic physics. In the life sciences, there has G11 1400 10 been an enormous increase in our understanding of disease, G11 1410 8 in the mechanisms of heredity, and in bio- and physiological G11 1420 8 chemistry. The major effect of these advances appears G11 1430 5 to lie in the part they have played in the industrial G11 1440 2 revolution and in the tools which scientific understanding G11 1450 1 has given us to build and manipulate a more protective G11 1450 11 environment. In addition, our way of dealing directly G11 1460 7 with natural phenomena has also changed. Even in domains G11 1470 5 where detailed and predictive understanding is still G11 1480 3 lacking, but where some explanations are possible, G11 1480 10 as with lightning and weather and earthquakes, the G11 1490 7 appropriate kind of human action has been more adequately G11 1500 5 indicated. G11 1500 6 Apparently the population as a whole eventually G11 1510 5 acquires enough confidence in the explanations of the G11 1520 3 scientists to modify its procedures and its fears. G11 1520 11 How and why this process occurs would provide an interesting G11 1530 9 separate subject for study. In some areas, the progress G11 1540 8 is slower than in others. In agriculture, for example, G11 1550 4 despite the advances in biology, elaborate rituals G11 1560 2 tend to persist along with a continued sense of the G11 1560 12 imminence of some natural disaster. In child care, G11 1570 8 the opposite extreme prevails; procedures change rapidly G11 1580 4 and parental confidence probably exceeds anything warranted G11 1590 3 by established psychological theory. There are many G11 1600 2 domains in which understanding has brought about widespread G11 1600 10 and quite appropriate reduction in ritual and fear. G11 1610 7 Much of the former extreme uneasiness associated with G11 1620 4 visions and hallucinations and with death has disappeared. G11 1630 3 The persistent horror of having a malformed child has, G11 1640 2 I believe, been reduced, not because we have gained G11 1640 11 any control over this misfortune, but precisely because G11 1650 7 we have learned that we have so little control over G11 1660 6 it. In fact, the recent warnings about the use of ~X-rays G11 1670 5 have introduced fears and ambiguities of action which G11 1680 1 now require more detailed understanding, and thus in G11 1680 9 this instance, science has momentarily aggravated our G11 1690 6 fears. In fact, insofar as science generates any fear, G11 1700 5 it stems not so much from scientific prowess and gadgets G11 1710 3 but from the fact that new unanswered questions arise, G11 1720 1 which, until they are understood, create uncertainty. G11 1720 8 Perhaps the most illuminating example of the reduction G11 1730 8 of fear through understanding is derived from our increased G11 1740 6 knowledge of the nature of disease. The situation with G11 1750 4 regard to our attitude and "control" of disease contains G11 1760 2 close analogies to problems confronting us with respect G11 1770 1 to people. The fear of disease was formerly very much G11 1770 11 the kind of fear I have tried to describe. G12 0010 1 ## G12 0010 2 Nothing like Godot, he arrived before the hour. His G12 0010 11 letter had suggested we meet at my hotel at noon on G12 0020 10 Sunday, and I came into the lobby as the clock struck G12 0030 7 twelve. He was waiting. G12 0030 11 My wish to meet Samuel Beckett had been prompted G12 0040 8 by simple curiosity and interest in his work. American G12 0050 5 newspaper reviewers like to call his plays nihilistic. G12 0060 2 They find deep pessimism in them. Even so astute a G12 0060 12 commentator as Harold Clurman of The Nation has said G12 0070 9 that "Waiting for Godot" is "the concentrate **h of G12 0080 8 the contemporary European **h mood of despair". But G12 0090 6 to me Beckett's writing had seemed permeated with love G12 0100 4 for human beings and with a kind of humor that I could G12 0110 3 reconcile neither with despair nor with nihilism. Could G12 0110 11 it be that my own eyes and ears had deceived me? Is G12 0120 12 his a literature of defeat, irrelevant to the social G12 0130 6 crises we face? Or is it relevant because it teaches G12 0140 4 us something useful to know about ourselves? G12 0150 1 I knew that a conversation with the author would G12 0150 10 not settle such questions, because a man is not the G12 0160 8 same as his writing: in the last analysis, the questions G12 0170 4 had to be settled by the work itself. Nevertheless G12 0180 1 I was curious. G12 0180 4 My curiosity was sharpened a day or two before the G12 0190 3 interview by a conversation I had with a well-informed G12 0190 13 teacher of literature, a Jesuit father, at a conference G12 0200 9 on religious drama near Paris. When Beckett's name G12 0210 7 came into the discussion, the priest grew loud and G12 0230 4 told me that Beckett "hates life". That, I thought, G12 0240 3 is at least one thing I can find out when we meet. G12 0240 15 ## G12 0250 1 Beckett's appearance is rough-hewn Irish. The features G12 0250 9 of his face are distinct, but not fine. They look as G12 0260 9 if they had been sculptured with an unsharpened chisel. G12 0270 5 Unruly hair goes straight up from his forehead, standing G12 0280 3 so high that the top falls gently over, as if to show G12 0290 1 that it really is hair and not bristle. One might say G12 0290 12 it combines the man; own pride and humility. For he G12 0300 9 has the pride that comes of self-acceptance and the G12 0310 5 humility, perhaps of the same genesis, not to impose G12 0320 2 himself upon another. His light blue eyes, set deep G12 0320 11 within the face, are actively and continually looking. G12 0330 7 He seems, by some unconscious division of labor, to G12 0340 5 have given them that one function and no other, leaving G12 0350 3 communication to the rest of the face. The mouth frequently G12 0360 1 breaks into a disarming smile. The voice is light in G12 0360 11 timbre, with a rough edge that corresponds to his visage. G12 0370 9 The Irish accent is, as one would expect, combined G12 0380 6 with slight inflections from the French. His tweed G12 0390 3 suit was a baggy gray and green. He wore a brown knit G12 0400 1 sports shirt with no tie. G12 0400 6 We walked down the Rue de L'Arcade, thence along G12 0410 3 beside the Madeleine and across to a sidewalk cafe G12 0420 1 opposite that church. The conversation that ensued G12 0420 8 may have been engrossing but it could hardly be called G12 0430 7 world-shattering. For one thing, the world that Beckett G12 0440 5 sees is already shattered. His talk turns to what he G12 0450 3 calls "the mess", or sometimes "this buzzing confusion". G12 0460 1 I reconstruct his sentences from notes made immediately G12 0460 9 after our conversation. What appears here is shorter G12 0470 7 than what he actually said but very close to his own G12 0480 7 words. G12 0480 8 "The confusion is not my invention. We cannot listen G12 0490 5 to a conversation for five minutes without being acutely G12 0500 3 aware of the confusion. It is all around us and our G12 0510 1 only chance now is to let it in. The only chance of G12 0510 13 renovation is to open our eyes and see the mess. It G12 0520 9 is not a mess you can make sense of". G12 0530 1 I suggested that one must let it in because it is G12 0530 12 the truth, but Beckett did not take to the word truth. G12 0540 10 "What is more true than anything else? To swim is G12 0550 8 true, and to sink is true. One is not more true than G12 0560 7 the other. One cannot speak anymore of being, one must G12 0570 3 speak only of the mess. When Heidegger and Sartre speak G12 0580 1 of a contrast between being and existence, they may G12 0580 10 be right, I don't know, but their language is too philosophical G12 0590 8 for me. I am not a philosopher. One can only speak G12 0600 6 of what is in front of him, and that now is simply G12 0610 4 the mess". G12 0610 6 Then he began to speak about the tension in art G12 0620 3 between the mess and form. Until recently, art has G12 0620 12 withstood the pressure of chaotic things. It has held G12 0630 9 them at bay. It realized that to admit them was to G12 0640 7 jeopardize form. "How could the mess be admitted, because G12 0650 4 it appears to be the very opposite of form and therefore G12 0660 2 destructive of the very thing that art holds itself G12 0660 11 to be"? But now we can keep it out no longer, because G12 0670 11 we have come into a time when "it invades our experience G12 0680 7 at every moment. It is there and it must be allowed G12 0690 6 in". G12 0690 7 I granted this might be so, but found the result G12 0700 4 to be even more attention to form than was the case G12 0700 15 previously. And why not? How, I asked, could chaos G12 0710 9 be admitted to chaos? Would not that be the end of G12 0720 9 thinking and the end of art? If we look at recent art G12 0730 7 we find it preoccupied with form. Beckett's own work G12 0740 3 is an example. Plays more highly formalized than "Waiting G12 0750 1 for Godot", "Endgame", and "Krapp's Last Tape" would G12 0760 1 be hard to find. G12 0760 5 "What I am saying does not mean that there will G12 0770 2 henceforth be no form in art. It only means that there G12 0770 13 will be new form, and that this form will be of such G12 0780 12 a type that it admits the chaos and does not try to G12 0790 8 say that the chaos is really something else. The form G12 0800 4 and the chaos remain separate. The latter is not reduced G12 0810 1 to the former. That is why the form itself becomes G12 0810 11 a preoccupation, because it exists as a problem separate G12 0820 8 from the material it accommodates. To find a form that G12 0830 6 accommodates the mess, that is the task of the artist G12 0840 3 now". G12 0840 4 Yet, I responded, could not similar things be said G12 0850 3 about the art of the past? Is it not characteristic G12 0850 13 of the greatest art that it confronts us with something G12 0860 9 we cannot clarify, demanding that the viewer respond G12 0870 6 to it in his own never-predictable way? What is the G12 0880 5 history of criticism but the history of men attempting G12 0890 1 to make sense of the manifold elements in art that G12 0890 11 will not allow themselves to be reduced to a single G12 0900 8 philosophy or a single aesthetic theory? Isn't all G12 0910 4 art ambiguous? G12 0910 6 "Not this", he said, and gestured toward the Madeleine. G12 0920 6 The classical lines of the church which Napoleon thought G12 0930 4 of as a Temple of Glory, dominated all the scene where G12 0940 4 we sat. The Boulevard de la Madeleine, the Boulevard G12 0950 1 Malesherbes, and the Rue Royale ran to it with graceful G12 0950 11 flattery, bearing tidings of the Age of Reason. "Not G12 0960 9 this. This is clear. This does not allow the mystery G12 0970 7 to invade us. With classical art, all is settled. But G12 0980 5 it is different at Chartres. There is the unexplainable, G12 0990 1 and there art raises questions that it does not attempt G12 0990 11 to answer". G12 1000 2 I asked about the battle between life and death G12 1000 11 in his plays. Didi and Gogo hover on the edge of suicide; G12 1010 12 Hamm's world is death and Clov may or may not get out G12 1020 12 of it to join the living child outside. Is this life-death G12 1030 7 question a part of the chaos? G12 1040 1 "Yes. If life and death did not both present themselves G12 1040 11 to us, there would be no inscrutability. If there were G12 1050 10 only darkness, all would be clear. It is because there G12 1060 8 is not only darkness but also light that our situation G12 1070 5 becomes inexplicable. Take Augustine's doctrine of G12 1080 2 grace given and grace withheld: have you pondered the G12 1080 11 dramatic qualities in this theology? Two thieves are G12 1090 8 crucified with Christ, one saved and the other damned. G12 1100 7 How can we make sense of this division? In classical G12 1110 4 drama, such problems do not arise. The destiny of Racine's G12 1120 3 Phedre is sealed from the beginning: she will proceed G12 1130 1 into the dark. As she goes, she herself will be illuminated. G12 1130 12 At the beginning of the play she has partial illumination G12 1140 10 and at the end she has complete illumination, but there G12 1150 7 has been no question but that she moves toward the G12 1160 5 dark. That is the play. Within this notion clarity G12 1170 1 is possible, but for us who are neither Greek nor Jansenist G12 1170 12 there is not such clarity. The question would also G12 1180 9 be removed if we believed in the contrary- total salvation. G12 1190 6 But where we have both dark and light we have also G12 1200 6 the inexplicable. The key word in my plays is 'perhaps'". G12 1210 2 ## G12 1210 3 Given a theological lead, I asked what he thinks about G12 1220 3 those who find a religious significance to his plays. G12 1220 12 "Well, really there is none at all. I have no religious G12 1230 12 feeling. Once I had a religious emotion. It was at G12 1240 10 my first Communion. No more. My mother was deeply religious. G12 1250 8 So was my brother. He knelt down at his bed as long G12 1260 7 as he could kneel. My father had none. The family was G12 1270 3 Protestant, but for me it was only irksome and I let G12 1270 14 it go. My brother and mother got no value from their G12 1280 11 religion when they died. At the moment of crisis it G12 1290 8 had no more depth than an old-school tie. Irish Catholicism G12 1300 4 is not attractive, but it is deeper. When you pass G12 1310 3 a church on an Irish bus, all the hands flurry in the G12 1310 15 sign of the cross. One day the dogs of Ireland will G12 1320 10 do that too and perhaps also the pigs". G12 1330 4 But do the plays deal with the same facets of experience G12 1340 3 religion must also deal with? G12 1340 8 "Yes, for they deal with distress. Some people object G12 1350 7 to this in my writing. At a party an English intellectual- G12 1360 5 so-called- asked me why I write always about distress. G12 1370 4 As if it were perverse to do so! He wanted to know G12 1380 3 if my father had beaten me or my mother had run away G12 1380 15 from home to give me an unhappy childhood. I told him G12 1390 10 no, that I had had a very happy childhood. Then he G12 1400 5 thought me more perverse than ever. I left the party G12 1410 3 as soon as possible and got into a taxi. On the glass G12 1410 15 partition between me and the driver were three signs: G12 1420 9 one asked for help for the blind, another help for G12 1430 7 orphans, and the third for relief for the war refugees. G12 1440 4 One does not have to look for distress. It is screaming G12 1450 1 at you even in the taxis of London". G12 1450 9 Lunch was over, and we walked back to the hotel G12 1460 8 with the light and dark of Paris screaming at us. G12 1470 3 ## G12 1470 4 The personal quality of Samuel Beckett is similar to G12 1480 2 qualities I had found in the plays. He says nothing G12 1480 12 that compresses experience within a closed pattern. G12 1490 6 "Perhaps" stands in place of commitment. At the same G12 1500 7 time, he is plainly sympathetic, clearly friendly. G12 1510 2 If there were only the mess, all would be clear; but G12 1520 1 there is also compassion. G12 1520 5 As a Christian, I know I do not stand where Beckett G12 1530 4 stands, but I do see much of what he sees. As a writer G12 1540 2 on the theater, I have paid close attention to the G12 1540 12 plays. Harold Clurman is right to say that "Waiting G12 1550 8 for Godot" is a reflection (he calls it a distorted G12 1560 6 reflection) "of the impasse and disarray of Europe's G12 1570 3 present politics, ethic, and common way of life". Yet G12 1580 2 it is not only Europe the play refers to. "Waiting G12 1580 12 for Godot" sells even better in America than in France. G12 1590 9 The consciousness it mirrors may have come earlier G12 1600 7 to Europe than to America, but it is the consciousness G12 1610 4 that most "mature" societies arrive at when their successes G12 1620 3 in technological and economic systematization propel G12 1630 1 them into a time of examining the not-strictly-practical G12 1630 11 ends of culture. America is now joining Europe in this G12 1640 8 "mature" phase of development. Whether any of us remain G12 1660 6 in it long will depend on what happens as a result G12 1670 4 of the technological and economic revolutions now going G12 1680 1 on in the countries of Asia and Africa, and also of G12 1680 12 course on how long the cold war remains cold. G13 0010 1 Even Hemingway, for all his efforts to formulate a G13 0010 10 naturalistic morality in The Sun Also Rises and A Farewell G13 0020 9 to Arms never maintained that sex was all. Hemingway's G13 0030 7 fiction is supported by a "moral" backbone and in its G13 0040 6 search for ultimate meaning hints at a religious dimension. G13 0050 4 And D& H& Lawrence, in Fantasia of the Unconscious, G13 0060 2 protested vehemently against the overestimation of G13 0070 1 the sexual motive. Though sex in some form or other G13 0070 11 enters into all human activity and it was a good thing G13 0080 8 that Freud emphasized this aspect of human nature, G13 0090 4 it is fantastic to explain everything in terms of sex. G13 0100 2 "All is not sex", declared Lawrence. Man is not confined G13 0110 1 to one outlet for his vital energy. The creative urge, G13 0110 11 for example, transcends the body and the self. G13 0120 7 But for the beat generation all is sex. Nothing G13 0130 5 is more revealing of the way of life and literary aspirations G13 0140 2 of this group than their attitude toward sex. For the G13 0150 2 beatnik, like the hipster, is in opposition to a society G13 0150 12 that is based on the repression of the sex instinct. G13 0160 8 He has elevated sex- not Eros or libido but pure, spontaneous, G13 0170 7 uninhibited sex- to the rank of the godhead; it is G13 0180 6 Astarte, Ishtar, Venus, Yahwe, Dionysus, Christ, the G13 0190 3 mysterious and divine orgone energy flowing through G13 0190 10 the body of the universe. Jazz is sex, marijuana is G13 0200 10 a stimulus to sex, the beat tempo is adjusted to the G13 0210 7 orgiastic release of the sexual impulse. Lawrence Lipton, G13 0220 3 in The Holy Barbarians, stresses that for the beat G13 0230 3 generation sex is more than a source of pleasure; it G13 0230 13 is a mystique, and their private language is rich in G13 0240 9 the multivalent ambiguities of sexual reference so G13 0250 5 that they dwell in a sexualized universe of discourse. G13 0260 3 The singular uncompromising force of their revolt against G13 0270 1 the cult of restraint is illustrated by their refusal G13 0270 10 to dance in a public place. The dance is but a disguised G13 0280 10 ritual for the expression of ungratified sexual desire. G13 0290 5 For this reason, too, their language is more forthright G13 0300 4 and earthy. The beatniks crave a sexual experience G13 0310 1 in which their whole being participates. G13 0310 7 It is therefore not surprising that they resist G13 0320 5 the lure of marriage and the trap of domesticity, for G13 0330 2 like cats they are determined not to tame their sexual G13 0330 12 energy. They withdraw to the underground of the slums G13 0340 9 where they can defy the precepts of legalized propriety. G13 0350 6 Unlike the heroes and flappers of the lost generation, G13 0360 5 they disdain the art of "necking" and "petting". That G13 0370 2 is reserved for the squares. If they avoid the use G13 0380 1 of the pungent, outlawed four-letter word it is because G13 0380 11 it is taboo; it is sacred. As Lipton, the prophet of G13 0390 9 the beat generation, declares: "In the sexual act, G13 0400 5 the beat are filled with mana, the divine power. This G13 0410 3 is far from the vulgar, leering sexuality of the middle-class G13 0420 1 square in heat". This is the Holy Grail these knights G13 0420 11 of the orgasm pursue, this is the irresistible cosmic G13 0430 9 urge to which they respond. G13 0440 2 If Wilhelm Reich is the Moses who has led them out G13 0450 1 of the Egypt of sexual slavery, Dylan Thomas is the G13 0450 11 poet who offers them the Dionysian dialectic of justification G13 0460 7 for their indulgence in liquor, marijuana, sex, and G13 0470 6 jazz. In addition, they have been converted to Zen G13 0480 3 Buddhism, with its glorification of all that is "natural" G13 0490 1 and mysteriously alive, the sense that everything in G13 0490 9 the world is flowing. Thus, paradoxically, the beat G13 0500 7 writers resort to "religious" metaphors: they are in G13 0510 5 search of mana, the spiritual, the numinous, but not G13 0520 3 anything connected with formal religion. What they G13 0520 10 are after is the beatific vision. And Zen Buddhism, G13 0530 9 though it is extremely difficult to understand how G13 0540 5 these internal contradictions are reconciled, helps G13 0550 2 them in their struggle to achieve personal salvation G13 0550 10 through sexual release. G13 0560 3 The style of life chosen by the beat generation, G13 0570 1 the rhythm and ritual they have adopted as uniquely G13 0570 10 their own, is designed to enhance the value of the G13 0580 9 sexual experience. Jazz is good not only because it G13 0590 6 promotes wholeness but because of its decided sexual G13 0600 2 effect. Jazz is the musical language of sex, the vocabulary G13 0600 12 of the orgasm; indeed, it is maintained that the sexual G13 0610 10 element in jazz, by freeing the listener of his inhibitions, G13 0620 8 can have therapeutic value. That is why, the argument G13 0630 7 runs, the squares are so fearful of jazz and yet perversely G13 0640 5 fascinated by it. Instead of giving themselves spontaneously G13 0650 2 to the orgiastic release that jazz can give them, they G13 0660 1 undergo psychoanalysis or flirt with mysticism or turn G13 0660 9 to prostitutes for satisfaction. Thus jazz is transmuted G13 0670 7 into something holy, the sacred road to integration G13 0680 5 of being. Jazz, like sex, is a mystique. It is not G13 0690 3 a substitute for sex but a dynamic expression of the G13 0690 13 creative impulse in unfettered man. G13 0700 5 The mystique of sex, combined with marijuana and G13 0710 3 jazz, is intended to provide a design for living. Those G13 0720 1 who are sexually liberated can become creatively alive G13 0720 9 and free, their instincts put at the service of the G13 0730 8 imagination. Righteous in their denunciation of all G13 0740 4 that makes for death, the beat prophets bid all men G13 0750 2 become cool cats; let them learn to "swing" freely, G13 0750 11 to let go, to become authentically themselves, and G13 0760 7 then perhaps civilization will be saved. The beatnik, G13 0770 6 seceding from a society that is fatally afflicted with G13 0780 3 a deathward drive, is concerned with his personal salvation G13 0790 1 in the living present. If he is the child of nothingness, G13 0790 12 if he is the predestined victim of an age of atomic G13 0800 10 wars, then he will consult only his own organic needs G13 0810 6 and go beyond good and evil. He will not curb his instinctual G13 0820 4 desires but release the energy within him that makes G13 0830 2 him feel truly and fully alive, even if it is only G13 0830 13 for this brief moment before the apocalypse of annihilation G13 0840 7 explodes on earth. G13 0850 1 That is why the members of the beat generation proudly G13 0850 11 assume the title of the holy barbarians; they will G13 0860 8 destroy the shrines, temples, museums, and churches G13 0870 4 of the state that is the implacable enemy of the life G13 0880 2 they believe in. Apart from the categorical imperative G13 0880 10 they derive from the metaphysics of the orgasm, the G13 0890 8 only affirmation they are capable of making is that G13 0900 6 art is their only refuge. Their writing, born of their G13 0910 4 experiments in marijuana and untrammeled sexuality, G13 0910 10 reflects the extremity of their existential alienation. G13 0920 7 The mind has betrayed them, reason is the foe of life; G13 0930 8 they will trust only their physical sensations, the G13 0940 3 wisdom of the body, the holy promptings of the unconscious. G13 0950 1 With lyrical intensity they reveal what they hate, G13 0950 9 but their faith in love, inspired by the revolutionary G13 0960 8 rhythms of jazz, culminates in the climax of the orgasm. G13 0970 7 Their work mirrors the mentality of the psychopath, G13 0980 4 rootless and irresponsible. Their rebellion against G13 0990 1 authoritarian society is not far removed from the violence G13 0990 10 of revolt characteristic of the juvenile delinquent. G13 1000 6 And the life they lead is undisciplined and for G13 1010 6 the most part unproductive, even though they make a G13 1020 4 fetish of devoting themselves to some creative pursuit- G13 1030 1 writing, painting, music. They are non-conformists G13 1030 8 on principle. When they express themselves it is incandescent G13 1040 7 hatred that shines forth, the rage of repudiation, G13 1050 5 the ecstasy of negation. It is sex that obsesses them, G13 1060 2 sex that is at the basis of their aesthetic creed. G13 1060 12 What they discuss with dialectical seriousness is the G13 1070 8 degree to which sex can inspire the Muse. Monogamy G13 1080 5 is the vice from which the abjectly fearful middle G13 1090 2 class continue to suffer, whereas the beatnik has the G13 1090 11 courage to break out of that prison of respectability. G13 1100 9 One girl describes her past, her succession of broken G13 1110 7 marriages, the abortions she has had and finally confesses G13 1120 4 that she loves sex and sees no reason why she must G13 1130 2 justify her passion. If it is an honest feeling, then G13 1130 12 why should she not yield to it? "Most often", she says, G13 1140 10 "it's the monogamous relationship that is dishonest". G13 1150 6 There is nothing holy in wedlock. This girl soon drops G13 1160 8 the bourgeois pyschiatrist who disapproves of her life. G13 1170 6 She finds married life stifling and every prolonged G13 1180 2 sex relationship unbearably monotonous. G13 1180 6 This confession serves to make clear in part what G13 1190 8 is behind this sexual revolution: the craving for sensation G13 1200 5 for its own sake, the need for change, for new experiences. G13 1210 4 Boredom is death. In the realm of physical sensations, G13 1220 1 sex reigns supreme. Hence the beatniks sustain themselves G13 1220 9 on marijuana, jazz, free swinging poetry, exhausting G13 1230 7 themselves in orgies of sex; some of them are driven G13 1240 8 over the borderline of sanity and lose contact with G13 1250 4 reality. One beat poet composes a poem, "Lines on a G13 1260 2 Tijuana John", which contains a few happy hints for G13 1260 11 survival. The new fact the initiates of this cult have G13 1270 10 to learn is that they must move toward simplicity. G13 1280 4 The professed mission of this disaffiliated generation G13 1290 2 is to find a new way of life which they can express G13 1290 14 in poetry and fiction, but what they produce is unfortunately G13 1300 9 disordered, nourished solely on the hysteria of negation. G13 1310 7 Who are the creative representatives of this movement? G13 1320 5 Nymphomaniacs, junkies, homosexuals, drug addicts, G13 1330 3 lesbians, alcoholics, the weak, the frustrated, the G13 1340 2 irresolute, the despairing, the derelicts and outcasts G13 1340 9 of society. They embrace independent poverty, usually G13 1350 6 with a "shack-up" partner who will help support them. G13 1360 6 They are full of contempt for the institution of matrimony. G13 1370 3 Their previous legalized marriages do not count, for G13 1380 2 they hold the laws of the state null and void. They G13 1380 13 feel they are leagued against a hostile, persecutory G13 1390 7 world, faced with the concerted malevolent opposition G13 1400 3 of squares and their hirelings, the police. This is G13 1410 3 the rhetoric of righteousness the beatniks use in defending G13 1420 1 their way of life, their search for wholeness, though G13 1420 10 their actual existence fails to reach these "religious" G13 1430 6 heights. One beatnik got the woman he was living with G13 1440 7 so involved in drugs and self-analysis and all-night G13 1450 3 sessions of sex that she was beginning to crack up. G13 1450 13 What obsessions had she picked up during these long G13 1460 9 nights of talk? Sex as the creative principle of the G13 1470 7 universe, the secret of primitive religion, the life G13 1480 3 of myth. Everything in the final analysis reduced itself G13 1490 1 to sexual symbolism. In his chapter on "The Loveways G13 1490 10 of the Beat Generation", Lipton spares the reader none G13 1500 8 of the sordid details. No one asks questions about G13 1510 6 the free union of the sexes in West Venice so long G13 1520 4 as the partners share the negative attitudes of the G13 1530 1 group. G13 1530 2 The women who come to West Venice, having forsaken G13 1530 11 radicalism, are interested in living only for the moment, G13 1540 9 in being constantly on the move. Others who are attracted G13 1550 8 to this Mecca of the beat generation are homosexuals, G13 1560 4 heroin addicts, and smalltime hoodlums. Those who are G13 1570 4 sexual deviants are naturally drawn to join the beatniks. G13 1580 1 Since the homosexuals widely use marijuana, they do G13 1580 9 not have to be initiated. Part of the ritual of sex G13 1590 8 is the use of marijuana. As Lipton puts it: "The Eros G13 1600 5 is felt in the magic circle of marijuana with far greater G13 1610 4 force, as a unifying principle in human relationships, G13 1620 1 than at any other time except, perhaps, in the mutual G13 1620 11 metaphysical orgasms. The magic circle is, in fact, G13 1630 8 a symbol of and preparation for the metaphysical orgasm". G13 1640 4 Under the influence of marijuana the beatnik comes G13 1650 2 alive within and experiences a wonderfully enhanced G13 1650 9 sense of self as if he had discovered the open sesame G13 1660 11 to the universe of being. Carried high on this "charge", G13 1670 6 he composes "magical" poetry that captures the organic G13 1680 5 rhythms of life in words. If he thus achieves a lyrical, G13 1690 3 dreamlike, drugged intensity, he pays the price for G13 1690 11 his indulgence by producing work- Allen Ginsberg's G13 1700 7 "Howl" is a striking example of this tendency- that G13 1710 8 is disoriented, Dionysian but without depth and without G13 1720 6 Apollonian control. For drugs are in themselves no G13 1730 3 royal road to creativity. How is the beat poet to achieve G13 1740 1 unity of form when he is at the same time engaged in G13 1740 13 a systematic derangement of senses. G13 1750 4 If love reflects the nature of man, as Ortega y G13 1760 3 Gasset believes, if the person in love betrays decisively G13 1760 12 what he is by his behavior in love, then the writers G13 1770 11 of the beat generation are creating a new literary G13 1780 6 genre. G14 0010 1 _@_ G14 0010 2 There were fences in the old days when we were children. G14 0010 13 Across the front of a yard and down the side, they G14 0020 11 were iron, either spiked along the top or arched in G14 0030 7 half circles. Alley fences were made of solid boards G14 0040 4 higher than one's head, but not so high as the golden G14 0050 1 glow in a corner or the hollyhocks that grew in a line G14 0050 13 against them. Side fences were hidden beneath lilacs G14 0060 7 and hundred-leaf roses; front fences were covered with G14 0070 5 Virginia creeper or trumpet vines or honeysuckle. Square G14 0080 2 corner- and gate posts were an open-work pattern of G14 0090 1 cast-iron foliage; they were topped by steeples complete G14 0090 10 in every detail: high-pitched roof, pinnacle, and narrow G14 0100 7 gable. On these posts the gates swung open with a squeak G14 0110 8 and shut with a metallic clang. G14 0120 1 The only extended view possible to anyone less tall G14 0120 10 than the fences was that obtained from an upper bough G14 0130 8 of the apple tree. The primary quality of that view G14 0140 5 seems, now, to have been its quietness, but that cannot G14 0150 2 at the time have impressed us. What one actually remembers G14 0160 1 is its greenness. From high in the tree, the whole G14 0160 11 block lay within range of the eye, but the ground was G14 0170 9 almost nowhere visible. One looked down on a sea of G14 0180 6 leaves, a breaking wave of flower. Every path from G14 0190 1 back door to barn was covered by a grape-arbor, and G14 0190 12 every yard had its fruit trees. In the center of any G14 0200 8 open space remaining our grandfathers had planted syringa G14 0210 4 and sweet-shrub, snowball, rose-of-Sharon and balm-of-Gilead. G14 0220 4 From above one could only occasionally catch a glimpse G14 0230 1 of life on the floor of this green sea: a neighbor's G14 0230 12 gingham skirt flashing into sight for an instant on G14 0240 9 the path beneath her grape-arbor, or the movement of G14 0250 5 hands above a clothesline and the flutter of garments G14 0260 3 hung there, half-way down the block. G14 0260 10 That was one epoch: the apple-tree epoch. Another G14 0270 7 had ended before it began. Time is a queer thing and G14 0280 6 memory a queerer; the tricks that time plays with memory G14 0290 3 and memory with time are queerest of all. From maturity G14 0300 1 one looks back at the succession of years, counts them G14 0300 11 and makes them many, yet cannot feel length in the G14 0310 8 number, however large. In a stream that turns a mill-wheel G14 0320 7 there is a lot of water; the mill-pond is quiet, its G14 0330 4 surface dark and shadowed, and there does not seem G14 0330 13 to be much water in it. Time in the sum is nothing. G14 0340 12 And yet- a year to a child is an eternity, and in the G14 0350 9 memory that phase of one's being- a certain mental G14 0360 6 landscape- will seem to have endured without beginning G14 0370 1 and without end. The part of the mind that preserves G14 0370 11 dates and events may remonstrate, "It could have been G14 0380 8 like that for only a little while"; but true memory G14 0390 6 does not count nor add: it holds fast to things that G14 0400 5 were and they are outside of time. G14 0400 12 Once, then- for how many years or how few does not G14 0410 10 matter- my world was bound round by fences, when I G14 0420 7 was too small to reach the apple tree bough, to twist G14 0430 3 my knee over it and pull myself up. That world was G14 0430 14 in scale with my own smallness. I have no picture in G14 0440 11 my mind of the garden as a whole- that I could not G14 0450 8 see- but certain aspects of certain corners linger G14 0460 3 in the memory: wind-blown, frost-bitten, white chrysanthemums G14 0470 1 beneath a window, with their brittle brown leaves and G14 0470 10 their sharp scent of November; ripe pears lying in G14 0480 9 long grass, to be turned over by a dusty-slippered G14 0490 6 foot, cautiously, lest bees still worked in the ragged, G14 0500 4 brown-edged holes; hot-colored verbenas in the corner G14 0510 1 between the dining-room wall and the side porch, where G14 0510 11 we passed on our way to the pump with the half-gourd G14 0520 10 tied to it as a cup by my grandmother for our childish G14 0530 4 pleasure in drinking from it. G14 0530 9 It was mother who planted the verbenas. I think G14 0540 8 that my grandmother was not an impassioned gardener: G14 0550 4 she was too indulgent a lover of dogs and grandchildren. G14 0560 2 My great-grandmother, I have been told, made her garden G14 0570 1 her great pride; she cherished rare and delicate plants G14 0570 10 like oleanders in tubs and wall-flowers and lemon verbenas G14 0580 9 in pots that had to be wintered in the cellar; she G14 0590 7 filled the waste spots of the yard with common things G14 0600 3 like the garden heliotrope in a corner by the woodshed, G14 0610 1 and the plantain lilies along the west side of the G14 0610 11 house. These my grandmother left in their places (they G14 0620 7 are still there, more persistent and longer-lived than G14 0630 5 the generations of man) and planted others like them, G14 0640 2 that flourished without careful tending. Three of these G14 0640 10 only were protected from us by stern commandment: the G14 0650 9 roses, whose petals might not be collected until they G14 0660 7 had fallen, to be made into perfume or rose-tea to G14 0670 5 drink; the peonies, whose tight sticky buds would be G14 0680 2 blighted by the laying on of a finger, although they G14 0680 12 were not apparently harmed by the ants that crawled G14 0690 7 over them; and the poppies. I have more than once sat G14 0700 6 cross-legged in the grass through a long summer morning G14 0710 2 and watched without touching while a poppy bud higher G14 0710 11 than my head slowly but visibly pushed off its cap, G14 0720 10 unfolded, and shook out like a banner in the sun its G14 0730 8 flaming vermilion petals. Other flowers we might gather G14 0740 4 as we pleased: myrtle and white violets from beneath G14 0750 1 the lilacs; the lilacs themselves, that bloomed so G14 0750 9 prodigally but for the most part beyond our reach; G14 0760 8 snowballs; hollyhock blossoms that, turned upside down, G14 0780 4 make pink-petticoated ladies; and the little, dark G14 0790 2 blue larkspur that scattered its seed everywhere. G14 0790 9 More potent a charm to bring back that time of life G14 0800 11 than this record of a few pictures and a few remembered G14 0810 7 facts would be a catalogue of the minutiae which are G14 0820 3 of the very stuff of the mind, intrinsic, because they G14 0830 1 were known in the beginning not by the eye alone but G14 0830 12 by the hand that held them. Flowers, stones, and small G14 0840 7 creatures, living and dead. Pale yellow snapdragons G14 0850 3 that by pinching could be made to bite; seed-pods of G14 0860 2 the balsams that snapped like fire-crackers at a touch; G14 0860 12 red-and-yellow columbines whose round-tipped spurs G14 0870 6 were picked off and eaten for the honey in them; morning-glory G14 0890 8 buds which could be so grasped and squeezed that they G14 0900 5 burst like a blown-up paper bag; bright flowers from G14 0910 2 the trumpet vine that made "gloves" on the ends of G14 0910 12 ten waggling fingers. Fuzzy caterpillars, snails with G14 0920 7 their sensitive horns, struggling grasshoppers held G14 0930 4 by their long hind legs and commanded to "spit tobacco, G14 0940 4 spit". Dead fledgling birds, their squashed-looking G14 0950 1 nakedness and the odor of decay that clung to the hand G14 0950 12 when they had been buried in our graveyard in front G14 0960 9 of the purple flags. And the cast shell of a locust, G14 0980 6 straw-colored and transparent, weighing nothing, fragile G14 0990 2 but entire, with eyes like bubbles and a gaping slit G14 0990 12 down its back. Every morning early, in the summer, G14 1000 9 we searched the trunks of the trees as high as we could G14 1010 9 reach for the locust shells, carefully detached their G14 1020 3 hooked claws from the bark where they hung, and stabled G14 1030 1 them, a weird faery herd, in an angle between the high G14 1030 12 roots of the tulip tree, where no grass grew in the G14 1040 9 dense shade **h. We collected "lucky stones"- all the G14 1050 5 creamy translucent pebbles, worn smooth and round, G14 1060 3 that we could find in the driveway. When these had G14 1060 13 been pocketed, we could still spend a morning cracking G14 1070 9 open other pebbles for our delight in seeing how much G14 1080 8 prettier they were inside than their dull exteriors G14 1090 3 indicated. We showed them to each other and said "Would G14 1100 1 you have guessed **h"? Squatting on our haunches beside G14 1100 10 the flat stone we broke them on, we were safe behind G14 1110 11 the high closed gates at the end of the drive: safe G14 1120 8 from interruption and the observation and possible G14 1130 3 amusement of the passers-by. Thus shielded, we played G14 1140 1 many foolish games in comfortable unselfconsciousness; G14 1140 7 even when the fences became a part of the game- when G14 1150 9 a vine-embowered gate-post was the Sleeping Beauty's G14 1160 5 enchanted castle, or when Rapunzel let down her golden G14 1170 4 hair from beneath the crocketed spire, even then we G14 1170 13 paid little heed to those who went by on the path outside. G14 1180 12 We enjoyed a paradoxical freedom when we were still G14 1190 8 too young for school. In the heat of the summer, the G14 1200 7 garden solitudes were ours alone; our elders stayed G14 1210 3 in the dark house or sat fanning on the front porch. G14 1210 14 They never troubled themselves about us while we were G14 1220 9 playing, because the fence formed such a definite boundary G14 1230 8 and "Don't go outside the gate" was a command so impossible G14 1240 8 of misinterpretation. We were not, however, entirely G14 1250 4 unacquainted with the varying aspects of the street. G14 1260 1 We were forbidden to swing on the gates, lest they G14 1260 11 sag on their hinges in a poor-white-trash way, but G14 1270 9 we could stand on them, when they were latched, rest G14 1280 4 our chins on the top, and stare and stare, committing G14 1290 1 to memory, quite unintentionally, all the details that G14 1290 9 lay before our eyes. G14 1300 3 The street that is full now of traffic and parked G14 1310 1 cars then and for many years drowsed on an August afternoon G14 1310 12 in the shade of the curbside trees, and silence was G14 1320 8 a weight, almost palpable, in the air. Every slight G14 1330 6 sound that rose against that pressure fell away again, G14 1340 3 crushed beneath it. A hay-wagon moved slowly along G14 1340 12 the gutter, the top of it swept by the low boughs of G14 1350 11 the maple trees, and loose straws were left hanging G14 1360 5 tangled among the leaves. A wheel squeaked on a hub, G14 1370 4 was still, and squeaked again. If a child watched its G14 1370 14 progress he whispered, "Hay, hay, load of hay- make G14 1380 9 a wish and turn away", and then stared rigidly in the G14 1390 8 opposite direction until the sound of the horses' feet G14 1400 6 returned no more. When the hay wagon had gone, and G14 1410 3 an interval passed, a huckster's cart might turn the G14 1410 12 corner. The horse walked, the reins were slack, the G14 1420 9 huckster rode with bowed shoulders, his forearms across G14 1430 5 his knees. Sleepily, as if half-reluctant to break G14 1440 3 the silence, he lifted his voice: "Rhu-beb-ni-ice fresh G14 1450 2 rhu-beb today"! The lazy sing-song was spaced in time G14 1460 1 like the drone of a bumble-bee. No one seemed to hear G14 1460 13 him, no one heeded. The horse plodded on, and he repeated G14 1470 8 his call. It became so monotonous as to seem a part G14 1480 6 of the quietness. After his passage, the street was G14 1490 2 empty again. The sun moved slant-wise across the sky G14 1490 12 and down; the trees' shadows circled from street to G14 1500 8 sidewalk, from sidewalk to lawn. At four-o'clock, or G14 1510 7 four-thirty, the coming of the newsboy marked the end G14 1520 4 of the day; he tossed a paper toward every front door, G14 1530 2 and housewives came down to their steps to pick them G14 1530 12 up and read what their neighbors had been doing. G14 1540 7 The streets of any county town were like this on G14 1550 6 any sunshiny afternoon in summer; they were like this G14 1560 3 fifty-odd years ago, and yesterday. But the fences G14 1560 12 were still in place fifty-odd years ago, and when we G14 1570 10 stood on the gate to look over, the sidewalk under G14 1580 5 our eyes was not cement but two rows of paving stones G14 1590 2 with grass between and on both sides. The curb was G14 1590 12 a line of stone laid edgewise in the dirt and tilted G14 1600 10 this way and that by frost in the ground or the roots G14 1610 7 of trees. Opposite every gate was a hitching post or G14 1620 3 a stone carriage-step, set with a rusty iron ring for G14 1620 14 tying a horse. The street was unpaved and rose steeply G14 1630 10 toward the center; it was mud in wet weather and dust, G14 1640 9 ankle-deep, in dry, and could be crossed only at the G14 1650 6 corner where there were stepping stones. It had a bucolic G14 1660 3 atmosphere that it has lost long since. The hoofmarks G14 1660 12 of cattle and the prints of bare feet in the mud or G14 1670 12 in the dust were as numerous as the traces of shod G14 1680 7 horses. Cows were kept in backyard barns, boys were G14 1690 3 hired to drive them to and from the pasture on the G14 1690 14 edge of town, and familiar to the ear, morning and G14 1700 10 evening, were the boys' coaxing voices, the thud of G14 1710 6 hooves, and the thwack of a stick on cowhide. G15 0010 1 It is worth dwelling in some detail on the crisis G15 0010 11 of this story, because it brings together a number G15 0020 7 of characteristic elements and makes of them a curious, G15 0030 6 riddling compound obscurely but centrally significant G15 0040 1 for Mann's work. G15 0040 4 The wife, Amra, and her lover are both savagely G15 0050 3 portrayed, she as incarnate sensuality, "voluptuous" G15 0060 1 and "indolent", possibly "a mischief maker", with "a G15 0060 9 kind of luxurious cunning" to set against her apparent G15 0070 9 simplicity, her "birdlike brain". La^utner, for his G15 0080 5 part, "belonged to the present-day race of small artists, G15 0090 5 who do not demand the utmost of themselves", and the G15 0100 3 bitter description of the type includes such epithets G15 0110 1 as "wretched little poseurs", the devastating indictment G15 0110 8 "they do not know how to be wretched decently and in G15 0120 11 order", and the somewhat extreme prophecy, so far not G15 0130 6 fulfilled: "They will be destroyed". G15 0140 1 The trick these two play upon Jacoby reveals their G15 0140 10 want not simply of decency but of imagination as well. G15 0150 10 His appearance as Lizzy evokes not amusement but horror G15 0160 7 in the audience; it is a spectacle absolutely painful, G15 0170 3 an epiphany of the suffering flesh unredeemed by spirit, G15 0180 3 untouched by any spirit other than abasement and humiliation. G15 0190 1 At the same time the multiple transvestitism involved- G15 0190 9 the fat man as girl and as baby, as coquette pretending G15 0200 10 to be a baby- touches for a moment horrifyingly upon G15 0210 6 the secret sources of a life like Jacoby's, upon the G15 0220 3 sinister dreams which form the sources of any human G15 0230 1 life. G15 0230 2 The music which La^utner has composed for this episode G15 0240 1 is for the most part "rather pretty and perfectly banal". G15 0240 11 But it is characteristic of him, we are told, "his G15 0250 10 little artifice", to be able to introduce "into a fairly G15 0260 9 vulgar and humorous piece of hackwork a sudden phrase G15 0270 5 of genuine creative art". And this occurs now, at the G15 0280 4 refrain of Jacoby's song- at the point, in fact, of G15 0290 1 the name "Lizzy"-; a modulation described as "almost G15 0290 9 a stroke of genius". "A miracle, a revelation, it was G15 0300 9 like a curtain suddenly torn away to reveal something G15 0310 6 nude". It is this modulation which reveals to Jacoby G15 0320 5 his own frightful abjection and, simultaneously, his G15 0330 2 wife's infidelity. By the same means he perceives this G15 0330 11 fact as having communicated itself to the audience; G15 0340 8 he collapses, and dies. G15 0350 1 In the work of every artist, I suppose, there may G15 0350 11 be found one or more moments which strike the student G15 0360 9 as absolutely decisive, ultimately emblematic of what G15 0370 5 it is all about; not less strikingly so for being mysterious, G15 0380 5 as though some deeply hidden constatation of thoughts G15 0390 2 were enciphered in a single image, a single moment. G15 0390 11 So here. The horrifying humor, the specifically sexual G15 0400 7 embarrassment of the joke gone wrong, the monstrous G15 0410 5 image of the fat man dressed up as a whore dressing G15 0420 2 up as a baby; the epiphany of that quivering flesh; G15 0420 12 the bringing together around it of the secret liaison G15 0430 9 between indolent, mindless sensuality and sharp, shrewd G15 0440 6 talent, cleverness with an occasional touch of genius G15 0450 4 (which, however, does not know "how to attack the problem G15 0460 3 of suffering"); the miraculous way in which music, G15 0460 11 revelation and death are associated in a single instant- G15 0470 9 all this seems a triumph of art, a rather desperate G15 0480 8 art, in itself; beyond itself, also, it evokes numerous G15 0490 4 and distant resonances from the entire body of Mann's G15 0500 1 work. G15 0500 2 When I try to work out my reasons for feeling that G15 0510 1 this passage is of critical significance, I come up G15 0510 10 with the following ideas, which I shall express very G15 0520 7 briefly here and revert to in a later essay. G15 0530 4 Love is the crucial dilemma of experience for Mann's G15 0540 1 heroes. The dramatic construction of his stories G15 0540 8 characteristically G15 0550 1 turns on a situation in which someone is simultaneously G15 0550 10 compelled and forbidden to love. The release, the freedom, G15 0560 9 involved in loving another is either terribly difficult G15 0570 6 or else absolutely impossible; and the motion toward G15 0580 5 it brings disaster. G15 0580 8 This prohibition on love has an especially poignant G15 0590 7 relation to art; it is particularly the artist (Tonio G15 0600 4 Kro^ger, Aschenbach, Leverku^hn) who suffers from it. G15 0610 3 The specific analogy to the dilemma of love is the G15 0610 13 problem of the "breakthrough" in the realm of art. G15 0620 9 Again, the sufferings and disasters produced by G15 0630 5 any transgression against the commandment not to love G15 0640 4 are almost invariably associated in one way or another G15 0650 1 with childhood, with the figure of a child. G15 0650 9 Finally, the theatrical (and perversely erotic) G15 0660 5 notions of dressing up, cosmetics, disguise, and especially G15 0670 4 change of costume (or singularity of costume, as with G15 0680 3 Cipolla), are characteristically associated with the G15 0680 9 catastrophes of Mann's stories. G15 0690 4 We shall return to these statements and deal with G15 0700 4 them more fully as the evidence for them accumulates. G15 0710 1 For the present it is enough to note that in the grotesque G15 0710 13 figure of Jacoby, at the moment of his collapse, all G15 0720 9 these elements come together in prophetic parody. Professionally G15 0730 5 a lawyer, that is to say associated with dignity, reserve, G15 0740 4 discipline, with much that is essentially middle-class, G15 0750 3 he is compelled by an impossible love to exhibit himself G15 0760 1 dressed up, disguised- that is, paradoxically, revealed- G15 0760 8 as a child, and, worse, as a whore masquerading as G15 0770 9 a child. That this abandonment takes place on a stage, G15 0780 6 during an 'artistic' performance, is enough to associate G15 0790 5 Jacoby with art, and to bring down upon him the punishment G15 0800 2 for art; that is, he is suspect, guilty, punishable, G15 0800 11 as is anyone in Mann's stories who produces illusion, G15 0810 9 and this is true even though the constant elements G15 0820 7 of the artist-nature, technique, magic, guilt and suffering, G15 0830 5 are divided in this story between Jacoby and La^utner. G15 0840 3 It appears that the dominant tendency of Mann's G15 0850 2 early tales, however pictorial or even picturesque G15 0850 9 the surface, is already toward the symbolic, the emblematic, G15 0860 8 the expressionistic. In a certain perfectly definite G15 0870 6 way, the method and the theme of his stories are one G15 0880 4 and the same. G15 0880 7 Something of this can be learned from "The Way to G15 0890 5 the Churchyard" (1901), an anecdote about an old failure G15 0900 4 whose fit of anger at a passing cyclist causes him G15 0900 14 to die of a stroke or seizure. There is no more "plot" G15 0910 11 than that; only slightly more, perhaps, than a newspaper G15 0920 7 account of such an incident would give. The artistic G15 0930 5 interest, then, lies in what the encounter may be made G15 0940 4 to represent, in the power of some central significance G15 0950 1 to draw the details into relevance and meaningfulness. G15 0950 9 The first sentence, with its platitudinous irony, G15 0960 6 announces an emblematic intent: "The way to the churchyard G15 0970 6 ran along beside the highroad, ran beside it all the G15 0980 5 way to the end; that is to say, to the churchyard". G15 0990 1 And the action is consistently presented with regard G15 0990 9 for this distinction. The highroad, one might say at G15 1000 7 first, belongs to life, while the way to the churchyard G15 1010 6 belongs to death. But that is too simple, and won't G15 1020 3 hold up. As the first sentence suggests, both roads G15 1020 12 belong to death in the end. But the highroad, according G15 1030 10 to the description of its traffic, belongs to life G15 1040 7 as it is lived in unawareness of death, while the way G15 1050 4 to the churchyard belongs to some other sort of life: G15 1060 1 a suffering form, an existence wholly comprised in G15 1060 9 the awareness of death. Thus, on the highroad, a troop G15 1070 9 of soldiers "marched in their own dust and sang", while G15 1080 6 on the footpath one man walks alone. G15 1090 1 This man's isolation is not merely momentary, it G15 1090 9 is permanent. He is a widower, his three children are G15 1100 9 dead, he has no one left on earth; also he is a drunk, G15 1110 7 and has lost his job on that account. His name is Praisegod G15 1120 4 Piepsam, and he is rather fully described as to his G15 1130 2 clothing and physiognomy in a way which relates him G15 1130 11 to a sinister type in the author's repertory- he is G15 1140 8 a forerunner of those enigmatic strangers in "Death G15 1150 4 in Venice", for example, who represent some combination G15 1160 3 of cadaver, exotic, and psychopomp. G15 1160 8 This strange person quarrels with a cyclist because G15 1170 7 the latter is using the path rather than the highroad. G15 1180 5 The cyclist, a sufficiently commonplace young fellow, G15 1190 3 is not named but identified simply as "Life"- that G15 1200 1 and a license number, which Piepsam uses in addressing G15 1200 10 him. "Life" points out that "everybody uses this path", G15 1210 8 and starts to ride on. Piepsam tries to stop him by G15 1220 8 force, receives a push in the chest from "Life", and G15 1230 4 is left standing in impotent and growing rage, while G15 1240 2 a crowd begins to gather. His rage assumes a religious G15 1240 12 form; that is, on the basis of his own sinfulness and G15 1250 11 abject wretchedness, Piepsam becomes a prophet who G15 1260 6 in his ecstasy and in the name of God imprecates doom G15 1270 3 on Life- not only the cyclist now, but the audience, G15 1280 1 the world, as well: "all you light-headed breed". This G15 1280 11 passion brings on a fit which proves fatal. Then an G15 1290 10 ambulance comes along, and they drive Praisegod Piepsam G15 1300 6 away. G15 1300 7 This is simple enough, but several more points of G15 1310 6 interest may be mentioned as relevant. The season, G15 1320 2 between spring and summer, belongs to life in its carefree G15 1330 1 aspect. Piepsam's fatal rage arises not only because G15 1330 9 he cannot stop the cyclist, but also because God will G15 1340 9 not stop him; as Piepsam says to the crowd in his last G15 1350 8 moments: "His justice is not of this world". G15 1360 3 Life is further characterized, in antithesis to G15 1370 1 Piepsam, as animal: the image of a dog, which appears G15 1370 11 at several places, is first given as the criterion G15 1380 8 of amiable, irrelevant interest aroused by life considered G15 1390 5 simply as a spectacle: a dog in a wagon is "admirable", G15 1400 3 "a pleasure to contemplate"; another wagon has no dog, G15 1410 4 and therefore is "devoid of interest". Piepsam calls G15 1420 1 the cyclist "cur" and "puppy" among other things, and G15 1420 10 at the crisis of his fit a little fox-terrier stands G15 1430 9 before him and howls into his face. The ambulance is G15 1440 6 drawn by two "charming" little horses. G15 1450 1 Piepsam is not, certainly, religious in any conventional G15 1450 9 sense. His religiousness is intimately, or dialectically, G15 1460 7 connected with his sinfulness; the two may in fact G15 1470 8 be identical. His unsuccessful strivings to give up G15 1480 5 drink are represented as religious strivings; he keeps G15 1490 3 a bottle in a wardrobe at home, and "before this wardrobe G15 1490 14 Praisegod Piepsam had before now gone literally on G15 1500 8 his knees, and in his wrestlings had bitten his tongue- G15 1510 7 and still in the end capitulated". G15 1520 1 The cyclist, by contrast, blond and blue-eyed, is G15 1520 10 simply unreflective, unproblematic Life, "blithe and G15 1530 6 carefree". "He made no claims to belong to the great G15 1540 9 and mighty of this earth". G15 1550 1 Piepsam is grotesque, a disturbing parody; his end G15 1550 9 is ridiculous and trivial. He is "a man raving mad G15 1560 9 on the way to the churchyard". But he is more interesting G15 1570 6 than the others, the ones who come from the highroad G15 1580 3 to watch him, more interesting than Life considered G15 1590 1 as a cyclist. And if I have gone into so much detail G15 1590 13 about so small a work, that is because it is also so G15 1600 10 typical a work, representing the germinal form of a G15 1610 5 conflict which remains essential in Mann's writing: G15 1620 1 the crude sketch of Piepsam contains, in its critical, G15 1620 10 destructive and self-destructive tendencies, much that G15 1630 7 is enlarged and illuminated in the figures of, for G15 1640 6 instance, Naphta and Leverku^hn. G15 1650 1 In method as well as in theme this little anecdote G15 1650 11 with its details selected as much for expressiveness G15 1660 6 and allegory as for "realism", anticipates a kind of G15 1670 5 musical composition, as well as a kind of fictional G15 1680 1 composition, in which, as Leverku^hn says, "there shall G15 1680 9 be nothing unthematic". It resembles, too, pictures G15 1690 7 such as Du^rer and Bruegel did, in which all that looks G15 1700 9 at first to be solely pictorial proves on inspection G15 1710 4 to be also literary, the representation of a proverb, G15 1720 2 for example, or a deadly sin. G15 1720 8 "Gladius Dei" (1902) resembles "The Way to the Churchyard" G15 1730 7 in its representation of a conflict between light and G15 1740 7 dark, between "Life" and a spirit of criticism, negation, G15 1750 4 melancholy, but it goes considerably further in characterizing G15 1760 3 the elements of this conflict. G15 1760 8 The monk Savonarola, brought over from the Renaissance G15 1770 6 and placed against the background of Munich at the G15 1780 5 turn of the century, protests against the luxurious G15 1790 1 works displayed in the art-shop of M& Bluthenzweig; G15 1790 10 in particular against a Madonna portrayed in a voluptuous G15 1800 9 style and modeled, according to gossip, upon the painter's G15 1810 7 mistress. Hieronymus, like Piepsam, makes his protest G15 1820 6 quite in vain, and his rejection, though not fatal, G15 1830 3 is ridiculous and humiliating; he is simply thrown G15 1830 11 out of the shop by the porter. On the street outside, G15 1840 11 Hieronymus envisions a holocaust of the vanities of G15 1850 7 this world, such a burning of artistic and erotic productions G15 1860 4 as his namesake actually brought to pass in Florence, G15 1870 2 and prophetically he issues his curse: "Gladius Dei G15 1880 1 super terram cito et velociter". G16 0010 1 The "reality" to which they respond is rationally empty G16 0010 10 and their art is an imitation of the inescapable powerfulness G16 0020 9 of this unknown and empty world. Their artistic rationale G16 0030 6 is given to the witness of unreason. G16 0040 1 These polar concerns (imitation vs& formalism) reflect G16 0050 1 a philosophical and religious situation which has been G16 0050 9 developing over a long period of time. The breakdown G16 0060 9 of classical structures of meaning in all realms of G16 0070 6 western culture has given rise to several generations G16 0080 1 of artists who have documented the disintegrative processes. G16 0090 1 Thus the image of man has suffered complete fragmentation G16 0090 10 in personal and spiritual qualities, and complete objectification G16 0100 7 in sub-human and quasi-mechanistic powers. The image G16 0110 6 of the world tends to reflect the hostility and indifference G16 0120 4 of man or else to dissolve into empty spaces and overwhelming G16 0130 3 mystery. The image of God has simply disappeared. All G16 0140 2 such imitations of negative quality have given rise G16 0140 10 to a compensatory response in the form of a heroic G16 0150 8 and highly individualistic humanism: if man can neither G16 0160 5 know nor love reality as it is, he can at least invent G16 0170 3 an artistic "reality" which is its own world and which G16 0180 1 can speak to man of purely personal and subjective G16 0180 10 qualities capable of being known and worthy of being G16 0190 8 loved. The person of the artist becomes a final bastion G16 0200 5 of meaning in a world rendered meaningless by the march G16 0210 3 of events and the decay of classical religious and G16 0210 12 philosophical systems. G16 0220 2 Whatever pole of this contrast one emphasizes and G16 0230 1 whatever the tension between these two approaches to G16 0230 9 understanding the artistic imagination, it will be G16 0240 7 readily seen that they are not mutually exclusive, G16 0250 2 that they belong together. Without the decay of a sense G16 0260 2 of objective reference (except as the imitation of G16 0260 10 mystery), the stress on subjective invention would G16 0270 6 never have been stimulated into being. And although G16 0280 4 these insights into the nature of art may be in themselves G16 0290 1 insufficient for a thoroughgoing philosophy of art, G16 0290 8 their peculiar authenticity in this day and age requires G16 0300 8 that they be taken seriously and gives promise that G16 0310 5 from their very substance, new and valid chapters in G16 0320 3 the philosophy of art may be written. For better or G16 0320 13 worse we cannot regard "imitation" in the arts in the G16 0330 10 simple mode of classical rationalism or detached realism. G16 0340 6 A broader concept of imitation is needed, one which G16 0350 5 acknowledges that true invention is important, that G16 0360 2 the artist's creativity in part transcends the non-artistic G16 0370 1 causal factors out of which it arises. On the other G16 0370 11 hand, we cannot regard artistic invention as pure, G16 0380 5 uncaused, and unrelated to the times in which it occurs. G16 0390 5 We need a doctrine of imitation to save us from the G16 0400 2 solipsism and futility of pure formalism. Accordingly, G16 0400 9 it is the aim of this essay to advance a new theory G16 0410 10 of imitation (which I shall call mimesis in order to G16 0420 6 distinguish it from earlier theories of imitation) G16 0430 2 and a new theory of invention (which I shall call symbol G16 0440 1 for reasons to be stated hereafter). G16 0440 7 #THE MIMETIC IMAGINATION IN THE ARTS# G16 0450 3 The word "mimesis" ("imitation") is usually associated G16 0460 1 with Plato and Aristotle. For Plato, "imitation" is G16 0460 9 twice removed from reality, being a poor copy of physical G16 0470 10 appearance, which in itself is a poor copy of ideal G16 0480 9 essence. All artistic and mythological representations, G16 0490 2 therefore, are "imitations of imitations" and are completely G16 0500 3 superseded by the truth value of "dialectic", the proper G16 0510 2 use of the inquiring intellect. In Plato's judgment, G16 0510 10 the arts play a meaningful role in society only in G16 0520 10 the education of the young, prior to the full development G16 0530 6 of their intellectual powers. Presupposed in Plato's G16 0540 3 system is a doctrine of levels of insight, in which G16 0550 1 a certain kind of detached understanding is alone capable G16 0550 10 of penetrating to the most sublime wisdom. Aristotle G16 0560 7 also tended to stratify all aspects of human nature G16 0570 5 and activity into levels of excellence and, like Plato, G16 0580 3 he put the pure and unimpassioned intellect on the G16 0580 12 top level. The Poetics, in affirming that all human G16 0590 8 arts are "modes of imitation", gives a more serious G16 0600 7 role to artistic mimesis than did Plato. But Aristotle G16 0610 5 kept the principle of levels and even augmented it G16 0620 2 by describing in the Poetics what kinds of character G16 0620 11 and action must be imitated if the play is to be a G16 0630 12 vehicle of serious and important human truths. For G16 0640 5 both Plato and Aristotle artistic mimesis, in contrast G16 0650 3 to the power of dialectic, is relatively incapable G16 0650 11 of expressing the character of fundamental reality. G16 0660 7 The central concern of Erich Auerbach's impressive G16 0670 6 volume called Mimesis is to describe the shift from G16 0680 7 a classic theory of imitation (based upon a recognition G16 0690 3 of levels of truth) to a Christian theory of imitation G16 0700 1 in which the levels are dissolved. Following the theme G16 0700 10 of Incarnation in the Gospels, the Christian artist G16 0710 7 and critic sees in the most commonplace and ordinary G16 0720 4 events "figures" of divine power and reality. Here G16 0730 2 artistic realism involves the audience in an impassioned G16 0730 10 participation in events whose overtones and implications G16 0740 7 are transcendent. Artistic mimesis under Christian G16 0750 5 influence records the involvement of all persons, however G16 0760 5 humble, in a divine drama. The artist, unlike the philosopher, G16 0770 3 is not a removed observer aiming at neutral and rarified G16 0780 1 high levels of abstraction. He is the conveyor of a G16 0780 11 sacred reality by which he has been grasped. I have G16 0790 9 chosen to use the word "mimesis" in its Christian rather G16 0800 5 than its classic implications and to discover in the G16 0810 5 concrete forms of both art and myth powers of theological G16 0820 1 expression which, as in the Christian mind, are the G16 0820 10 direct consequence of involvement in historical experience, G16 0830 6 which are not reserved, as in the Greek mind, only G16 0840 7 to moments of theoretical reflection. G16 0850 1 In the first instance, "mimesis" is here used to G16 0850 10 mean the recalling of experience in terms of vivid G16 0860 8 images rather than in terms of abstract ideas or conventional G16 0870 6 designations. By "image" is meant not only a visual G16 0880 5 presentation, but also remembered sensations of any G16 0890 1 of the five senses plus the feelings which are immediately G16 0890 11 conjoined therewith. This is the primary function of G16 0900 8 the imagination operating in the absence of the original G16 0910 7 experiential stimulus by which the images were first G16 0920 3 appropriated. Mimesis is the nearest possible thing G16 0920 10 to the actual re-living of experience, in which the G16 0930 10 imagining person recovers through images something G16 0940 4 of the force and depth characteristic of experience G16 0950 3 itself. The images themselves, like their counterparts G16 0960 1 in experience, are not neutral qualities to be surveyed G16 0960 10 dispassionately; they are fields of force exerting G16 0970 7 a unique influence on the sensibilities and a unique G16 0980 4 relatedness to one another. They bring an inextricable G16 0990 1 component of value within themselves, with attractions G16 0990 8 and repulsions native to their own quality. As in experience G16 1000 9 one is seized by given entities and their interrelations G16 1010 6 and is forced to respond in value feelings to them, G16 1020 5 so one is similarly seized in the mimetic presentation G16 1030 1 of images. Mimesis here is not to be confused with G16 1030 11 literalism or realism in the conventional sense. A G16 1040 8 word taken in its dictionary meaning, a photographic G16 1050 4 image of a recognizable object, the mere picturing G16 1060 1 of a "scene" tends to lose experiential vividness and G16 1060 10 to connote such conventional abstractions as to invite G16 1070 7 neutral reception without the incitement of value feelings. G16 1080 6 Similarly experience itself can be conventionalized G16 1090 3 so that people react to certain preconceived clues G16 1100 1 for behavior without awareness of the vitality of their G16 1100 10 experiential field. A truly vivid imagination moves G16 1120 7 beyond the conventional recollection to a sense of G16 1130 5 immediacy. G16 1130 6 The mimetic character of the imaginative consciousness G16 1140 3 tends to express itself in the presentation of artistic G16 1150 3 forms and materials. When words can be used in a more G16 1150 14 fresh and primitive way so that they strike with the G16 1160 10 force of sights and sounds, when tones of sound and G16 1170 7 colors of paint and the carven shape all strike the G16 1180 4 sensibilities with an undeniable force of data in and G16 1180 13 of themselves, compelling the observer into an attitude G16 1190 8 of attention, all this imitates the way experience G16 1200 6 itself in its deepest character strikes upon the door G16 1210 4 of consciousness and clamors for entrance. These are G16 1220 2 like the initial ways in which the world forces itself G16 1220 12 upon the self and thrusts the self into decision and G16 1230 8 choice. The presence of genuine mimesis in art is marked G16 1240 6 by the persistence with which the work demands attention G16 1250 3 and compels valuation even though it is but vaguely G16 1260 1 understood. G16 1260 2 Underlying these conceptions of mimesis are certain G16 1270 1 presuppositions concerning the nature of primary human G16 1270 8 experience which require some exposition before the G16 1280 6 main argument can proceed. Experience is not seen, G16 1290 4 as it is in classical rationalism, as presenting us G16 1300 2 initially with clear and distinct objects simply located G16 1300 10 in space and registering their character, movements, G16 1320 5 and changes on the tabula rasa of an uninvolved intellect. G16 1330 6 Neither is primary experience understood according G16 1340 2 to the attitude of modern empiricism in which nothing G16 1350 1 is thought to be received other than signals of sensory G16 1350 11 qualities producing their responses in the appropriate G16 1360 6 sense organs. Primary feelings of the world come neither G16 1370 6 as a collection of clearly known objects (houses, trees, G16 1380 3 implements, etc&) nor a collection of isolated and G16 1390 1 neutral sensory qualities. In contrast to all this, G16 1390 9 primary data are data of a self involved in environing G16 1400 8 processes and powers. G16 1400 11 The most primitive feelings are rudimentary value G16 1410 7 feelings, both positive and negative: a desire to appropriate G16 1420 7 this or that part of the environment into oneself; G16 1430 3 a desire to avoid and repel this or that other part. G16 1440 2 These desires presuppose a sense of causally efficacious G16 1440 10 powers in which one is involved, some working for one's G16 1450 10 good, others threatening ill. Gone is the tabula rasa G16 1460 7 of the mind. In its place is a passionate consciousness G16 1470 5 grasped and molded to feelings of positive or negative G16 1480 3 values even as the actions of one's life are determined G16 1500 1 by constellations of process in which one is caught. G16 1500 10 The principal defender of this view of primary experience G16 1510 8 as "causal efficacy" is Alfred North Whitehead. Our G16 1520 6 most elemental and unavoidable impressions, he says, G16 1530 4 are those of being involved in a large arena of powers G16 1540 2 which have a longer past than our own, which are interrelated G16 1550 1 in a vast movement through the present toward the future. G16 1550 11 We feel the quality of these powers initially as in G16 1560 8 some degree wholesome or threatening. Later abstractive G16 1570 3 and rational processes may indicate errors of judgment G16 1580 3 in these apprehensions of value, but the apprehensions G16 1580 11 themselves are the primary stuff of experience. It G16 1590 8 takes a great deal of abstraction to free oneself from G16 1600 7 the primitive impression of larger unities of power G16 1610 4 and influence and to view one's world simply as a collection G16 1620 2 of sense data arranged in such and such sequence and G16 1620 12 pattern, devoid of all power to move the feelings and G16 1630 10 actions except in so far as they present themselves G16 1640 5 for inspection. Whitehead is here questioning David G16 1650 2 Hume's understanding of the nature of experience; he G16 1660 1 is questioning, also, every epistemology which stems G16 1660 8 from Hume's presupposition that experience is merely G16 1670 5 sense data in abstraction from causal efficacy, and G16 1680 4 that causal efficacy is something intellectually imputed G16 1690 2 to the world, not directly perceived. What Hume calls G16 1690 11 "sensation" is what Whitehead calls "perception in G16 1700 7 the mode of presentational immediacy" which is a sophisticated G16 1710 6 abstraction from perception in the mode of causal efficacy. G16 1720 7 As long as perception is seen as composed only of isolated G16 1730 5 sense data, most of the quality and interconnectedness G16 1740 1 of existence loses its objectivity, becomes an invention G16 1750 1 of consciousness, and the result is a philosophical G16 1750 9 scepticism. Whitehead contends that the human way of G16 1760 7 understanding existence as a unity of interlocking G16 1770 3 and interdependent processes which constitute each G16 1770 9 other and which cause each other to be and not to be G16 1780 12 is possible only because the basic form of such an G16 1790 7 understanding, for all its vagueness and tendency to G16 1800 3 mistake the detail, is initially given in the way man G16 1810 1 feels the world. In this respect experience is broader G16 1810 10 and full of a richer variety of potential meanings G16 1820 7 than the mind of man or any of his arts or culture G16 1830 5 are capable of making clear and distinct. G16 1840 1 A chief characteristic of experience in the mode G16 1840 9 of causal efficacy is one of derivation from the past. G16 1850 7 Both I and my feelings come up out of a chain of events G16 1860 6 that fan out into the past into sources that are ultimately G16 1870 2 very unlike the entity which I now am. G17 0010 1 After only eighteen years of non-interference, there G17 0010 9 were already indications of melioration, though "in G17 0020 5 a slight degree", to be sure. G17 0030 1 There were more indications by the mid-twentieth G17 0030 9 century. I leave it to the statisticians to say what G17 0040 8 they were, but I noticed several a few years ago, during G17 0050 6 an automobile ride from Memphis to Hattiesburg. In G17 0060 2 town after town my companion pointed out the Negro G17 0060 11 school and the White school, and in every instance G17 0070 9 the former made a better appearance (it was newer, G17 0080 5 for one thing). It really looked as if a change of G17 0090 3 the sort predicted by Booker T& Washington had been G17 0090 12 going on. But with the renewal of interference in 1954 G17 0100 10 (as with its beginning in 1835), the improvement was G17 0110 6 impaired. G17 0110 7 For over a hundred years Southerners have felt that G17 0120 6 the North was picking on them. It's infuriating, this G17 0130 4 feeling that one is being picked on, continually, constantly. G17 0140 2 By what right of superior virtue, Southerners ask, G17 0150 1 do the people of the North do this? The traditional G17 0150 11 strategy of the South has been to expose the vices G17 0160 8 of the North, to demonstrate that the North possessed G17 0170 4 no superior virtue, to "show the world that" (as James's G17 0180 3 Christopher Newman said to his adversaries) "however G17 0190 1 bad I may be, you're not quite the people to say it". G17 0190 13 In the pre-Civil War years, the South argued that G17 0200 11 the slave was not less humanely treated than the factory G17 0210 8 worker of the North. At the present time, the counter-attack G17 0220 7 takes the line that there's no more of the true spirit G17 0230 6 of "integration" in the North than in the South. The G17 0240 5 line is a pretty good one. G17 0240 11 People talk about "the law of the land". The expression G17 0250 8 has become quite a cliche. But people can't be made G17 0260 6 to integrate, socialize (the two are inseparable by G17 0270 2 Southern standards) by law. G17 0270 6 I was having lunch not long ago (apologies to N& G17 0280 6 V& Peale) with three distinguished historians (one G17 0290 3 specializing in the European Middle Ages, one in American G17 0300 1 history, and one in the Far East), and I asked them G17 0300 12 if they could name instances where the general mores G17 0310 8 had been radically changed with "deliberate speed, G17 0320 4 majestic instancy" (Francis Thompson's words for the G17 0330 4 Hound of Heaven's pursuit) by judicial fiat. They didn't G17 0340 3 seem to be able to think of any. G17 0340 11 A Virginia judge a while back cited a Roman jurist G17 0350 9 to the effect that ten years might be a reasonable G17 0360 5 length of time for such a change. But I suspect that G17 0370 2 the old Roman was referring to change made under military G17 0370 12 occupation- the sort of change which Tacitus was talking G17 0380 11 about when he said, "They make a desert, and call it G17 0390 9 peace" ("Solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant".). G17 0400 1 Moreover, the law of the land is not irrevocable; G17 0410 2 it can be changed; it has been, many times. Mr& Justice G17 0420 2 Taney's Dred Scott decision in 1857 was unpopular in G17 0420 11 the North, and soon became a dead letter. Prohibition G17 0430 9 was the law of the land, but it was unpopular (how G17 0440 7 many of us oldsters took up drinking in prohibition G17 0450 3 days, drinking was so gay, so fashionable, especially G17 0460 1 in the sophisticated Northeast!) and was repealed. G17 0460 8 The cliche loses its talismanic virtue in the light G17 0470 7 of a little history. G17 0470 11 The Declaration of Independence says that "governments G17 0480 7 derive their just powers from the consent of the governed". G17 0490 9 The phrase "consent of the governed" needs a hard look. G17 0500 8 How do we define it? Is the consent of the governed G17 0510 5 a numerical majority? Calhoun dealt with this question G17 0520 3 in his "Disquisition on Government". G17 0520 8 To guard against the tyranny of a numerical majority, G17 0530 8 Calhoun developed his theory of "concurrent majority", G17 0540 5 which, he said, "by giving to each portion of the community G17 0550 6 which may be unequally affected by the action of government, G17 0560 4 a negative on the others, prevents all partial or local G17 0570 3 legislation". Who will say that our country is even G17 0570 12 now a homogeneous community? that regional peculiarities G17 0580 6 do not still exist? that the Court order does not unequally G17 0590 8 affect the Southern region? Who will deny that in a G17 0600 7 vast portion of the South the Federal action is incompatible G17 0610 4 with the Jeffersonian concept of "the consent of the G17 0620 3 governed"? G17 0620 4 Circumstances alter cases. A friend of mine in New G17 0630 5 Mexico said the Court order had caused no particular G17 0640 1 trouble out there, that all had gone as merry as a G17 0640 12 marriage bell. He seemed a little surprised that it G17 0650 7 should have caused any particular trouble anywhere. G17 0660 3 I murmured something about a possible difference between G17 0670 1 New Mexico's history and Mississippi's. G17 0670 6 One can meet with aloofness almost anywhere: the G17 0680 6 Thank-Heaven-We're-not-Involved viewpoint, It Doesn't G17 0690 4 Affect Us! Southern Liberals (there are a good many)- G17 0700 6 especially if they're rich- often exhibit blithe insouciance. G17 0710 3 The trouble here is that it's almost too easy to take G17 0720 3 the high moral ground when it doesn't cost you anything. G17 0730 1 You've already sent your daughter to Miss ~X's select G17 0730 10 academy for girls and your son to Mr& ~Y's select academy G17 0740 11 for boys, and you can be as liberal as you please with G17 0750 10 strict impunity. If there's no suitable academy in G17 0760 5 your own neighborhood, there's always New England. G17 0770 2 New England academies welcome fugitives from the provinces, G17 0780 1 South as well as West. They may even enroll a colored G17 0780 12 student or two for show, though he usually turns out G17 0790 10 to be from Thailand, or any place other than the American G17 0800 7 South. It would be interesting to know how much "integration" G17 0810 5 there is in the famous, fashionable colleges and prep G17 0820 3 schools of New England. A recent newspaper report said G17 0830 2 there were five Negroes in the 1960 graduating class G17 0830 11 of nearly one thousand at Yale; that is, about one-half G17 0840 9 of one per cent, which looks pretty "tokenish" to me, G17 0850 6 especially in an institution which professes to be G17 0860 4 "national". G17 0860 5 I must confess that I prefer the Liberal who is G17 0870 5 personally affected, who is willing to send his own G17 0880 1 children to a mixed school as proof of his faith. I G17 0880 12 leave out of account the question of the best interests G17 0890 7 of the children, the question of what their best interests G17 0900 6 really are. I'm talking about the grand manner of the G17 0910 4 Liberal- North and South- who is not affected personally. G17 0920 2 If these people were denied a voice (do they have a G17 0930 1 moral right to a voice?), what voices would be left? G17 0930 11 Who is involved willy nilly? Well, after everybody G17 0940 6 has followed the New England pattern of segregating G17 0950 4 one's children into private schools, only the poor G17 0960 4 folks are left. And it is precisely in this poorer G17 0960 14 economic class that one finds, and has always found, G17 0970 9 the most racial friction. G17 0980 1 ## G17 0980 2 A dear, respected friend of mine, who like myself grew G17 0980 12 up in the South and has spent many years in New England, G17 0990 12 said to me not long ago: "I can't forgive New England G17 1000 9 for rejecting all complicity". Being a teacher of American G17 1010 8 literature, I remembered Whittier's "Massachusetts G17 1020 3 to Virginia", where he said: "But that one dark loathsome G17 1030 6 burden ye must stagger with alone, And reap the bitter G17 1040 5 harvest which ye yourselves have sown". There is a G17 1050 3 legend (Hawthorne records it in his "English Notebooks". G17 1050 11 and one finds it again in Thomas Nelson Page) to the G17 1060 11 effect that the Mayflower on its second voyage brought G17 1070 6 a cargo of Negro slaves. Whether historically a fact G17 1080 4 or not, the legend has a certain symbolic value. G17 1090 1 Complicity is an embarrassing word. It is something G17 1100 1 which most of us try to get out from under. Like the G17 1100 13 cowboy in Stephen Crane's "Blue Hotel", we run around G17 1110 7 crying, "Well, I didn't do anything, did I"? Robert G17 1120 7 Penn Warren puts it this way in "Brother to Dragons": G17 1130 6 "The recognition of complicity is the beginning of G17 1140 5 innocence", where innocence, I think, means about the G17 1150 3 same thing as redemption. A man must be able to say, G17 1150 14 "Father, I have sinned", or there is no hope for him. G17 1160 8 Lincoln understood this better than most when he said G17 1170 8 in his "Second Inaugural" that God "gives to both North G17 1180 7 and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those G17 1190 5 by whom the offense came". He also spoke of "the wealth G17 1200 2 piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years G17 1200 11 in unrequited toil". Lincoln was historian and economist G17 1210 7 enough to know that a substantial portion of this wealth G17 1220 7 had accumulated in the hands of the descendants of G17 1230 4 New Englanders engaged in the slave trade. After how G17 1240 2 many generations is such wealth (mounting all the while G17 1240 11 through the manipulations of high finance) purified G17 1250 7 of taint? It is a question which New Englanders long G17 1260 5 ago put out of their minds. But didn't they get off G17 1270 4 too easy? The slaves never shared in their profits, G17 1280 1 while they did share, in a very real sense, in the G17 1280 12 profits of the slave-owners: they were fed, clothed, G17 1290 7 doctored, and so forth; they were the beneficiaries G17 1300 4 of responsible, paternalistic care. G17 1310 1 Emerson- Platonist, idealist, doctrinaire- sounded G17 1310 5 a high Transcendental note in his "Boston Hymn", delivered G17 1320 7 in 1863 in the Boston Music Hall amidst thundering G17 1330 4 applause: "Pay ransom to the owner and fill the bag G17 1340 4 to the brim. Who is the owner? The slave is owner, G17 1350 1 And ever was. Pay him"! It is the abstractionism, the G17 1350 11 unrealism, of the pure idealist. It ignores the sordid G17 1360 9 financial aspects (quite conveniently, too, for his G17 1370 5 audience, who could indulge in moral indignation without G17 1380 2 visible, or even conscious, discomfort, their money G17 1390 1 from the transaction having been put away long ago G17 1390 10 in a good antiseptic brokerage). Like Pilate, they G17 1400 5 had washed their hands. But can one, really? Can God G17 1410 4 be mocked, ever, in the long run? G17 1410 11 New Englanders were a bit sensitive on the subject G17 1420 9 of their complicity in Negro slavery at the time of G17 1430 7 the drafting of the Declaration of Independence, as G17 1440 2 Jefferson explained in his "Autobiography": " G17 1450 1 The clause reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants G17 1450 8 of Africa was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina G17 1460 9 and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the G17 1470 7 importation of slaves, and who on the contrary still G17 1480 4 wished to continue it. Our Northern brethren also I G17 1490 2 believe felt a little tender under those censures; G17 1490 10 for though their people had very few slaves themselves, G17 1500 7 yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them G17 1510 4 to others". G17 1510 6 But that was a long time ago. The New England conscience G17 1520 7 became desensitized. George W& Cable (naturalized New G17 1530 5 Englander), writing in 1889 from "Paradise Road, Northampton" G17 1540 3 (lovely symbolic name), agitated continuously the "Southern G17 1550 3 question". It was nice to be able to isolate it. G17 1560 2 ## G17 1560 3 New England, as everyone knows, has long been schoolmaster G17 1570 1 to the Nation. There one finds concentrated in a comparatively G17 1580 1 small area the chief universities, colleges, and preparatory G17 1580 9 schools of the United States. Why should this be so? G17 1590 10 It is true that New England, more than any other section, G17 1600 7 was dedicated to education from the start. But I think G17 1610 7 that something more than this is involved. G17 1620 1 How did it happen, for example, that the state university, G17 1630 1 that great symbol of American democracy, failed to G17 1630 9 flourish in New England as it did in other parts of G17 1640 8 the country? Isn't it a bit odd that the three states G17 1650 5 of Southern New England (Massachusetts, Connecticut, G17 1660 1 and Rhode Island) have had state institutions of university G17 1670 1 status only in the very recent past, these institutions G17 1670 10 having previously been ~A+~M colleges? Was it supposed, G17 1680 7 perchance, that ~A+~M (vocational training, that is) G17 1690 6 was quite sufficient for the immigrant class which G17 1700 4 flooded that part of the New England world in the post-Civil G17 1710 4 War period, the immigrants having been brought in from G17 1720 1 Southern Europe, to work in the mills, to make up for G17 1720 12 the labor shortage caused by migration to the West? G17 1730 8 Is it not ironical that Roger Williams's state, Rhode G17 1740 5 Island, should have been the very last of the forty-eight G17 1750 6 to establish a state university? The state universities G17 1760 2 of Maine, New Hampshire, And Vermont are older and G17 1760 11 more "respectable"; they had less immigration to contend G17 1770 8 with. G17 1780 1 A Yale historian, writing a few years ago in The G17 1780 11 Yale Review, said: "We in New England have long since G17 1790 9 segregated our children". He was referring not only G17 1800 6 to the general college situation but more especially G17 1810 4 to the preparatory schools. And what a galaxy of those G17 1820 2 adorns that fair land! I don't propose to go into their G17 1820 13 history, but I have one or two surmises. One is that G17 1830 11 they were established, or gained eminence, under pressure G17 1840 6 provided by these same immigrants, from whom the old G17 1850 5 families wished to segregate their children. In the G17 1860 3 early days of a homogeneous population, the public G17 1860 11 school was quite satisfactory. G18 0010 1 AMONG THE RECIPIENTS of the Nobel Prize for Literature G18 0020 1 more than half are practically unknown to readers of G18 0020 10 English. Of these there are surely few that would be G18 0030 8 more rewarding discoveries than Verner von Heidenstam, G18 0040 4 the Swedish poet and novelist who received the award G18 0050 3 in 1916 and whose centennial was celebrated two years G18 0050 12 ago. Equally a master of prose and verse, he recreates G18 0060 10 the glory of Sweden in the past and continues it into G18 0070 8 the present. In the following sketch we shall present G18 0080 4 a brief outline of his life and let him as much as G18 0090 1 possible speak for himself. G18 0090 5 Heidenstam was born in 1859, of a prosperous family. G18 0100 4 On his father's side he was of German descent, on his G18 0110 3 mother's he came of the old Swedish nobility. The family G18 0120 1 estate was situated near Vadstena on Lake Va^ttern G18 0120 9 in south central Sweden. It is a lonely, rather desolate G18 0130 8 region, but full of legendary and historic associations. G18 0140 4 As a boy in a local school he was shy and solitary, G18 0150 3 absorbed in his fondness for nature and his visions G18 0150 12 of Sweden's ancient glory. He liked to fancy himself G18 0160 9 as a chieftain and to dress for the part. Being somewhat G18 0170 9 delicate in health, at the age of sixteen he was sent G18 0180 7 to Southern Europe, for which he at once developed G18 0190 2 a passion, so that he spent nearly all of the following G18 0190 13 ten years abroad, at first in Italy, then in Greece, G18 0200 10 Egypt, Asia Minor, and Palestine. In one of his summers G18 0210 8 at home he married, to the great disapproval of his G18 0220 5 father, who objected because of his extreme youth. G18 0230 1 Deciding to become a painter, he entered the studio G18 0230 10 of Gerome in Paris, where he enjoyed the life of the G18 0240 10 artists, but soon found that whatever talent he might G18 0250 6 have did not lie in that direction. He gives us an G18 0260 5 account of this in his lively and humorous poem, "The G18 0270 1 Happy Artists". "I scanned the world through printed G18 0270 9 symbol swart, And through the beggar's rags I strove G18 0280 9 to see The inner man. I looked unceasingly With my G18 0290 6 cold mind and with my burning heart". In this final G18 0300 4 line, we have the key to his nature. Few writers have G18 0310 2 better understood their deepest selves. Heidenstam G18 0310 8 could never be satisfied by surface. It may, however, G18 0320 7 be noted that his gift for color and imagery must have G18 0330 5 been greatly stimulated by his stay in Paris. G18 0340 1 The first result of Heidenstam's long sojourn abroad G18 0340 9 was a volume of poems, Pilgrimage and Wander-Years G18 0350 9 (Vallfart och vandringsar), published in 1888. It was G18 0360 6 a brilliant debut, so much so indeed that it aroused G18 0370 5 a new vitality in the younger poets, as did Byron's G18 0380 1 Childe Harold. Professor Fredrik Bo^o^k, Sweden's foremost G18 0390 2 critic of the period, acclaims it as follows: "In this G18 0400 2 we have the verse of a painter; strongly colorful, G18 0400 11 plastic, racy, vivid. In a bold, sometimes careless, G18 0410 7 form there is nothing academic; all is seen and felt G18 0420 6 and experienced, the observation is sharp and the imagination G18 0430 4 lively. The young poet-painter reproduces the French G18 0440 1 life of the streets; he tells stories of the Thousand G18 0440 11 and One Nights, and conjures up before us the bazaars G18 0450 9 of Damascus. In the care-free indolence of the East G18 0460 7 he sees the last reflection of the old happy existence, G18 0470 4 and for that reason he loves it. And yet amid all the G18 0480 2 gay hedonism in Pilgrimage and Wander-Years is a cycle G18 0480 12 of short poems, "Thoughts in Loneliness", filled with G18 0490 8 brooding, melancholy, and sombre longing". G18 0500 4 Of the longer pieces of the volume none is so memorable G18 0510 5 as "Nameless and Immortal", which at once took rank G18 0520 4 among the finest poems ever written in the Swedish G18 0520 13 language. It celebrates the unknown architect who designed G18 0530 8 the temple of Neptune at Paestum, next to the Parthenon G18 0540 8 the noblest example of Grecian classic style now in G18 0550 5 existence. On the eve of his return to their native G18 0560 2 Naxos he speaks with his wife of the masterpiece which G18 0560 12 rises before them in its completed perfection. The G18 0570 8 supreme object of their lives is now fulfilled, says G18 0580 6 the wife, her husband has achieved immortality. Not G18 0590 2 so, he answers, it is not the architect but the temple G18 0600 1 that is immortal. "The man's true reputation is his G18 0600 10 work". G18 0610 1 The short poems grouped at the end of the volume G18 0610 11 as "Thoughts in Loneliness" is, as Professor Bo^o^k G18 0620 7 indicated, in sharp contrast with the others. It consists G18 0630 6 of fragmentary personal revelations, such as "The Spark": G18 0640 5 "There is a spark dwells deep within my soul. To get G18 0650 5 it out into the daylight's glow Is my life's aim both G18 0660 3 first and last, the whole. It slips away, it burns G18 0660 13 and tortures me. That little spark is all the wealth G18 0670 9 I know, That little spark is my life's misery". A dominant G18 0680 7 motive is the poet's longing for his homeland and its G18 0690 6 boyhood associations: "Not men-folk, but the fields G18 0700 3 where I would stray, The stones where as a child I G18 0700 14 used to play". He is utterly disappointed in himself G18 0710 9 and in the desultory life he has been leading. What G18 0720 7 he really wants is to find "a sacred cause" to which G18 0730 5 he can honestly devote himself. This restless individualism G18 0740 2 found its answer when he returned to live nearly all G18 0750 1 the rest of his life in Sweden. His cause was to commemorate G18 0750 13 the glory of her past and to incite her people to perpetuate G18 0760 11 it in the present. G18 0770 1 He did not, however, find himself at once. His next G18 0770 11 major work, completed in 1892, was a long fantastic G18 0780 9 epic in prose, entitled Hans Alienus, which Professor G18 0790 5 Bo^o^k describes as a monument on the grave of his G18 0800 6 carefree and indolent youth. The hero, who is himself, G18 0810 2 is represented as a pilgrim in the storied lands of G18 0810 12 the East, a sort of Faustus type, who, to quote from G18 0820 10 Professor Bo^o^k again, "even in the pleasure gardens G18 0830 6 of Sardanapalus can not cease from his painful search G18 0840 4 after the meaning of life. He is driven back by his G18 0850 2 yearning to the wintry homeland of his fathers in the G18 0850 12 forest of Tiveden". G18 0860 2 From this time on Heidenstam proceeded to find his G18 0870 1 deeper self. By the death of his father in 1888 he G18 0870 12 had come into possession of the family estate and had G18 0880 7 re-assumed its traditions. He did not, however, settle G18 0890 5 back into acquiescence with things as they were. Like G18 0900 2 his friend and contemporary August Strindberg he had G18 0900 10 little patience with collective mediocrity. He saw G18 0910 7 Sweden as a country of smug and narrow provincialism, G18 0920 5 indifferent to the heroic spirit of its former glory. G18 0930 3 Strindberg's remedy for this condition was to tear G18 0940 1 down the old structures and build anew from the ground G18 0940 11 up. Heidenstam's conception, on the contrary, was to G18 0950 7 revive the present by the memories of the past. G18 0960 4 ## G18 0960 5 Whether in prose or poetry, all of Heidenstam's later G18 0970 2 work was concerned with Sweden. With the first of a G18 0970 12 group of historical novels, The Charles Men (Karolinerna), G18 0980 8 published in 1897-8, he achieved the masterpiece of G18 0990 9 his career. In scope and power it can only be compared G18 1000 8 to Tolstoy's War and Peace. About one-third as long, G18 1010 6 it is less intimate and detailed, but better coordinated, G18 1020 2 more concise and more dramatic. Though it centers around G18 1030 1 the brilliant and enigmatic figure of Charles /12,, G18 1030 9 the true hero is not finally the king himself. Hence G18 1040 8 the title of the book, referring to the soldiers and G18 1050 5 subjects of the king; on the fatal battlefield of Poltava, G18 1060 3 to quote from the novel, "the wreath he twined for G18 1070 1 himself slipped down upon his people". G18 1070 7 The Charles Men consists not of a connected narrative G18 1080 7 but of a group of short stories, each depicting a special G18 1090 5 phase of the general subject. Somewhat uneven in interest G18 1100 3 for an average reader, eight or ten of these are among G18 1110 1 the finest of their kind in literature. They comprise G18 1110 10 a great variety of scene and interest: grim episodes G18 1120 7 of war, idyllic interludes, superb canvases of world-shaking G18 1130 5 events, and delightfully humorous sketches of odd characters. G18 1140 4 The general effect is tragic. Almost nothing is said G18 1150 3 of Charles' spectacular victories, the central theme G18 1150 10 being the heroic loyalty of the Swedish people to their G18 1160 10 idolized king in misfortune and defeat. G18 1170 3 To carry out this exalted conception the author G18 1180 2 has combined the vivid realism and imaginative power G18 1180 10 we have noticed in his early poetry and carried them G18 1190 8 out on a grand scale. His peculiar gift, as had been G18 1200 6 suggested before, is his intensity. George Meredith G18 1210 2 has said that fervor is the core of style. Of few authors G18 1220 1 is this more true than of Heidenstam. The Charles Men G18 1220 11 has a tremendous range of characters, of common folk G18 1230 7 even more than of major figures. The career of Charles G18 1240 6 /12, is obviously very similar to that of Napoleon. G18 1250 3 His ideal was Alexander of Macedon, as Napoleon's was G18 1260 2 Julius Caesar. His purpose, however, was not to establish G18 1260 11 an empire, but to assert the principle of divine justice. G18 1270 10 Each aspired to be a god in human form, but with each G18 1280 11 it was a different kind of god. Each failed catastrophically G18 1290 4 in an invasion of Russia and each brought ruin on the G18 1300 4 country that worshipped him. Each is still glorified G18 1310 1 as a national hero. G18 1310 5 The first half of The Charles Men, ending on the G18 1320 4 climax of the battle of Poltava in 1709, is more dramatically G18 1330 1 coherent than the second. After the collapse of that G18 1330 10 desperate and ill-fated campaign the character of the G18 1340 9 king degenerated for a time into a futility that was G18 1350 7 not merely pitiable but often ridiculous. Like Napoleon, G18 1360 3 he was the worst of losers. There are, however, some G18 1370 1 wonderful chapters at the beginning of the second part, G18 1370 10 concerning the reactions of the Swedes in adversity. G18 1380 8 Then more than ever before did they show their fortitude G18 1390 6 and patient cheerfulness. This comes out in "When the G18 1400 5 Bells Ring", which describes the rallying of the peasants G18 1410 2 in southern Sweden to repel an invasion by the Danes. G18 1420 1 In "The King's Ride", Charles breaks out of a long G18 1420 11 period of petulance and inertia, regains his old self, G18 1430 9 escapes from Turkey, and finally reaches his own land G18 1440 7 after an absence of eighteen years. He finds it in G18 1450 5 utter misery and desolation. All his people ask for G18 1460 1 is no more war. But he plunges into yet another, this G18 1460 12 time with Norway, and is killed in an assault on the G18 1470 9 fortress of Fredrikshall, being only thirty-six years G18 1480 5 of age when he died. He had become king at fifteen. G18 1490 1 Then suddenly there was a tremendous revulsion of G18 1490 9 popular feeling. From being a hated tyrant and madman G18 1500 9 he was now the symbol of all that was noblest and best G18 1510 8 in the history of Sweden. This is brought out in the G18 1520 5 next to last chapter of the book, "A Hero's Funeral", G18 1530 2 written in the form of an impassioned prose poem. Slowly G18 1540 1 the procession of warriors and statesmen passes through G18 1540 9 the snow beside the black water and into the brilliantly G18 1550 8 lighted cathedral, the shrine of so many precious memories. G18 1560 6 The guns are fired, the hymns are sung, and the body G18 1570 5 of Charles is carried down to the vault and laid beside G18 1580 1 the tombs of his ancestors. As he had longed to be, G18 1580 12 he became the echo of a saga. G18 1590 5 Heidenstam wrote four other works of fiction about G18 1600 2 earlier figures revered in Swedish memory. Excellent G18 1600 9 in their way, they lack the wide appeal of The Charles G18 1610 10 Men, and need not detain us here. It is different with G18 1620 9 his volume The Swedes and Their Chieftains (Svenskarna G18 1630 5 och deras ho^vdingar), a history intended for the general G18 1640 5 reader and particularly suited for high school students. G18 1650 3 Admirably written, it is a perfect introduction to G18 1650 11 Swedish history for readers of other countries. Some G18 1660 8 of the earlier episodes have touches of the supernatural, G18 1670 6 as suited to the legendary background. These are suggestive G18 1680 4 of Selma Lagerlo^f. Especially touching is the chapter, G18 1690 4 "The Little Sister", about a king's daughter who became G18 1700 3 a nun in the convent of St& Birgitta. The record teems G18 1710 2 with romance and adventure. Gustaf Vasa is a superb G18 1710 11 example, and Charles /10,, the conqueror of Denmark, G18 1720 8 hardly less so. Of Gustavus Adolphus and Charles /12, G18 1730 6 it is unnecessary to speak. G19 0010 1 Today the private detective will also investigate insurance G19 0010 9 claims or handle divorce cases, but his primary function G19 0020 8 remains what it has always been, to assist those who G19 0030 6 have money in their unending struggle with those who G19 0040 3 have not. It is from this unpromising background that G19 0040 12 the fictional private detective was recruited. G19 0050 6 ## G19 0050 7 THE mythological private eye differs from his counterpart G19 0060 7 in real life in two essential ways. On the one hand, G19 0070 6 he does not work for a large agency, but is almost G19 0080 3 always self-employed. As a free-lance investigator, G19 0080 11 the fictional detective is responsible to no one but G19 0090 8 himself and his client. For this reason, he appears G19 0100 6 as an independent and self-reliant figure, whose rugged G19 0110 3 individualism need not be pressed into the mold of G19 0110 12 a 9 to 5 routine. On the other hand, the fictional G19 0120 11 detective does not break strikes or handle divorce G19 0130 6 cases; no client would ever think of asking him to G19 0140 4 do such things. Whatever his original assignment, the G19 0150 1 fictional private eye ends up by investigating and G19 0150 9 solving a crime, usually a murder. Operating as a one G19 0160 7 man police force in fact if not in name, he is at once G19 0170 6 more independent and more dedicated than the police G19 0180 1 themselves. He catches criminals not merely because G19 0180 8 he is paid to do so (frequently he does not receive G19 0190 8 a fee at all), but because he enjoys his work, because G19 0200 4 he firmly believes that murder must be punished. Thus G19 0210 2 the fictional detective is much more than a simple G19 0210 11 businessman. He is, first and foremost, a defender G19 0220 8 of public morals, a servant of society. G19 0230 2 It is this curious blend of rugged individualism G19 0230 10 and public service which accounts for the great appeal G19 0240 9 of the mythological detective. By virtue of his self-reliance, G19 0250 8 his individualism and his freedom from external restraint, G19 0260 6 the private eye is a perfect embodiment of the middle G19 0270 4 class conception of liberty, which amounts to doing G19 0280 1 what you please and let the devil take the hindmost. G19 0280 11 At the same time, because the personal code of the G19 0290 7 detective coincides with the legal dictates of his G19 0300 4 society, because he likes to catch criminals, he is G19 0310 1 in middle class eyes a virtuous man. In this way, the G19 0310 12 private detective gets the best of two possible worlds. G19 0320 8 He is an individualist but not an anarchist; he is G19 0330 6 a public servant but not a cop. In short, the fictional G19 0340 2 private eye is a specialized version of Adam Smith's G19 0350 1 ideal entrepreneur, the man whose private ambitions G19 0350 8 must always and everywhere promote the public welfare. G19 0360 5 In the mystery story, as in The Wealth of Nations, G19 0370 4 individualism and the social good are two sides of G19 0380 2 the same benevolent coin. G19 0380 6 ## G19 0380 7 THERE is only one catch to this idyllic arrangement: G19 0390 6 Adam Smith was wrong. Not only did the ideal entrepreneur G19 0400 5 not produce the greatest good for the greatest number, G19 0410 2 he ended by destroying himself, by giving birth to G19 0410 11 monopoly capitalism. The rise of the giant corporations G19 0420 8 in Western Europe and the United States dates from G19 0430 7 the period 1880-1900. Now, although the roots of the G19 0440 5 mystery story in serious literature go back as far G19 0450 1 as Balzac, Dickens, and Poe, it was not until the closing G19 0450 12 decades of the 19th century that the private detective G19 0460 9 became an established figure in popular fiction. Sherlock G19 0470 6 Holmes, the ancestor of all private eyes, was born G19 0480 4 during the 1890s. Thus the transformation of Adam Smith's G19 0490 2 ideal entrepreneur into a mythological detective coincides G19 0500 1 closely with the decline of the real entrepreneur in G19 0500 10 economic life. Driven from the marketplace by the course G19 0510 7 of history, our hero disguises himself as a private G19 0520 5 detective. The birth of the myth compensates for the G19 0530 3 death of the ideal. G19 0530 7 Even on the fictional level, however, the contradictions G19 0540 3 which give rise to the mystery story are not fully G19 0550 1 resolved. The individualism and public service of the G19 0550 9 private detective both stem from his dedication to G19 0560 7 a personal code of conduct: he enforces the law without G19 0570 6 being told to do so. The private eye is therefore a G19 0580 2 moral man; but his morality rests upon that of his G19 0580 12 society. The basic premise of all mystery stories is G19 0590 9 that the distinction between good and bad coincides G19 0600 5 with the distinction between legal and illegal. Unfortunately, G19 0610 2 this assumption does not always hold good. As capitalism G19 0620 2 in the 20th century has become increasingly dependent G19 0620 10 upon force and violence for its survival, the private G19 0630 9 detective is placed in a serious dilemma. If he is G19 0640 8 good, he may not be legal; if he is legal, he may not G19 0650 5 be good. It is the gradual unfolding and deepening G19 0660 1 of this contradiction which creates the inner dialectic G19 0660 9 of the evolution of the mystery story. G19 0670 5 ## G19 0670 6 WITH the advent of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle's Sherlock G19 0680 4 Holmes, the development of the modern private detective G19 0690 2 begins. Sherlock Holmes is not merely an individualist; G19 0700 1 he is very close to being a mental case. A brief list G19 0700 13 of the great detective's little idiosyncrasies would G19 0710 5 provide Dr& Freud with ample food for thought. Holmes G19 0720 6 is addicted to the use of cocaine and other refreshing G19 0730 3 stimulants; he is prone to semi-catatonic trances induced G19 0740 2 by the playing of the vioiln; he is a recluse, an incredible G19 0750 1 egotist, a confirmed misogynist. Holmes rebels against G19 0750 8 the social conventions of his day not on moral but G19 0760 9 rather on aesthetic grounds. His eccentricity begins G19 0770 3 as a defense against boredom. It was in order to avoid G19 0780 3 the stuffy routine of middle class life that Holmes G19 0780 12 became a detective in the first place. As he informs G19 0790 10 Watson, "My life is spent in one long effort to escape G19 0800 8 from the commonplaces of existence. These little problems G19 0810 4 help me to do so". Holmes is a public servant, to be G19 0820 3 sure; but the society which he serves bores him to G19 0820 13 tears. G19 0830 1 The curious relationship between Holmes and Scotland G19 0830 8 Yard provides an important clue to the deeper significance G19 0840 9 of his eccentric behavior. Although he is perfectly G19 0850 6 willing to cooperate with Scotland Yard, Holmes has G19 0860 4 nothing but contempt for the intelligence and mentality G19 0870 1 of the police. They for their part are convinced that G19 0870 11 Holmes is too "unorthodox" and "theoretical" to make G19 0880 8 a good detective. Why do the police find Holmes "unorthodox"? G19 0890 8 On the face of it, it is because he employs deductive G19 0900 8 techniques alien to official police routine. Another, G19 0910 4 more interesting explanation, is hinted at by Watson G19 0920 2 when he observes on several occasions that Holmes would G19 0920 11 have made a magnificent criminal. The great detective G19 0930 8 modestly agrees. Watson's insight is verified by the G19 0940 6 mysterious link between Holmes and his arch-opponent, G19 0950 5 Dr& Moriarty. The two men resemble each other closely G19 0960 2 in their cunning, their egotism, their relentlessness. G19 0960 9 The first series of Sherlock Holmes adventures ends G19 0970 8 with Holmes and Moriarty grappling together on the G19 0980 5 edge of a cliff. They are presumed to have plunged G19 0990 4 to a common grave in this fatal embrace. Linked to G19 0990 14 Holmes even in death, Moriarty represents the alter-ego G19 1000 9 of the great detective, the image of what our hero G19 1010 8 might have become were he not a public servant. Just G19 1020 4 as Holmes the eccentric stands behind Holmes the detective, G19 1030 2 so Holmes the potential criminal lurks behind both. G19 1030 10 ## G19 1040 1 IN the modern English "whodunnit", this insinuation G19 1040 8 of latent criminality in the detective himself has G19 1050 8 almost entirely disappeared. Hercule Poirot and Lord G19 1060 5 Peter Whimsey (the respective creations of Agatha Christie G19 1070 4 and Dorothy Sayers) have retained Holmes' egotism but G19 1090 3 not his zest for life and eccentric habits. Poirot G19 1090 12 and his counterparts are perfectly respectable people; G19 1100 7 it is true that they are also extremely dull. Their G19 1110 7 dedication to the status quo has been affirmed at the G19 1120 5 expense of the fascinating but dangerous individualism G19 1130 1 of a Sherlock Holmes. The latter's real descendents G19 1130 9 were unable to take root in England; they fled from G19 1140 9 the Victorian parlor and made their way across the G19 1150 7 stormy Atlantic. In the American "hardboiled" detective G19 1160 2 story of the '20s and '30s, the spirit of the mad genius G19 1170 3 from Baker Street lives on. G19 1170 8 Like Holmes, the American private eye rejects the G19 1180 6 social conventions of his time. But unlike Holmes, G19 1190 3 he feels his society to be not merely dull but also G19 1190 14 corrupt. Surrounded by crime and violence everywhere, G19 1200 7 the "hardboiled" private eye can retain his purity G19 1210 7 only through a life of self-imposed isolation. His G19 1220 3 alienation is far more acute than Holmes'; he is not G19 1230 3 an eccentric but rather an outcast. With Rex Stout's G19 1230 12 Nero Wolfe, alienation is represented on a purely physical G19 1240 9 plane. Wolfe refuses to ever leave his own house, and G19 1250 9 spends most of his time drinking beer and playing with G19 1260 5 orchids. More profound and more disturbing, however, G19 1270 2 is the moral isolation of Raymond Chandler's Philip G19 1270 10 Marlowe. In a society where everything is for sale, G19 1280 9 Marlowe is the only man who cannot be bought. His tough G19 1290 8 honesty condemns him to a solitary and difficult existence. G19 1300 4 Beaten, bruised and exhausted, he pursues the elusive G19 1310 3 killer through the demi-monde of high society and low G19 1320 1 morals, always alone, always despised. In the end, G19 1320 9 he gets his man, but no one seems to care; virtue is G19 1330 8 its own and only reward. A similar tone of underlying G19 1340 4 futility and despair pervades the spy thrillers of G19 1350 2 Eric Ambler and dominates the most famous of all American G19 1350 12 mystery stories, Dashiell Hammett's The Maltese Falcon. G19 1360 7 Sam Spade joins forces with a band of adventurers in G19 1370 9 search of a priceless jeweled statue of a falcon; but G19 1380 6 when the bird is found at last, it turns out to be G19 1390 4 a fake. Now the detective must save his own skin by G19 1390 15 informing on the girl he loves, who is also the real G19 1400 11 murderer. For Sam Spade, neither crime nor virtue pays; G19 1410 6 moreover, it is increasingly difficult to distinguish G19 1420 3 between the two. G19 1420 6 Because the private eye intends to save society G19 1430 5 in spite of himself, he invariably finds himself in G19 1440 2 trouble with the police. The latter are either too G19 1440 11 stupid to catch the killer or too corrupt to care. G19 1450 9 In either case, they do not appreciate the private G19 1460 4 detective's zeal. Perry Mason and Hamilton Burger, G19 1470 2 Nero Wolfe and Inspector Cramer spend more time fighting G19 1480 1 each other than they do in looking for the criminal. G19 1480 11 Frequently enough, the police are themselves in league G19 1490 7 with the killer; Dashiell Hammett's Red Harvest provides G19 1500 4 a classic example of this theme. But even when the G19 1510 5 police are honest, they do not trust the private eye. G19 1520 2 He is, like Phillip Marlowe, too alienated to be reliable. G19 1520 12 Finally, in The Maltese Falcon among others, the clash G19 1530 9 between detective and police is carried to its logical G19 1540 8 conclusion: Sam Spade becomes the chief murder suspect. G19 1550 6 In order to exonerate himself, he is compelled to find G19 1560 5 the real criminal, who happens to be his girl friend. G19 1570 1 What was only a vague suspicion in the case of Sherlock G19 1570 12 Holmes now appears as a direct accusation: the private G19 1580 9 eye is in danger of turning into his opposite. G19 1590 5 ## G19 1590 6 IT IS the growing contradiction between individualism G19 1600 3 and public service in the mystery story which creates G19 1610 2 this fatal dilemma. By upholding his own personal code G19 1610 11 of behavior, the private detective has placed himself G19 1620 7 in opposition to a society whose fabric is permeated G19 1630 5 with crime and corruption. That society responds by G19 1640 3 condemning the private eye as a threat to the status G19 1640 13 quo, a potential criminal. If the detective insists G19 1650 8 upon retaining his personal standards, he must now G19 1660 6 do so in conscious defiance of his society. He must, G19 1670 3 in short, cease to be a detective and become a rebel. G19 1680 1 On the other hand, if he wishes to continue in his G19 1680 12 chosen profession, he must abandon his own code and G19 1690 8 sacrifice his precious individualism. Dashiell Hammett G19 1700 3 resolved this contradiction by ceasing to write mystery G19 1710 1 stories and turning to other pursuits. His successors G19 1710 9 have adopted the opposite alternative. In order to G19 1720 7 save the mystery story, they have converted the private G19 1730 5 detective into an organization man. G19 1740 1 The first of two possible variations on this theme G19 1740 10 is symbolized by Mickey Spillane's Mike Hammer. At G19 1750 6 first glance, this hero seems to be more rather than G19 1760 6 less of an individualist than any of his predecessors. G19 1770 1 For Hammer, nothing is forbidden. He kills when he G19 1770 10 pleases, takes his women where he finds them and always G19 1780 10 acts as judge, jury and executioner rolled into one. G20 0010 1 It will be shown that the objectives of the cooperative G20 0010 11 people in an organization determine the type of network G20 0020 8 required, because the type of network functions according G20 0030 6 to the characteristics of the messages enumerated in G20 0040 3 Table 1. Great stress is placed on the role that the G20 0050 2 monitoring of information sending plays in maintaining G20 0050 9 the effectiveness of the network. By monitoring, we G20 0060 7 mean some system of control over the types of information G20 0070 6 sent from the various centers. G20 0080 1 As a word of caution, we should be aware that in G20 0080 11 actual practice no message is purely one of the four G20 0090 8 types, question, command, statement, or exclamation. G20 0100 3 For example, suppose a man wearing a $200 watch, driving G20 0110 1 a 1959 Rolls Royce, stops to ask a man on the sidewalk, G20 0110 13 "What time is it"? This sentence would have most of G20 0120 10 the characteristics of a question, but it has some G20 0130 8 of the characteristics of a statement because the questioner G20 0140 4 has conveyed the fact that he has no faith in his own G20 0150 3 timepiece or the one attached to his car. If the man G20 0150 14 on the sidewalk is surprised at this question, it has G20 0160 9 served as an exclamation. Also, since the man questioned G20 0170 6 feels a strong compulsion to answer (and thereby avoid G20 0180 4 the consequences of being thought queer) the question G20 0190 1 has assumed some measurable properties of a command. G20 0190 9 However, for convenience we will stick to the idea G20 0200 8 that information can be classified according to Table G20 0210 4 1. On this basis, certain extreme kinds of networks G20 0220 1 will be discussed for illustrative purposes. G20 0220 7 #NETWORKS ILLUSTRATING SOME SPECIAL TYPES OF ORGANIZATION# G20 0240 1 _THE COCKTAIL PARTY._ G20 0240 1 Presumably a cocktail party is expected to fulfill G20 0240 9 the host's desire to get together a number of people G20 0250 8 who are inadequately acquainted and thereby arrange G20 0260 4 for bringing the level of acquaintance up to adequacy G20 0270 1 for future cooperative endeavors. The party is usually G20 0270 9 in a room small enough so that all guests are within G20 0280 9 sight and hearing of one another. The information is G20 0290 4 furnished by each of the guests, is sent by oral broadcasting G20 0300 3 over the air waves, and is received by the ears. Since G20 0310 1 the air is a continuum, the network of communication G20 0310 10 remains intact regardless of the positions or motions G20 0320 7 of the points (the people) in the net. As shown in G20 0330 7 Figure 1, there is a connection for communication between G20 0340 2 every pair of points. This, and other qualifications, G20 0340 10 make the cocktail party the most complete and most G20 0350 9 chaotic communication system ever dreamed up. All four G20 0360 7 types of message listed in Table 1 are permitted, although G20 0370 5 decorum and cocktail tradition require holding the G20 0380 2 commands to a minimum, while exclamations having complimentary G20 0390 1 intonations are more than customarily encouraged. The G20 0390 8 completeness of the connections provide that, for ~N G20 0400 8 people, there are **f lines of communication between G20 0410 5 the pairs, which can become a large number (1,225) G20 0420 2 for a party of fifty guests. Looking at the diagram, G20 0420 12 we see that **f connection lines come in to each member. G20 0430 11 Thus the cocktail party would appear to be the ideal G20 0440 8 system, but there is one weakness. In spite of the G20 0450 5 dreams of the host for oneness in the group, the **f G20 0460 2 incoming messages for each guest overload his receiving G20 0460 10 system beyond comprehension if ~N exceeds about six. G20 0470 7 The crowd consequently breaks up into temporary groups G20 0480 6 ranging in size from two to six, with a half-life for G20 0490 5 the cluster ranging from three to twenty minutes. G20 0500 1 For the occasion on which everyone already knows G20 0500 9 everyone else and the host wishes them to meet one G20 0510 9 or a few honored newcomers, then the "open house" system G20 0520 5 is advantageous because the honored guests are fixed G20 0530 3 connective points and the drifting guests make and G20 0530 11 break connections at the door. G20 0540 4 _THE RURAL COMMUNITY._ G20 0540 7 We consider a rural community as an assemblage of G20 0550 6 inhabited dwellings whose configuration is determined G20 0560 3 by the location and size of the arable land sites necessary G20 0570 1 for family subsistence. We assume for this illustration G20 0570 9 that the size of the land plots is so great that the G20 0580 11 distance between dwellings is greater than the voice G20 0590 6 can carry and that most of the communication is between G20 0600 3 nearest neighbors only, as shown in Figure 2. Information G20 0610 1 beyond nearest neighbor is carried second-, third-, G20 0610 10 and fourth-hand as a distortable rumor. In Figure 2, G20 0620 8 the points in the network are designated by a letter G20 0630 5 accompanied by a number. The numbers indicate the number G20 0640 3 of nearest neighbors. It will be noted that point ~f G20 0650 1 has seven nearest neighbors, ~h and ~e have six, and G20 0650 11 ~p has only one, while the remaining points have intermediate G20 0660 10 numbers. In any social system in which communications G20 0670 8 have an importance comparable with that of production G20 0680 6 and other human factors, a point like ~f in Figure G20 0690 5 2 would (other things being equal) be the dwelling G20 0700 1 place for the community leader, while ~e and ~h would G20 0710 1 house the next most important citizens. A point like G20 0710 10 ~p gets information directly from ~n, but all information G20 0720 8 beyond ~n is indirectly relayed through ~n. The dweller G20 0730 8 at ~p is last to hear about a new cure, the slowest G20 0740 10 to announce to his neighbors his urgent distresses, G20 0750 4 the one who goes the farthest to trade, and the one G20 0760 2 with the greatest difficulty of all in putting over G20 0760 11 an idea or getting people to join him in a cooperative G20 0770 9 effort. Since the hazards of poor communication are G20 0780 5 so great, ~p can be justified as a habitable site only G20 0790 3 on the basis of unusual productivity such as is made G20 0800 1 available by a waterfall for milling purposes, a mine, G20 0800 10 or a sugar maple camp. Location theorists have given G20 0810 6 these matters much consideration. G20 0820 1 _MILITARY ORGANIZATIONS._ G20 0820 3 The networks for military communications are one G20 0830 3 of the best examples of networks which not only must G20 0830 13 be changed with the changes in objectives but also G20 0840 9 must be changed with the addition of new machines of G20 0850 6 war. They also furnish proof that, in modern war, message G20 0860 4 sending must be monitored. Without monitoring, a military G20 0870 2 hookup becomes a noisy party. The need for monitoring G20 0870 11 became greater when radio was adopted for military G20 0880 8 signaling. Alexander the Great, who used runners as G20 0890 6 message carriers, did not have to worry about having G20 0900 2 every officer in his command hear what he said and G20 0900 12 having hundreds of them comment at once. As time has G20 0910 10 passed and science has progressed, the speed of military G20 0920 6 vehicles has increased, the range of missiles has been G20 0930 4 extended, the use of target-hunting noses on the projectiles G20 0940 1 has been adopted, and the range and breadth of message G20 0940 11 sending has increased. Next to the old problem of the G20 0950 10 slowness of decision making, network structure seems G20 0960 5 to be paramount, and without monitoring no network G20 0970 3 has value. G20 0970 5 On the parade ground the net may be similar to that G20 0980 3 shown in Figure 3. The monitoring is the highest and G20 0990 1 most restrictive of any organization in existence. G20 0990 8 No questions, statements, or explanations are permitted- G20 1000 5 only commands. Commands go only from an officer to G20 1010 5 the man of nearest lower rank. The same command is G20 1020 2 repeated as many times as there are levels in rank G20 1020 12 from general to corporal. All orders originate with G20 1030 6 the officer of highest rank and terminate with action G20 1040 4 of the men in the ranks. Even the officer in charge, G20 1050 1 be it a captain (for small display) or a general, is G20 1050 12 restrained by monitoring. This is done for simplicity G20 1060 8 of commands and to bring the hidden redundancy up to G20 1070 5 where misunderstanding has almost zero possibility. G20 1080 1 The commands are specified by the military regulations; G20 1080 9 are few in number, briefly worded, all different in G20 1090 9 sound; and are combinable into sequences which permit G20 1100 5 any marching maneuver that could be desired on a parade G20 1110 5 ground. This monitoring is necessary because, on a G20 1120 2 parade ground, everyone can hear too much, and without G20 1120 11 monitoring a confused social event would develop. G20 1130 7 With troops dispersed on fields of battle rather G20 1140 6 than on the parade ground, it may seem that a certain G20 1150 3 amount of monitoring is automatically enforced by the G20 1150 11 lines of communication. Years ago this was true, but G20 1160 9 with the replacement of wires or runners by radio and G20 1170 8 radar (and perhaps television), these restrictions G20 1180 2 have disappeared and now again too much is heard. G20 1190 1 In contrast to cocktail parties, military organizations, G20 1190 8 even in the field, are more formal. In the extreme G20 1200 10 and oversimplified example suggested in Figure 3, the G20 1210 6 organization is more easily understood and more predictable G20 1220 4 in behavior. A military organization has an objective G20 1230 1 chosen by the higher command. This objective is adhered G20 1230 10 to throughout the duration of the action. The connective G20 1240 8 system, or network, is tailored to meet the requirements G20 1250 7 of the objective, and it is therefore not surprising G20 1260 3 that a military body acting as a single coordinated G20 1270 1 unit has a different communication network than a factory, G20 1270 10 a college, or a rural village. G20 1280 5 The assumptions upon which the example shown in G20 1290 2 Figure 3 is based are: (a) One man can direct about G20 1290 13 six subordinates if the subordinates are chosen carefully G20 1300 7 so that they do not need too much personal coaching, G20 1310 6 indoctrinating, etc&. (b) A message runs too great G20 1320 4 a risk of being distorted if it is to be relayed more G20 1330 1 than about six consecutive times. (c) Decisions of G20 1330 9 a general kind are made by the central command. And G20 1340 8 (d) all action of a physical kind pertinent to the G20 1350 4 mission is relegated to the line of men on the lower G20 1360 1 rank. These assumptions lead to an organization with G20 1360 9 one man at the top, six directly under him, six under G20 1370 8 each of these, and so on until there are six levels G20 1380 5 of personnel. The number of people acting as one body G20 1390 2 by this scheme gives a surprisingly large army of **f G20 1390 12 55,987 men. G20 1400 2 This organizational network would be of no avail G20 1400 10 if there were no regulations pertaining to the types G20 1410 8 of message sent. Of types of message listed in Table G20 1420 6 1, commands and statements are the only ones sent through G20 1430 4 the vertical network shown in Figure 3. A further regulation G20 1440 2 is that commands always go down, unaccompanied by statements, G20 1450 1 and statements always go up, unaccompanied by commands. G20 1450 9 Questions and, particularly, exclamations are usually G20 1460 6 channeled along informal, horizontal lines not indicated G20 1470 5 in Figure 3 and seldom are carried beyond the nearest G20 1480 4 neighbor. G20 1480 5 It will readily be seen that in this suggested network G20 1490 5 (not materially different from some of the networks G20 1500 2 in vogue today) greater emphasis on monitoring is implied G20 1500 11 than is usually put into practice. Furthermore, the G20 1510 8 network in Figure 3 is only the basic net through which G20 1520 9 other networks pertaining to logistics and the like G20 1530 4 are interlaced. G20 1530 6 Not discussed here are some military problems of G20 1540 4 modern times such as undersea warfare, where the surveillance, G20 1550 2 sending, transmitting, and receiving are all so inadequate G20 1560 1 that networks and decision making are not the bottlenecks. G20 1560 10 Such problems are of extreme interest as well as importance G20 1570 10 and are so much like fighting in a rain forest or guerrilla G20 1580 9 warfare at night in tall grass that we might have to G20 1590 7 re-examine primitive conflicts for what they could G20 1600 2 teach. G20 1600 3 _A TEAM FOR USEFUL RESEARCH._ G20 1600 8 This is an unsolved problem which probably has never G20 1610 6 been seriously investigated, although one frequently G20 1620 3 hears the comment that we have insufficient specialists G20 1630 1 of the kind who can compete with the Germans or Swiss, G20 1630 12 for example, in precision machinery and mathematics, G20 1640 6 or the Finns in geochemistry. We hear equally fervent G20 1650 5 concern over the belief that we have not enough generalists G20 1660 4 who can see the over-all picture and combine our national G20 1670 3 skills and knowledge for useful purposes. This problem G20 1680 1 of the optimum balance in the relative numbers of generalists G20 1680 11 and specialists can be investigated on a communicative G20 1690 8 network basis. Since the difficulty of drawing the G20 1700 6 net is great, we will merely discuss it. G20 1710 2 First, we realize that a pure specialist does not G20 1710 11 exist. But, for practical purposes, we have people G20 1720 7 who can be considered as such. For example, there are G20 1730 5 persons who are in physical science, in the field of G20 1750 3 mineralogy, trained in crystallography, who use only G20 1750 10 X-rays, applying only the powder technique of X-ray G20 1760 9 diffraction, to clay minerals only, and who have spent G20 1770 7 the last fifteen years concentrating on the montmorillonites; G20 1780 4 or persons in the social sciences in the field of anthropology, G20 1790 4 studying the lung capacity of seven Andean Indians. G20 1800 2 So we see that a specialist is a man who knows more G20 1800 14 and more about less and less as he develops, as contrasted G20 1810 10 to the generalist, who knows less and less about more G20 1820 8 and more. G21 0010 1 AMERICAN DEMOCRATIC THOUGHT, pointed up the relation G21 0010 8 between the Protestant movement in this country and G21 0020 7 the development of a social religion, which he called G21 0030 5 the American Democratic Faith. Those familiar with G21 0040 2 his work will remember that he placed the incipience G21 0040 11 of the democratic faith at around 1850. And he describes G21 0050 9 it as a balanced polarity between the notions of the G21 0060 6 free individual and what he called the fundamental G21 0070 3 law. G21 0070 4 I want to say more about Gabriel's so-called fundamental G21 0080 2 law. But first I want to quote him on the relationship G21 0090 1 that he found between religion and politics in this G21 0090 10 country and what happened to it. He points out that G21 0100 9 from the time of Jackson on through World War /1,, G21 0110 5 evangelical Protestantism was a dominant influence G21 0120 1 in the social and political life of America. He terms G21 0120 11 this early enthusiasm "Romantic Christianity" and concludes G21 0130 7 that its similarity to democratic beliefs of that day G21 0140 8 is so great that "the doctrine of liberty seems but G21 0150 5 a secular version of its counterpart in evangelical G21 0160 1 Protestantism". Let me quote him even more fully, for G21 0160 10 his analysis is important to my theme. G21 0170 7 He says: "Beside the Protestant philosophy of Progress, G21 0180 5 as expressed in radical or conservative millenarianism, G21 0190 2 should be placed the doctrine of the democratic faith G21 0200 2 which affirmed it to be the duty of the destiny of G21 0200 13 the United States to assist in the creation of a better G21 0210 10 world by keeping lighted the beacon of democracy". G21 0220 5 He specifies, "In the middle period of the Nineteenth G21 0230 4 Century it was colored by Christian supernaturalism, G21 0240 1 in the Twentieth Century it was affected by naturalism. G21 0240 10 But in every period it has been humanism". And let G21 0250 9 me add, utopianism, also. G21 0260 1 Some fourteen or fifteen years ago, in an essay G21 0260 10 I called The Leader Follows- Where? I used his polarity G21 0270 9 to illustrate what I thought had happened to us in G21 0280 9 that form of liberalism we call Progressivism. It seemed G21 0290 4 to me that the liberals had scrapped the balanced polarity G21 0300 3 and reposed both liberty and the fundamental law in G21 0310 2 the common man. That is to say Gabriel's fundamental G21 0310 11 law had been so much modified by this time that it G21 0320 9 was neither fundamental nor law any more. It is a weakness G21 0330 8 of Gabriel's analysis that he never seems to realize G21 0340 4 that his so-called fundamental law had already been G21 0350 1 cut loose from its foundations when it was adapted G21 0350 10 to democracy. And with Progressivism the Religion of G21 0360 6 Humanity was replacing what Gabriel called Christian G21 0370 3 supernaturalism. And the common man was developing G21 0380 1 mythic power, or charisma, on his own. G21 0380 8 During the decade that followed, the common man, G21 0390 6 as that piece put it, grew uncomfortable as the Voice G21 0400 4 of God and fled from behind Saint Woodrow (Wilson) G21 0410 1 only to learn from Science, to his shocked relief that G21 0410 11 after all there was no God he had to speak for and G21 0420 10 that he was just an animal anyhow- that there was a G21 0430 7 chemical formula for him, and that too much couldn't G21 0440 1 be expected of him. G21 0440 5 The socialism implicit in the slogan of the Roosevelt G21 0450 4 Revolution, freedom from want and fear, seems a far G21 0460 2 cry from the individualism of the First Amendment to G21 0460 11 the Constitution, or of the Jacksonian frontier. What G21 0470 7 had happened to the common man? G21 0480 2 French Egalitarianism had had only nominal influence G21 0490 1 in this country before the days of Popularism. The G21 0490 10 riotous onrush of industrialism after the War for Southern G21 0500 8 Independence and the general secular drift to the Religion G21 0510 6 of Humanity, however, prepared the way for a reception G21 0520 6 of the French Revolution's socialistic offspring of G21 0530 2 one sort of another. The first of which to find important G21 0530 13 place in our federal government was the graduated income G21 0540 9 tax under Wilson. Moreover the centralization of our G21 0550 6 economy during the 1920s, the dislocations of the Depression, G21 0560 5 the common ethos of Materialism everywhere, all contributed G21 0570 3 in various ways to the face-lifting that replaced Mike G21 0580 2 Fink and the Great Gatsby with the anonymous physiognomy G21 0590 1 of the Little People. G21 0590 5 However, it is important to trace the philosophy G21 0600 2 of the French Revolution to its sources to understand G21 0600 11 the common democratic origin of individualism and socialism G21 0610 8 and the influence of the latter on the former. That G21 0620 8 John Locke's philosophy of the social contract fathered G21 0630 5 the American Revolution with its Declaration of Independence, G21 0640 3 I believe, we generally accept. Yet, after Rousseau G21 0650 2 had given the social contract a new twist with his G21 0650 12 notion of the General Will, the same philosophy, it G21 0660 9 may be said, became the idea source of the French Revolution G21 0670 8 also. G21 0670 9 The importance of Rousseau's twist has not always G21 0680 7 been clear to us, however. This notion of the General G21 0690 5 Will gave rise to the Commune of Paris in the Revolution G21 0700 3 and later brought Napoleon to dictatorship. And it G21 0710 1 is clearly argued by Lord Percy of Newcastle, in his G21 0710 11 remarkable long essay, The Heresy of Democracy, and G21 0720 7 in a more general way by Voegelin, in his New Science G21 0730 6 of Politics, that this same Rousseauan idea, descending G21 0740 3 through European democracy, is the source of Marx's G21 0750 2 theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This G21 0750 10 is important to understanding the position that doctrinaire G21 0760 7 liberals found themselves in after World War /2, and G21 0770 7 our great democratic victory that brought no peace. G21 0780 5 The long road that had taken liberals in this country G21 0790 3 into the social religion of democracy, into a worship G21 0790 12 of man, led logically to the Marxist dream of a classless G21 0800 11 society under a Socialist State. And the ~USSR existed G21 0810 8 as the revolutionary experiment in radical socialism, G21 0820 5 the ultimate exemplar. And by the time the war ended, G21 0830 5 liberal leadership in this country was spiritually G21 0840 1 Marxist. G21 0840 2 We will recall that the still confident liberals G21 0840 10 of the Truman administration gathered with other Western G21 0850 8 utopians in San Francisco to set up the legal framework, G21 0860 9 finally and at last, to rationalize war- to rationalize G21 0870 5 want and fear- out of the world: the United Nations. G21 0880 4 We of the liberal-led world got all set for peace and G21 0890 2 rehabilitation. Then suddenly we found ourselves in G21 0890 9 the middle of another fight, an irrational, an indecent, G21 0900 8 an undeclared and immoral war with our strongest (and G21 0910 6 some had thought noblest) ally. G21 0920 1 During the next five years the leaders of the Fair G21 0920 11 Deal reluctantly backed down from the optimistic expectations G21 0930 7 of the New Deal. During the next five years liberal G21 0940 6 leaders in the United States sank in the cumulative G21 0950 3 confusion attendant upon and manifested in a negative G21 0960 1 policy of Containment- and the bitterest irony- enforced G21 0960 9 and enforceable only by threat of a weapon that we G21 0970 9 felt the greatest distaste for but could not abandon: G21 0980 6 the atom bomb. In 1952, it will be remembered, the G21 0990 2 G&O&P& without positive program campaigned on the popular G21 1000 2 disillusionment with liberal leadership and won overwhelmingly. G21 1010 1 All of this, I know, is recent history familiar G21 1010 10 to you. But I have been at some pains to review it G21 1020 10 as the drama of the common man, to point up what happened G21 1030 7 to him under Eisenhower's leadership. G21 1040 1 A perceptive journalist, Sam Lubell, has phrased G21 1040 8 it in the title of one of his books as THE REVOLT OF G21 1050 11 THE MODERATES. He opens his discourse, however, with G21 1060 5 a review of the Eisenhower inaugural festivities at G21 1070 3 which a sympathetic press had assembled its massive G21 1070 11 talents, all primed to catch some revelation of the G21 1080 9 emerging new age. The show was colorful, indeed, exuberant, G21 1090 6 but the press for all its assiduity could detect no G21 1100 4 note of a fateful rendezvous with destiny. G21 1110 1 Lubell offers his book as an explanation of why G21 1110 10 there was no clue. And I select this sentence as its G21 1120 8 pertinent summation: "In essence the drama of his (Eisenhower's) G21 1130 6 Presidency can be described as the ordeal of a nation G21 1140 7 turned conservative and struggling- thus far with but G21 1150 3 limited and precarious success- to give effective voice G21 1160 1 and force to that conservatism". G21 1160 6 I will assume that we are all aware of the continuing G21 1170 6 struggle, with its limited and precarious success, G21 1180 2 toward conservatism. It has moved on various levels, G21 1180 10 it has been clamorous and confused. Obviously there G21 1190 7 has been no agreement on what American conservatism G21 1200 4 is, or rather, what it should be. For it was neglected, G21 1210 3 not to say nascent, when the struggle began. I saw G21 1210 13 a piece the other day assailing William Buckley, author G21 1220 9 of MAN AND GOD AT YALE and publisher of the National G21 1230 9 Review, as no conservative at all, but an old liberal. G21 1240 7 I would agree with this view. But I'm not here to define G21 1250 6 conservatism. G21 1250 7 What I am here to do is to report on the gyrations G21 1260 7 of the struggle- a struggle that amounts to self-redefinition- G21 1270 4 to see if we can predict its future course. G21 1280 1 One of the obvious conclusions we can make on the G21 1280 11 basis of the last election, I suppose, is that we, G21 1290 9 the majority, were dissatisfied with Eisenhower conservatism. G21 1300 4 Though, to be sure, we gave Kennedy no very positive G21 1310 4 approval in the margin of his preferment. G21 1320 1 This is, however, symptomatic of our national malaise. G21 1320 9 But before I try to diagnose it, I would offer other G21 1330 9 evidence. I will mention two volumes of specific comment G21 1340 5 on this malaise that appeared last year. The earlier G21 1350 3 of them was an unofficial enterprise, sponsored by G21 1350 11 Life magazine, under the title of the National purpose. G21 1360 9 The contributors to this testament were all well-known: G21 1380 8 a former Democratic candidate for President, a New G21 1390 6 Deal poet, the magazine's chief editorial writer, two G21 1400 4 newspaper columnists, head of a national broadcasting G21 1410 1 company, a popular Protestant evangelist, etc&. What G21 1410 8 I want to point out here is that all of them are ex-liberals, G21 1420 13 or modified liberals, with perhaps one exception. I G21 1430 6 suppose we might classify Billy Graham as an old liberal. G21 1440 6 And I would further note that they all- with one exception G21 1450 6 again- sang in one key or another the same song. Its G21 1460 2 refrain was: "Let us return to the individualistic G21 1460 10 democracy of our forefathers for our salvation". G21 1470 7 Adlai Stevenson expressed some reservations about G21 1480 5 this return. Others invoked technology and common sense. G21 1490 4 Only Walter Lippman envisioned the possibility of our G21 1500 3 having "outlived most of what we used to regard as G21 1500 13 the program of our national purposes". G21 1510 5 But the most notable thing about the incantation G21 1520 3 of these ex-liberals was that the one-time shibboleth G21 1530 1 of socialism was conspicuously absent. G21 1530 6 The second specific comment was the report of Eisenhower's G21 1540 7 Commission on National Goals, titled GOALS FOR AMERICANS. G21 1550 6 They, perhaps, gave the pitch of their position in G21 1560 5 the preface where it was said that Eisenhower requested G21 1570 2 that the Commission be administered by the American G21 1570 10 Assembly of Columbia University, because it was non-partisan. G21 1580 9 The Commission seems to represent the viewpoint of G21 1590 8 what I would call the unconscious liberal, but not G21 1600 5 unconscious enough, to invoke the now taboo symbolism G21 1610 3 of socialism. And here again we hear the same refrain G21 1620 1 mentioned above: "The paramount goal of the United G21 1620 9 States **h set long ago **h was to guard the rights G21 1630 11 of the individual **h ensure his development **h enlarge G21 1640 5 his opportunity". This group is secularist and their G21 1650 3 program tends to be technological. G21 1650 8 But it is the need to undertake these testaments G21 1660 7 that I would submit here as symptom of the common man's G21 1670 6 malaise. And let me add Murray's new book as another G21 1680 4 symptom of it, particularly so in view of the attention G21 1690 1 TIME magazine gave it when it came out recently. Father G21 1690 11 Murray goes back to the Declaration of Independence, G21 1700 8 too, though I may add, with considerably more historical G21 1710 6 perception. G21 1710 7 I will reserve discussion of it for a moment, however, G21 1720 8 to return to President Kennedy. As symptomatic of the G21 1730 5 common man's malaise, he is most significant: a liberal G21 1740 3 and a Catholic, elected by the skin of his teeth. Does G21 1750 2 that not suggest to you an uncertain and uneasy, not G21 1750 12 to say confused, state of the public mind? G21 1760 6 What is the common man's complaint? Let's take a G21 1770 5 panoramic look back over the course we have come. Has G21 1780 4 not that way been lit always by the lamp of liberalism G21 1790 1 up until the turning back under Eisenhower? And the G21 1790 10 basic character of that liberalism has been spiritual G21 1800 7 rather than economic. Ralph Gabriel gave it the name G21 1810 6 of Protestant philosophy of Progress. But there's a G21 1820 3 subjective side to that utopian outlook. G22 0010 1 DOES our society have a runaway, uncontrollable G22 0010 8 growth of technology which may end our civilization, G22 0020 7 or a normal, healthy growth? Here there may be an analogy G22 0030 7 with cancer: we can detect cancers by their rapidly G22 0040 4 accelerating growth, determinable only when related G22 0050 1 to the more normal rate of healthy growth. Should the G22 0050 11 accelerating growth of technology then warn us? Noting G22 0060 8 such evidence is the first step; and almost the only G22 0070 6 "cure" is early detection and removal. One way to determine G22 0080 5 whether we have so dangerous a technology would be G22 0090 3 to check the strength of our society's organs to see G22 0090 13 if their functioning is as healthy as before. So an G22 0100 9 objective look at our present procedures may move us G22 0110 6 to consider seriously this possibly analogous situation. G22 0120 2 In any event, whether society may have cancer, or merely G22 0130 1 a virus infection, the "disease", we shall find, is G22 0130 10 political, economical, social, and even medical. Have G22 0140 7 not our physical abilities already deteriorated because G22 0150 4 of the more sedentary lives we are now living? Hence G22 0160 3 the prime issue, as I see it, is whether a democratic G22 0170 1 or free society can master technology for the benefit G22 0170 10 of mankind, or whether technology will rule and develop G22 0180 8 its own society compatible with its own needs as a G22 0190 7 force of nature. G22 0190 10 We are already committed to establishing man's supremacy G22 0200 5 over nature and everywhere on earth, not merely in G22 0210 6 the limited social-political-economical context we G22 0220 2 are fond of today. Otherwise, we go on endlessly trying G22 0220 12 to draw the line, color and other, as to which kind G22 0230 10 of man we wish to see dominate. We have proved so able G22 0240 6 to solve technological problems that to contend we G22 0250 3 cannot realize a universal goal in the immediate future G22 0250 12 is to be extremely shortsighted, if nothing else. We G22 0260 9 must believe we have the ability to affect our own G22 0270 7 destinies: otherwise why try anything? So in these G22 0280 4 pages the term "technology" is used to include any G22 0290 1 and all means which could amplify, project, or augment G22 0290 10 man's control over himself and over other men. Naturally G22 0300 8 this includes all communication forms, e&g& languages, G22 0310 4 or any social, political, economic or religious structures G22 0320 4 employed for such control. Properly mindful of all G22 0330 3 the cultures in existence today throughout the world, G22 0330 11 we must employ these resources without war or violent G22 0340 8 revolution. G22 0350 1 If we were creating a wholly new society, we could G22 0350 10 insist that our social, political, economic and philosophic G22 0360 5 institutions foster rather than hamper man; best growth. G22 0370 5 But we cannot start off with a clean slate. So we must G22 0380 4 first analyze our present institutions with respect G22 0380 11 to the effect of each on man's major needs. Asked which G22 0390 11 institution most needs correction, I would say the G22 0400 8 corporation as it exists in America today. At first G22 0410 4 glance this appears strange: of all people, was not G22 0430 3 America founded by rugged individualists who established G22 0430 10 a new way of life still inspiring "undeveloped" societies G22 0440 8 abroad? But hear Harrison E& Salisbury, former Moscow G22 0450 7 correspondent of The New York Times, and author of G22 0460 7 "To Moscow- And Beyond". In a book review of "The Soviet G22 0470 8 Cultural Offensive", he says, "Long before the State G22 0480 5 Department organized its bureaucracy into an East-West G22 0490 4 Contacts Staff in order to wage a cultural counter-offensive G22 0500 1 within Soviet borders, the sharp cutting-edge of American G22 0510 1 culture had carved its mark across the Russian steppes, G22 0510 10 as when the enterprising promoters of 'Porgy and Bess' G22 0520 6 overrode the State Department to carry the contemporary G22 0530 5 'cultural warfare' behind the enemy lines. They were G22 0540 5 not diplomats or jazz musicians, or even organizers G22 0550 1 of reading-rooms and photo-montage displays, but rugged G22 0550 10 capitalist entrepreneurs like Henry Ford, Hugh Cooper, G22 0560 7 Thomas Campbell, the International Harvester Co&, and G22 0570 6 David W& Griffith. Their kind created an American culture G22 0580 6 superior to any in the world, an industrial and technological G22 0590 4 culture which penetrated Russia as it did almost every G22 0600 3 corner of the earth without a nickel from the Federal G22 0610 1 treasury or a single governmental specialist to contrive G22 0610 9 directives or program a series of consultations of G22 0620 7 interested agencies. This favorable image of America G22 0630 4 in the minds of Russian men and women is still there G22 0640 2 despite years of energetic anti-American propaganda G22 0640 9 **h" G22 0650 1 #CORPORATIONS NOW OUTMODED# G22 0650 4 Perhaps the public's present attitude toward business G22 0660 3 stems from the fact that the "rugged capitalist entrepreneur" G22 0670 1 no more exists in America. In his stead is a milquetoast G22 0680 1 version known as "the corporation". But even if we G22 0680 10 cannot see the repulsive characteristics in this new G22 0690 7 image of America, foreigners can; and our loss of "prestige" G22 0700 7 abroad is the direct result. No amount of ballyhoo G22 0710 5 will cover up the sordid facts. If we want respect G22 0720 1 from ourselves or others, we will have to earn it. G22 0720 11 First, let us realize that whatever good this set-up G22 0730 8 achieved in earlier times, now the corporation per G22 0740 4 se cannot take economic leadership. Businesses must G22 0750 2 develop as a result of the ideas, energies and ambitions G22 0750 12 of an individual having purpose and comprehensive ability G22 0760 7 within one mind. When we "forced" individuals to assume G22 0770 7 the corporate structure by means of taxes and other G22 0780 7 legal statutes, we adopted what I would term "pseudo-capitalism" G22 0790 4 and so took a major step toward socialism. The biggest G22 0800 3 loss, of course, was the individual's lessened desire G22 0810 1 and ability to give his services to the growth of his G22 0810 12 company and our economy. Socialism, I grant, has a G22 0820 8 definite place in our society. But let us not complain G22 0830 6 of the evils of capitalism by referring to a form that G22 0840 4 is not truly capitalistic. Some forms of capitalism G22 0840 12 do indeed work- superb organizations, a credit to any G22 0850 7 society. But the pseudo-capitalism which dictates our G22 0860 4 whole economy as well as our politics and social life, G22 0870 4 will not stand close scrutiny. Its pretense to operate G22 0880 1 in the public interest is little more than a sham. G22 0880 11 It serves only its own stockholders and poorly at that. G22 0890 9 As a creative enterprise, its abilities are primarily G22 0900 5 in "swallowing" creative enterprises developed outside G22 0910 3 its own organization (an ability made possible by us, G22 0920 2 and almost mandatory). As to benefits to employees, G22 0920 10 it is notorious for its callous disregard except where G22 0930 7 it depends on them for services. G22 0940 1 The corporation in America is in reality our form G22 0940 10 of socialism, vying in a sense with the other socialistic G22 0950 9 form that has emerged within governmental bureaucracy. G22 0960 4 But while the corporation has all the disadvantages G22 0970 3 of the socialist form of organization (so cumbersome G22 0980 1 it cannot constructively do much of anything not compatible G22 0980 10 with its need to perpetuate itself and maintain its G22 0990 8 status quo), unluckily it does not have the desirable G22 1000 6 aspect of socialism, the motivation to operate for G22 1010 2 the benefit of society as a whole. So we are faced G22 1010 13 with a vast network of amorphous entities perpetuating G22 1020 7 themselves in whatever manner they can, without regard G22 1030 6 to the needs of society, controlling society and forcing G22 1040 4 upon it a regime representing only the corporation's G22 1050 1 needs for survival. G22 1050 4 The corporation has a limited, specific place in G22 1060 3 our society. Ideally speaking, it should be allowed G22 1060 11 to operate only where the public has a great stake G22 1070 9 in the continuity of supply or services, and where G22 1080 5 the actions of a single proprietor are secondary to G22 1090 2 the needs of society. Examples are in public utilities, G22 1090 11 making military aircraft and accessories, or where G22 1100 7 the investment and risk for a proprietorship would G22 1110 5 be too great for a much needed project impossible to G22 1120 2 achieve by any means other than the corporate form, G22 1120 11 e&g& constructing major airports or dams. Thus, if G22 1130 8 corporations are not to run away with us, they must G22 1140 8 become quasi-governmental institutions, subject to G22 1150 3 public control and needs. In all other areas, private G22 1150 12 initiative of the "proprietorship" type should be urged G22 1160 8 to produce the desired goods and services. G22 1170 5 #PROPRIETORSHIP# G22 1170 6 Avoiding runaway technology can be done only by assuring G22 1180 8 a humane society; and for this human beings must be G22 1190 5 firmly in control of the economics on which our society G22 1200 2 rests. Such genuine human leadership the proprietorship G22 1200 9 can offer, corporations cannot. It can project long-range G22 1210 9 goals for itself. Corporations react violently to short-range G22 1220 7 stimuli, e& g&, quarterly and annual dividend reports. G22 1230 6 Proprietorships can establish a unity and integrity G22 1240 5 of control; corporations, being more amorphous, cannot. G22 1250 2 Proprietorships can establish a meaningful identity, G22 1250 8 representing a human personality, and thus establish G22 1260 7 sincere relationships with customers and community. G22 1270 4 Corporations are apt by nature to be impersonal, inhumane, G22 1280 2 shortsighted and almost exclusively profit-motivated, G22 1290 1 a picture they could scarcely afford to present to G22 1290 10 the public. The proprietor is able to create a leadership G22 1300 8 impossible in the corporate structure with its board G22 1310 5 of directors and stockholders. Leadership is lacking G22 1320 2 in our society because it has no legitimate place to G22 1320 12 develop. Men continuously at the head of growing enterprises G22 1330 9 can acquire experiences of the most varied, complicated G22 1340 6 and trying type so that at maturation they have developed G22 1350 4 the competence and willingness to accept the personal G22 1360 3 responsibility so sorely needed now. G22 1360 8 Hence government must establish greater controls G22 1370 5 upon corporations so that their activities promote G22 1380 3 what is deemed essential to the national interest. G22 1390 1 Proprietorships should get the tax advantages now accruing G22 1390 9 to corporations, e& g& the chance to accumulate capital G22 1400 8 so vital for growth. Corporations should pay added G22 1410 5 taxes, to be used for educational purposes (not necessarily G22 1420 3 of the formal type). The right to leave legacies should G22 1430 2 be substantially reduced and ultimately eliminated. G22 1430 8 To perpetuate wealth control led by small groups of G22 1440 8 individuals who played no role in its creation prevents G22 1450 6 those with real initiative from coming to the fore, G22 1460 3 and is basically anti-democratic. When the proprietor G22 1460 11 dies, the establishment should become a corporation G22 1470 7 until it is either acquired by another proprietor or G22 1480 5 the government decides to drop it. Strikes should be G22 1490 3 declared illegal against corporations because disagreements G22 1500 1 would have to be settled by government representatives G22 1500 9 acting as controllers of the corporation whose responsibility G22 1510 7 to the state would now be defined against proprietorship G22 1520 6 because employees and proprietors must be completely G22 1530 4 interdependent, as they are each a part of the whole. G22 1540 2 Strikes threatening the security of the proprietorship, G22 1540 9 if internally motivated, prevent a healthy relationship. G22 1550 6 Certainly external forces should not be applied arbitrarily G22 1560 6 out of mere power available to do so. If we cannot G22 1580 6 stop warfare in our own economic system, how can we G22 1590 2 expect to abolish it internationally? G22 1590 7 #ONE KIND OF PROPRIETORSHIP# G22 1600 1 These proposals would go far toward creating the economic G22 1610 1 atmosphere favoring growth of the individual, who, G22 1610 8 in turn, would help us to cope with runaway technology. G22 1620 7 Individual human strength is needed to pit against G22 1630 5 an inhuman condition. The battle is not easy. We are G22 1640 3 tempted to blame others for our problems rather than G22 1640 12 look them straight in the face and realize they are G22 1650 9 of our own making and possible of solution only by G22 1660 5 ourselves with the help of desperately needed, enlightened, G22 1670 2 competent leaders. Persons developed in to-day's corporations G22 1680 1 cannot hope to serve here- a judgment based on experiences G22 1690 1 of my own in business and in activities outside. In G22 1690 11 my own company, in effect a partnership, although legally G22 1700 6 a corporation, I have been able to do many things for G22 1710 6 my employees which "normal" corporations of comparable G22 1720 3 size and nature would have been unable to do. Also, G22 1720 13 I am convinced that if my company were a sole proprietorship G22 1730 11 instead of a partnership, I would have been even abler G22 1740 9 to solve long-range problems for myself and my fellow-employees. G22 1750 7 Any abilities I may have were achieved in their present G22 1760 5 shape from experience in sharing in the growth and G22 1770 3 control of my business, coupled with raising my family. G22 1770 12 This combined experience, on a foundation of very average, G22 1780 9 I assure you, intelligence and background, has helped G22 1790 6 me do things many well-informed people would bet heavily G22 1800 5 against. Perhaps a list of some of the "practices" G22 1810 1 of my company will help here. G22 1810 7 The company grew out of efforts by two completely G22 1820 7 inexperienced men in their late twenties, neither having G22 1830 3 a formal education applicable to, or experience in, G22 1840 1 manufacturing or selling our type of articles. From G22 1840 9 an initial investment of $1,200 in 1943, it has grown, G22 1850 8 with no additional capital investment, to a present G22 1860 4 value estimated by some as exceeding $10,000,000 (we G22 1870 2 don't disclose financial figures to the public). Its G22 1870 10 growth continues steadily on a par with past growth; G22 1880 9 and no limitation is in evidence. Our pin-curl clips G22 1890 7 and self-locking nuts achieved dominance in just a G22 1900 4 few years time, despite substantial, well established G22 1900 11 competition. G23 0010 1 DURING the last years of Woodrow Wilson's administration, G23 0020 1 a red scare developed in our country. Many Americans G23 0020 10 reacted irrationally to the challenge of Russia and G23 0030 7 turned to the repression of ideas by force. Postmaster G23 0040 5 General Burleson set about to protect the American G23 0050 2 people against radical propaganda that might be spread G23 0050 10 through the mails. Attorney General Palmer made a series G23 0060 9 of raids that sent more than 4,000 so-called radicals G23 0070 8 to the jails, in direct violation of their constitutional G23 0080 4 rights. Then, not many years later, the Un-American G23 0090 3 Activities Committee, under the leadership of Martin G23 0100 1 Dies, pilloried hundreds of decent, patriotic citizens. G23 0100 8 Anyone who tried to remedy some of the most glaring G23 0110 9 defects in our form of democracy was denounced as a G23 0120 5 traitorous red whose real purpose was the destruction G23 0130 1 of our government. This hysteria reached its height G23 0130 9 under the leadership of Senator Joseph McCarthy. Demagogues G23 0140 7 of this sort found communist bogeys lurking behind G23 0150 5 any new idea that would run counter to stereotyped G23 0160 3 notions. New ideas were dangerous and must be repressed, G23 0170 1 no matter how. G23 0170 4 Those who would suppress dangerous thoughts, credit G23 0180 2 ideas with high potency. They give strict interpretation G23 0180 10 to William James' statement that "Every idea that enters G23 0190 9 the mind tends to express itself". They seem to believe G23 0200 9 that a person will act automatically as soon as he G23 0210 7 contacts something new. Hence, the only defensible G23 0220 2 procedure is to repress any and every notion, unless G23 0220 11 it gives evidence that it is perfectly safe. G23 0230 8 Despite this danger, however, we are informed on G23 0240 6 every hand that ideas, not machines, are our finest G23 0250 3 tools; they are priceless even though they cannot be G23 0250 12 recorded on a ledger page; they are the most valuable G23 0260 10 of commodities- and the most salable, for their demand G23 0270 8 far exceeds supply. So all-important are ideas, we G23 0280 4 are told, that persons successful in business and happy G23 0290 2 in social life usually fall into two classes: those G23 0290 11 who invent new ideas of their own, and those who borrow, G23 0300 10 beg, or steal from others. G23 0310 1 Seemingly, with an unrestricted flow of ideas, all G23 0310 9 will be well, and we are even assured that "an idea G23 0320 11 a day will keep the sheriff away". That, however, may G23 0330 5 also bring the police, if the thinking does not meet G23 0340 4 with social approval. Criminals, as well as model citizens, G23 0350 2 exercise their minds. Merely having a mental image G23 0350 10 of some sort is not the all-important consideration. G23 0360 8 Of course, there must be clarity: a single distinct G23 0370 7 impression is more valuable than many fuzzy ones. But G23 0380 5 clarity is not enough. The writer took a class of college G23 0390 3 students to the state hospital for the mentally ill G23 0390 12 in St& Joseph, Missouri. An inmate, a former university G23 0400 8 professor, expounded to us, logically and clearly, G23 0410 6 that someone was pilfering his thoughts. He appealed G23 0420 3 to us to bring his case to the attention of the authorities G23 0430 1 that justice might be done. Despite the clarity of G23 0430 10 his presentation, his idea was not of Einsteinian calibre. G23 0440 8 True, ideas are important, perhaps life's most precious G23 0450 7 treasures. But have we not gone overboard in stressing G23 0460 6 their significance? Have we not actually developed G23 0470 2 idea worship? G23 0470 4 Ideas we must have, and we seek them everywhere. G23 0480 3 We scour literature for them; here we find stored the G23 0490 2 wisdom of great minds. But are all these works worthy G23 0490 12 of consideration? Can they stand rigid scrutiny? G23 0500 6 Shakespeare's wit and wisdom, his profound insight G23 0510 7 into human nature, have stood the test of centuries. G23 0520 4 But was he infallible in all things? What of his treatment G23 0530 3 of the Jew in The Merchant of Venice? G23 0535 1 Shakespeare gives us a vivid picture of Shylock, G23 0540 8 but probably he never saw a Jew, unless in some of G23 0550 6 his travels. The Jews had been banished from England G23 0560 2 in 1290 and were not permitted to return before 1655, G23 0560 12 when Shakespeare had been dead for thirty-nine years. G23 0570 9 If any had escaped expulsion by hiding, they certainly G23 0580 6 would not frequent the market-place. G23 0590 1 Shakespeare did not usually invent the incidents G23 0590 8 in his plays, but borrowed them from old stories, ballads, G23 0600 8 and plays, wove them together, and then breathed into G23 0610 6 them his spark of life. Rather than from a first-hand G23 0620 5 study of Jewish people, his delineation of Shylock G23 0630 1 stems from a collection of Italian stories, Il Pecorone, G23 0630 10 published in 1558, although written almost two centuries G23 0650 6 earlier. He could learn at second hand from books, G23 0660 7 but could not thus capture the real Jewish spirit. G23 0670 3 Harris J& Griston, in Shaking The Dust From Shakespeare G23 0680 2 (216), writes: "There is not a word spoken by Shylock G23 0690 1 which one would expect from a real Jew". G23 0690 9 He took the story of the pound of flesh and had G23 0700 9 to fasten it on someone. The Jew was the safest victim. G23 0710 5 No Jew was on hand to boycott his financially struggling G23 0720 2 theater. It would have been unwise policy, for instance, G23 0730 1 to apply the pound-of-flesh characterization to the G23 0730 10 thrifty Scotchman. Just as now anyone may hurl insults G23 0740 8 at a citizen of Mars, or even of Tikopia, and no senatorial G23 0750 6 investigation will result. Who cares about them! G23 0760 3 Shakespeare does not tell us that Shylock was an G23 0770 1 aberrant individual. He sets him forth as being typical G23 0770 10 of the group. He tells of his "Jewish heart"- not a G23 0780 9 Shylockian heart; but a Jewish heart. This would make G23 0790 8 anyone crafty and cruel, capable of fiendish revenge. G23 0800 4 There is no justification for such misrepresentation. G23 0810 1 If living Jews were unavailable for study, the Bible G23 0820 1 was at hand. Reading the Old Testament would have shown G23 0820 11 the dramatist that the ideas attributed to Shylock G23 0830 7 were abhorrent to the Jews. G23 0840 1 Are we better off for having Shakespeare's idea G23 0840 9 of Shylock? Studying The Merchant of Venice in high G23 0850 8 school and college has given many young people their G23 0860 7 notions about Jews. Does this help the non-Jew to understand G23 0870 6 this group? G23 0870 8 Thomas de Torquemada, Inquisitor-General of the G23 0880 5 Spanish Inquisition, put many persons to death. His G23 0890 4 name became synonymous with cold-blooded cruelty. Would G23 0900 1 we gain by keeping alive his memory and besmirching G23 0900 10 today's Roman Catholics by saying he had a Catholic G23 0910 8 heart? Let his bones and his memory rest in the fifteenth G23 0920 7 century where they belong; he is out of place in our G23 0930 6 times. Shakespeare's Shylock, too, is of dubious value G23 0940 2 in the modern world. G23 0940 6 Ideas, in and of themselves, are not necessarily G23 0950 3 the greatest good. A successful businessman recently G23 0960 1 prefaced his address to a luncheon group with the statement G23 0960 11 that all economists should be sent to the hospitals G23 0970 8 for the mentally deranged where they and their theories G23 0980 5 might rot together. Will his words come to be treasured G23 0990 4 and quoted through the years? G23 0990 9 Frequently we are given assurance that automatically G23 1000 6 all ideas will be sifted and resifted and in the end G23 1010 5 only the good ones will survive. But is that not like G23 1020 2 going to a chemistry laboratory and blindly pouring G23 1020 10 out liquids and powders from an array of bottles and G23 1030 9 then, after stirring, expecting a new wonder drug inevitably G23 1040 6 to result? G23 1040 8 What of the efficiency of this natural instrument G23 1050 5 of free discussion? Is there some magic in it that G23 1060 5 assures results? G23 1060 7 When Peter B& Kyne (Pride of Palomar, 43) informed G23 1070 6 us in 1921 that we had an instinctive dislike for the G23 1080 4 Japanese, did the heated debates of the Californians G23 1090 1 settle the truth or falsity of the proposition? G23 1100 1 The Leopard's Spots came from the pen of Thomas G23 1100 9 Dixon in 1902, and in this he announced an "unchangeable" G23 1110 8 law. If a child had a single drop of Negro blood, he G23 1120 8 would revert to the ancestral line which, except as G23 1130 3 slaves under a superior race, had not made one step G23 1130 13 of progress in 3,000 years. That doctrine has been G23 1140 9 accepted by many, but has it produced good results? G23 1150 6 In the same vein, a certain short-story plot has G23 1160 5 been overworked. The son and heir of a prominent family G23 1170 2 marries a girl who has tell-tale shadows on the half-moons G23 1170 14 of her finger nails. In time she presents her aristocratic G23 1180 10 husband with a coal-black child. Is the world better G23 1190 9 for having this idea thrust upon it? Will argument G23 1200 4 and debate decide its truth or falsity? G23 1210 1 For answers to such questions we must turn to the G23 1210 11 anthropologists, the biologists, the historians, the G23 1220 6 psychologists, and the sociologists. Long ago they G23 1230 4 consigned the notions of Kyne and Dixon to the scrap G23 1240 1 heap. G23 1240 2 False ideas surfeit another sector of our life. G23 1240 10 For several generations much fiction has appeared dealing G23 1250 8 with the steprelationship. The stepmother, almost without G23 1260 5 exception, has been presented as a cruel ogress. Children, G23 1270 6 conditioned by this mistaken notion, have feared stepmothers, G23 1280 4 while adults, by their antagonistic attitudes, have G23 1290 2 made the role of the substitute parents a difficult G23 1290 11 one. Debate is not likely to resolve the tensions and G23 1300 9 make the lot of the stepchild a happier one. Research, G23 1310 5 on the other hand, has shown many stepmothers to be G23 1320 3 eminently successful, some far better than the real G23 1320 11 mothers. G23 1330 1 Helen Deutsch informed us (The Psychology of Women, G23 1340 1 Vol& /2,, 434) that in all cultures "the term 'stepmother' G23 1350 1 automatically evokes deprecatory implications", a conclusion G23 1350 7 accepted by many. Will mere debate on that proposition, G23 1360 9 even though it be free and untrammeled, remove the G23 1370 6 dross and leave a residue of refined gold? That is G23 1380 4 questionable, to say the least. Research into several G23 1390 1 cultures has proven her position to be a mistaken one. G23 1390 11 Most assuredly ideas are invaluable. But ideas, G23 1400 7 just for the sake of having them, are not enough. In G23 1410 6 the 1930's, cures for the depression literally flooded G23 1420 2 Washington. For a time the President received hundreds G23 1430 1 of them every day, most of them worthless. G23 1430 9 Ideas need to be tested, and not merely by argument G23 1440 7 and debate. When some question arises in the medical G23 1450 4 field concerning cancer, for instance, we do not turn G23 1460 2 to free and open discussion as in a political campaign. G23 1460 12 We have recourse to the scientifically-trained specialist G23 1470 7 in the laboratory. The merits of the Salk anti-polio G23 1480 7 vaccine were not established on the forensic platform G23 1490 3 or in newspaper editorials, but in the laboratory and G23 1500 2 by tests in the field on thousands of children. G23 1500 11 Our presidential campaigns provide much debate and G23 1510 6 argument. But is the result new barnsful of tested G23 1520 5 knowledge on the basis of which we can with confidence G23 1530 1 solve our domestic and international problems? Man, G23 1530 8 we are told, is endowed with reason and is capable G23 1540 9 of distinguishing good from bad. But what a super-Herculean G23 1550 7 task it is to winnow anything of value from the mud-beplastered G23 1560 5 arguments used so freely, particularly since such common G23 1570 3 use is made of cliches and stereotypes, in themselves G23 1580 1 declarations of intellectual bankruptcy. G23 1580 5 We are reminded, however, that freedom of thought G23 1590 5 and discussion, the unfettered exchange of ideas, is G23 1600 4 basic under our form of government. G23 1600 10 Assuredly in our political campaigns there is freedom G23 1610 7 to think, to examine any and all issues, and to speak G23 1620 6 without restraint. No holds are barred. But have the G23 1630 3 results been heartening? May we state with confidence G23 1630 11 that in such an exhibition a republic will find its G23 1640 10 greatest security? G23 1650 1 We must not forget, to be sure, that free discussion G23 1650 11 and debate have produced beneficial results. In truth, G23 1660 7 we can say that this broke the power of Senator Joseph G23 1670 6 McCarthy, who was finally exposed in full light to G23 1680 5 the American people. If he had been "liquidated" in G23 1690 2 some way, he would have become a martyr, a rallying G23 1690 12 point for people who shared his ideas. Debate in the G23 1700 8 political arena can be productive of good. But it is G23 1710 6 a clumsy and wasteful process: it can produce negative G23 1720 2 results but not much that is positive. Debate rid us G23 1720 12 of McCarthy but did not give us much that is positive. G23 1730 11 It did something to clear the ground, but it erected G23 1740 8 no striking new structure; it did not even provide G23 1750 5 the architect's plan for anything new. G23 1760 1 In the field of the natural sciences, scientifically G23 1760 9 verified data are quite readily available and any discussion G23 1770 7 can be shortened with good results. In the field of G23 1780 6 the social sciences a considerable fund of tested knowledge G23 1790 3 has been accumulated that can be used to good advantage. G23 1800 1 By no means would we discourage the production of G23 1800 10 ideas: they provide raw materials with which to work; G23 1810 9 they provide stimulations that lead to further production. G23 1820 6 We would establish no censorship. G24 0010 1 The President's personality would have opened that G24 0010 8 office to him. And for the first time a representative G24 0020 8 of the highest office in the land would have been liable G24 0030 6 to the charge that he had attempted to make it a successorship G24 0040 4 by inheritance. It is testimony to the deep respect G24 0050 1 in which Mr& Eisenhower was held by members of all G24 0050 11 parties that the moral considerations raised by his G24 0060 7 approach to the matter were not explicitly to be broached. G24 0070 6 These began to be apparent in a press conference G24 0080 3 held during the second illness in order that the consulting G24 0090 1 specialists might clarify the President's condition G24 0090 7 for the nation. And if Howard Rutstein felt impelled G24 0100 8 thereafter to formulate the ethics of the medical profession, G24 0110 7 his article in the Atlantic Monthly accomplished a G24 0120 4 good deal more. It forced us to fix the responsibility G24 0130 1 for the position in which all medical commentators G24 0130 9 had been placed. The discussion of professional ethics G24 0140 7 inevitably reminded us that in the historical perspective G24 0150 7 the President's decision will finally clarify itself G24 0160 4 as a moral, rather than a medical, problem. Because G24 0170 1 the responsibility for resolving the issue lay with G24 0170 9 the President, rather than with his doctors, nothing G24 0180 7 raises more surely for us the difficulties simple goodness G24 0190 5 faces in dealing with complex moral problems under G24 0200 2 political pressure. For the President had dealt with G24 0200 10 the matter humbly, in what he conceived as the democratic G24 0210 10 way. But the problem is one which gives us the measure G24 0220 9 of a man, rather than a group of men, whether a group G24 0230 6 of doctors, a group of party members assembled at a G24 0240 3 dinner to give their opinion, or the masses of the G24 0240 13 voters. G24 0250 1 Any attempt to reconcile this statement of the central G24 0250 10 issue in the campaign of 1956 with the nature of the G24 0260 10 man who could not conceive it as the central issue G24 0270 6 will at least resolve our confusions about the chaotic G24 0280 2 and misleading results of the earnestness of both doctors G24 0280 11 and President in a situation which should never have G24 0290 9 arisen. It was a response to the conflict between political G24 0300 7 pressure and the moral intuition which resulted in G24 0310 4 attempts at prediction. In no other situation would G24 0320 2 a group of doctors, struggling competently to improve G24 0320 10 the life expectancy of a man beloved by the world, G24 0330 9 be subjected to such merciless and persistent questioning, G24 0340 4 and before they were prepared to demonstrate the kind G24 0350 3 of verbal precision which alone can clarify for mankind G24 0360 1 the problems it faces. And though we can look back G24 0360 11 now and see their errors, we can look back also to G24 0370 8 the ultimate error. G24 0370 11 It recurred in the press conferences: the President's G24 0380 7 remarks about his running developed a singular tone, G24 0390 5 one which we find in few statements made by public G24 0400 4 individuals on such a matter. The press conference G24 0400 12 became a stage which betrayed the drift of his private G24 0410 10 thinking, rather than his convictions. He commented- G24 0420 5 thoughtfully, a reporter told us- that it was "not G24 0430 7 too important for the individual how he ends up". He G24 0440 2 gave us a simile to explain his admission that even G24 0440 12 at the worst period of his second illness it never G24 0450 8 occurred to him there was any renewed question about G24 0460 4 his running: as in the Battle of the Bulge, he had G24 0470 3 no fears about the outcome until he read the American G24 0470 13 newspapers. Yet the attitude that the fate of the Presidency G24 0480 10 demands in such a situation is quite distinct from G24 0490 7 the simple courage that can proceed with battles to G24 0500 4 be fought, regardless of the consequences. In this G24 0510 1 case others should not have had to raise the doubts G24 0510 11 and fears. The Presidency demands an incisive awareness G24 0520 6 of the larger implications of the death of any incumbent. G24 0530 7 It is of the utmost importance to the people of America G24 0540 4 and of the world how their governing President "ends G24 0550 1 up" during the four years of his term. Only when that G24 0550 12 term is ended and he is a private citizen again can G24 0560 10 he be permitted the freedom and the courage to discount G24 0570 6 the dangers of his death. Ironically enough, in this G24 0580 3 instance such personal virtues were a luxury. G24 0580 10 At the national and international level, then, what G24 0590 8 is the highest kind of morality for the private citizen G24 0600 7 represents an instance of political immorality. And G24 0610 3 we had the uneasy sense that the cleavage between the G24 0620 1 moral and the political progressed amid the events G24 0620 9 which concern us. For the tone of the editorials which G24 0630 8 greeted Mr& Eisenhower's original announcement of his G24 0640 5 running had been strangely disquieting. Neither the G24 0650 3 vibrant enthusiasm which bespeaks a people's intuitive G24 0660 1 sense of the fitness of things at climactic moments G24 0660 10 nor the vital argumentation betraying its sense that G24 0670 5 something significant has transpired was in evidence. G24 0680 4 Nothing testifies more clearly to that cleavage than G24 0690 1 the peculiar editorial page appearing in a July issue G24 0690 10 of Life Magazine, the issue which also carried the G24 0700 7 second announcement of the candidacy. The double editorial G24 0710 5 on two aspects of "The U& S& Spirit" was subtly calculated G24 0720 5 to suggest a moral sanction for gambles great as well G24 0730 4 as small, reflecting popular approval of this questionable G24 0740 1 attitude toward the highest office in the land. "The G24 0740 10 Moral Creed" and "The Will to Risk" live happily together, G24 0750 10 if we do not examine where the line is to be drawn. G24 0760 11 "I may possibly be a greater risk than is the normal G24 0770 7 person of my age", the President had said on February G24 0780 4 29th of the election year, ignoring the fact that no G24 0790 2 one of his age had ever lived out another term. "My G24 0790 13 doctors assure me that this increased percentage of G24 0800 7 risk is not great". But by the time the risk was doubled, G24 0810 7 events had dismissed from his mind both increased percentages G24 0820 3 and a previously stated intention of considering carefully G24 0830 2 anything more serious than a bout of influenza. Only G24 0830 11 infrequently did the situation color his thinking. G24 0840 7 Ironically no president we have had would have regretted G24 0850 7 more than President Eisenhower the possibility to which G24 0860 4 his own words, in the press conference held at the G24 0870 2 beginning of August, testified: that unable as he was G24 0870 11 himself to say his running was best for the country, G24 0880 10 unconsciously he had placed his party before his nation. G24 0890 6 So it is that we relive his opening statement in G24 0900 3 the first television address with the dramatic immediacy G24 0910 1 of the present. No consideration of risk urges itself G24 0910 10 upon him now: for this is what the mind does with the G24 0920 11 ideas on which it has not properly focussed. Yet with G24 0930 5 a mind less shallow, if less sharp, than some of the G24 0940 4 fortune-happy syndicates which back him, he feels what G24 0950 1 he cannot formulate; and we watch him amid the overtones G24 0950 11 which suggest he could never in any conscience urge G24 0960 8 a risk upon the voters. Moving as he is into the phase G24 0970 7 of the campaign which demands conviction of him, he G24 0980 3 adopts a position that is morally indefensible. He G24 0980 11 ascribes to the mercy of God the peace which this personal G24 0990 11 matter- the assurance that he can physically sustain G24 1000 6 the burden of the office longer than any individual G24 1010 4 in the history of our nation has been able to do- has G24 1020 4 brought him. What is simply an opinion formed in defiance G24 1020 14 of the laws of human probability, whether or not it G24 1030 9 is later confirmed, has become by September of the G24 1040 6 election year "a firm conviction". As a means of silencing G24 1060 5 a discussion which ought to have taken place, the statement G24 1070 2 is an effective one: we sympathize with the universal G24 1070 11 confusion which gives rise to such convictions. But G24 1080 8 it is also the climax to one of the absorbing chapters G24 1090 7 in our current political history. G24 1100 1 In assigning to God the responsibility which he G24 1100 9 learned could not rest with his doctors, Eisenhower G24 1110 7 gave evidence of that weakening of the moral intuition G24 1120 5 which was to characterize his administration in the G24 1130 3 years to follow. In any other man this reassurance G24 1130 12 to the electorate would have caused us a profound moral G24 1140 8 shock. About this man we had to think twice. We knew G24 1150 7 that it was, as reassurance, the ironic fruit of a G24 1160 4 deeply moral nature. But the fact remains that even G24 1160 13 the unconscious acceptance of himself as a man of destiny G24 1170 9 divinely protected must be censored in any man who G24 1180 8 evades the responsibility for his major decisions, G24 1190 2 and thus for imposing his will on the people. And in G24 1190 13 the context of drifting personal utterances we have G24 1200 8 examined, there was occasional evidence of the origin G24 1210 6 of all such evasions. When the possibility that he G24 1220 3 had not given reconsideration to so weighty a decision G24 1230 1 seemed to disconcert his questioners, Mr& Eisenhower G24 1240 7 was known to make his characteristic statement to the G24 1250 7 press that he was not going to talk about the matter G24 1260 6 any more. Thinking had stopped; it was not to be resumed. G24 1270 4 The portrait that had developed, fragmentarily but G24 1280 2 consistently, was the portrait of a man to whom serious G24 1280 12 thinking is alien enough that the making of a decision G24 1290 10 inhibits, when it does not forestall, any ability to G24 1300 5 review the decision in the light of new evidence. This G24 1310 2 does not mean that the decision to run for office should G24 1320 1 inevitably have been revoked. Instead it means that G24 1320 9 the thinking in which decision issues has the power G24 1330 7 to determine the morality of the decision, as in this G24 1340 5 instance the pressure for renewed practical or legislative G24 1350 1 attention to the constitutional problems the decision G24 1350 8 had uncovered might have done. Drifting through a third G24 1360 8 illness, apparently without any provision for the handling G24 1370 7 of a major national emergency other than a talk with G24 1380 6 the vice-president, Eisenhower revealed the singularly G24 1390 1 static quality of his thinking. Despite three warnings, G24 1390 9 no sense of moral urgency impelled him to distinguish G24 1400 9 his situation, and thus his responsibilities, from G24 1410 5 Wilson's. G24 1410 6 ## G24 1410 7 By contrast, the energetic reaction of the leader to G24 1420 7 the full demands his decision imposes upon him strengthens G24 1430 4 the moral intuition and gives us the measure of the G24 1440 3 man. Only by means of an intensive preoccupation with G24 1440 12 the detailed considerations following from any decision G24 1450 6 can he ensure attention to the practical details to G24 1460 6 be dealt with if the implications of immorality in G24 1470 2 the major decision are effectively to be checked. In G24 1470 11 the incessant struggle with recalcitrant political G24 1480 6 fact he learns to focus the essence of a problem in G24 1490 7 the significant detail, and to articulate the distinctions G24 1500 3 which clarify the detail as significant, with what G24 1510 1 is sometimes astounding rapidity. Like Lincoln, he G24 1510 8 can distinguish his relation to God from the constitutional G24 1520 8 responsibilities a questionable decision exacts of G24 1530 4 him. Like Roosevelt, he can distinguish an attitude G24 1540 2 toward a Russian leader he may share with a host of G24 1540 13 Americans from the responsibilities diplomatic convention G24 1550 6 may impose upon him. He chooses to subordinate one G24 1560 6 to the other, sometimes reluctantly, accepting criticism G24 1570 3 for the lesser immoralities facts breed. The very nature G24 1580 2 of a choice so grounded in distinction and fact leads G24 1580 12 to the valid convictions which become force of will G24 1590 8 in the manifest leader. The capacity for making the G24 1600 6 distinctions of which diplomacy is compact, and the G24 1610 3 facility with language which can render them into validity G24 1620 1 in the eyes of other men are the leader's means for G24 1620 12 transforming the moral intuition into moral leadership. G24 1630 6 The making of distinctions, like the perception G24 1640 4 of the great distinctions made, is an inordinately G24 1650 1 difficult business. Lincoln's slow progress towards G24 1650 7 the several marking his achievement is even now unrecognizable G24 1660 8 as such, and loosely interpreted as the alternation G24 1670 5 of inconsistency with vision. But because it is the G24 1680 5 function of the mind to turn the one into the other G24 1690 1 by means of the capacities with which words endow it, G24 1690 11 we do not unwisely examine the type of distinction, G24 1700 6 in the sphere of politics, on which decisions hang. G24 1710 3 Only recently, and perhaps because a television debate G24 1720 1 can so effectively dramatize President Kennedy's extraordinary G24 1730 1 mastery of detail, have the abilities on which the G24 1730 10 capacity for making distinctions depend begun to be G24 1740 6 clearly discernible at the level of politics. In his G24 1760 3 recent evaluation of Kennedy's potentialities for leadership, G24 1770 2 Walter Lippmann has cited the "precision" of his mind, G24 1780 1 his "immense command" of factual detail, and his "instinct G24 1780 10 for the crucial point" as impressive in the extreme; G24 1790 9 and it is surely clear that the first of these is the G24 1800 9 result of the way in which the individual's command G24 1810 3 of language interacts with the other two. G25 0010 1 For this change is not a change from one positive position G25 0010 12 to another, but a change from order and truth to disorder G25 0020 10 and negation. The liberal-conservative division, we G25 0030 3 might observe in passing, is not of itself directly G25 0040 2 involved in a private interest conflict nor even in G25 0040 11 struggle between ruling groups. Rather it is rooted G25 0050 8 in a difference of response to the threat of social G25 0060 6 disintegration. The division is not between those who G25 0070 3 wish to preserve what they have and those who want G25 0070 13 change. Rather it is a division established by two G25 0080 9 absolutely different ways of thought with regard to G25 0090 6 man's life in society. These ways are absolutely irreconcilable G25 0100 3 because they offer two different recipes for man's G25 0110 2 redemption from chaos. G25 0110 5 The civilizational crisis, the third type of change G25 0120 5 raises the question "what are we to do"? on the most G25 0130 4 primitive level. For the answer cannot be derived from G25 0130 13 any socially cohesive element in the disrupting community. G25 0140 8 There is no socially existential answer to the question. G25 0150 7 For the truth formerly experienced by the community G25 0160 4 no longer has existential status in the community, G25 0170 1 nor does any answer elaborated by philosophers or theoriticians. G25 0180 1 In this phase of change, no idea has social acceptance G25 0180 11 and so none has ontological status in the community. G25 0190 7 An interregnum ensues in which not men but ideas compete G25 0200 6 for existence. G25 0200 8 If we examine the three types of change from the G25 0210 7 point of view of their internal structure we find an G25 0220 4 additional profound difference between the third and G25 0220 11 the first two, one that accounts for the notable difference G25 0230 10 between the responses they evoke. The first two types G25 0240 8 of change occur within the inward and immanent structure G25 0250 5 of the society. The first involves a simple shift of G25 0260 3 interests in the society. The second involves something G25 0270 1 deeper, but its characteristic form focuses on a shift G25 0270 10 in policy for the community, not in the truth on which G25 0280 9 the community rests. Thus in both types attention is G25 0290 5 focused on the community itself, and its phenomenological G25 0300 1 life. The third type, however, wrenches attention from G25 0310 1 the life of action and interests in the community and G25 0310 11 focuses it on the ground of being on which the community G25 0320 8 depends for its existence. Voegelin has analyzed this G25 0330 4 experience in the case of the stable, healthy community. G25 0340 2 There the community, faced with the need to formulate G25 0340 11 policy on the level of absolute justice, can find the G25 0350 10 answer to its problem in the absolute truth which it G25 0360 7 holds as partially experienced. This, however, cannot G25 0370 3 be done by a community whose very experience of truth G25 0380 1 is confused and incoherent: it has no absolute standard, G25 0380 10 and consequently cannot distinguish the absolute from G25 0390 6 the contingent. It has lost its ground of being and G25 0400 7 floats in a mist of appearances. Relativism and equality G25 0410 3 are its characteristic diseases. Precisely at the moment G25 0420 1 when it has lost its vision the mind of the community G25 0420 12 turns out from itself in a search for the ontological G25 0430 9 standard whereby it can measure itself. For paradigmatic G25 0440 4 history "breaks" rather than unfolds precisely when G25 0450 3 the movement is from order to disorder, and not from G25 0460 1 one order to a new order. The liberal-conservative G25 0460 10 split, to define it further, derives from a basic difference G25 0470 8 concerning the existential status of standard sought G25 0480 5 and about the spiritual experience that leads to its G25 0490 3 identification. G25 0490 4 When disruptive change has penetrated to the third G25 0500 4 level of social order, the process of disruption rapidly G25 0510 1 reaches a point of no return. Indeed, it is probable G25 0510 11 that this point is reached the moment the third level G25 0520 8 of change begins. At that point we reach the "closed" G25 0530 5 historical situation: the situation in which man is G25 0540 4 no longer free to return to a status quo ante. At that G25 0550 1 point men become aware of the mystery of history called G25 0550 11 variously "fate", or "destiny", or "providence", and G25 0560 6 feel themselves caught helplessly in the writhing of G25 0570 7 a disrupted society. The reasons for this experience G25 0580 4 are rooted in the metaphysical characteristics of such G25 0590 2 a change. G25 0590 4 Of all forms of being, society, or community, has G25 0610 2 the greatest element of determinability. Its ontological G25 0610 9 status is itself most tenuous because apart from individual G25 0620 8 men, who are its "matter", tradition, the "form" of G25 0630 5 society exists only as a shared perception of truth. G25 0640 4 The ontological status of society thus is constituted G25 0650 1 by the psychological-intellectual-volitional status G25 0650 7 of society's members. The content of that psychological G25 0660 7 status determines, ultimately, the content of civilization. G25 0670 6 Those social, civilizational factors not rooted in G25 0680 5 the human spirit of the group, ultimately cease to G25 0690 2 exist. Civilization itself- tradition- falls out of G25 0690 9 existence when the human spirit itself becomes confused. G25 0700 8 Civilization is what man has made of himself. Its massive G25 0710 8 contours are rooted in the simple need of man, since G25 0720 5 he is always incomplete, to complete himself. G25 0730 1 It is not enough for man to be an ontological esse. G25 0730 12 He needs existential completion, he needs, that is, G25 0740 6 to move in the direction of completion. And the direction G25 0750 4 of that movement is determined by his perception of G25 0760 2 the truth about himself. He must, consequently, exist G25 0760 10 as a self-perceived substantive, developing agent, G25 0770 6 or he does not exist as man. Thus, it is no mystical G25 0780 7 intuition, but an analyzable conception to say that G25 0790 4 man and his tradition can "fall out of existence". G25 0790 13 This happens at the moment man loses the perception G25 0800 9 of moral substance in himself, of a nature that, in G25 0810 8 Maritain's words, is perceived as a "locus of intelligible G25 0820 5 necessities". An existentialist is a man who perceives G25 0830 3 himself only as "esse", as existence without substance. G25 0840 1 Thus human perception and human volition is the G25 0840 9 immanent cause of all social change and this most truly G25 0850 10 when the change reaches the civilizational level. Thus G25 0860 5 with regard to the loss of tradition, in the change G25 0870 4 from order to disorder the metaphysics of change works G25 0880 1 itself out as a disruption of the individual soul, G25 0880 10 a change in which man continues as an objective ontological G25 0890 6 existent, but no longer as a man. G25 0900 2 Further, change is a form of motion, it occurs as G25 0900 12 the act of a being in potency insofar as it is in potency G25 0910 12 and has not yet reached the terminus of the change. G25 0920 6 With regard to the change we are examining, the question G25 0930 3 is, at what point does the change become irreversible? G25 0940 1 A number of considerations suggest that this occurs G25 0940 9 early in the process. Change involves the displacement G25 0950 7 of form. This means that the inception of change itself G25 0960 6 can begin only when the factors conducive to change G25 0970 3 have already become more powerful than those anchoring G25 0980 1 the existent form in being. If the existent form is G25 0980 11 to be retained new factors that reinforce it must be G25 0990 7 introduced into the situation. In the case of social G25 1000 5 decay, form is displaced simply by the process of dissolution G25 1010 2 with no form at the terminus of the process. Now in G25 1010 13 the mere fact of the beginning of such displacement G25 1020 9 we have prima-facie evidence of the ontological weakness G25 1030 5 of the fading form. And when we consider the tenuous G25 1040 3 hold tradition has on existence, any weakening of that G25 1050 1 hold constitutes a crisis of existence. The retention G25 1050 9 of a tradition confronted with such a crisis necessitates G25 1060 7 the introduction of new spiritual forces into the situation. G25 1070 6 However, the crisis occurs precisely as a weakening G25 1080 4 of spiritual forces. It would seem, therefore, that G25 1090 1 in a civilizational crisis man cannot save himself. G25 1090 9 The emergence of the crisis itself would seem to constitute G25 1100 9 a warranty for the victory of disorder. And it would G25 1110 6 seem that history is a witness to this truth. G25 1120 2 As a further characterization of the liberal conservative G25 1130 1 split we may observe that it involves differences in G25 1130 10 the formula for escaping inevitabilities in history. G25 1140 5 These differences, in turn, derive from prior differences G25 1150 4 concerning the friendly or hostile character of change. G25 1160 3 #UNANALYZED RESPONSES# G25 1160 5 ANXIETY AND DEEP INSECURITY are the characteristic G25 1170 4 responses evoked by the crisis in tradition. To experience G25 1180 3 them, it is not necessary for a people to be actively G25 1190 1 aware of what is happening to it. The process of erosion G25 1190 12 need only undermine the tradition and a series of consequences G25 1200 9 begin unfolding within the individual, while in institutions G25 1210 7 a quiet but deep transformation of processes occurs. G25 1220 4 Within the individual the reaction has been called G25 1230 2 various names, all, however, pointing to the same basic G25 1230 11 experience. Weil identifies it as being "rootless", G25 1240 7 Guardini as being "placeless", Riesman as being "lonely". G25 1250 6 Others call it "alienation", and mean by that no simple G25 1260 7 economic experience (as Marx does) but a deep spiritual G25 1270 6 sense of dislocation. Within institutions there is G25 1280 3 a marked decline of the process of persuasion and the G25 1280 13 substitution of a force-fear process which masquerades G25 1290 8 as the earlier one of persuasion. We note the use of G25 1300 8 rhetoric as a weapon, the manipulation of the masses G25 1310 4 by propaganda, the "mobilization" of effort and resources. G25 1320 2 Within this context of spontaneous and unanalyzed G25 1330 1 responses to the experience of civilizational crisis, G25 1330 8 two basic organizations of response are observable: G25 1340 5 reaction and ideological progressivism. These responses G25 1360 3 are explicable in terms of characteristics inherent G25 1370 1 in the crisis. Both are predictably destined to fail. G25 1370 10 The response of reaction is dominated by a concern G25 1380 9 for what is vanishing. Its essence lies in its attempt G25 1390 7 to recover previous order through the repression of G25 1400 4 disruptive forces. To this end political authority G25 1410 1 is called upon to exercise its negative and coercive G25 1410 10 powers. The implicit assumption of this response is G25 1420 6 that history is reversible. Seemingly, order is perceived G25 1430 4 as a kind of subsistent entity now covered by adventitious G25 1440 2 accretions. The problem is to remove the accretions G25 1440 10 and thereby uncover the order that was always there. G25 1450 9 Such a response, of course, misses the point that in G25 1460 7 crisis order is going out of existence. Moreover its G25 1470 3 posture of stubborn but simple resistance is doomed G25 1480 1 to failure because of the metaphysical weakness of G25 1480 9 the existent form of order, once the activation of G25 1490 6 change has reached visible proportions. The most reaction G25 1500 4 can achieve is stasis, and a stasis that can be maintained G25 1510 1 only by the expenditure of an effort which ultimately G25 1510 10 exhausts itself. G25 1520 2 Despite the hopelessness of the response, it is G25 1520 10 explicable in terms of the crisis of tradition itself. G25 1530 9 Since a civilizational crisis involves also a crisis G25 1540 6 in private interests and in the ruling class, reaction G25 1550 3 is normally found among those who feel themselves to G25 1560 2 be among the ruling class. Their great error is to G25 1560 12 mingle the responses typical of each of the three types G25 1570 8 of change. Since civilizational change is the most G25 1580 5 difficult to perceive and analyze, it seldom is given G25 1590 2 adequate attention. And the anxiety it generates is G25 1590 10 misinterpreted as anxiety over private interest and G25 1600 7 threatened social status. G25 1610 1 The basic truth in the reactionary response is to G25 1610 10 be found in its realistic assumption of the primacy G25 1620 6 of the real over the ideational. But this truth is G25 1630 5 distorted by its extreme application: the assumption G25 1640 1 of the separate existence of tradition. The reactionary G25 1640 9 misses the point that tradition exists ontologically G25 1650 7 only in the form of psychological-intellectual relations. G25 1660 2 Reactionary theories, for this reason, usually assume G25 1670 3 some form of organismic theory. In its defensive formulations, G25 1680 2 the theory will attack conscious change on the grounds G25 1680 11 of the independent existence of the community. In its G25 1690 9 dynamic form, it visualizes the community as the embodiment G25 1700 7 of an ontological force- the race, for instance, which G25 1710 6 unfolds in history. In both cases the individual tends G25 1720 3 to be treated as an instrument of the organic reality. G25 1730 1 When the reactionary response is thus bolstered G25 1730 8 by an intellectual defense, the characteristics of G25 1740 5 that defense are explicable only in terms of the basic G25 1750 6 attitudes of unanalyzed reaction. Reaction is rooted G25 1760 2 in a perception of tradition as a whole. It is a total G25 1760 14 situation that is defended: the "good old days". There G25 1770 9 is no selectivity; even the questionable features of G25 1780 6 the past are defended. The point is that the reactionary, G25 1790 5 for whatever motive, perceives himself to have been G25 1800 3 part or a partner of something that extended beyond G25 1800 12 himself, something which, consequently, he was not G25 1810 7 able to accept or reject on the basis of subjective G25 1820 6 preference. The reactionary is confused about the existential G25 1830 3 status of a decaying tradition, but he does perceive G25 1840 1 the unity tradition had when it was healthy. G26 0010 1 All of which brings up another problem in the use G26 0010 11 of psychoanalytic insight in a literary work. Is the G26 0020 8 Oedipus complex, the clinical syndrome, material for G26 0030 4 a tragedy? If we remove ourselves for a moment from G26 0040 2 our time and our infatuation with mental disease, isn't G26 0040 11 there something absurd about a hero in a novel who G26 0050 10 is defeated by his infantile neurosis? I am not making G26 0060 6 a clinical judgment here, for such personal tragedies G26 0070 3 are real and are commonplace in the analyst's consulting G26 0080 2 room, but literature makes a different claim upon our G26 0080 11 sympathies than tragedy in life. A man in a novel who G26 0090 11 is defeated in his childhood and condemned by unconscious G26 0100 5 forces within him to tiredly repeat his earliest failure G26 0110 4 in love, only makes us a little weary of man; his tragedy G26 0120 3 seems unworthy and trivial. G26 0120 7 Now we can argue that the irresistible fate of Oedipus G26 0130 6 Rex was nothing more than the irresistible unconscious G26 0140 2 longings of Oedipus projected outward, but this externalization G26 0150 2 of unconscious conflict makes all the difference between G26 0160 1 a story and a clinical case history. We can also argue G26 0160 12 that the three brothers Karamazov and Smerdyakov were G26 0170 7 the external representatives of an internal conflict G26 0180 5 within one man, Dostoevsky, a conflict having to do G26 0200 2 with father-murder and the wish to possess the father's G26 0200 12 woman. But a novel in which one man Karamazov explored G26 0210 9 the divisions within his personality would scarcely G26 0220 5 merit publication in the Psychoanalytic Quarterly. G26 0230 2 It is a mistake to look upon the Oedipus of Oedipus G26 0240 2 Complex as a literary descendant of Oedipus Rex. Whatever G26 0250 1 the psychological truth in the Oedipus myth, an Oedipus G26 0250 10 who is drawn to his fate by irresistible external forces G26 0260 8 can carry the symbol of humanity and its archaic crime, G26 0270 6 and the incest that is unknowing renews the mystery G26 0280 3 of the eternal dream of childhood and absorbs us in G26 0280 13 the secret. But a modern Oedipus who is doomed because G26 0290 10 he cannot oppose his own childhood is only pathetic, G26 0300 7 and for renouncing the mystery in favor of psychological G26 0310 5 truth he gives up the claim on our sympathies. G26 0320 1 I am suggesting that a case-history approach to G26 0320 10 the Oedipus complex is a blind alley for a storyteller. G26 0330 9 The best gifts of the novelist will be wasted on the G26 0340 6 reader who is insulated against any surprises the novelist G26 0350 3 may have in store for him. Incest is still a durable G26 0360 1 theme, but if it wants to get written about it will G26 0360 12 have to find ways to surprise the emotions, and there G26 0370 7 is no better way to do this than that of concealment G26 0380 4 and symbolic representation. And the best way to conceal G26 0390 2 and disguise the elements of an incest story is not G26 0390 12 to set out to write an incest story. Which brings to G26 0400 9 mind another Lawrence story and some interesting comparisons G26 0410 5 in the treatment of the Oedipal theme. G26 0420 2 "The Rocking Horse Winner" is also a story about G26 0430 1 a boy's love for his mother. If I now risk some comparisons G26 0430 13 with Sons and Lovers let it be clear that I am not G26 0440 12 comparing the two works or judging their merits; I G26 0450 7 am only singling out differences in treatment of a G26 0460 5 theme and the resultant effects. "The Rocking Horse G26 0470 1 Winner" is a fantasy with extraordinary power to disturb G26 0470 10 the reader- but we do not know why. It is the story G26 0480 11 of the hopeless love of a little boy for his cold and G26 0490 9 vain mother. There are ghostly scenes in which the G26 0500 4 little boy on his rocking horse rocks madly toward G26 0500 13 the climax that will magically give him the name of G26 0510 10 the winning horse. The child grows rich on his winnings G26 0520 7 and conspires with his uncle to make secret gifts of G26 0530 4 his money to his mother. The story ends in the child's G26 0540 1 illness and delirium brought on by the feverish compulsion G26 0540 10 to ride his horse to win for his mother. The child G26 0550 11 dies with his mourning mother at his bedside. G26 0560 5 I had read the story many times without asking myself G26 0570 3 why it affected me or caring why it did. But on one G26 0580 1 occasion when I encountered a similar fantasy in a G26 0580 10 little boy who was my patient I began to understand G26 0590 7 the uncanny effects of this story. It was, of course, G26 0600 5 a little boy's fantasy of winning his mother to himself, G26 0610 2 and replacing the father who could not give her the G26 0610 12 things she wanted- a classical oedipal fantasy if you G26 0620 7 like- but if it were only this the story would be banal. G26 0630 8 Why does the story affect us? How does the rocking G26 0640 4 exert its uncanny effect upon the reader? The rocking G26 0650 2 is actually felt in the story, a terrible and ominous G26 0650 12 rhythm that prophesies the tragedy. The rocking, I G26 0660 7 realized, is the single element in the story that carries G26 0670 6 the erotic message, the unspoken and unconscious undercurrent G26 0680 3 that would mar the innocence of a child's fantasy and G26 0690 2 disturb the effects of the work if it were made explicit. G26 0690 13 The rocking has the ambiguous function of keeping the G26 0700 9 erotic undercurrent silent and making it present; it G26 0710 7 conceals and yet is suggestive; a perfect symbol. And G26 0720 5 if we understand the rocking as an erotic symbol we G26 0730 2 can also see how well it serves as the symbol of impending G26 0730 14 tragedy. For this love of the boy for his mother is G26 0740 11 a hopeless and forbidden love, doomed by its nature. G26 0750 6 We are also struck by the fact that this story of G26 0760 5 a boy's love for his mother does not offend, while G26 0770 1 the incestuous love of the man, Paul Morel, sometimes G26 0770 10 repels. It's easy to see why. This love belongs to G26 0780 9 childhood; we accord it its place there, and in Lawrence's G26 0790 7 treatment we are given the innocent fantasy of a child, G26 0800 5 in fact, the form in which oedipal love is expressed G26 0810 1 in childhood. And when the child dies in Lawrence's G26 0810 10 story in a delirium that is somehow brought on by his G26 0820 11 mania to win and to make his mother rich, the manifest G26 0830 6 absurdity of such a disease and such a death does not G26 0840 5 enter into our thoughts at all. We have so completely G26 0850 1 entered the child's fantasy that his illness and his G26 0850 10 death are the plausible and the necessary conclusion. G26 0860 6 I am sure that none of the effects of this story G26 0870 7 were consciously employed by Lawrence to describe an G26 0880 3 oedipal fantasy in childhood. It is most probable that G26 0890 1 Freud and the Oedipus complex never entered his head G26 0890 10 in the writing of this story. He was simply writing G26 0900 8 a story that wanted to be told, and in the writing G26 0910 5 a childhood fantasy of his own emerged. He would not G26 0920 1 have cared why it emerged, he only wanted to capture G26 0920 11 a memory to play with it again in his imagination and G26 0930 8 somehow to fix and hold in the story the disturbing G26 0940 4 emotions that accompanied the fantasy. G26 0940 9 In our own time we have seen that the novelist's G26 0950 10 debt to psychoanalysis has increased but that the novel G26 0960 7 itself has not profited much from this marriage. Ortega's G26 0970 4 hope that modern psychology might yet bring forth a G26 0980 3 last flowering of the novel has only been partially G26 0980 12 fulfilled. The young writer seems intimidated by psychological G26 0990 8 knowledge; he has lost confidence in his own eyes and G26 1000 9 in the validity of his own psychological insights. G26 1010 2 He borrows the insights of psychology to improve his G26 1020 2 impaired vision but cannot bring to his work the distinctive G26 1020 12 vision that should be a novelist's own. He has been G26 1030 10 seduced by the marvels of the unconscious and has lost G26 1040 7 interest in studying the surfaces of character. If G26 1050 4 many of the characters in contemporary novels appear G26 1060 1 to be the bloodless relations of characters in a case G26 1060 11 history it is because the novelist is often forgetful G26 1070 7 today that those things that we call character manifest G26 1080 5 themselves in surface behavior, that the ego is still G26 1090 3 the executive agency of personality, and that all we G26 1090 12 know of personality must be discerned through the ego. G26 1100 8 The novelist who has been badly baptized in psychoanalysis G26 1110 6 often gives us the impression that since all men must G26 1120 5 have an Oedipus complex all men must have the same G26 1130 2 faces. G26 1130 3 #/2,.# G26 1130 4 I have argued that Oedipus of the Oedipus complex has G26 1140 3 a doubtful future as a tragic figure in literature. G26 1140 12 But a writer who has a taste for irony and who sees G26 1150 11 incest in all its modern dimensions can let his imagination G26 1160 6 work on the disturbing joke in the incest myth, the G26 1170 4 joke that strikes right at the center of man's humanness. G26 1180 1 Moral dread is seen as the other face of desire, and G26 1180 12 here psychoanalysis delivers to the writer a magnificent G26 1190 7 irony and a moral problem of great complexity. G26 1200 4 There is probably some significance in the fact G26 1210 4 that two of the best incest stories I have encountered G26 1220 1 in recent years are burlesques of the incest myth. G26 1220 10 The ancient types are reassembled in gloom and foreboding G26 1230 7 to be irresistibly drawn to their destinies, but the G26 1240 4 myth fails before the modern truth; the oracle speaks G26 1250 2 false and the dream speaks true. In both the farmer's G26 1250 12 tale in Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man and in Thomas G26 1260 9 Mann's The Holy Sinner, the incest hero rises above G26 1270 8 the myth by accepting the wish as motive; the heroic G26 1280 7 act is the casting off of pretense. G26 1290 1 Thomas Mann wrote The Holy Sinner in 1951. It was G26 1290 11 conceived as a leave-taking, a kind of melancholy gathering-in G26 1300 11 of the myths of the West, "bevor die Nacht sinkt, eine G26 1310 9 lange Nacht vielleicht und ein tiefes Vergessen". He G26 1320 6 chose a medieval legend of incest, Gregorius vom Stein, G26 1330 5 and freely borrowed and parodied other myths of the G26 1340 4 West, mixing themes, language, peoples and times in G26 1340 12 a master myth in which the old forms continually renew G26 1350 9 themselves, as in his previous treatment of Joseph. G26 1360 5 But The Holy Sinner is not simply a retelling of G26 1370 6 old stories for an old man's entertainment. Mann understood G26 1380 3 better than most men the incest comedy at the center G26 1390 1 of the myth and the psychological truth in which dread G26 1390 11 is shown as the other face as longing was for him just G26 1400 10 the kind of deep and complicated joke he liked to tell. G26 1410 6 And when he retold the legend of Gregorius he interpolated G26 1420 3 a modern version in which the medieval players speak G26 1430 1 contemporary thoughts in archaic language; while they G26 1430 8 move through the pageantry of the ancient incest myth G26 1440 8 and cover themselves through not-knowing, they reveal G26 1450 5 the unconscious motive in seeking each other and in G26 1460 3 the last scene make an extraordinary confession of G26 1460 11 guilt in the twentieth-century manner. G26 1470 4 Grigorss is the child of an incestuous union between G26 1480 3 a royal brother and sister, the twins Sibylla and Wiligis. G26 1490 2 He is born in secrecy after the death of his father G26 1490 13 and cast adrift soon after birth. The infant is discovered G26 1500 9 by a fisherman who brings him home to rear him. An G26 1510 8 ivory tablet in the infant's cask recounts the story G26 1520 4 of his sinful origins and is preserved for the child G26 1530 1 by the monks of a monastery in the fishing village. G26 1530 11 Grigorss, at seventeen, learns his story and goes forth G26 1540 8 as a knight to uncover his origins. His sailing vessel G26 1550 5 is guided by fate to the shores of his own country G26 1560 2 at a time when Sibylla's domain is overrun by the armies G26 1570 1 of one of her rejected suitors. Grigorss overcomes G26 1570 9 the suitor in battle, delivers the city from its oppressors G26 1580 7 and marries Sibylla who had fallen in love with the G26 1590 6 beautiful knight the moment she saw him. G26 1600 1 Sibylla is pregnant with their second child when G26 1600 9 she finds the ivory tablet concealed by her husband, G26 1610 6 and the identities of mother and son are revealed. G26 1620 3 Grigorss goes off to do penance on a rock for seventeen G26 1630 1 years. At the end of this period two pious Christians G26 1630 11 in Rome receive the revelation which leads them to G26 1640 7 seek the next Pope on the rock. Grigorss comes to Rome G26 1650 5 and becomes a great and beloved Pope. In the last pages G26 1660 4 of the book Sibylla comes to Rome to seek an audience G26 1670 1 with the great Pope and to give her confession. Mother G26 1670 11 and son recognize each other and, in Mann's version G26 1680 7 of this legend, make a remarkable confession of guilt G26 1690 4 to each other, the confession of unconscious motive G26 1700 2 and unconscious knowledge of their true identities G26 1700 9 from the time they had first set eyes on each other. G27 0010 1 In recollection he has said: "Natural or man-made objects G27 0010 11 kept coming into my head, but I would suppress them G27 0020 9 sternly". Moreover, he organized the movement of his G27 0030 7 forms, within his rigorously shaped space, into highly G27 0040 3 complex equilibriums; and used gradations of color G27 0050 1 value as well as sharply contrasting elementary colors. G27 0050 9 The worthy Mondrian, seeing these pictures, said G27 0060 6 in a tone of kindly reproof: "But you are really an G27 0070 6 artist of the naturalistic tradition"! Helion did not G27 0080 4 realize it at the time, but it was true. G27 0090 1 His "monumental" abstraction, made up of smooth, G27 0090 7 metallic "non-objects" acting upon each other with G27 0100 6 great tension, won Helion much acclaim during the 'thirties. G27 0110 5 The play of novel lighting effects also entered into G27 0120 3 these compositions, whose controlled power and varied G27 0130 1 activity made them well worth meditating. G27 0130 7 As Helion's work showed more and more nostalgia G27 0140 6 for the world of man and nature, the pure abstractionists G27 0150 2 expressed some disapproval; but Leger, Arp, Lipchitz G27 0160 1 and Alexander Calder, at the time, gave him their blessing. G27 0160 11 His canvases nowadays bore titles frankly declaring G27 0170 7 them to be "Figures in Space", or "Blue Figure", or G27 0180 7 "Pink Figure"; and they had (vaguely) heads and feet. G27 0190 7 Exhibited in shows in London in 1935, and in New York G27 0200 6 the following year, the new, more elaborated abstracts G27 0210 2 were much favored in the circles of the modernists G27 0210 11 as three-dimentional dramas of great intellectual coherence. G27 0220 6 At this period the thirty-year old Helion was ranked G27 0230 8 "as one of the mature leaders of the modern movement", G27 0240 5 according to Herbert Read, "and in the direct line G27 0250 3 of descent from Cezanne, Seurat, Gris and Leger". In G27 0260 1 America, Meyer Schapiro observed that, unlike the Mondrian G27 0260 9 school, Helion "sought a return path to the fullness G27 0280 9 of nature within the framework of abstract art". G27 0290 5 It is notable that at this time he was writing with G27 0300 5 admiration of Cimabue's and Poussin's way of filling G27 0310 3 space. Abstract art was still the right path for him; G27 0310 13 but, he held, instead of continuing as an "art of reduction", G27 0320 10 it must grow, must make a place for the contributions G27 0330 8 of the Raphaels and Poussins as well as for those of G27 0340 7 the early cubists and Mondrian. G27 0340 12 Later Helion wrote of this phase: "For years I built G27 0350 10 for myself a subtle instrument of relationships- colors G27 0360 7 and forms without a name. I played on it my secret G27 0370 7 songs, unexplained, passionate and peaceful". G27 0380 1 But his own work was evolving further. The extreme G27 0380 10 limitations he sensed in all current abstract art made G27 0390 9 that seem to him increasingly arid and cold. He was G27 0400 6 engaged in constant experiments that searched for new G27 0410 4 directions. Where would it all lead? He himself did G27 0420 2 not know, as he said in 1935. But he was "afraid of G27 0420 14 the future- he would in fact welcome a way back to G27 0430 12 social integration, a functional art of some kind". G27 0440 5 During the 1920's the Abstractionists, the German G27 0450 3 Bauhaus group of industrial designers, and the new G27 0460 1 architects all had the dream of some well ordered utopia, G27 0460 11 or welfare state, in which their neat and logical constructions G27 0470 9 might find their proper place. But whereas the postwar G27 0480 7 American abstractionists seem to Helion to be determined G27 0490 6 to "escape" from the real world, or simply to rebel G27 0500 3 against it, the ordered abstractions which he and his G27 0510 1 associates of the 1930's were painting embodied the G27 0510 9 hope of "improving" things. "We were possessed by visions G27 0520 7 of a new civilization to come, very pure and elevated", G27 0530 7 he has said, "in fact some ideal form of socialism G27 0540 4 such as we had dreamed of since the war of 1914-1918". G27 0550 1 Instead of this the 1930's witnessed a tragic economic G27 0560 1 depression, the rise of Fascist dictators in Europe, G27 0560 9 the wasting Civil War in Spain. Very much the political G27 0570 9 man, Helion felt himself deeply affected by the increasingly G27 0580 6 pessimistic atmosphere of France and all Europe, whose G27 0590 5 foundations seemed to him more and more shaky. In 1936 G27 0600 3 he decided to migrate to America. The Rooseveltian G27 0600 11 America was a haven of liberalism and progress and G27 0610 9 seemed to him to constitute the last best hope for G27 0620 6 civilization. Helion also hoped that America's mastery G27 0630 3 of technology and industrial efficiency would be accompanied G27 0640 2 by the production of new and beautiful art works. "I G27 0640 12 arrived in the United States with the idea of establishing G27 0650 10 myself there more or less permanently and finding inspiration G27 0660 8 for new compositions". G27 0670 1 In New York he was well received by what was then G27 0670 12 only a small brave band of non-figurative artists, G27 0680 9 including Alexander Calder, George K& L& Morris, De G27 0690 6 Kooning, Holty and a few others. After a year in a G27 0700 6 studio on Sheridan Square, having married an American G27 0710 2 girl who was a native of Virginia, Helion moved to G27 0710 12 a village in the Blue Ridge mountains, where he produced G27 0720 9 some of the most imposing of his abstract canvases. G27 0730 6 The darkening world scene, at the time of the Munich G27 0740 7 Pact, continued to trouble his mind even in his remote G27 0750 3 Virginia studio. "Fear possessed me, and the certainty G27 0760 1 of war", he has related. "I truly smelled blood, death, G27 0760 11 heaps of corpses everywhere". In haste he labored to G27 0770 8 finish some last abstract paintings: a three-panel G27 0780 5 frieze, with a flying figure and a fallen figure; a G27 0790 3 "Double-Figure", which went to the Chicago Art Institute, G27 0800 2 and is considered by him the most successful of his G27 0800 12 abstracts; and in early 1939, a "Fallen Figure" of G27 0810 9 very ominous character, which concluded his abstract G27 0820 5 phase. "I knew I was carrying on with abstraction to G27 0830 5 its very end- for me", he said of the two years' output G27 0840 3 in Virginia. With those paintings of big constructions G27 0850 1 crashing down, he felt he could stop. They were, in G27 0850 11 effect his last testament to non-objective art. G27 0860 6 He had taken out first papers for American citizenship; G27 0870 4 but after war came to Europe, he decided to return G27 0880 3 to France, arriving there in January, 1940. "I hated G27 0890 1 the war", he said, "but thought I ought to go because G27 0890 12 I was, perhaps, one of those who hadn't done enough G27 0900 8 to prevent it". G27 0900 11 ## G27 0910 1 In June, 1940, Sergeant Helion, with a company of reserve G27 0910 11 troops waiting to go into battle, was sketching the G27 0920 8 hills south of the Loire River, when the war suddenly G27 0930 6 rolled in upon him. Its first apparition was a long, G27 0940 4 gloomy column of refugees riding in farm wagons, or G27 0940 13 pushing prams. His company then carried out a confused G27 0950 9 retreating movement until it was surrounded by the G27 0960 7 Germans, a few days before France capitulated. After G27 0970 2 a sort of death march during four days without food, G27 0980 1 Helion and his comrades were shipped by cattle-car G27 0980 10 to a labor camp at an estate farm in East Germany. G27 0990 8 A year later they were removed to a Stalag in the harbor G27 1000 6 of Stettin. At the time of his capture Helion had on G27 1010 3 his person a sketchbook he had bought at Woolworth's G27 1010 12 in New York. When he was stripped, deloused and numbered G27 1020 10 by his guards, his much-thumbed sketchbook was seized G27 1030 7 and thrown on a pile of prisoners' goods to be confiscated. G27 1040 5 "It was then I knew that they were making war against G27 1050 4 Man, the individual within!- who questioned things G27 1060 2 when given orders". G27 1060 5 At Stettin the university-educated artist, who had G27 1070 4 studied German, was chosen to serve as interpreter G27 1080 1 and clerk in the office of the Stalag commander. In G27 1080 11 secret he also acted as a member of the prisoners' G27 1090 8 Central Committee, which plotted sabotage, planned G27 1100 3 a few escapes, and maintained a hidden control over G27 1110 1 the wretched French slave-laborers. G27 1110 6 In the Stalag, Helion came to know and love his G27 1120 7 comrades, most of them plain folk, who, in their extremity, G27 1130 3 showed true courage and ran great risks to help each G27 1140 1 other. How much they esteemed him is shown by the fact G27 1140 12 that their underground committee selected him as one G27 1150 6 of the few who would be helped to escape. In the prison G27 1160 6 camp's Black Market civilian clothes were quietly bought G27 1170 3 and forged papers were devised for him; during long G27 1180 1 weeks the plan for his flight was rehearsed. G27 1180 9 Every morning contingents of prisoners would be G27 1190 6 sent out to labor in nearby factories. One evening, G27 1200 3 while a volley-ball game was being played in the yard G27 1210 1 among the prisoners remaining there, a simulated melee G27 1210 9 was staged- just as the gates were opened to admit G27 1220 9 other prisoners returning from work. As Helion wrote G27 1230 5 afterward: " G27 1230 6 Their sentry followed **h Four hands were stretched G27 1240 6 toward me by my comrades behind me. Marquet held my G27 1250 3 briefcase; Finot held a wallet with my money and papers; G27 1260 1 Moineau and David held nothing but their fingers **h G27 1260 10 They felt rough and kind and warm. At this moment the G27 1270 10 volley-ball hit the ground. Duclos ran toward Desprez G27 1280 5 with fists raised. The guards all rushed up to intervene G27 1290 5 **h" G27 1290 6 Shedding his prison cloak, Helion shot through the G27 1300 4 gates, now clad in civilian garments and with the passport G27 1310 2 of a Flemish worker. Riding trains, hitching hikes G27 1310 10 on trucks across Germany, slipping through guarded G27 1320 6 frontiers with the help of secret guides, he eventually G27 1330 5 reached Vichy France, and, by the winter of 1943, was G27 1340 4 back in Virginia. He wrote: " G27 1340 9 To escape from a prison camp required a very special G27 1350 8 state of mind; not only loathing of captivity, but G27 1360 4 a faith, a hope that is even stronger. I left behind G27 1370 2 me brave men, whom captivity had robbed of all hope. G27 1370 12 They too loved their families, longed for their villages: G27 1380 8 yet lacked the faith that drove one to dare **h the G27 1390 8 fearful chance of escape". G27 1400 1 It was a time of revelations for him. Even the most G27 1400 11 rational of men, under great stress, may be transported G27 1410 7 by a new faith and behave like mystics. Helion knew G27 1420 4 that he owed his freedom as much to the self-sacrifice G27 1430 1 of his fellow-men in Arbeitskommando /13,, Stettin, G27 1430 9 as to his own fierce will and love of life. After that, G27 1440 8 he declared, "to return to freedom was to fall to one's G27 1450 7 knees before the real world and adore it". In prison G27 1460 4 he had been able to sketch nothing but figures from G27 1470 1 life, his guards, his companions in misery. Now all G27 1470 10 his desires centered on "rediscovering and singing G27 1480 5 of the prosaic and yet beautiful world of men and objects G27 1490 6 so long barred from me by a barbed wire fence". And, G27 1500 2 he added: "During the many months in prison camp, all G27 1510 1 abstract images vanished from my mind". G27 1510 7 Before leaving for America, he happened to see his G27 1520 6 old friend Jean Arp and confided to him his new resolutions. G27 1530 5 Arp protested: "But it is impossible! Everything in G27 1540 3 the way of representation has already been done by G27 1540 12 the old masters". Helion, however, clung to the belief G27 1550 9 that "in escaping from the Stalag I had also escaped G27 1560 8 from Abstraction". G27 1570 1 While convalescing in his Virginia home he wrote G27 1570 9 a book recording his prison experiences and escape, G27 1580 6 entitled: They Shall Not Have Me **h Published originally G27 1590 5 in (Helion's) English by Dutton + Co& of New York, G27 1600 6 in 1943, the book was received by the press as a work G27 1610 4 of astonishing literary power and one of the most realistic G27 1620 1 accounts of World War /2, from the French side. It G27 1620 11 was very widely read, too; and the author, who seemed G27 1630 8 the embodiment of France's rising spirit of resistance G27 1640 5 to her conquerors, was much complimented for his daring G27 1650 4 military action. But when he showed his new figurative G27 1660 1 pictures to his artist friends of the abstract camp, G27 1660 10 they paid him no compliments and drew long faces. G27 1670 7 Between 1944 and 1947 Helion had a series of one-man G27 1680 7 shows- at the Paul Rosenberg Gallery in New York and G27 1690 5 in Paris- of his new realistic pictures. They reincarnated G27 1700 1 the figures of human beings banished from his canvases G27 1700 10 since the 1920's. These new pictures focussed on the G27 1710 9 familiar and commonplace objects that he had heard G27 1720 6 the men in his prison camp talking about as the things G27 1730 5 they missed most, hence associated with the sense of G27 1740 2 lost freedom: the cafe at the corner, the newspaper G27 1740 11 kiosk, the girls in doorways and windows along the G27 1750 7 street, the golden-crusted French bread they lacked, G27 1760 4 the cigarettes denied them. One of the pictures was G27 1770 2 of a man with hat drawn over his face ceremoniously G27 1770 12 lighting a cigarette; others were of men doffing their G27 1780 7 hats to each other, carrying umbrellas with pomp, reading G27 1790 5 newspapers, or simply showing loaves of bread spread G27 1800 3 out. G28 0010 1 Important as was Mr& O'Donnell's essay, his thesis G28 0010 9 is so restricting as to deny Faulkner the stature which G28 0020 10 he obviously has. He and also Mr& Cowley and Mr& Warren G28 0030 9 have fallen to the temptation which besets many of G28 0040 5 us to read into our authors- Nathaniel Hawthorne, for G28 0050 3 example, and Herman Melville- protests against modernism, G28 0060 2 material progress, and science which are genuine protests G28 0060 10 of our own but may not have been theirs. Faulkner's G28 0070 10 total works today, and in fact those of his works which G28 0080 9 existed in 1946 when Mr& Cowley made his comment, or G28 0090 5 in 1939, when Mr& O'Donnell wrote his essay, reveal G28 0100 3 no such simple attitude toward the South. If he is G28 0100 13 a traditionalist, he is an eclectic traditionalist. G28 0110 7 If he condemns the recent or the present, he condemns G28 0120 7 the past with no less force. If he sees the heroic G28 0130 4 in a Sartoris or a Sutpen, he sees also- and he shows- G28 0140 1 the blind and the mean, and he sees the Compson family G28 0140 12 disintegrating from within. If the barn-burner's family G28 0150 8 produces a Flem Snopes, who personifies commercialism G28 0160 5 and materialism in hyperbolic crassness, the Compson G28 0170 4 family produces a Jason Compson /4,. Faulkner is a G28 0180 3 most untraditional traditionalist. G28 0180 6 Others writing on Faulkner have found the phrase G28 0190 6 "traditional moralist" either inadequate or misleading. G28 0200 3 Among them are Frederick J& Hoffman, William Van O'Connor, G28 0210 3 and Mrs& Olga Vickery. They have indicated the direction G28 0220 3 but they have not been explicit enough, I believe, G28 0220 12 in pointing out Faulkner's independence, his questioning G28 0230 7 if not indeed challenging the Southern tradition. Faulkner's G28 0240 6 is not the mind of the apologist which Mr& O'Donnell G28 0250 7 implies that it is. He is not one to remain more comfortably G28 0260 7 and unquestioningly within a body of social, cultural, G28 0270 4 or literary traditions than he was within the traditions- G28 0280 3 or possibly the regulations- governing his tenure in G28 0280 11 the post office at Oxford, Mississippi, thirty-five G28 0290 8 years ago. G28 0300 1 That is not to deny that he has been aware of traditions, G28 0300 12 of course, that he is steeped in them, in fact, or G28 0310 9 that he has dealt with them, in his books. It is to G28 0320 6 say rather, I believe, that he has brought to bear G28 0330 1 on the history, the traditions, and the lore of his G28 0330 11 region a critical, skeptical mind- the same mind which G28 0340 7 has made of him an inveterate experimenter in literary G28 0350 4 form and technique. He has employed from his section G28 0360 3 rich immediate materials which in a loose sense can G28 0360 12 be termed Southern. The fact that he has cast over G28 0370 9 those materials the light of a skeptical mind does G28 0380 6 not make him any the less Southern, I rather think, G28 0390 2 for the South has been no more solid than other regions G28 0390 13 except in the political and related areas where patronage G28 0400 9 and force and intimidation and fear may produce a surface G28 0410 8 uniformity. Some of us might be inclined to argue, G28 0420 5 in fact, that an independence of mind and action and G28 0430 2 an intolerance of regimentation, either mental or physical, G28 0440 1 are particularly Southern traits. G28 0440 5 There is no necessity, I suppose, to assert that G28 0450 4 Mr& Faulkner is Southern. It would not be easy to discover G28 0460 4 a more thoroughly Southern pedigree than that of his G28 0470 1 family. And, after all, he has lived comfortably at G28 0470 10 both Oxford, Mississippi, and Charlottesville, Virginia. G28 0480 4 The young William Faulkner in New Orleans in the 1920's G28 0490 7 impressed the novelist Hamilton Basso as obviously G28 0500 4 conscious of being a Southerner, and there is no evidence G28 0510 2 that since then he has ever considered himself any G28 0510 11 less so. Besides showing no inclination, apparently, G28 0520 6 to absent himself from his native region even for short G28 0530 6 periods, and in addition writing a shelf of books set G28 0540 4 in the region, he has handled in those books an astonishingly G28 0550 1 complete list of matters which have been important G28 0550 9 in the South during the past hundred years. G28 0560 6 It is more difficult with Faulkner than with most G28 0570 4 authors to say what is the extent and what is the source G28 0580 3 of his knowledge. His own testimony is that he has G28 0580 13 read very little in the history of the South, implying G28 0590 9 that what he knows of that history has come to him G28 0600 7 orally and that he knows the world around him primarily G28 0610 3 from his own unassisted observation. His denials of G28 0610 11 extensive reading notwithstanding, it is no doubt safe G28 0620 8 to assume that he has spent time schooling himself G28 0630 6 in Southern history and that he has gained some acquaintance G28 0640 4 with the chief literary authors who have lived in the G28 0650 3 South or have written about the South. To believe otherwise G28 0660 1 would be unrealistic. G28 0660 4 But in looking at Faulkner against his background G28 0670 3 in Mississippi and the South, it is important not to G28 0680 1 lose the broader perspective. His earliest work reflected G28 0680 9 heavy influences from English and continental writers. G28 0690 6 Evidence is plentiful that early and later also he G28 0710 5 has been indebted to the Gothic romancers, who deal G28 0720 3 in extravagant horror, to the symbolists writing at G28 0720 11 the end of the preceding century, and in particular G28 0730 8 to the stream-of-consciousness novelists, Henry James G28 0740 4 and James Joyce among them. His repeated experimentation G28 0750 2 with the techniques of fiction testifies to an independence G28 0760 1 of mind and an originality of approach, but it also G28 0760 11 shows him touching at many points the stream of literary G28 0770 9 development back of him. My intention, therefore, is G28 0780 5 not to say that Faulkner's awareness has been confined G28 0790 4 within the borders of the South, but rather that he G28 0800 2 has looked at his world as a Southerner and that presumably G28 0800 13 his outlook is Southern. G28 0810 3 The ingredients of Faulkner's novels and stories G28 0820 2 are by no means new with him, and most of the problems G28 0820 14 he takes up have had the attention of authors before G28 0830 9 him. A useful comment on his relation to his region G28 0840 7 may be made, I think, by noting briefly how in handling G28 0850 4 Southern materials and Southern problems he has deviated G28 0860 1 from the pattern set by other Southern authors while G28 0860 10 remaining faithful to the essential character of the G28 0870 8 region. G28 0870 9 The planter aristocracy has appeared in literature G28 0880 6 at least since John Pendleton Kennedy published Swallow-Barn G28 0890 5 in 1832 and in his genial portrait of Frank Meriwether G28 0900 4 presiding over his plantation dominion initiated the G28 0910 2 most persistent tradition of Southern literature. The G28 0910 9 thoroughgoing idealization of the planter society did G28 0920 7 not come, however, until after the Civil War when Southern G28 0930 8 writers were eager to defend a way of life which had G28 0940 7 been destroyed. As they looked with nostalgia to a G28 0950 3 society which had been swept away, they were probably G28 0950 12 no more than half-conscious that they painted in colors G28 0960 9 which had never existed. Their books found no less G28 0970 6 willing readers outside than inside the South, even G28 0980 3 while memories of the war were still sharp. The tradition G28 0990 1 reached its apex, perhaps, in the works of Thomas Nelson G28 0990 11 Page toward the end of the century, and reappeared G28 1000 8 undiminished as late as 1934 in the best-selling novel G28 1010 6 So Red the Rose, by Stark Young. Although Faulkner G28 1020 3 was the heir in his own family to this tradition, he G28 1030 2 did not have Stark Young's inclination to romanticize G28 1030 10 and sentimentalize the planter society. G28 1040 4 The myth of the Southern plantation has had only G28 1050 4 a tangential relation with actuality, as Francis Pendleton G28 1060 2 Gaines showed forty years ago, and I suspect it has G28 1060 12 had a far narrower acceptance as something real than G28 1070 8 has generally been supposed. Faulkner has found it G28 1080 5 useful, but he has employed it with his habitual independence G28 1090 3 of mind and skeptical outlook. Without saying or seeming G28 1100 2 to say that in portraying the Sartoris and the Compson G28 1100 12 families Faulkner's chief concern is social criticism, G28 1110 7 we can say nevertheless that through those families G28 1120 5 he dramatizes his comment on the planter dynasties G28 1130 3 as they have existed since the decades before the Civil G28 1140 1 War. It may be that in this comment he has broken from G28 1140 13 the conventional pattern more violently than in any G28 1150 7 other regard, for the treatment in his books is far G28 1160 6 removed from even the genial irony of Ellen Glasgow, G28 1170 2 who was the only important novelist before him to challenge G28 1180 1 the conventional picture of planter society. G28 1180 7 Faulkner's low-class characters had but few counterparts G28 1190 6 in earlier Southern novels dealing with plantation G28 1200 4 life. They have an ancestry extending back, however, G28 1210 2 at least to 1728, when William Byrd described the Lubberlanders G28 1220 1 he encountered in the back country of Virginia and G28 1220 10 North Carolina. The chief literary antecedents of the G28 1240 7 Snopes clan appeared in the realistic, humorous writing G28 1250 4 which originated in the South and the Southwest in G28 1260 3 the three decades before the Civil War. These narratives G28 1270 1 of coarse action and crude language appeared first G28 1270 9 in local newspapers, as a rule, and later found their G28 1280 8 way between book covers, though rarely into the planters' G28 1290 5 libraries beside the morocco-bound volumes of Horace, G28 1300 3 Mr& Addison, Mr& Pope, and Sir Walter Scott. There G28 1310 2 is evidence to suggest, in fact, that many authors G28 1310 11 of the humorous sketches were prompted to write them- G28 1320 7 or to make them as indelicate as they are- by way of G28 1330 7 protesting against the artificial refinements which G28 1340 2 had come to dominate the polite letters of the South. G28 1340 12 William Gilmore Simms, sturdy realist that he was, G28 1350 8 pleaded for a natural robustness such as he found in G28 1360 3 his favorites the great Elizabethans, to vivify the G28 1370 4 pale writings being produced around him. Simms admired G28 1380 1 the raucous tales emanating from the backwoods, but G28 1380 9 he had himself social affiliations which would not G28 1390 5 allow him to approve them fully. Augustus Baldwin Longstreet, G28 1400 3 a preacher and a college and university president in G28 1410 2 four Southern states, published the earliest of these G28 1410 10 backwoods sketches and in the character Ransy Sniffle, G28 1420 8 in the accounts of sharp horse-trading and eye-gouging G28 1430 7 physical combat, and in the shockingly unliterary speech G28 1440 3 of his characters, he set an example followed by many G28 1450 3 after him. G28 1450 5 Others who wrote of low characters and low life G28 1460 2 included Thomas Bangs Thorpe, creator of the Big Bear G28 1460 11 of Arkansas and Tom Owen, the Bee-Hunter; Johnson Jones G28 1470 9 Hooper, whose character Simon Suggs bears a close kinship G28 1480 8 to Flem Snopes in both his willingness to take cruel G28 1490 7 advantage of all and sundry and the sharpness with G28 1500 3 which he habitually carried out his will; and George G28 1510 1 Washington Harris, whose Tennessee hillbilly character G28 1510 7 Sut Lovingood perpetrated more unmalicious mischief G28 1520 5 and more unintended pain than any other character in G28 1530 6 literature. It would be profitable, I believe, to read G28 1540 3 these realistic humorists alongside Faulkner's works, G28 1550 1 the thought being not that he necessarily read them G28 1550 10 and owed anything to them directly, but rather that G28 1560 7 they dealt a hundred years ago with a class of people G28 1570 5 and a type of life which have continued down to our G28 1580 1 time, to Faulkner's time. Such a comparison reminds G28 1580 9 us that in employing low characters in his works Faulkner G28 1590 7 is recording actuality in the South and moreover is G28 1600 7 following a long-established literary precedent. Such G28 1610 2 characters, with their low existence and often low G28 1610 10 morality, produce humorous effects in his novels and G28 1620 8 tales, as they did in the writing of Longstreet and G28 1630 6 Hooper and Harris, but it need not be added that he G28 1640 4 gives them far subtler and more intricate functions G28 1640 12 than they had in the earlier writers; nor is there G28 1650 10 need to add that among them are some of the most highly G28 1660 8 individualized and most successful of his characters. G28 1670 4 One of the early humorists already mentioned, Thomas G28 1680 2 Bangs Thorpe, can be used to illustrate another point G28 1690 1 where Faulkner touches authentic Southern materials G28 1690 7 and also earlier literary treatment of those materials. G28 1700 6 Thorpe came to Louisiana from the East as a young man G28 1710 7 prepared to find in the new country the setting of G28 1720 2 romantic adventure and idealized beauty. But Thorpe G28 1720 9 saw also the hardships of pioneer existence, the cultural G28 1730 8 poverty of the frontier settlements, and the slack G28 1740 5 morality which abounded in the new regions. As a consequence G28 1750 4 of the tensions thus produced in his thoughts and feelings, G28 1760 2 he wrote on the one hand sketches of idealized hunting G28 1760 12 trips and on the other an anecdote of the village of G28 1770 11 Hardscrabble, Arkansas, where no one had ever seen G28 1780 7 a piano; and he wrote also the masterpiece of frontier G28 1790 3 humor, "The Big Bear of Arkansas", in which earthy G28 1800 2 realism is placed alongside the exaggeration of the G28 1800 10 backwoods tall-tale and the awe with which man contemplates G28 1810 10 the grandeur and the mysteries of nature. G29 0010 1 SOME years ago Julian Huxley proposed to an audience G29 0010 10 made up of members of the British Association for the G29 0020 10 Advancement of Science that "man's supernormal or extra-sensory G29 0030 8 faculties are [now] in the same case as were his mathematical G29 0040 9 faculties during the ice age". As a Humanist, Dr& Huxley G29 0050 7 interests himself in the possibilities of human development, G29 0060 4 and one thing we can say about this suggestion, which G29 0070 3 comes from a leading zoologist, is that, so far as G29 0070 13 he is concerned, the scientific outlook places no rigid G29 0080 9 limitation upon the idea of future human evolution. G29 0090 7 This text from Dr& Huxley is sometimes used by enthusiasts G29 0100 6 to indicate that they have the permission of the scientists G29 0110 4 to press the case for a wonderful unfoldment of psychic G29 0120 3 powers in human beings. There may be a case of this G29 0120 14 sort, but it is not one we wish to argue, here. Even G29 0130 12 if people do, in a not far distant future, begin to G29 0140 7 read one another's minds, there will still be the question G29 0150 5 of whether what you find in another man's mind is especially G29 0160 3 worth reading- worth more, that is, than what you can G29 0170 1 read in good books. Even if men eventually find themselves G29 0170 11 able to look through walls and around corners, one G29 0180 8 may question whether this will help them to live better G29 0190 7 lives. There would be side-conclusions to be drawn, G29 0200 4 of course; such capacities are impressive evidence G29 0200 11 pointing to a conception of the human being which does G29 0210 10 not appear in the accounts of biologists and organic G29 0220 5 evolutionists; but the basic puzzles of existence would G29 0230 4 still be puzzling, and we should still have to work G29 0240 1 out the sort of problems we plan to discuss in this G29 0240 12 article. G29 0250 1 All we want from Dr& Huxley's statement is the feeling G29 0250 11 that this is an open world, in the view of the best G29 0260 11 scientific opinion, with practically no directional G29 0270 4 commitments as to what may happen next, and no important G29 0280 3 confinements with respect to what may be possible. G29 0290 1 It seems quite obvious that all the really difficult G29 0290 10 tasks of human beings arise from the fact that man G29 0300 8 is not one, but many. Each man, that is, is both one G29 0310 6 and many. He is a dreamer of the good society with G29 0320 1 a plan to put into effect, and he is an individual G29 0320 12 craftsman with something to make for himself and the G29 0330 8 people of his time. He is a parent with a child to G29 0340 5 nurture, here and now, and he is an educator who worries G29 0350 1 about the children half way round the world. He is G29 0350 11 a utopian with a stake in tomorrow and he is a vulnerable G29 0360 10 human made captive by the circumstances of today. He G29 0370 5 can sacrifice himself for tomorrow and he can sacrifice G29 0380 4 tomorrow for himself. He is a Craig's wife who agonizes G29 0390 1 about tobacco ash on the living room rug and he is G29 0390 12 a forgetful genius who goes boating with the town baker G29 0400 9 when dignitaries from the local university have come G29 0410 5 to call. He is the stern guardian of the status quo G29 0420 2 who has raised the utilitarian structures of the age, G29 0420 11 and he is the revolutionary poet with a gun in his G29 0430 10 hand who writes a tragic apologetic to posterity for G29 0440 5 the men he has killed. G29 0440 10 What will be the final symmetry of the good society? G29 0450 8 For what do the utopians labor? Here, on a desk, is G29 0460 7 a stack of pamphlets representing the efforts of some G29 0470 3 of the best men of the day to penetrate these questions. G29 0480 1 The pamphlets are about law, the corporation, forms G29 0480 9 of government, the idea of freedom, the defense of G29 0490 7 liberty, the various lethargies which overtake our G29 0500 3 major institutions, the gap between traditional social G29 0510 1 ideals and the working mechanisms that have been set G29 0510 10 in motion for their realization. The thing that is G29 0520 6 notable in all these discussions is the lack of ideological G29 0530 5 ardor. There is another kind of ardor, a quiet, sure G29 0540 2 devotion to the fundamental decencies of human life, G29 0540 10 but no angry utopian contentions. Actually, you could G29 0550 7 wish for some passion, now and then, but when you look G29 0560 8 around the world and see the little volcanos of current G29 0570 3 history which partisan social passions have wrought, G29 0580 1 you are glad that in these pamphlets there is at least G29 0580 12 some civilized calm. G29 0590 2 You could also say that in these pamphlets is a G29 0590 12 relieving quality of maturity. There is essential pleasantness G29 0600 8 in reading the writing of men who are not angry, who G29 0610 9 can contend without quarreling. This is the good kind G29 0620 6 of sophistication, and with all our problems and crises G29 0630 3 this kind of sophistication has flowered in the United G29 0630 12 States during recent years. A characteristic expression G29 0640 7 of such concern and inquiry is found in Joseph P& Lyford's G29 0650 9 introduction to The Agreeable Autocracies, a recent G29 0660 5 paperback study of the institutions of modern democratic G29 0670 4 society. Mr& Lyford gives voice to a temper that represents, G29 0680 3 we think, an achieved plateau of reflective thinking. G29 0690 1 After casting about for a way of describing this spirit, G29 0690 11 we decided that it would be better to use Mr& Lyford's G29 0700 10 introduction as an illustration. He begins: " G29 0710 5 At one time it seemed as if the Soviet Union had G29 0720 5 done us a favor by providing a striking example of G29 0730 2 how not to behave towards other peoples and other nations. G29 0730 12 As things turned out, however, we have not profited G29 0740 9 greatly from the lesson: instead of persistently following G29 0750 5 a national program of our own we have often been satisfied G29 0760 6 to be against whatever Soviet policy seemed to be at G29 0770 4 the moment. Such activity may or may not have irritated G29 0780 1 the Kremlin, but it has frequently condemned America G29 0780 9 to an unnatural defensiveness that has undermined our G29 0790 6 effort to give leadership to the free world. G29 0800 3 The defensiveness has been exaggerated by another G29 0810 1 bad habit, our tendency to rate the "goodness" or "badness" G29 0820 1 of other nations by the extent to which they applaud G29 0820 11 the slogans we circulate about ourselves. Since the G29 0830 5 slogans have little application to reality and are G29 0840 4 sanctimonious to boot, the applause is faint even in G29 0840 13 areas of the world where we should expect to find the G29 0850 11 greatest affection for free government. Shocked at G29 0860 6 the response to our proclamations, we grow more defensive, G29 0870 5 and worse, we lose our sense of humor and proportion. G29 0880 1 Mr& Nehru is subjected to stern lectures on neutralism G29 0880 10 by our Department of State, and an American President G29 0890 9 observes sourly that Sweden would be a little less G29 0900 8 neurotic if it were a little more capitalistic". G29 0910 2 One thing you can say about Mr& Lyford is that he G29 0920 3 does not suffer from any insecurity as an American. G29 0920 12 Those who are insecure fear to be candid in self-examination. G29 0930 11 Only the strong look squarely at weakness. The maturity G29 0940 7 in this point of view lies in its recognition that G29 0950 5 no basic problem is ever solved without being clearly G29 0960 2 understood. Mr& Lyford continues: " G29 0960 6 Even if the self portrait we distribute for popular G29 0970 7 consumption were accurate it would be dangerous to G29 0980 5 present it as a picture of the ideal society. We would G29 0990 2 be ignoring the special circumstances of other countries. G29 0990 10 The picture is the more treacherous when it misrepresents G29 1000 9 the facts of American life. The discrepancy between G29 1010 5 what we commonly profess and what we practice or tolerate G29 1020 5 is great, and it does not escape the notice of others. G29 1030 3 If our sincerity is granted, and it is granted, the G29 1030 13 discrepancy can only be explained by the fact that G29 1040 9 we have come to believe hearsay and legend about ourselves G29 1050 6 in preference to an understanding gained by earnest G29 1060 4 self-examination. What is more, the legends have become G29 1070 1 so sacrosanct that the very habit of self-examination G29 1070 10 or self-criticism smells of low treason, and men who G29 1080 8 practice it are defeatists and unpatriotic scoundrels. G29 1090 3 **h although we continue to pay our conversational G29 1100 2 devotions to "free private enterprise", "individual G29 1110 1 initiative", "the democratic way", "government of the G29 1110 8 people", "competition of the marketplace", etc&, we G29 1120 7 live rather comfortably in a society in which economic G29 1130 7 competition is diminishing in large areas, bureaucracy G29 1140 4 is corroding representative government, technology G29 1150 1 is weakening the citizen's confidence in his own power G29 1150 10 to make decisions, and the threat of war is driving G29 1160 9 him economically and physically into the ground". G29 1170 4 The interesting thing about Mr& Lyford's approach, G29 1180 3 and the approach of the contributors to The Agreeable G29 1190 2 Autocracies (Oceana Publications, 1961) to the situation G29 1200 1 of American civilization, is that it is concerned with G29 1200 10 comprehending the psychological relationships which G29 1210 5 are having a decisive effect on American life. In an G29 1220 6 ideological argument, the participants tend to thump G29 1230 3 the table. They are determined to prove something. G29 1230 11 The new spirit, so well illustrated by Mr& Lyford's G29 1240 9 work, is wholly free of this anxiety. The problem is G29 1250 8 rather to find out what is actually happening, and G29 1260 3 this is especially difficult for the reason that "we G29 1270 1 are busily being defended from a knowledge of the present, G29 1270 11 sometimes by the very agencies- our educational system, G29 1280 8 our mass media, our statesmen- on which we have had G29 1290 6 to rely most heavily for understanding of ourselves". G29 1300 3 The Introduction continues: " G29 1300 6 We experience a vague uneasiness about events, a G29 1310 7 suspicion that our political and economic institutions, G29 1320 4 like the genie in the bottle, have escaped confinement G29 1330 2 and that we have lost the power to recall them. We G29 1330 13 feel uncomfortable at being bossed by a corporation G29 1340 8 or a union or a television set, but until we have some G29 1350 7 knowledge about these phenomena and what they are doing G29 1360 5 to us, we can hardly learn to control them. It does G29 1370 1 not appear that we will be delivered from our situation G29 1370 11 by articles on The National Purpose. G29 1380 5 The Agreeable Autocracies is an attempt to explore G29 1390 6 some of the institutions which both reflect and determine G29 1400 3 the character of the free society today. The men who G29 1410 1 speculate on these institutions have, for the most G29 1410 9 part, come to at least one common conclusion: that G29 1420 5 many of the great enterprises and associations around G29 1430 2 which our democracy is formed are in themselves autocratic G29 1440 1 in nature, and possessed of power which can be used G29 1440 11 to frustrate the citizen who is trying to assert his G29 1450 9 individuality in the modern world". G29 1460 2 These institutions which Mr& Lyford names "agreeable G29 1470 1 autocracies"- where did they come from? Of one thing G29 1470 9 we can be sure: they were not sketched out by the revolutionary G29 1480 12 theorists of the eighteenth century who formulated G29 1490 7 the political principles and originally shaped the G29 1500 5 political institutions of what we term the "free society". G29 1510 2 No doubt there are historians who can explain to a G29 1520 1 great extent what happened to the plans and projects G29 1520 10 of the eighteenth century. Going back over this ground G29 1530 7 and analyzing the composition of forces which have G29 1540 5 created the present scene is one of the tasks undertaken G29 1550 1 by the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, G29 1550 10 in Santa Barbara. But however we come, finally, to G29 1560 9 explain and account for the present, the truth we are G29 1570 8 trying to expose, right now, is that the makers of G29 1580 4 constitutions and the designers of institutions find G29 1590 1 it difficult if not impossible to anticipate the behavior G29 1590 10 of the host of all their enterprises. The host is the G29 1600 9 flowing life of the human race. This life has its own G29 1610 6 currents and rhythms, its own multiple cycles and adaptations. G29 1620 3 On occasion it produces extraordinary novelties. Should G29 1630 2 Rousseau have been able to leave room in his social G29 1630 12 theory for the advent of television, atomic energy, G29 1640 8 and ~IBM machines? How would Thomas Jefferson feel G29 1650 6 after reading Factories in the Field? They tell us, G29 1660 5 sir, that we are free, because we have in one hand G29 1670 2 a ballot, and in the other a stock certificate. With G29 1670 12 these we shape our destiny and own private property, G29 1680 8 and that, sir, makes ours the best of all possible G29 1690 6 societies. The reality of the situation, however, is G29 1700 2 described by Mr& Lyford: " G29 1700 6 Many of us may even be secretly relieved at having G29 1710 6 a plausible excuse to delegate ancient civic responsibilities G29 1720 3 to a new bureaucracy of experts. Thus the member of G29 1730 2 an industrial union comes to regard his officers as G29 1730 11 business agents who may proceed without interference G29 1740 7 or recall; the stockholder delivers his proxy; and G29 1750 5 the citizen narrows his political participation to G29 1760 2 the mere act of voting- if he votes at all". G30 0010 1 Copernicus did not question it, Ptolemy could not. G30 0010 9 Given the conceptual context within which ancient thought G30 0020 6 thrived, how could anyone have questioned this principle? G30 0030 4 The reasons for this are partly observational, partly G30 0040 2 philosophical, and reinforced by other aesthetic and G30 0050 1 cultural factors. G30 0050 3 First, the observational reasons. The obvious natural G30 0060 2 fact to ancient thinkers was the diurnal rotation of G30 0060 11 the heavens. Not only did constellations like Draco, G30 0070 8 Cepheus, and Cassiopeia spin circles around the pole, G30 0080 6 but stars which were not circumpolar rose and set at G30 0090 5 the same place on the horizon each night. Nor did a G30 0100 2 constellation's stars vary in brightness during the G30 0100 9 course of their nocturnal flights. The conclusion- G30 0110 5 the distances of the constellations did not vary and G30 0120 5 their paths were circular. Moreover, the sun's path G30 0130 2 over earth described a segment of a great circle; this G30 0130 12 was clear from the contour of the shadow traced by G30 0140 10 a gnomon before and after noon. G30 0150 2 As early as the /6,th century B&C& the earth was G30 0160 2 seen to be spherical. Ships disappear hull-first over G30 0160 11 the horizon; approaching shore their masts appeared G30 0170 6 first. Earth, being at the center of the universe, G30 0180 6 would have the same shape as the latter; so, e&g& did G30 0190 4 Aristotle argue, although this may not be an observational G30 0200 1 reason in favor of circularity. The discoid shapes G30 0200 9 of sun and moon were also felt to indicate the shape G30 0210 11 of celestial things. G30 0220 1 In light of all this, one would require special G30 0220 10 reasons for saying that the paths of the heavenly bodies G30 0230 9 were other than circular. Why, for example, should G30 0240 5 the ancients have supposed the diurnal rotation of G30 0250 2 the heavens to be elliptical? Or oviform? Or angular? G30 0260 1 There were no reasons for such suppositions then. This, G30 0260 10 conjoined with the considerations above, made the circular G30 0270 8 motions of heavenly bodies appear an almost directly G30 0280 6 observed fact. G30 0280 8 Additional philosophical considerations, advanced G30 0290 3 notably by Aristotle, supported further the circularity G30 0300 3 principle. By distinguishing superlunary (celestial) G30 0310 1 and sublunary (terrestrial) existence, and reinforcing G30 0310 7 this with the four-element physics of Empedocles, Aristotle G30 0320 8 came to speak of the stars as perfect bodies, which G30 0330 7 moved in only a perfect way, viz& in a perfect circle. G30 0340 5 Now what is perfect motion? It must, apparently, G30 0350 2 be motion without termini. Because motion which begins G30 0350 10 and ends at discrete places would (e&g& for Aristotle) G30 0360 9 be incomplete. Circular motion, however, since it is G30 0370 7 eternal and perfectly continuous, lacks termini. It G30 0380 4 is never motion towards something. Only imcomplete, G30 0390 1 imperfect things move towards what they lack. Perfect, G30 0390 9 complete entities, if they move at all, do not move G30 0400 10 towards what they lack. They move only in accordance G30 0410 6 with what is in their natures. Thus, circular motion G30 0420 2 is itself one of the essential characteristics of completely G30 0430 1 perfect celestial existence. G30 0430 4 To return now to the four-element physics, a mixture G30 0440 4 of muddy, frothy water will, when standing in a jar, G30 0450 3 separate out with earth at the bottom, water on top, G30 0450 13 and the air on top of that. A candle alight in the G30 0460 11 air directs its flame and smoke upwards. This gives G30 0470 5 a clue to the cosmical order of elements. Thus earth G30 0480 3 has fallen to the center of the universe. It is covered G30 0480 14 (partly) with water, air is atop of that. Pure fire G30 0490 10 (the stars) is in the heavens. When combined with the G30 0500 7 metaphysical notion that pure forms of this universe G30 0510 4 are best appreciated when least embodied in a material G30 0520 1 substratum, it becomes clear that while earth will G30 0520 9 be dross on a scale of material-formal ratios, celestial G30 0530 7 bodies will be of a subtle, quickened, ethereal existence, G30 0540 4 in whose embodiment pure form will be the dominant G30 0550 3 component and matter will be absent or remain subsidiary. G30 0560 1 The stars constitute an order of existence different G30 0560 9 from what we encounter on earth. This is clear when G30 0570 9 one distinguishes the types of motion appropriate to G30 0580 5 both regions. A projectile shot up from earth returns G30 0590 2 rectlinearly to its 'natural' place of rest. But the G30 0600 1 natural condition for the heavenly bodies is neither G30 0600 9 rest, nor rectilinear motion. Being less encumbered G30 0610 5 by material embodiments they partake more of what is G30 0620 5 divine. Their motion will be eternal and perfect. G30 0630 1 Let us re-examine the publicized contrasts between G30 0630 9 Ptolemaic and Copernican astronomy. Bluntly, there G30 0640 6 never was a Ptolemaic system of astronomy. Copernicus' G30 0650 4 achievement was to have invented systematic astronomy. G30 0660 3 The Almagest and the Hypotheses outline Ptolemy's conception G30 0670 3 of his own task as the provision of computational tables, G30 0680 2 independent calculating devices for the prediction G30 0690 1 of future planetary perturbations. Indeed, in the Halma G30 0690 9 edition of Theon's presentation of the Hypotheses there G30 0700 6 is a chart setting out (under six distinct headings) G30 0710 6 otherwise unrelated diagrams for describing the planetary G30 0720 3 motions. No attempt is made by Ptolemy to weld into G30 0730 2 a single scheme (a la Aristotle), these independent G30 0730 10 predicting-machines. They all have this in common: G30 0740 7 the earth is situated near the center of the deferent. G30 0750 7 But that one should superimpose all these charts, run G30 0760 4 a pin through the common point, and then scale each G30 0770 1 planetary deferent larger and smaller (to keep the G30 0770 9 epicycles from 'bumping'), this is contrary to any G30 0780 6 intention Ptolemy ever expresses. He might even suppose G30 0790 5 the planets to move at infinity. Ptolemy's problem G30 0800 2 is to forecast where, against the inverted bowl of G30 0800 11 night, some particular light will be found at future G30 0810 8 times. His problem concerns longitudes, latitudes, G30 0820 3 and angular velocities. The distances of these points G30 0830 2 of light is a problem he cannot master, beyond crude G30 0830 12 conjectures as to the orderings of the planetary orbits G30 0840 9 viewed outward from earth. But none of this has prevented G30 0850 7 scientists, philosophers, and even historians of science, G30 0860 4 from speaking of the Ptolemaic system, in contrast G30 0870 2 to the Copernican. This is a mistake. It is engendered G30 0870 12 by confounding the Aristotelian cosmology in the Almagest G30 0880 8 with the geocentric astronomy. G30 0890 3 Ptolemy recurrently denies that he could ever explain G30 0900 3 planetary motion. This is what necessitates the nonsystematic G30 0910 1 character of his astronomy. So when textbooks, like G30 0910 9 that of Baker set out drawings of the 'Ptolemaic System', G30 0920 10 complete with earth in the center and the seven heavenly G30 0930 10 bodies epicyclically arranged on their several deferents, G30 0940 5 we have nothing but a misleading /20,th-century idea G30 0950 2 of what never existed historically. G30 0950 7 It is the chief merit in Copernicus' work that all G30 0960 9 his planetary calculations are interdependent. He cannot, G30 0970 5 e&g& compute the retrograde arc traveled by Mars, without G30 0980 6 also making suppositions about the earth's own motion. G30 0990 4 He cannot describe eclipses without entertaining some G30 1000 2 form of a three-body problem. In Ptolemaic terms, however, G30 1010 9 eclipses and retrograde motion were phenomena simpliciter, G30 1020 7 to be explained directly as possible resultants of G30 1030 6 epicyclical combinations. In a systematic astronomy, G30 1040 3 like that of Copernicus, retrogradations become part G30 1050 2 of the conceptual structure of the system; they are G30 1050 11 no longer a puzzling aspect of intricately variable, G30 1060 7 local planetary motions. G30 1070 1 Another contrast stressed when discussing Ptolemaic G30 1070 7 vs& Copernican astronomy, turns on the idea of simplicity. G30 1080 9 It is often stated that Copernican astronomy is 'simpler' G30 1090 7 than Ptolemaic. Some even say that this is the reason G30 1100 9 for the ultimate acceptance of the former. Thus, Margenau G30 1110 5 remarks: "A large number of unrelated epicycles was G30 1120 3 needed to explain the observations, but otherwise the G30 1130 1 [Ptolemaic] system served well and with quantitative G30 1130 8 precision. Copernicus, by placing the sun at the center G30 1140 8 of the planetary universe, was able to reduce the number G30 1150 7 of epicycles from eighty-three to seventeen. Historical G30 1160 2 records indicate that Copernicus was unaware of the G30 1170 1 fundamental aspects of his so-called 'revolution', G30 1170 8 unaware perhaps of its historical importance, he rested G30 1180 7 content with having produced a simpler scheme for prediction. G30 1190 6 As an illustration of the principle of simplicity the G30 1200 4 heliocentric discovery has a peculiar appeal because G30 1210 1 it allows simplicity to be arithmetized; it involves G30 1210 9 a reduction in the number of epicycles from eighty-three G30 1220 9 to seventeen". G30 1230 1 Without careful qualification this can be misleading. G30 1230 8 If in any one calculation Ptolemy had had to invoke G30 1240 7 83 epicycles all at once, while Copernicus never required G30 1250 5 more than one third this number, then (in the sense G30 1260 4 obvious to Margenau) Ptolemaic astronomy would be simpler G30 1270 1 than Copernican. But no single planetary problem ever G30 1270 9 required of Ptolemy more than six epicycles at one G30 1280 9 time. This, of course, results from the non-systematic, G30 1290 5 'cellular' character of Ptolemaic theory. Calculations G30 1300 3 within the Copernican framework always raised questions G30 1310 1 about planetary configurations. These could be met G30 1310 8 only by considering the dynamical elements of several G30 1320 6 planets at one time. This is more ambitious than Ptolemy G30 1330 6 is ever required to be when he faces his isolated problems. G30 1340 4 Thus, in no ordinary sense of 'simplicity' is the Ptolemaic G30 1350 4 theory simpler than the Copernican. The latter required G30 1360 1 juggling several elements simultaneously. This was G30 1360 7 not simpler but much more difficult than exercises G30 1370 7 within Ptolemy's astronomy. G30 1380 1 Analogously, anyone who argues that Einstein's theory G30 1380 8 of gravitation is simpler than Newton's, must say rather G30 1390 9 more to explain how it is that the latter is mastered G30 1400 9 by student-physicists, while the former can be managed G30 1410 6 (with difficulty) only by accomplished experts. G30 1420 1 In a sense, Einstein's theory is simpler than Newton's, G30 1430 1 and there is a corresponding sense in which Copernicus' G30 1430 10 theory is simpler than Ptolemy's. But 'simplicity' G30 1440 7 here refers to systematic simplicity. The number of G30 1450 6 primitive ideas in systematically-simple theories is G30 1460 3 reduced to a minimum. The axioms required to make the G30 1470 3 theoretical machinery operate are set out tersely and G30 1470 11 powerfully, so that all permissible operations within G30 1480 7 the theory can be traced rigorously back to these axioms, G30 1490 6 rules, and primitive notions. This characterizes Euclid's G30 1500 3 formulation of geometry, but not Ptolemy's astronomy. G30 1510 2 There are in the Almagest no rules for determining G30 1520 1 in advance whether a new epicycle will be required G30 1520 10 for dealing with abberations in lunar, solar, or planetary G30 1530 7 behavior. The strongest appeal of the Copernican formulation G30 1540 6 consisted in just this: ideally, the justification G30 1550 3 for dealing with special problems in particular ways G30 1560 2 is completely set out in the basic 'rules' of the theory. G30 1560 13 The lower-level hypotheses are never 'ad hoc', never G30 1570 9 introduced ex post facto just to sweep up within the G30 1580 9 theory some recalcitrant datum. Copernicus, to an extent G30 1590 5 unachieved by Ptolemy, approximated to Euclid's vision. G30 1600 3 De Revolutionibus is not just a collection of facts G30 1610 2 and techniques. It is an organized system of these G30 1610 11 things. Solving astronomical problems requires, for G30 1620 5 Copernicus, not a random search of unrelated tables, G30 1630 4 but a regular employment of the rules defining the G30 1640 2 entire discipline. G30 1640 4 Hence, noting the simplicity achieved in Copernicus' G30 1650 3 formulation does not provide another reason for the G30 1660 2 acceptance of De Revolutionibus, another reason beyond G30 1660 9 its systematic superiority. It provides exactly the G30 1670 7 same reason. G30 1680 1 1543 A&D& is often venerated as the birthday of G30 1680 10 the scientific revolution. It is really the funeral G30 1690 7 day of scholastic science. Granted, the cosmological, G30 1700 3 philosophical, and cultural reverberations initiated G30 1710 2 by the De Revolutionibus were felt with increasing G30 1710 10 violence during the 300 years to follow. But, considered G30 1720 9 within technical astronomy, a different pattern can G30 1730 6 be traced. G30 1730 8 In what does the dissatisfaction of Copernicus-the-astronomer G30 1740 6 consist? What in the Almagest draws his fire? Geocentricism G30 1750 6 per se? No. The formal displacement of the geocentric G30 1760 6 principle far from being Copernicus' primary concern, G30 1770 3 was introduced only to resolve what seemed to him intolerable G30 1780 4 in orthodox astronomy, namely, the 'unphysical' triplication G30 1790 2 of centric reference-points: one center from which G30 1800 1 the planet's distances were calculated, another around G30 1800 8 which planetary velocities were computed, and still G30 1810 6 a third center (the earth) from which the observations G30 1820 4 originated. This arrangement was for Copernicus literally G30 1830 2 monstrous: "With [the Ptolemaists] it is as though G30 1840 1 an artist were to gather the hands, feet, head and G30 1840 11 other members for his images from divers models, each G30 1850 8 part excellently drawn, but not related to a single G30 1860 5 body; and since they in no way match each other, the G30 1870 2 result would be a monster rather than a man". G30 1870 11 Copernicus required a systematically integrated, G30 1880 5 physically intelligible astronomy. His objective was, G30 1890 4 essentially, to repair those aspects of orthodox astronomy G30 1900 2 responsible for its deficiencies in achieving these G30 1900 9 ends. That such deficiencies existed within Ptolemy's G30 1910 7 theory was not discovered de novo by Copernicus. The G30 1920 7 critical, rigorous examinations of Nicholas of Cusa G30 1930 5 and Nicholas of Oresme provided the context (a late G30 1940 3 medieval context) for Nicholas Copernicus' own work. G30 1950 1 The latter looked backward upon inherited deficiencies. G30 1950 8 Without abandoning too much, Copernicus sought to make G30 1960 7 orthodox astronomy systematically and mechanically G30 1970 3 acceptable. He did not think himself to be firing the G30 1980 3 first shot of an intellectual revolution. G31 0010 1 Henrietta's feeling of identity with Sara Sullam was G31 0010 9 crowned by her discovery of the coincidence that Sara's G31 0020 7 epitaph in the Jewish cemetery in Venice referred to G31 0030 6 her as "the Sulamite". G31 0030 10 Into the texture of this tapestry of history and G31 0040 9 human drama Henrietta, as every artist delights to G31 0050 6 do, wove strands of her own intuitive insights into G31 0060 2 human nature and- especially in the remarkable story G31 0065 6 of the attraction and conflict between two so disparate G31 0070 8 and fervent characters as this pair- into the relations G31 0080 7 of men and women: "In their relations, she was the G31 0090 5 giver and he the receiver, nay the demander. His feeling G31 0100 2 always exacted sacrifices from her. **h One is so accustomed G31 0110 1 to think of men as the privileged who need but ask G31 0110 12 and receive, and women as submissive and yielding, G31 0120 6 that our sympathies are usually enlisted on the side G31 0130 4 of the man whose love is not returned, and we condemn G31 0140 1 the woman as a coquette **h. The very firmness of her G31 0140 12 convictions and logical clearness of her arguments G31 0150 6 captivated and stimulated him to make greater efforts; G31 0160 4 usually, this is most exasperating to men, who expect G31 0170 2 every woman to verify their preconceived notions concerning G31 0170 10 her sex, and when she does not, immediately condemn G31 0180 9 her as eccentric and unwomanly **h. She had the opportunity G31 0190 7 that few clever women can resist, of showing her superiority G31 0200 5 in argument over a man **h. Women themselves have come G31 0210 3 to look upon matters in the same light as the outside G31 0220 1 world, and scarcely find any wrong in submitting to G31 0220 10 the importunities of a stronger will, even when their G31 0230 8 affections are withheld **h. She was exposing herself G31 0240 5 to temptation which it is best to avoid where it can G31 0250 3 consistently be done. One who invites such trials of G31 0250 12 character is either foolhardy, overconfident or too G31 0260 7 simple and childlike in faith in mankind to see the G31 0270 6 danger. In any case but the last, such a course is G31 0280 2 sure to avenge itself upon the individual; the moral G31 0280 11 powers no more than the physical and mental, can bear G31 0290 10 overstraining. And, in the last case, a bitter disappointment G31 0300 7 but too often meets the confiding nature **h". G31 0310 3 Henrietta was discovering in the process of writing, G31 0320 2 as the born writer does, not merely a channel for the G31 0320 13 discharge of accumulated information but a stimulus G31 0330 7 to the development of the creative powers of observation, G31 0340 5 insight and intuition. G31 0340 8 Dr& Isaacs was so pleased with the quality of her G31 0350 10 biographical study of Sara Sullam that he considered G31 0360 6 submitting it to the Century Magazine or Harper's but G31 0370 4 he decided that its Jewish subject probably would not G31 0380 3 interest them and published it in The Messenger, "so G31 0390 2 our readers will be benefited instead". Under her father's G31 0400 1 influence it did not occur to Henrietta that she might G31 0400 11 write on subjects outside the Jewish field, but she G31 0410 7 did begin writing for other Anglo-Jewish papers and G31 0420 3 thus increased her output and her audience. And she G31 0430 2 wrote the libretto for an oratorio on the subject of G31 0430 12 Judas Maccabeus performed at the Hanukkah festival G31 0440 6 which came in December. By her eighteenth birthday G31 0450 5 her bent for writing was so evident that Papa and Mamma G31 0460 4 gave her a Life of Dickens as a spur to her aspiration. G31 0470 1 Another source of intellectual stimulus was opened G31 0480 1 to her at that time by the founding of Johns Hopkins G31 0480 12 University within walking distance of home. It was G31 0490 7 established in a couple of buildings in the shopping G31 0500 4 district, with only a few professors, but all eminent G31 0510 1 men, and a few hundred eager students housed in nearby G31 0510 11 dwellings. In September '76 Thomas Huxley, Darwin's G31 0520 7 famous disciple, came from England to speak in a crowded G31 0530 8 auditorium at the formal opening of the University; G31 0540 4 and although it was a school for men only, it afforded G31 0550 2 Henrietta an opportunity to attend its public lectures. G31 0560 1 In the following year her father undertook to give G31 0560 10 a course in Hebrew theology to Johns Hopkins students, G31 0570 6 and this brought to the Szold house a group of bright G31 0580 6 young Jews who had come to Baltimore to study, and G31 0590 3 who enjoyed being fed and mothered by Mamma and entertained G31 0600 1 by Henrietta and Rachel, who played and sang for them G31 0600 11 in the upstairs sitting room on Sunday evenings. From G31 0610 7 Philadelphia came Cyrus Adler and Joseph Jastrow. Adler, G31 0620 3 Judge Sulzberger's nephew, came to study Assyriology. G31 0630 1 A smart, shrewd and ambitious young man, well connected, G31 0630 10 and with a knack for getting in the good graces of G31 0640 10 important people, he was bound to go far. Joseph Jastrow, G31 0650 7 the younger son of the distinguished rabbi, Marcus G31 0660 3 Jastrow, was a friendly, round-faced fellow with a G31 0670 1 little mustache, whose field was psychology, and who G31 0670 9 was also a punster and a jolly tease. His father was G31 0680 8 a good friend of Rabbi Szold, and Joe lived with the G31 0690 5 Szolds for a while. Both these youths, who greatly G31 0700 1 admired Henrietta, were somewhat younger than she, G31 0700 8 as were also the neighboring Friedenwald boys, who G31 0715 3 were then studying medicine; and bright though they G31 0720 5 all were, they could not possibly compete for her interest G31 0730 3 with Papa, whose mind- although he never tried to dazzle G31 0740 1 or patronize lesser lights with it- naturally eclipsed G31 0740 9 theirs and made them seem to her even younger than G31 0750 9 they were. Besides, Miss Henrietta- as she was generally G31 0760 7 known since she had put up her hair with a chignon G31 0770 4 in the back- had little time to spare them from her G31 0780 1 teaching and writing; so Cyrus Adler became interested G31 0780 9 in her friend Racie Friedenwald, and Joe Jastrow- the G31 0790 7 only young man who when he wrote had the temerity to G31 0800 7 address her as Henrietta, and signed himself Joe- fell G31 0810 4 in love with pretty sister Rachel. G31 0810 10 Henrietta, however, was at that time engaged in G31 0820 8 a lengthy correspondence with Joe's older and more G31 0830 5 serious brother, Morris, who was just about her own G31 0840 3 age and whom she had got to know well during trips G31 0840 14 to Philadelphia with Papa, when he substituted for G31 0850 7 Rabbi Jastrow at Rodeph Shalom Temple there during G31 0860 5 its Rabbi's absence in Europe. Young Morris, who, while G31 0870 4 attending the University of Pennsylvania, also taught G31 0880 2 and edited a paper, found time to write Henrietta twenty-page G31 0890 1 letters on everything that engaged his interest, from G31 0890 9 the acting of Sarah Bernhardt in Philadelphia to his G31 0900 6 reactions to the comments of "Sulamith" on the Jewish G31 0910 5 reform movement being promulgated by the Hebrew Union G31 0920 3 College in Cincinnati. Unlike his younger brother, G31 0930 1 Joe, he never presumed to address her more familiarly G31 0930 10 than as "My dear friend", although he praised and envied G31 0940 8 the elegance and purity of her style. And when he complained G31 0950 8 of the lack of time for all he wanted to do, Henrietta G31 0960 6 advised him to rise at five in the morning as she and G31 0970 4 Papa did. G31 0970 6 One thing Papa had not taught Henrietta was how G31 0980 3 to handle a young man as high-spirited and opinionated G31 0980 13 as herself. She could not resist the opportunity "of G31 0990 9 showing her superiority in argument over a man" which G31 1000 7 she had remarked as one of the "feminine follies" of G31 1010 4 Sara Sullam; and in her forthright way, Henrietta, G31 1020 2 who in her story of Sara had indicated her own unwillingness G31 1030 1 "to think of men as the privileged" and "women as submissive G31 1040 1 and yielding", felt obliged to defend vigorously any G31 1040 9 statement of hers to which Morris Jastrow took the G31 1050 7 slightest exception- he objected to her stand on the G31 1060 6 Corbin affair, as well as on the radical reforms of G31 1070 2 Dr& Wise of Hebrew Union College- until once, in sheer G31 1080 1 desperation, he wrote that he had given up hope they G31 1080 11 would ever agree on anything. But that did not prevent G31 1090 8 him from writing more long letters, or from coming G31 1100 4 to spend his Christmas vacations with the hospitable, G31 1110 1 lively Szolds in their pleasant house on Lombard Street. G31 1110 10 #1880S: "LITTLE WOMEN"# G31 1120 3 "WE'VE GOT Father and Mother and each other **h" said G31 1130 6 Beth on the first page of Louisa Alcott's Little Women; G31 1140 3 and, "I do think that families are the most beautiful G31 1150 3 things in all the world", burst out Jo some five hundred G31 1160 1 pages later in that popular story of the March family, G31 1160 11 which had first appeared when Henrietta was eight; G31 1170 7 and the Szold family, as it developed, bore a striking G31 1180 6 resemblance to the Marches. G31 1180 10 Mr& March, like Benjamin Szold, was a clergyman, G31 1190 8 although of an indeterminate denomination; and "Marmee" G31 1200 4 March, like Sophie Szold, was the competent manager G31 1210 5 of her brood of girls, of whom the Marches had only G31 1220 3 four to the Szolds' five. But the March girls had their G31 1230 1 counterparts in the Szold girls. Henrietta could easily G31 1230 9 identify herself with Jo March, although Jo was not G31 1240 9 the eldest sister. Neither was Henrietta hoydenish G31 1250 4 like Jo, who frankly wished she were a boy and had G31 1260 4 deliberately shortened her name, which, like Henrietta's, G31 1270 1 was the feminine form of a boy's name. But both were G31 1270 12 high-spirited and vivacious, both had tempers to control, G31 1280 8 both loved languages, especially English and German, G31 1290 5 both were good teachers and wrote for publication. G31 1300 2 Each was her mother's assistant and confidante; and G31 1310 1 each stood out conspicuously in the family picture. G31 1310 9 Bertha Szold was more like Meg, the eldest March G31 1320 8 girl, who "learned that a woman's happiest kingdom G31 1330 4 is home, her highest honor the art of ruling it, not G31 1340 3 as a queen, but a wise wife and mother". Bertha, blue-eyed G31 1350 1 like Mamma, was from the start her mother's daughter, G31 1350 10 destined for her mother's role in life. Sadie, like G31 1360 8 Beth March, suffered ill health- got rheumatic fever G31 1370 4 and had to be careful of her heart- but that never G31 1380 4 dampened her spirits. When her right hand was incapacitated G31 1390 1 by the rheumatism, Sadie learned to write with her G31 1390 10 left hand. She wrote gay plays about the girls for G31 1400 8 family entertainments, like "Oh, What Fun! A comedy G31 1410 5 in Three Acts", in which, under "Personages", Henrietta G31 1420 2 appeared as "A Schoolmarm", and Bertha, who was only G31 1430 4 a trifle less brilliant in high school than Henrietta G31 1440 1 had been, appeared as "Dummkopf". Sadie studied piano; G31 1440 9 played Chopin in the "Soiree Musicale of Mr& Guthrie's G31 1450 9 Pupils"; and she recited "Hector's Farewell to Andromache" G31 1460 8 most movingly, to the special delight of Rabbi Jastrow G31 1470 9 at his home in Germantown near Philadelphia, where G31 1480 4 the Szold girls took turns visiting between the visits G31 1490 4 of the Jastrow boys at the Szolds' in Baltimore. Adele, G31 1500 2 like Amy, the youngest of the Marches, was the rebellious, G31 1510 1 mischievous, rather calculating and ambitious one. G31 1510 7 For Rachel, conceded to be the prettiest of the Szold G31 1520 9 girls- and she did make a pretty picture sitting in G31 1530 6 the grape-arbor strumming her guitar and singing in G31 1540 2 her silvery tones- there was no particular March counterpart; G31 1550 1 but both groups were so closely knit that despite individual G31 1550 11 differences the family life in both cases was remarkably G31 1560 9 similar in atmosphere if not entirely in content- the G31 1570 7 one being definitely Jewish and the other vaguely Christian. G31 1580 6 The Szolds, like the Marches, enjoyed and loved G31 1590 4 living together, even in troubled times; and, as in G31 1600 3 the March home, any young man who called on the Szolds G31 1600 14 found himself confronted with a phalanx of femininity G31 1610 8 which made it rather difficult to direct his particular G31 1620 5 attention to any one of them. This included Mamma, G31 1630 3 jolly, generous, and pretty, with whom they all fell G31 1640 1 in love, just as Papa had first fallen in love with G31 1640 12 her Mamma before he chose her; and when a young man G31 1650 9 like Morris Jastrow had enjoyed the Szold hospitality, G31 1660 4 he felt obliged to send his respects and his gifts G31 1670 3 not merely to Henrietta, in whom he was really interested, G31 1680 1 but to all the Szold girls and Mamma. And just as "Laurie" G31 1680 13 Lawrence was first attracted to bright Jo March, who G31 1690 9 found him immature by her high standards, and then G31 1700 7 had to content himself with her younger sister Amy, G31 1710 3 so Joe Jastrow, who had also been writing Henrietta G31 1720 1 before he came to Johns Hopkins, had to content himself G31 1720 11 with her younger sister, pretty Rachel. And like Jo G31 1730 8 March, who saw her sisters Meg and Amy involved in G31 1740 6 "lovering" before herself, Henrietta saw her sisters G31 1750 4 Rachel and Sadie drawn outside their family circle G31 1760 1 by the attraction of suitors, Rachel by Joe Jastrow, G31 1760 10 and Sadie by Max Lo^bl, a young businessman who would G31 1770 8 write her romantic descriptions of his trips by steamboat G31 1780 6 down the Mississippi. G32 0010 1 This time he was making no mistake. Olgivanna- in G32 0010 10 her country the nickname was a respectful form of address- G32 0020 8 was not only attractive but shrewd, durable, sensible, G32 0030 4 and smart. No wonder Wright was enchanted- no two better G32 0040 6 suited people ever met. Almost from that day, until G32 0050 1 his death, Olgivanna was to stay at his side; but the G32 0050 12 years that immediately followed were to be extraordinarily G32 0060 7 trying, both for Wright and his Montenegrin lady. G32 0070 5 It must be granted that the flouting of convention, G32 0080 3 no matter how well intentioned one may be, is sure G32 0090 1 to lead to trouble, or at least to the discomfort that G32 0090 12 goes with social disapproval. Even so, many of the G32 0100 7 things that happened to Wright and Olgivanna seem inordinately G32 0110 5 severe. Their afflictions centered on one maddening G32 0120 4 difficulty: Miriam held up the divorce proceedings G32 0130 1 that she herself had asked for. Reporters began to G32 0130 10 trail Miriam everywhere, and to encourage her to make G32 0140 7 appalling statements about Wright and his doings. Flocks G32 0150 5 of writs, attachments, and unpleasant legal papers G32 0160 2 of every sort began to fly through the air. The distracted G32 0160 13 Miriam would agree to a settlement through her legal G32 0170 9 representative, then change her mind and make another G32 0180 7 attack on Wright as a person. At last her lawyer, Arthur G32 0190 5 D& Cloud, gave up the case because she turned down G32 0200 3 three successive settlements he arranged. Cloud made G32 0200 10 an interesting statement in parting from his client: G32 0210 7 "I wanted to be a lawyer, and Mrs& Wright wanted me G32 0220 8 to be an avenging angel. So I got out. Mrs& Wright G32 0230 5 is without funds. The first thing to do is get her G32 0240 3 some money by a temporary but definite adjustment pending G32 0240 12 a final disposition of the case. But every time I suggested G32 0250 10 this to her, Mrs& Wright turned it down and demanded G32 0260 8 that I go out and punish Mr& Wright. I am an attorney, G32 0270 7 not an instrument of vengeance". Miriam Noel disregarded G32 0280 4 the free advice of her departing counselor, and appointed G32 0290 3 a heavy-faced young man named Harold Jackson to take G32 0300 1 his place. G32 0300 3 There were three years of this strange warfare; G32 0310 1 and during the unhappy time, Miriam often would charge G32 0310 10 that Wright and Olgivanna were misdemeanants against G32 0320 5 the public order of Wisconsin. Yet somehow, when officers G32 0330 5 were prodded into visiting Taliesin to execute the G32 0340 3 warrants, they would find neither Wright nor Olgivanna G32 0350 1 at home. This showed that common sense had not died G32 0350 11 out at the county and village level- though why the G32 0360 7 unhappy and obviously unbalanced woman was not restrained G32 0370 5 remains a puzzle. The misery of Miriam's bitterness G32 0380 2 can be felt today by anyone who studies the case- it G32 0380 13 was hopeless, agonizing, and destructive, with Miriam G32 0390 7 herself bearing the heaviest burden of shame and pain. G32 0400 7 To get an idea of the embarrassment and chagrin G32 0410 3 that was heaped upon Wright and Olgivanna, we should G32 0420 2 bear in mind that the raids were sometimes led by Miriam G32 0420 13 in person. One of the most distressing of these scenes G32 0430 9 occurred at Spring Green toward the end of the open G32 0440 8 warfare, on a beautiful day in June. At this time Miriam G32 0450 5 Noel appeared, urging on Constable Henry Pengally, G32 0460 1 whose name showed him to be a descendant of the Welsh G32 0460 12 settlers in the neighborhood. A troop of reporters G32 0470 8 brought up the rear. Miriam was stopped at the Taliesin G32 0480 6 gate, and William Weston, now the estate foreman, came G32 0490 4 out to parley. He said that Mr& Wright was not in, G32 0500 3 and so could not be arrested on something called a G32 0500 13 peace warrant that Miriam was waving in the air. Miriam G32 0510 9 now ordered Pengally to break down the gate, but he G32 0520 7 said he really couldn't go that far. At this point G32 0530 3 Mrs& Frances Cupply, one of Wright's handsome daughters G32 0540 1 by his first wife, came from the house and tried to G32 0540 12 calm Miriam as she tore down a NO VISITORS sign and G32 0550 10 smashed the glass pane on another sign with a rock. G32 0560 7 Miriam Noel Wright said, "Here I am at my own home, G32 0570 7 locked out so I must stand in the road"! Then she rounded G32 0580 4 on Weston and cried, "You always did Wright's dirty G32 0590 2 work! When I take over Taliesin, the first thing I'll G32 0600 1 do is fire you". G32 0600 5 "Madame Noel, I think you had better go", said Mrs& G32 0610 4 Cupply. G32 0610 5 "And I think you had better leave", replied Miriam. G32 0620 4 Turning to the reporters, she asked, "Did you hear G32 0630 3 her? 'I think you had better leave'! And this is my G32 0640 3 own home". In the silence that followed, Miriam walked G32 0640 12 close to Mrs& Cupply, who drew back a step on her side G32 0650 12 of the gate. Then, with staring eyes and lips drawn G32 0660 7 thin, Miriam said to the young woman, "You are ugly- G32 0670 4 uglier than you used to be, and you were always very G32 0680 2 ugly. You are even uglier than Mr& Wright". G32 0680 10 The animosity expressed by such a scene had the G32 0690 9 penetrating quality of a natural force; and it gave G32 0700 6 Miriam Noel a fund of energy like that of a person G32 0710 4 inspired to complete some great and universal work G32 0710 12 of art. As if to make certain that Wright would be G32 0720 10 unable to pay any settlement at all, Miriam wrote to G32 0730 6 prospective clients denouncing him; she also went to G32 0740 4 Washington and appealed to Senator George William Norris G32 0750 2 of Nebraska, the Fighting Liberal, from whose office G32 0750 10 a sympathetic but cautious harrumphing was heard. Then, G32 0760 7 after overtures to accept a settlement and go through G32 0770 7 with a divorce, Miriam gave a ghastly echo of Mrs& G32 0780 4 Micawber by suddenly stating, "I will never leave Mr& G32 0790 2 Wright". G32 0790 3 Under this kind of pressure, it is not surprising G32 0800 2 that Wright would make sweeping statements to the newspapers. G32 0810 1 Miriam had not yet goaded him into mentioning her directly, G32 0810 11 but one can feel the generalized anger in Wright's G32 0820 8 remarks to reporters when he was asked, one morning G32 0830 7 on arrival in Chicago, what he thought of the city G32 0840 4 as a whole. First, Wright said, he was choked by the G32 0840 15 smoke, which fortunately kept him from seeing the dreadful G32 0850 9 town. But surely Michigan Avenue was handsome? "That G32 0860 6 isn't a boulevard, it's a racetrack"! cried Wright, G32 0870 5 showing that automobiles were considered to be a danger G32 0880 5 as early as the 1920's. "This is a horrible way to G32 0890 3 live", Wright went on. "You are being strangled by G32 0890 12 traffic". He was then asked for a solution of the difficulty, G32 0900 11 and began to talk trenchant sense, though private anguish G32 0910 8 showed through in the vehemence of his manner. "Take G32 0920 6 a gigantic knife and sweep it over the Loop", Wright G32 0930 4 said. "Cut off every building at the seventh floor. G32 0940 2 Spread everything out. You don't need concentration. G32 0940 9 If you cut down these horrible buildings you'll have G32 0950 9 no more traffic jams. You'll have trees again. You'll G32 0960 6 have some joy in the life of this city. After all, G32 0970 5 that's the job of the architect- to give the world G32 0975 3 a little joy". G32 0980 1 Little enough joy was afforded Wright in the spring G32 0990 4 of 1925, when another destructive fire broke out at G32 0990 13 Taliesin. The first news stories had it that this blaze G32 1000 10 was started by a bolt of lightning, as though Miriam G32 1010 8 could call down fire from heaven like a prophet of G32 1020 5 the Old Testament. A storm did take place that night, G32 1030 2 and fortunately enough, it included a cloudburst that G32 1030 10 helped put out the flames. Later accounts blamed defective G32 1040 8 wiring for starting the fire; at any rate, heat grew G32 1050 8 so intense in the main part of the house that it melted G32 1060 5 the window panes, and fused the K'ang-si pottery to G32 1070 2 cinders. Wright set his loss at $200,000, a figure G32 1070 11 perhaps justified by the unique character of the house G32 1080 8 that had been ruined, and the faultless taste that G32 1090 5 had gone into the selection of the prints and other G32 1100 2 things that were destroyed. In spite of the disaster, G32 1100 11 Wright completed during this period plans for the Lake G32 1110 9 Tahoe resort, in which he suggested the shapes of American G32 1120 7 Indian tepees- a project of great and appropriate charm, G32 1130 5 that came to nothing. Amid a shortage of profitable G32 1140 2 work, the memory of Albert Johnson's $20,000 stood G32 1140 10 out in lonely grandeur- the money had quickly melted G32 1150 9 away. A series of conferences with friends and bankers G32 1160 6 began about this time; and the question before these G32 1170 4 meetings was, here is a man of international reputation G32 1180 1 and proved earning power; how can he be financed so G32 1180 11 that he can find the work he ought to do? While this G32 1190 11 was under consideration, dauntless as ever Wright set G32 1200 6 about the building of Taliesin /3,. G32 1210 1 As he made plans for the new Taliesin, Wright also G32 1210 11 got on paper his conception of a cathedral of steel G32 1220 9 and glass to house a congregation of all faiths, and G32 1230 5 the idea for a planetarium with a sloping ramp. Years G32 1240 3 were to pass before these plans came off the paper, G32 1240 13 and Wright was justified in thinking, as the projects G32 1250 9 failed, that much of what he had to show his country G32 1260 9 and the world would never be seen except by visitors G32 1270 3 to Taliesin. And now there was some question as to G32 1280 1 his continued residence there. Billy Koch, who had G32 1280 9 once worked for Wright as a chauffeur, gave a deposition G32 1290 8 for Miriam's use that he had seen Olgivanna living G32 1300 5 at Taliesin. This might put Wright in such a bad light G32 1310 4 before a court that Miriam would be awarded Taliesin; G32 1320 1 nor was she moved by a letter from Wright pointing G32 1320 11 out that if he was not "compelled to spend money on G32 1330 8 useless lawyer's bills, useless hotel bills, and useless G32 1340 5 doctor's bills", he could more quickly provide Miriam G32 1350 3 with a suitable home either in Los Angeles or Paris, G32 1360 1 as she preferred. Miriam sniffed at this, and complained G32 1360 10 that Wright had said unkind things about her to reporters. G32 1370 9 His reply was, "Everything that has been printed derogatory G32 1380 6 to you, purporting to have come from me, was a betrayal, G32 1390 7 and nothing yet has been printed which I have sanctioned". G32 1400 4 What irritated Miriam was that Wright had told the G32 1410 2 papers about a reasonable offer he had made, which G32 1410 11 he considered she would accept "when she tires of publicity". G32 1420 9 From her California headquarters, Miriam fired back, G32 1430 5 "I shall never divorce Mr& Wright, to permit him to G32 1440 6 marry Olga Milanoff". G32 1440 9 Then Miriam varied the senseless psychological warfare G32 1450 6 by suddenly withdrawing a suit for separate maintenance G32 1460 6 that had been pending, and asking for divorce on the G32 1470 5 grounds of cruelty, with the understanding that Wright G32 1480 1 would not contest it. The Bank of Wisconsin sent a G32 1480 11 representative to the judge's chambers in Madison to G32 1490 8 give information on Wright's ability to meet the terms. G32 1500 6 He said that the architect might reasonably be expected G32 1510 3 to carry his financial burdens if all harrassment could G32 1520 2 be brought to an end, and that the bank would accept G32 1520 13 a mortgage on Taliesin to help bring this about. Miriam G32 1530 9 said that she must be assured that "that other woman, G32 1540 6 Olga, will not be in luxury while I am scraping along". G32 1550 4 This exhausted Wright's patience, and in consequence G32 1560 1 he talked freely to reporters in a Madison hotel suite. G32 1560 11 "Volstead laws, speed laws, divorce laws", he said, G32 1570 8 "as they now stand, demoralize the individual, make G32 1580 6 liars and law breakers of us in one way or another, G32 1590 5 and tend to make our experiment in democracy absurd. G32 1600 1 If Mrs& Wright doesn't accept the terms in the morning, G32 1600 11 I'll go either to Tokyo or to Holland, to do what I G32 1610 12 can. I realize, in taking this stand, just what it G32 1620 8 means to me and mine". Here Wright gave a slight sigh G32 1630 5 of weariness, and continued, "It means more long years G32 1640 3 lived across the social grain of the life of our people, G32 1650 1 making shift to live in the face of popular disrespect G32 1650 11 and misunderstanding as I best can for myself and those G32 1660 9 dependent upon me". Next day, word came that Miriam G32 1670 6 was not going through with the divorce; but Wright G32 1680 3 stayed in the United States. His mentioning of Japan G32 1680 12 and Holland had been merely the expression of wishful G32 1690 9 thinking. No matter what troubles might betide him, G32 1700 6 this most American of artists knew in his heart he G32 1710 5 could not function properly outside his native land. G32 1720 1 In a few weeks Miriam made another sortie at Taliesin, G32 1720 11 but was repulsed at the locked and guarded gates. G33 0010 1 More likely, you simply told yourself, as you handed G33 0010 10 us the book, that it mattered little what we incanted G33 0020 7 providing we underwent the discipline of incantation. G33 0030 3 For pride's sake, I will not say that the coy and G33 0040 4 leering vade mecum of those verses insinuated itself G33 0040 12 into my soul. Besides, that particular message does G33 0050 8 no more than weakly echo the roar in all fresh blood. G33 0060 7 But what you could not know, of course, was how smoothly G33 0070 4 the Victorian Fitzgerald was to lead into an American G33 0080 1 Fitzgerald of my own vintage under whose banner we G33 0080 10 adolescents were to come, if not of age, then into G33 0090 10 a bright, taut semblance of it. I do not suppose you G33 0100 6 ever heard of F& Scott Fitzgerald, living or dead, G33 0110 3 and moreover I do not suppose that, even if you had, G33 0110 14 his legend would have seemed to you to warrant more G33 0120 9 than a cluck of disapproval. Neither his appetites, G33 0130 4 his exacerbations, nor his despair were kin to yours. G33 0140 4 He might have been the man in the moon for all you G33 0140 16 could have understood him. But he was no man in the G33 0150 11 moon to me. Although his tender nights were not the G33 0160 7 ones I dreamed of, nor was it for yachts, sports cars, G33 0170 3 tall drinks, and swimming pools, nor yet for money G33 0170 12 or what money buys that I burned, I too was burning G33 0180 11 and watching myself burn. The flame was simply of a G33 0190 8 different kind. It was symbolized (at least for those G33 0200 5 of us who recognized ourselves in the image) by that G33 0210 1 self-consuming, elegiac candle of Edna St& Vincent G33 0210 9 Millay's, that candle which from the quatrain where G33 0220 8 she ensconced it became a beacon to us, but which in G33 0230 7 point of fact would have had to be as tall as a funeral G33 0240 4 taper to last even the evening, let alone the night. G33 0240 14 One should not, of course, pluck the head off a flower G33 0250 11 and expect its perfume to linger on. Yet this passion G33 0260 7 for passion, now that I look back on it with passion G33 0270 5 spent, seems somewhat overblown and operatic, though G33 0280 1 as a diva Miss Millay perfectly controlled her notes. G33 0280 10 Only what else was she singing but the old Song of G33 0290 10 Songs, that most ancient of tunes that nature plays G33 0300 6 with such unfailing response upon young nerves? Perhaps G33 0310 2 this is not so little. Perhaps the mere fact that by G33 0320 1 plucking on the nerves nature can awaken in the most G33 0320 11 ordinary of us, temporarily anyway, the sleeping poet, G33 0330 5 and in poets can discover their immortality, is the G33 0340 4 most remarkable of all the remarkable phenomena to G33 0350 1 which we can attest? One can see it as humiliating G33 0350 11 that an extra hormone casually fed into our chemistry G33 0360 6 may induce us to lay down our lives for a lover or G33 0370 5 a friend; one can take it as no more than another veil G33 0380 2 torn from the mystery of the soul. But it could also G33 0380 13 be looked at from the other end of the spectrum. One G33 0390 10 could see this chemical determinant as in itself a G33 0400 5 miracle. In any case, Miss Millay's sweet-throated G33 0410 1 bitterness, her variations on the theme that the world G33 0410 10 was not only well lost for love but even well lost G33 0420 11 for lost love, her constant and wonderfully tragic G33 0430 4 posture, so unlike that of Fitzgerald since it required G33 0440 3 no scenery or props, drew from the me that I was when G33 0450 1 I fell upon her verses an overwhelming yea. G33 0450 9 But all this, I am well aware, is the bel canto G33 0460 8 of love, and although I have always liked to think G33 0470 4 that it was to the bel canto and to that alone that G33 0480 2 I listened, I know well enough that it was not. If G33 0480 13 I am to speak the whole truth about my knowledge of G33 0490 8 love, I will have to stop trying to emulate the transcendant G33 0500 6 nightingale. There is another side of love, more nearly G33 0510 5 symbolized by the croak of the mating capercailzie, G33 0520 1 or better still perhaps by the mute antics of the slug. G33 0520 12 Whether you experienced the passion of desire I G33 0530 8 have, of course, no way of knowing, nor indeed have G33 0540 6 I wished with even the most fleeting fragment of a G33 0550 3 wish to know, for the fact that one constitutes by G33 0550 13 one's mere existence so to speak the proof of some G33 0560 10 sort of passion makes any speculation upon this part G33 0570 5 of one's parents' experience more immodest, more scandalizing, G33 0580 3 more deeply unwelcome than an obscenity from a stranger. G33 0590 3 I recoil from the very thought. At the same time, I G33 0590 14 am aware that my recoil could be interpreted by readers G33 0600 10 of the tea leaves at the bottom of my psyche as an G33 0610 9 incestuous sign, since theirs is a science of paradox: G33 0620 3 if one hates, they say it is because one loves; if G33 0630 2 one bullies, they say it is because one is afraid; G33 0630 12 if one shuns, they say it is because one desires; and G33 0640 9 according to them, whatever one fancies one feels, G33 0650 5 what one feels in fact is the opposite. Well, normally G33 0660 2 abnormal or normally normal, neurotic or merely fastidious G33 0660 10 (do the tea-leaf readers, by the way, allow psyches G33 0670 10 to have moral taste?), I have never wanted to know G33 0680 7 what you knew of passion. G33 0680 12 ## G33 0680 13 YOU PROBABLY WOULD NOT REMEMBER, SINCE YOU NEVER seemed G33 0690 9 to remember even the same moments as I, much less their G33 0710 9 intensity, one sunny midday on Fifth Avenue when you G33 0720 5 had set out with me for some final shopping less than G33 0730 3 a week before the wedding you staged for me with such G33 0730 14 reluctance at the Farm. I can see us now. We had been G33 0740 12 walking quite briskly, for despite your being so small G33 0750 7 and me so tall, your stride in those days could easily G33 0760 4 match mine. We had stopped before a shop window to G33 0770 2 assess its autumnal display, when you suddenly turned G33 0770 10 to me, looking up from beneath one of your wrong hats, G33 0780 9 and with your nervous "ahem"! said: "There are things G33 0790 5 I must tell you about this man you are marrying which G33 0800 4 he does not know himself". If you had screamed right G33 0810 2 there in the street where we stood, I could not have G33 0810 13 felt more fear. With scarcely a mumble of excuse, I G33 0820 9 fled. I fled, however, not from what might have been G33 0830 7 the natural fear of being unable to disguise from you G33 0840 3 that the things about my bridegroom- in the sense you G33 0850 1 meant the word "things"- which you had been galvanizing G33 0850 10 yourself to tell me as a painful part of your maternal G33 0860 11 duty were things which I had already insisted upon G33 0870 6 finding out for myself (despite, I may now say, the G33 0880 3 unspeakable awkwardness of making the discovery on G33 0880 10 principle, yes, on principle, and in cold blood) because G33 0890 9 I was resolved, as a modern woman, not to be a mollycoddle G33 0900 9 waiting for Life but to seize Life by the throat. I G33 0910 6 had developed too foolproof a facade to be afraid of G33 0920 2 self-betrayal. What I fled from was my fear of what, G33 0920 13 unwittingly, you might betray, without meaning to, G33 0930 7 about my father and yourself. G33 0940 1 But I can see from this latest trick of memory how G33 0940 12 much more arbitrary and influential it is than the G33 0950 9 will. While my memory holds with relentless tenacity, G33 0960 5 as I cannot too often stress, to my wrongs, when it G33 0970 3 comes to my shames, it gestures and jokes and toys G33 0970 13 with chronology like a prestidigitator in the hope G33 0980 8 of distracting me from them. Just as I was about to G33 0990 8 enlarge upon my discovery of the underside of the leaf G33 1000 4 of love, memory, displeased at being asked to yield G33 1000 13 its unsavory secrets, dashed ahead of me, calling back G33 1010 9 over its shoulder: "Skip it. Cut it out". But I will G33 1020 9 not skip it or cut it out. It is not my intention in G33 1040 7 this narrative to picture myself as a helpless victim G33 1050 2 moored to the rock of experience and left to the buffetings G33 1060 1 of chance. If to be innocent is to be helpless, then G33 1060 12 I had been- as are we all- helpless at the start. But G33 1070 12 the time came when I was no longer innocent and therefore G33 1080 6 no longer helpless. Helpless in that sense I can never G33 1090 5 be again. However, I confess my hope that I will be G33 1100 3 innocent again, not with a pristine, accidental innocence, G33 1100 11 but rather with an innocence achieved by the slow cutting G33 1110 10 away of the flesh to reach the bone. G33 1120 5 For innocence, of all the graces of the spirit, G33 1130 2 is I believe the one most to be prayed for. Although G33 1130 13 it is constantly made to look foolish (too simple to G33 1140 8 come in out of the rain, people say, who have found G33 1150 6 in the innocent an impediment), it does not mind looking G33 1160 3 foolish because it is not concerned with how it looks. G33 1170 1 It assumes that things are as they seem when they seem G33 1170 12 best, and when they seem worst it overlooks them. To G33 1180 8 innocence, a word given is a word that will be kept. G33 1190 5 Instinctively, innocence does unto others as it expects G33 1200 2 to be done by. But when these expectations are once G33 1200 12 too often ground into the dust, innocence can falter, G33 1210 8 since its strength is according to the strength of G33 1220 5 him who possesses it. The innocence of which I speak G33 1230 3 is, I know, not incorruptible. But I insist upon believing G33 1240 1 that even when it is lost, it may, like paradise, be G33 1240 12 regained. G33 1250 1 However, it was not of innocence in general that G33 1250 10 I was speaking, but of perhaps the frailest and surely G33 1260 8 the least important side of it which is innocence in G33 1270 6 romantic love. Here, if anywhere, it is not wholly G33 1280 2 incontrovertible. To you, for instance, the word innocence, G33 1280 10 in this connotation, probably retained its Biblical, G33 1290 7 or should I say technical sense, and therefore I suppose G33 1300 7 I must make myself quite clear by saying that I lost- G33 1310 6 or rather handed over- what you would have considered G33 1320 3 to be my innocence two weeks before I was legally entitled, G33 1330 1 and in fact by oath required, to hand it over along G33 1330 12 with what other goods and bads I had. But to me innocence G33 1340 10 is far less tangible. I had long since begun to lose G33 1350 8 my general innocence when I lost my trust in you, but G33 1360 5 this special innocence I lost before ever I loved, G33 1370 1 through my discovery that one could tremble with desire G33 1370 10 and even experience a flaming delight that had nothing, G33 1380 7 nothing whatever to do with friendship or liking, let G33 1390 5 alone with love. I knew this knowledge to be corrupting G33 1400 3 at the time I acquired it; today, these many years G33 1400 13 later, after all the temptations resisted or yielded G33 1410 8 to, the weasel satisfactions and the engulfing dissatisfactions G33 1420 5 since endured, I call it corrupting still. G33 1430 3 You, I could swear to it, remained innocent in this G33 1440 3 sense until the end. Yours, but not mine, was an age G33 1440 14 in which innocence was fostered and carefully- if not G33 1450 8 perhaps altogether innocently- preserved. You had grown G33 1460 5 up at a time when the most distinguishing mark of a G33 1470 4 lady was the noli me tangere writ plain across her G33 1480 2 face. Moreover, because of the particular blot on your G33 1480 11 family escutcheon through what may only have been one G33 1490 9 unbridled moment on your grandmother's part, and because G33 1500 5 you had the lean-to kitchen and trundle bed of your G33 1510 4 childhood to outgrow, what you obviously most desired G33 1520 1 with both your conscious and unconscious person, what G33 1520 9 you bent your whole will, sensibility, and intelligence G33 1530 6 upon, was to be a lady. Before being daughter, wife, G33 1540 4 or mother, before being cultured (a word now bereft G33 1550 2 both socially and politically of the sheen you children G33 1550 11 of frontiersmen bestowed on it), before being sorry G33 1560 7 for the poor, progressive about public health, and G33 1570 5 prettily if somewhat imprecisely humanitarian, indeed G33 1580 2 first and foremost, you were a lady. There was, of G33 1580 12 course, more to the portrait of a lady you carried G33 1590 10 in your mind's eye than the sine qua non of her virtue. G33 1600 8 A lady, you made clear to me both by precept and example, G33 1610 5 never raised her voice or slumped in her chair, never G33 1620 2 failed in social tact (in heaven, for instance, would G33 1620 11 not mention St& John the Baptist's head), never pouted G33 1630 8 or withdrew or scandalized in company, never reminded G33 1640 6 others of her physical presence by unseemly sound or G33 1650 5 gesture, never indulged in public scenes or private G33 1660 1 confidences, never spoke of money save in terms of G33 1660 10 alleviating suffering, never gossiped or maligned, G33 1670 5 never stressed but always minimized the hopelessness G33 1680 3 of anything from sin to death itself. G34 0010 1 With each song he gave verbal footnotes. The songs G34 0010 10 Sandburg sang often reminded listeners of songs of G34 0020 6 a kindred character they knew entirely or in fragments. G34 0030 4 Often these listeners would refer Sandburg to persons G34 0040 1 who had similar ballads or ditties. In due time Sandburg G34 0040 11 was a walking thesaurus of American folk music. G34 0050 8 After he had finished the first two volumes of his G34 0060 7 Lincoln, Sandburg went to work assembling a book of G34 0070 5 songs out of hobo and childhood days and from the memory G34 0080 2 of songs others had taught him. He rummaged, found G34 0080 11 composers and arrangers, collaborated on the main design G34 0090 8 and outline of harmonization with musicians, ballad G34 0100 4 singers, and musicologists. G34 0100 7 The result was a collection of 280 songs, ballads, G34 0110 9 ditties, brought together from all regions of America, G34 0120 6 more than one hundred never before published: The American G34 0130 3 Songbag. Each song or ditty was prefaced by an author's G34 0140 4 note which indicated the origin and meaning of the G34 0150 1 song as well as special interest the song had, musical G34 0150 11 arrangement, and most of the chorus and verses. G34 0160 8 The book, published in 1927, has been selling steadily G34 0170 5 ever since. As Sandburg said at the time: "It is as G34 0180 4 ancient as the medieval European ballads brought to G34 0190 1 the Appalachian Mountains, it is as modern as skyscrapers, G34 0190 10 the Volstead Act, and the latest oil well gusher". G34 0200 8 #SCHOPENHAUER NEVER LEARNED# G34 0210 1 Sandburg is in constant demand as an entertainer. Two G34 0210 10 things contribute to his popularity. First, Carl respects G34 0220 8 his audience and prepares his speeches carefully. Even G34 0230 6 when he is called upon for impromptu remarks, he has G34 0240 4 notes written on the back of handy envelopes. He has G34 0250 3 his own system of shorthand, devised by abbreviations: G34 0250 11 "humility" will be "humly", "with" will be "~w", and G34 0260 9 "that" will be "~tt". G34 0270 4 The second reason for his popularity is his complete G34 0280 4 spontaneity with the guitar. It is a mistake, however, G34 0290 1 to imagine that Sandburg uses the guitar as a prop. G34 0290 11 He is no dextrous-fingered college boy but rather a G34 0300 6 dedicated, humble, and bashful apostle of this instrument. G34 0310 5 At age seventy-four, he became what he shyly terms G34 0320 3 a "pupil" of Andres Segovia, the great guitarist of G34 0330 1 the Western world. G34 0330 4 It is not easy to become Segovia's pupil. One needs G34 0340 3 high talent. Segovia has written about Carl: G34 0350 1 "His fingers labor heavily on the strings and he G34 0350 9 asked for my help in disciplining them. I found that G34 0360 7 this precocious, grown-up boy of 74 deserved to be G34 0370 5 taught. There has long existed a brotherly affection G34 0380 1 between us, thus I accepted him as my pupil. Just as G34 0380 12 in the case of every prodigy child, we must watch for G34 0390 8 the efficacy of my teaching to show up in the future- G34 0400 6 if he should master all the strenuous exercises I inflicted G34 0410 3 on him. G34 0410 5 To play the guitar as he aspires will devour his G34 0420 3 three-fold energy as a historian, a poet and a singer. G34 0420 14 One cause of Schopenhauer's pessimism was the fact G34 0430 8 that he failed to learn the guitar. I am certain that G34 0440 8 Carl Sandburg will not fall into the same sad philosophy. G34 0450 5 The heart of this great poet constantly bubbles forth G34 0460 2 a generous joy of life- with or without the guitar". G34 0470 1 The public's identification of Carl Sandburg and G34 0470 8 the guitar is no happenstance. Nor does Carl reject G34 0480 8 this identity. G34 0480 10 He is proud of having Segovia for a friend and dedicated G34 0490 11 a poem to him titled "The Guitar". G34 0500 4 Carl says it is the greatest poem ever written to G34 0510 4 the guitar because he has never heard of any other G34 0510 14 poem to that subtle instrument. "A portable companion G34 0520 8 always ready to go where you go- a small friend weighing G34 0530 9 less than a freshborn infant- to be shared with few G34 0540 8 or many- just two of you in sweet meditation". G34 0550 1 The New York Herald Tribune's photographer, Ira G34 0560 2 Rosenberg, tells an anecdote about the time he wanted G34 0560 11 to take a picture of Carl playing a guitar. Carl hadn't G34 0570 9 brought his along. Mr& Rosenberg suggested that they G34 0580 5 go out and find one. G34 0580 10 "Preferably", said Carl, "one battered and worn, G34 0590 7 such as might be found in a pawnshop". G34 0600 4 They went to the pawnshop of Joseph Miller of 1162 G34 0610 3 Sixth Avenue. G34 0610 5 "Mr& Miller was in the shop", the Herald Tribune G34 0620 4 story related, "but was reluctant to have anybody's G34 0630 2 picture taken inside, because his business was too G34 0630 10 'confidential' for pictures. G34 0640 3 "But after introductions he asked: 'Carl Sandburg? G34 0650 3 Well you can pose inside'. G34 0660 1 "He wanted Mr& Sandburg to pose with one of the G34 0660 11 guitars he had displayed behind glass in the center G34 0670 7 of his shop, but the poet eyed this somewhat distastefully. G34 0680 3 'Kalamazoo guitars', he said, 'used by radio hillbilly G34 0690 4 singers'. G34 0690 5 "He chose one from Mr& Miller's window, a plain G34 0700 4 guitar with no fancy polish. While the picture was G34 0710 2 taken, Mr& Miller's disposition to be generous to Mr& G34 0720 1 Sandburg increased to the point where he advised, 'I G34 0720 10 won't even charge you the one dollar rental fee'". G34 0730 8 #A KNOWLEDGEABLE CELEBRITY# G34 0740 1 When someone in the audience rose and asked how does G34 0740 11 it feel to be a celebrity, Carl said, "A celebrity G34 0750 8 is a fellow who eats celery with celerity". G34 0760 3 This has always been Carl's attitude. Lloyd Lewis G34 0770 3 wrote that when he first knew Carl in 1916, Sandburg G34 0770 13 was making $27.50 a week writing features for the Day G34 0780 10 Book and eating sparse luncheons in one-arm restaurants. G34 0790 7 He walked home at night for two miles beyond the end G34 0800 7 of a suburban trolley. G34 0800 11 When fame came it changed Sandburg only slightly. G34 0810 7 Lewis remembered another newspaperman asking, "Carl, G34 0820 3 have your ideas changed any since you got all these G34 0830 3 comforts"? G34 0830 4 Carl thought the question over slowly and answered: G34 0840 3 "I know a starving man who is fed never remembers all G34 0850 2 the pangs of his starvation, I know that". G34 0850 10 That was all he said, Lewis reports. That was all G34 0860 8 he had to say. G34 0860 12 In answer to a New York Times query on what is fame G34 0870 11 ("Thoughts on Fame", October 23, 1960), Carl said: G34 0880 7 "Fame is a figment of a pigment. It comes and goes. G34 0890 6 It changes with every generation. There never were G34 0900 3 two fames alike. One fame is precious and luminous; G34 0900 12 another is a bubble of a bauble". G34 0910 7 #"AH, DID YOU ONCE SEE SHELLEY PLAIN"?# G34 0920 2 The impression you get from Carl Sandburg's home is G34 0930 1 one of laughter and happiness; and the laughter and G34 0930 10 the happiness are even more pronounced when no company G34 0940 7 is present. G34 0940 9 Carl has been married to Paula for fifty-three years, G34 0950 8 and he has not made a single major decision without G34 0960 4 careful consideration and thorough discussion with G34 0970 2 his wife. Through all these years, Mrs& Sandburg has G34 0970 11 pointedly avoided the limelight. She has shared her G34 0980 8 husband's greatness, but only within the confines of G34 0990 7 their home; it is a dedication which began the moment G34 1000 4 she met Carl. G34 1000 7 Mrs& Sandburg received a Phi Beta Kappa key from G34 1010 6 the University of Chicago and she was busy writing G34 1020 2 and teaching when she met Sandburg. "You are the 'Peoples' G34 1030 1 Poet'" was her appraisal in 1908, and she stopped teaching G34 1040 1 and writing to devote herself to the fulfillment of G34 1040 10 her husband's career. G34 1050 2 She has rarely been photographed with him and, except G34 1060 1 for Carl's seventy-fifth anniversary celebration in G34 1060 8 Chicago in 1953, she has not attended the dozens of G34 1070 8 banquets, functions, public appearances, and dinners G34 1080 3 honoring him- all of this upon her insistence. Even G34 1090 2 now I will not intrude upon her except to state a few G34 1090 14 bare facts. G34 1100 1 The only way to describe Paula Sandburg is to say G34 1100 11 she is beautiful in a Grecian sense. Her clothes, her G34 1110 9 hair, everything about her is both graceful and simple. G34 1120 7 She has small, broad, capable hands and an enormous G34 1130 4 energy. G34 1130 5 She is not only a trained mathematician and Classicist, G34 1140 3 but a good architect. She designed and supervised the G34 1150 2 building of the Harbert, Michigan, house, most of which G34 1150 11 was constructed by one local carpenter who carried G34 1160 7 the heavy beams singly upon his shoulder. As the Sandburg G34 1170 6 goat herd increased, she also designed the barn alterations G34 1180 4 to accommodate them. When erosion threatened the foundation G34 1190 3 of their home in Harbert, Paula Sandburg planted grapevines G34 1200 1 and arranged the snow fences which helped hold the G34 1200 10 sands away. G34 1210 1 She was born Lilian Steichen, her parents immigrants G34 1210 9 from Luxemburg. Her mother called her Paus'l, a Luxemburg G34 1220 9 endearment meaning "pussycat". Some of the children G34 1230 7 of the family could not pronounce this name and called G34 1240 6 her Paula, a soubriquet Carl liked so much she has G34 1250 4 been Paula ever since. G34 1250 8 But neither was Lilian her baptismal name. Her parents, G34 1260 6 pious Roman Catholics, christened her Mary Anne Elizabeth G34 1270 5 Magdalene Steichen. "My mother read a book right after G34 1280 4 I was born and there was a Lilian in the book she loved G34 1290 2 and I became Lilian- and eventually I became Paula". G34 1300 1 Lilian Steichen was an exceptional student. This G34 1300 8 family of Luxemburg immigrants, in fact, produced two G34 1310 6 exceptional children. Paula's older brother is Edward G34 1320 5 Steichen, a talented artist and, for the past half-century, G34 1330 4 one of the world's eminent photographers. (Two years G34 1340 2 ago the photography editor of Vogue magazine titled G34 1340 10 his article about Steichen, "The World's Greatest Photographer".) G34 1360 1 By the time Lilian had been graduated from public G34 1360 10 school, her parents were doing quite well. Her mother G34 1370 8 was a good manager and established a millinery business G34 1380 4 in Milwaukee. But her father was not enthusiastic about G34 1390 2 sending young Paula to high school. "This is no place G34 1400 2 for a young girl", he said. The parents compromised, G34 1400 11 however, on a convent school and Paula went to Ursuline G34 1410 10 Academy in London, Ontario. G34 1420 2 She was pious, too, once kneeling through the night G34 1430 1 from Holy Thursday to Good Friday, despite the protest G34 1430 10 of the nuns that this was too much for a young girl. G34 1440 10 She knelt out of reverence for having read the Meditations G34 1450 6 of St& Augustine. G34 1450 9 She read everything else she could get her hands G34 1460 9 on, including an article (she thinks it was in the G34 1470 7 Atlantic Monthly) by Mark Twain on "White Slavery". G34 1480 3 Paula was saddened about what was happening to little G34 1490 2 girls and vowed to kneel no more in Chapel. She had G34 1490 13 come to a decision. If there was ever a thought in G34 1500 10 her mind she might devote her life to religion, it G34 1510 6 was now dispelled. "I felt that I must devote myself G34 1520 2 to the 'outside' world". G34 1520 6 She passed the entrance examinations to the University G34 1530 5 of Illinois, but during the year at Urbana felt more G34 1540 5 important events transpired at the University of Chicago. G34 1550 3 "And besides, Thorstein Veblen was one of the Chicago G34 1560 2 professors". G34 1560 3 At the University of Chicago she studied Whitman G34 1570 2 and Shelley, and became a Socialist. Socialist leaders G34 1580 1 in Milwaukee recognized her worth, not only because G34 1580 9 of her dedication but because of her fluency in German, G34 1590 8 French, and Luxemburg. She once gave a German recitation G34 1600 6 before a convention of German-language teachers in G34 1610 3 Milwaukee. G34 1610 4 Carl and Paula met in Milwaukee in 1907 during Paula's G34 1620 5 Christmas holiday visit to her parents. Carl was still G34 1630 3 Charles A& Sandburg. He "legitimized" Paula for Lilian G34 1640 2 Steichen, and it was Paula who insisted on Carl for G34 1640 12 Charles. G34 1650 1 Victor Berger, the panjandrum of Wisconsin Socialism G34 1650 8 and member of Congress, had asked Paula Steichen to G34 1660 9 translate some of his German editorials into English. G34 1670 6 Carl, who was stationed in Appleton, Wisconsin, organizing G34 1680 3 for the Social Democrats, was in Berger's office and G34 1690 3 made it his business to escort Paula to the streetcar. G34 1700 1 She left the next day for her teaching job at Princeton, G34 1700 12 Illinois. (After graduation from the University of G34 1710 7 Chicago, Paula taught for two years in the normal school G34 1720 8 at Valley City, North Dakota, then two years at Princeton G34 1730 6 (Illinois) Township High School.) By the time the streetcar G34 1740 5 pulled away, he had fallen in love with Paula. G34 1750 1 A letter awaited her at Princeton. Paula says that G34 1750 10 even though Carl's letters usually began, "Dear Miss G34 1760 8 Steichen", there was an understanding from the beginning G34 1770 7 that they would become husband and wife. G34 1780 3 Paula generously lent me one of Carl's love letters, G34 1790 2 dated February 21, 1908, Hotel Athearn, Oshkosh, Wisconsin: G34 1800 1 "Dear Miss Steichen: It is a very good letter you G34 1810 1 send me- softens the intensity of this guerilla warfare G34 1810 10 I am carrying on up here. Never until in this work G34 1820 9 of ~S-~D organization have I realized and felt the G34 1830 7 attitude and experience of a Teacher. G35 0010 1 The United States is always ready to participate G35 0010 9 with the Soviet Union in serious discussion of these G35 0020 7 or any other subjects that may lead to peace with justice. G35 0030 7 Certainly it is not necessary to repeat that the G35 0040 5 United States has no intention of interfering in the G35 0050 2 internal affairs of any nation; by the same token, G35 0050 11 we reject any Soviet attempt to impose its system on G35 0060 8 us or other peoples by force or subversion. G35 0070 3 Now this concern for the freedom of other peoples G35 0080 1 is the intellectual and spiritual cement which has G35 0080 9 allied us with more than forty other nations in a common G35 0090 9 defense effort. Not for a moment do we forget that G35 0100 6 our own fate is firmly fastened to that of these countries; G35 0110 2 we will not act in any way which would jeopardize our G35 0120 1 solemn commitments to them. G35 0120 5 ## G35 0120 6 We and our friends are, of course, concerned with self-defense. G35 0130 5 Growing out of this concern is the realization that G35 0140 2 all people of the Free World have a great stake in G35 0140 13 the progress, in freedom, of the uncommitted and newly G35 0150 9 emerging nations. These peoples, desperately hoping G35 0160 5 to lift themselves to decent levels of living must G35 0170 4 not, by our neglect, be forced to seek help from, and G35 0180 1 finally become virtual satellites of, those who proclaim G35 0180 9 their hostility to freedom. G35 0190 3 But they must have technical and investment assistance. G35 0200 1 This is a problem to be solved not by America alone, G35 0200 12 but also by every nation cherishing the same ideals G35 0210 8 and in position to provide help. G35 0220 2 In recent years America's partners and friends in G35 0230 1 Western Europe and Japan have made great economic progress. G35 0240 1 The international economy of 1960 is markedly different G35 0240 9 from that of the early postwar years. No longer is G35 0250 8 the United States the only major industrial country G35 0260 3 capable of providing substantial amounts of the resources G35 0270 2 so urgently needed in the newly developed countries. G35 0280 1 To remain secure and prosperous themselves, wealthy G35 0280 8 nations must extend the kind of co-operation to the G35 0290 8 less fortunate members that will inspire hope, confidence, G35 0300 4 and progress. A rich nation can for a time, without G35 0310 2 noticeable damage to itself, pursue a course of self-indulgence, G35 0320 1 making its single goal the material ease and comfort G35 0320 10 of its own citizens- thus repudiating its own spiritual G35 0330 8 and material stake in a peaceful and prosperous society G35 0340 4 of nations. But the enmities it will incur, the isolation G35 0350 3 into which it will descend, and the internal moral G35 0360 1 and spiritual softness that will be engendered, will, G35 0360 9 in the long term, bring it to economic and political G35 0370 7 disaster. G35 0370 8 America did not become great through softness and G35 0380 6 self-indulgence. Her miraculous progress in material G35 0390 3 achievements flows from other qualities far more worthy G35 0400 1 and substantial: adherence to principles and methods G35 0400 8 consonant with our religious philosophy; a satisfaction G35 0410 7 in hard work; the readiness to sacrifice for worthwhile G35 0420 5 causes; the courage to meet every challenge; the intellectual G35 0430 4 honesty and capacity to recognize the true path of G35 0440 4 her own best interests. G35 0440 8 To us and to every nation of the Free World, rich G35 0450 6 or poor, these qualities are necessary today as never G35 0460 3 before if we are to march together to greater security, G35 0460 13 prosperity and peace. G35 0470 3 I believe that the industrial countries are ready G35 0480 2 to participate actively in supplementing the efforts G35 0480 9 of the developing nations to achieve progress. G35 0490 5 The immediate need for this kind of co-operation G35 0500 6 is underscored by the strain in this nation's international G35 0510 2 balance of payments. Our surplus from foreign business G35 0520 1 transactions has in recent years fallen substantially G35 0520 8 short of the expenditures we make abroad to maintain G35 0530 7 our military establishments overseas, to finance private G35 0540 4 investment, and to provide assistance to the less developed G35 0550 3 nations. In 1959 our deficit in balance of payments G35 0560 1 approached four billion dollars. G35 0560 5 Continuing deficits of anything like this magnitude G35 0570 4 would, over time, impair our own economic growth and G35 0580 2 check the forward progress of the Free World. G35 0580 10 We must meet this situation by promoting a rising G35 0590 8 volume of exports and world trade. Further, we must G35 0600 5 induce all industrialized nations of the Free World G35 0610 2 to work together to help lift the scourge of poverty G35 0610 12 from less fortunate. This co-operation in this matter G35 0620 8 will provide both for the necessary sharing of this G35 0630 6 burden and in bringing about still further increases G35 0640 2 in mutually profitable trade. G35 0640 6 New Nations, and others struggling with the problems G35 0650 6 of development, will progress only- regardless of any G35 0660 6 outside help- if they demonstrate faith in their own G35 0670 2 destiny and use their own resources to fulfill it. G35 0670 11 Moreover, progress in a national transformation can G35 0680 7 be only gradually earned; there is no easy and quick G35 0690 7 way to follow from the oxcart to the jet plane. But, G35 0700 2 just as we drew on Europe for assistance in our earlier G35 0700 13 years, so now do these new and emerging nations that G35 0710 10 do have this faith and determination deserve help. G35 0720 5 Respecting their need, one of the major focal points G35 0730 5 of our concern is the South-Asian region. Here, in G35 0740 2 two nations alone, are almost five hundred million G35 0740 10 people, all working, and working hard, to raise their G35 0750 7 standards, and in doing so, to make of themselves a G35 0760 5 strong bulwark against the spread of an ideology that G35 0770 2 would destroy liberty. G35 0770 5 I cannot express to you the depth of my conviction G35 0780 4 that, in our own and free world interest, we must co-operate G35 0790 1 with others to help these people achieve their legitimate G35 0790 10 ambitions, as expressed in their different multi-year G35 0800 8 plans. Through the World Bank and other instrumentalities, G35 0810 6 as well as through individual action by every nation G35 0820 5 in position to help, we must squarely face this titanic G35 0830 3 challenge. G35 0830 4 I shall continue to urge the American people, in G35 0840 3 the interests of their own security, prosperity and G35 0840 11 peace, to make sure that their own part of this great G35 0850 11 project be amply and cheerfully supported. Free world G35 0860 5 decisions in this matter may spell the difference between G35 0870 3 world disaster and world progress in freedom. G35 0880 1 Other countries, some of which I visited last month, G35 0880 10 have similar needs. G35 0890 2 A common meeting ground is desirable for those nations G35 0900 1 which are prepared to assist in the development effort. G35 0900 10 During the past year I have discussed this matter with G35 0910 9 the leaders of several Western nations. G35 0920 2 Because of its wealth of experience, the Organization G35 0930 1 for European Economic Cooperation could help with the G35 0930 9 initial studies needed. The goal is to enlist all available G35 0940 10 economic resources in the industrialized Free World, G35 0950 6 especially private investment capital. G35 0960 2 By extending this help, we hope to make possible G35 0960 11 the enthusiastic enrollment of these nations under G35 0970 7 freedom's banner. No more startling contrast to a system G35 0980 8 of sullen satellites could be imagined. G35 0990 2 If we grasp this opportunity to build an age of G35 0990 12 productive partnership between the less fortunate nations G35 1000 7 and those that have already achieved a high state of G35 1010 7 economic advancement, we will make brighter the outlook G35 1020 4 for a world order based upon security and freedom. G35 1030 1 Otherwise, the outlook could be dark indeed. We face, G35 1030 10 indeed, what may be a turning point in history, and G35 1040 9 we must act decisively and wisely. G35 1050 1 ## G35 1050 2 As a nation we can successfully pursue these objectives G35 1060 1 only from a position of broadly based strength. G35 1060 9 No matter how earnest is our quest for guaranteed G35 1070 7 peace, we must maintain a high degree of military effectiveness G35 1080 4 at the same time we are engaged in negotiating the G35 1090 2 issue of arms reduction. Until tangible and mutually G35 1090 10 enforceable arms reduction measures are worked out G35 1100 7 we will not weaken the means of defending our institutions. G35 1110 6 America possesses an enormous defense power. It G35 1120 4 is my studied conviction that no nation will ever risk G35 1130 2 general war against us unless we should become so foolish G35 1130 12 as to neglect the defense forces we now so powerfully G35 1140 10 support. It is world-wide knowledge that any power G35 1150 5 which might be tempted today to attack the United States G35 1160 4 by surprise, even though we might sustain great losses, G35 1170 2 would itself promptly suffer a terrible destruction. G35 1170 9 But I once again assure all peoples and all nations G35 1180 8 that the United States, except in defense, will never G35 1190 6 turn loose this destructive power. G35 1200 1 During the past year, our long-range striking power, G35 1200 10 unmatched today in manned bombers, has taken on new G35 1210 8 strength as the Atlas intercontinental ballistic missile G35 1220 3 has entered the operational inventory. In fourteen G35 1230 2 recent test launchings, at ranges of five thousand G35 1230 10 miles, Atlas has been striking on an average within G35 1240 8 two miles of the target. This is less than the length G35 1250 7 of a jet runway- well within the circle of destruction. G35 1260 1 Incidentally, there was an Atlas firing last night. G35 1270 2 From all reports so far received, its performance conformed G35 1270 11 to the high standards I have just described. Such performance G35 1280 10 is a great tribute to American scientists and engineers, G35 1290 7 who in the past five years have had to telescope time G35 1300 7 and technology to develop these long-range ballistic G35 1310 2 missiles, where America had none before. G35 1310 8 This year, moreover, growing numbers of nuclear G35 1320 7 powered submarines will enter our active forces, some G35 1330 6 to be armed with Polaris missiles. These remarkable G35 1340 2 ships and weapons, ranging the oceans, will be capable G35 1340 11 of accurate fire on targets virtually anywhere on earth. G35 1350 9 To meet situations of less than general nuclear G35 1360 7 war, we continue to maintain our carrier forces, our G35 1370 5 many service units abroad, our always ready Army strategic G35 1380 3 forces and Marine Corps divisions, and the civilian G35 1390 1 components. The continuing modernization of these forces G35 1390 8 is a costly but necessary process. It is scheduled G35 1400 7 to go forward at a rate which will steadily add to G35 1410 5 our strength. G35 1410 7 The deployment of a portion of these forces beyond G35 1420 5 our shores, on land and sea, is persuasive demonstration G35 1430 1 of our determination to stand shoulder-to-shoulder G35 1430 9 with our allies for collective security. Moreover, G35 1450 6 I have directed that steps be taken to program on a G35 1460 7 longer range basis our military assistance to these G35 1470 2 allies. This is necessary for a sounder collective G35 1470 10 defense system. G35 1480 1 Next I refer to our program in space exploration, G35 1480 10 which is often mistakenly supposed to be an integral G35 1490 9 part of defense research and development. G35 1500 3 We note that, first, America has already made great G35 1520 2 contributions in the past two years to the world's G35 1520 11 fund of knowledge of astrophysics and space science. G35 1530 7 These discoveries are of present interest chiefly to G35 1540 5 the scientific community; but they are important foundation G35 1550 3 stones for more extensive exploration of outer space G35 1560 1 for the ultimate benefit of all mankind. G35 1560 8 Second, our military missile program, going forward G35 1570 5 so successfully, does not suffer from our present lack G35 1580 4 of very large rocket engines, which are necessary in G35 1590 2 distant space exploration. I am assured by experts G35 1590 10 that the thrust of our present missiles is fully adequate G35 1600 8 for defense requirements. G35 1610 1 Third, the United States is pressing forward in G35 1610 9 the development of large rocket engines to place vehicles G35 1620 8 of many tons into space for exploration purposes. G35 1630 4 Fourth, in the meantime, it is necessary to remember G35 1640 3 that we have only begun to probe the environment immediately G35 1650 1 surrounding the earth. Using launch systems presently G35 1650 8 available, we are developing satellites to scout the G35 1660 8 world's weather; satellite relay stations to facilitate G35 1670 5 and extend communications over the globe; for navigation G35 1680 4 aids to give accurate bearings to ships and aircraft; G35 1690 2 and for perfecting instruments to collect and transmit G35 1690 10 the data we seek. G35 1700 4 Fifth, we have just completed a year's experience G35 1710 1 with our new space law. I believe it deficient in certain G35 1710 12 particulars. Suggested improvements will be submitted G35 1720 6 to the Congress shortly. G35 1730 1 ## G35 1730 2 The accomplishment of the many tasks I have alluded G35 1730 11 to requires the continuous strengthening of the spiritual, G35 1740 7 intellectual, and economic sinews of American life. G35 1750 6 The steady purpose of our society is to assure justice, G35 1760 5 before God, for every individual. We must be ever alert G35 1770 3 that freedom does not wither through the careless amassing G35 1780 1 of restrictive controls or the lack of courage to deal G35 1780 11 boldly with the issues of the day. G35 1790 5 A year ago, when I met with you, the nation was G35 1800 2 emerging from an economic downturn, even though the G35 1800 10 signs of resurgent prosperity were not then sufficiently G35 1810 6 convincing to the doubtful. Today our surging strength G35 1820 5 is apparent to everyone. 1960 promises to be the most G35 1830 5 prosperous year in our history. G35 1830 10 Yet we continue to be afflicted by nagging disorders. G35 1840 7 Among current problems that require solutions, participated G35 1850 4 in by citizens as well as government, are: G35 1860 2 the need to protect the public interest in situations G35 1860 11 of prolonged labor-management stalemate; G35 1870 5 the persistent refusal to come to grips with a critical G35 1880 8 problem in one sector of American agriculture; G35 1890 1 the continuing threat of inflation, together with G35 1900 1 the persisting tendency toward fiscal irresponsibility; G35 1900 7 in certain instances the denial to some of our citizens G35 1910 9 of equal protection of the law. G36 0010 1 The group, upon the issuance of its first press G36 0010 10 release on December 21, 1957, designated itself a "Committee G36 0020 7 of Investigation". In the course of its inquiry, it G36 0030 8 took testimony from only seven witnesses. It heard G36 0040 3 Bang-Jensen twice and his lawyer, Adolf A& Berle, Jr&, G36 0050 2 once. G36 0050 3 Its second press release was on January 15, 1958, G36 0060 2 and it recommended that the secret papers be destroyed. G36 0060 11 It also implied that Paul Bang-Jensen had been irresponsible. G36 0070 9 On January 18, Ernest Gross conducted a press conference G36 0080 9 at the U&N& lasting an hour. Here, he openly attacked G36 0090 8 Bang-Jensen and referred to his "aberrant conduct". G36 0100 5 This conference was held despite Stavropoulos' assurance G36 0110 3 to Adolf Berle, who was leaving the same day for Puerto G36 0120 4 Rico, that nothing would be done until his return on G36 0130 1 January 22, except that the Secretary General would G36 0130 9 probably order the list destroyed. G36 0140 4 On January 24 Paul Bang-Jensen, accompanied by Adolf G36 0150 3 Berle, was met by Dragoslav Protitch and Colonel Frank G36 0160 2 Begley, former Police Chief of Farmington, Conn&, and G36 0160 10 now head of U&N& special police. G36 0170 6 The four, bundled in overcoats, mounted to the wind-swept G36 0180 6 roof of the U&N& G36 0180 10 There, Begley lit a fire in a wire basket, and Bang-Jensen G36 0190 12 dropped four sealed envelopes into the flames. In one G36 0200 8 of these he said were notes on the identities of the G36 0210 6 eighty-one refugees. G36 0210 9 The method of destroying the evidence embarrassed G36 0220 4 Paul Bang-Jensen. He knew it would be implied that G36 0230 4 it was done in this way at his insistence. He was right, G36 0240 2 and Peter Marshall could not help but recall Andrew G36 0240 11 Cordier's words on the subject, "Well, it seemed as G36 0250 9 good a place as any to do the job". G36 0260 5 The Gross group had been formed for the express G36 0270 1 purpose of advising the Secretary General. Hammarskjold's G36 0270 8 supposed desire to seek outside legal advice in the G36 0280 9 guise of Ernest Gross is illusion, at best. Gross's G36 0290 6 being "outside" the U&N& applied only to a physical G36 0300 6 state, not an objective one. But by the time the papers G36 0310 4 were finally disposed of, the group had informed the G36 0320 1 world of its purpose, its recommendations, and its G36 0320 9 belief that Paul Bang-Jensen was not of sound mind. G36 0330 8 Shortly the group would issue its report to the G36 0340 5 Secretary General, recommending Paul Bang-Jensen's G36 0350 1 dismissal from the United Nations. The contents of G36 0350 9 this 195-page document would become known to many before G36 0360 10 it would become known to the man it was written about. G36 0370 8 ## G36 0370 9 "Until this Hungarian Committee matter came up, Bang-Jensen G36 0380 7 was a fine and devoted individual. I had known him G36 0390 5 for some years, when I was a delegate and before, and G36 0400 2 this manner had never been his". G36 0400 8 Ernest A& Gross leaned back in his chair and told G36 0410 8 Peter Marshall how Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold G36 0420 3 had, on December 4,1957, called him in as a private G36 0430 2 lawyer to review Bang-Jensen's conduct "relating to G36 0430 10 his association with the Special Committee on the problem G36 0440 9 of Hungary". The result was the "Gross Report", prepared G36 0450 8 by Gross, as chairman, with the assistance of two U&N& G36 0460 7 Under Secretaries, Constantin Stavropoulos and Philippe G36 0470 4 de Seynes. G36 0470 6 "Yes", Gross went on, "Bang-Jensen was an up-and-coming G36 0480 10 young man. He had always done well. Never well known, G36 0490 7 but he had done his work competently **h". G36 0500 2 Gross had received Marshall courteously and they G36 0510 1 were discussing the case. "You know", the lawyer said, G36 0510 10 "it's difficult to talk like this about a man who can't G36 0520 11 answer back". G36 0530 1 Gross was behind a clean-top desk, only a manila G36 0530 11 folder before him. Marshall sat in one of the several G36 0540 9 leather chairs. Outside the office windows, twenty-four G36 0550 5 stories above Wall Street, a light rain was falling. G36 0560 3 "Mr& Gross, your report says that 'our function G36 0570 2 is investigative and advisory and does not in any way G36 0570 12 derogate from or prejudice Mr& Bang-Jensen's rights G36 0580 8 as a staff member'. You know, Bang-Jensen characterized G36 0590 6 your Committee as having prejudged his case". G36 0600 3 Gross swung his swivel chair. "Well, how could that G36 0610 4 have been? I don't consider that he was prejudged. G36 0620 1 We were given a job and we carried it out, and later, G36 0620 13 his case was taken up by the Disciplinary Committee G36 0630 6 **h. G36 0630 7 "We have nothing to hide under a bushel. We did G36 0640 8 our job, Mr& Stavropoulos and Mr& de Seynes and myself, G36 0650 5 taking evidence from a number of people". G36 0660 1 "What did you think about his mental state"? G36 0670 1 "I think our report sums up our finding", Gross G36 0670 9 answered. "Don't forget, here was a man who had been G36 0680 9 accusing his colleagues for almost a year of willfully G36 0690 5 attempting to present an incorrect report **h. G36 0700 1 "This was not merely alleging errors, but was carried G36 0700 10 out by day-after-day allegations in memos, written G36 0710 9 charges of serious consequence **h. G36 0720 2 "This is a distressing thing. Supposing you or I G36 0730 2 were being accused in this manner, and yet we were G36 0730 12 doing our level best to carry on our work. No organization G36 0740 9 can carry on like that. G36 0750 1 "I've been in government and I can tell some pretty G36 0750 11 hairy stories about personnel difficulties, so I know G36 0760 7 what a problem he was". G36 0770 1 "What I'd like you to comment on is the criticism G36 0770 11 leveled at your Committee". G36 0780 4 "What do you mean"? G36 0790 1 "For instance, regarding the fact that the Gross G36 0790 9 Committee issued two interim announcements to the press G36 0800 7 during its investigation. You know Bang-Jensen was G36 0810 5 told the Committee was 'to convey its views, suggestions G36 0820 2 and recommendations to the Secretary General'. In his G36 0830 1 own words, Bang-Jensen 'took it for granted that the G36 0830 11 Group would report to the Secretary General privately G36 0840 7 and not in public'. He claimed that the release of G36 0850 6 the preliminary findings was 'prejudicial to his position'". G36 0860 4 Gross bristled. For an instant he glared speechless G36 0870 3 at Marshall. "Listen", he said. "I thought the entire G36 0880 3 report was going to be confidential from beginning G36 0880 11 to end. But you know Bang-Jensen launched an active G36 0890 9 campaign against us in the press. It was getting so G36 0900 7 that we, the Committee, were being tried. You can find G36 0910 4 it in the papers". G36 0910 8 "Well, as a matter of fact, I've looked through G36 0920 5 back-issue files of New York papers for December, 1957, G36 0930 3 and haven't found a great deal"- G36 0930 9 Gross shot another look at Marshall. "It wasn't G36 0940 8 necessarily all here in New York. Don't forget the G36 0950 7 foreign press". G36 0950 9 "Then what about the second interim public announcement? G36 0960 8 This cited Bang-Jensen's 'aberrant conduct'". G36 0970 3 "The reason for that report was to settle the matter G36 0980 7 of the list. As far as I'm concerned, it was a separate G36 0990 5 matter from the general Committee study of Bang-Jensen's G36 1000 1 conduct. The January fifteen report recommended that G36 1010 1 Bang-Jensen be instructed to burn the list- the papers- G36 1010 11 in the presence of a U&N& Security Officer". G36 1020 6 "How about your press conference three days later- G36 1030 6 what was the reason for that? Bang-Jensen said you G36 1040 5 told correspondents that you had checked in advance G36 1050 1 to make sure the term 'aberrant conduct' was not libelous. G36 1060 1 He claimed you made other slanderous allegations". G36 1060 8 Gross paused and repeated himself. "The entire object G36 1070 7 of the press conference was to clarify the problem G36 1080 6 of the list, since many in the press were querying G36 1090 2 the U&N& about it. What was the list? I don't know. G36 1100 1 Bang-Jensen never explained what the documents or papers G36 1100 10 were that he had in his possession. G36 1110 6 "It was foolish of him to keep them, whatever they G36 1120 4 were. He could have been blackmailed, or his family G36 1130 1 might have been threatened. Of course the matter caught G36 1130 10 the public's attention. We attempted to conclude this, G36 1140 7 and did so by having the papers burned. G36 1150 4 Hammerskjold didn't like the way it was carried G36 1160 2 out. It was a sort of Go^tterda^mmerung affair. Hammarskjold G36 1170 1 believes the U&N& is an organization that settles matters G36 1180 1 in a procedural way **h". G36 1180 6 Peter Marshall reflected. If Hammarskjold had not G36 1190 3 wanted the list disposed of in this manner, and if G36 1200 1 Bang-Jensen had not wanted it- who had ordered it? G36 1200 11 "Mr& Gross, concerning the formation of your Committee, G36 1210 8 there's the fact that you have been a legal adviser G36 1220 9 to the U&N& in the past; as I understand it, Mr& Hammarskjold G36 1230 7 wanted outside advice. Could you comment on that"? G36 1240 6 "I've served as a counsel for the U&N& for some G36 1250 6 years, specializing particularly in real estate matters G36 1260 3 or other problems that the regular U&N& legal staff G36 1270 2 might not be equipped to handle. Mr& Stavropoulos is G36 1270 11 the U&N& legal chief and a very good man, but he is G36 1280 11 not fully versed on some technical points of American G36 1290 6 law". G36 1290 7 "What did you think about Bang-Jensen's contention G36 1300 5 of errors and omissions in the Hungarian report"? Marshall G36 1310 4 asked. G36 1310 5 "Those"! Gross answered. "Why, Mick Shann went over G36 1320 7 and over the report with Alsing Andersen, trying to G36 1330 4 check them out. Even after the incident between Bang-Jensen G36 1340 3 and Shann in the Delegates' Lounge **h and this was G36 1350 2 not the way the Chicago Tribune presented it". G36 1360 1 Gross reached in his desk and pulled out two newspaper G36 1360 10 clippings. One was an article on the U&N& by Alice G36 1370 9 Widener from the Cincinnati Enquirer. The other was G36 1380 5 by Chesly Manley in the Chicago Daily Tribune. G36 1390 3 Gross pointed to the Manley story. "I know Ches, G36 1400 3 he's a friend of mine. He probably didn't mean to write G36 1410 1 it this way, or maybe he did. There wasn't any 'violent G36 1410 12 argument' between Bang-Jensen and Shann, as the Tribune G36 1420 9 puts it. That implies that Shann was on the enemy side. G36 1430 9 You see what I mean? How it's phrased there- the word G36 1440 7 'violent'. G36 1440 8 "The case was that Bang-Jensen came up to Shann G36 1450 10 claiming he had found further errors in the report. G36 1460 5 'I've found errors and I want you to look them over'. G36 1470 4 So once again Shann had to argue with him about this. G36 1480 2 But it wasn't a violent discussion. And after all this, G36 1480 12 Shann went over all that Bang-Jensen had brought up". G36 1490 10 (Shann's own report, Peter Marshall reflected, describes G36 1500 7 the encounter as "immoderate". Bang-Jensen was in "hysterical G36 1510 7 condition".) G36 1520 1 Gross stopped briefly, then went on. "Shann was G36 1520 9 responsible for the report. He has felt terrible about G36 1530 9 all this. It was a good report, he did all he could G36 1540 7 to make it a good report. When I speak of how Shann G36 1550 4 felt, I know well. Don't forget, I am an old member G36 1560 1 of the club, a former delegate. I think you are being G36 1560 12 unfair to take these things up now. G36 1570 5 "You know, this hits in many areas. It appeals to G36 1580 3 those who were frustrated in the outcome of the Hungarian G36 1590 1 situation. Don't forget, the U&N& did no more than G36 1590 10 the United States did **h it takes a great deal of G36 1600 10 sophisticated thought to get the impact of this fact". G36 1610 7 #CHAPTER 22# G36 1610 9 FROM THE HOME of his friend, Henrik Kauffmann, in Washington, G36 1620 8 D&C&, Paul Bang-Jensen sent a telegram dated December G36 1630 8 9, 1957, to Ernest Gross. It said in part: G36 1640 5 "**h the matters to be considered are obviously G36 1650 2 of a grave character, and I therefore respectfully G36 1650 10 request that the hearing be postponed for two weeks G36 1660 9 in order that I might make adequate preparation". G36 1670 3 Ernest Gross replied the next day, putting the suspended G36 1680 4 diplomat's fears to rest. "This reveals some misunderstanding G36 1690 2 on your part. The group conducting the review is not G36 1700 2 holding formal hearings. It wished to pursue, in the G36 1700 11 course of this review, questions arising from the body G36 1710 7 of material already in its possession **h". G36 1720 3 It sounded like a fair enough invitation, Peter G36 1730 2 Marshall reflected, and Bang-Jensen must have thought G36 1730 10 so too, because on the thirteenth, he met the group G36 1740 9 of three on the thirty-sixth floor of the U&N&. There, G36 1750 6 Ernest Gross further assured him: G36 1760 1 "We were requested by the Secretary General, as G36 1760 9 I understand it, to discuss with you such matters as G36 1770 9 appear to us to be relevant, and we are not of course G36 1780 7 either a formal group or a committee in the sense of G36 1790 5 being guided by any rules or regulations of the Secretariat. G36 1800 1 The only rules which I think we shall follow will be G36 1800 12 those of common sense, justice, and fairness". G36 1810 7 Peter Marshall noted that Bang-Jensen had later G36 1820 7 referred to his two interviews with the Gross group G36 1830 4 as "unfortunate experiences", and after his second G36 1840 1 meeting on the sixteenth the Dane refused to attend G36 1840 10 further hearings without legal counsel. Marshall pondered G36 1850 6 the reason for this, and pondered too the replacement G36 1860 5 of one member of the three-man group. G36 1870 1 J& A& C& Robertson, after serving Gross one week, G36 1870 10 left for England. G37 0010 1 Fortunately the hole was found at last and plugged. G37 0010 10 Another week passed and even the missionaries were G37 0020 6 enjoying the voyage. The sickness was gone and, after G37 0030 5 all, the two young couples were on their honeymoon. G37 0040 1 The only lasting difficulty was the food. In spite G37 0040 10 of Pickering Dodge's explicit instructions regarding G37 0050 5 variation of meals, the food did not seem the same G37 0060 7 as at home. "Everything tasted differently from what G37 0070 3 it does on land and those things I was most fond of G37 0070 15 at home, I loathed the most here", Ann noted. At last G37 0080 11 they concluded that the heavy, full feeling in their G37 0090 8 stomachs was due to lack of exercise. Walking was the G37 0100 4 remedy, they decided, but a deck full of chicken coops G37 0110 2 and pigpens was hardly suitable. Skipping was the alternative. G37 0120 1 A rope was found and, like children in school, the G37 0120 11 missionaries skipped for hours at a time. Finally, G37 0130 8 tiring of so monotonous a form of exercise, they decided G37 0140 5 to dance instead. It was much more fun, reminding the G37 0150 2 girls of their old carefree days in the Hasseltine G37 0150 11 frolics room at Bradford. The weather turned warmer G37 0160 8 and with it came better appetites, although Harriet G37 0170 4 was still a little off-color. She could not face coffee G37 0180 4 or tea without milk, and was always craving types of G37 0190 1 food that were not available aboard a sailing ship. G37 0190 10 By now she was sure she was going to have a baby, deciding G37 0200 9 it would be born in India or Burma that November. She G37 0210 6 was more excited than frightened at the prospect of G37 0220 3 having her first child in a foreign land. G37 0220 11 The crew of the Caravan never failed to amaze Ann, G37 0230 9 who during her stay in Salem must frequently have overheard G37 0240 7 strong sailorly language. She wrote in her journal, G37 0250 5 "I have not heard the least profane language since G37 0260 2 I have been on board the vessel. This is very uncommon". G37 0260 13 She was now enjoying the voyage very much. Even G37 0270 10 the first wave of homesickness had passed, although G37 0280 6 there were moments when Captain Heard pointed out on G37 0290 5 his compass the direction of Bradford that she felt G37 0300 2 a little twinge at her heart. As for Adoniram, she G37 0300 12 found him to be "the kindest" of husbands. G37 0310 7 On Sundays, with the permission of Captain Heard, G37 0320 4 who usually attended with two of his officers, services G37 0330 2 were held in the double cabin. Sometimes a ship would G37 0330 12 be sighted and the Caravan pass so close that people G37 0340 10 could easily be seen on the distant deck. Captain Heard G37 0350 9 did not communicate with any strange vessels because G37 0360 5 of the possibility of war between the United States G37 0370 2 and Britain. As warmer temperatures were encountered G37 0370 9 Ann and Harriet were introduced to the pleasures of G37 0380 9 bathing daily in salt water. G37 0390 2 When May came the Caravan had already crossed the G37 0400 2 Equator. They were sailing round the Cape of Good Hope; G37 0400 12 the weather had turned wet and cold. At this time Harriet G37 0410 11 wrote in a letter which after their finally landing G37 0420 6 in India was sent to her mother: G37 0430 1 "I care not how soon we reach Calcutta, and are G37 0430 11 placed in a still room, with a bowl of milk and a loaf G37 0440 13 of Indian bread. I can hardly think of this simple G37 0450 7 fare without exclaiming, oh, what a luxury. I have G37 0460 3 been so weary of the excessive rocking of the vessel, G37 0460 13 and the almost intolerable smell after the rain, that G37 0470 9 I have done little more than lounge on the bed for G37 0480 8 several days. But I have been blest with excellent G37 0490 3 spirits, and to-day have been running about the deck, G37 0500 1 and dancing in our room for exercise, as well as ever". G37 0500 12 While studying at the seminary in Andover, Adoniram G37 0510 9 had been working on a New Testament translation from G37 0520 7 the original Greek. He had brought it along to continue G37 0530 7 during the voyage. There was one particular word that G37 0540 3 troubled his conscience. This was the Greek word most G37 0550 1 often translated as "baptism". G37 0550 5 Born a Congregationalist, he had been baptized as G37 0560 6 a tiny baby in the usual manner by having a few drops G37 0570 4 of water sprinkled on his head, yet nowhere in the G37 0570 14 whole of the New Testament could he find a description G37 0580 9 of anybody being baptized by sprinkling. John the Baptist G37 0590 6 used total immersion in the River Jordan for believers; G37 0600 4 even Christ was baptized by this method. The more Adoniram G37 0610 1 looked at the Greek word for baptism, the more unhappy G37 0620 1 he became over its true meaning. G37 0620 7 As was only natural he confided his searchings to G37 0630 5 Ann, conceding ruefully that it certainly looked as G37 0635 3 if their own Congregationalists were wrong and the G37 0640 6 Baptists right. G37 0650 1 Ann was very troubled. By this time she had learned G37 0650 11 that it was futile to argue with her young husband, G37 0660 10 yet the uncomfortable fact remained: the American G37 0670 5 Congregationalists G37 0670 6 were sending them as missionaries to the Far East and G37 0680 7 paying their salaries. What would happen if Adoniram G37 0690 4 "changed horses in midstream"? Baptists and Congregationalists G37 0700 2 in New England were on friendly terms. How embarrassing G37 0710 1 it would be if the newly appointed Congregationalist G37 0710 9 missionaries should suddenly switch their own beliefs G37 0730 7 in order to embrace Baptist teachings! G37 0740 2 "If you become a Baptist, I will not", Ann informed G37 0750 3 her husband, but sweeping her threat aside Adoniram G37 0760 1 continued to search for an answer to the personal dilemma G37 0760 11 in which he found himself. G37 0770 3 By early June they were a hundred miles off the G37 0780 1 coast of Ceylon, by which time all four missionaries G37 0780 10 were hardened seafarers. Even Harriet could boldly G37 0790 6 write, "I know not how it is; but I hear the thunder G37 0800 6 roll; see the lightning flash; and the waves threatening G37 0810 3 to swallow up the vessel; and yet remain unmoved". G37 0820 1 Ann thrilled to the sight of a delicate butterfly G37 0820 10 and two strange tropical birds. Land was near, and G37 0830 8 on June 12, one hundred and fourteen days after leaving G37 0840 6 America, they actually saw, twenty miles away, the G37 0850 3 coast of Orissa. G37 0850 6 Captain Heard gave orders for the ship to be anchored G37 0860 6 in the Bay of Bengal until he could obtain the services G37 0870 3 of a reputable pilot to steer her through the shallow G37 0870 13 waters. G37 0880 1 Sometimes ships waited for days for such a man, G37 0880 10 but Captain Heard was lucky. Next day a ship arrived G37 0890 9 with an English pilot, his leadsman, an English youth, G37 0900 6 and the first Hindu the Judsons and Newells had ever G37 0910 4 seen. A little man with a "a dark copper color" skin, G37 0920 2 he was wearing "calico trousers and a white cotton G37 0920 11 short gown". Ann was plainly disappointed in his appearance. G37 0930 8 "He looks as feminine as you can imagine", she decided. G37 0940 9 The pilot possessed excellent skill at his calling; G37 0950 6 all day long the Caravan slowly made her way through G37 0960 6 the difficult passages. Alas, to Ann's consternation, G37 0970 2 his language while thus employed left much to be desired. G37 0980 1 He swore so loudly at the top of his voice, that she G37 0980 13 didn't get any sleep all the next night. G37 0990 7 Next morning the Caravan was out of the treacherous G37 1000 5 Bay. Relieved of the major part of his responsibility G37 1010 1 for the safety of the ship, the pilot's oaths became G37 1010 11 fewer. Slowly she moved up the Hooghli River, a mouth G37 1020 10 of the mighty Ganges, toward Calcutta. G37 1030 3 Ann was entranced with the view, as were her husband G37 1040 4 and friends. Running across the deck, which was empty G37 1050 1 now that the livestock had been killed and eaten, they G37 1050 11 sniffed the spice-laden breezes that came from the G37 1060 6 shore, each pointing out new and exciting wonders to G37 1070 4 the other. G37 1070 6 Out came the journal and in it went Ann's own description G37 1080 5 of the scene: G37 1080 8 "On each side of the Hoogli, where we are now sailing, G37 1090 9 are the Hindoo cottages, as thick together as the houses G37 1100 6 in our seaports. They are very small, and in the form G37 1110 5 of haystacks, without either chimney or windows. They G37 1120 1 are situated in the midst of trees, which hang over G37 1120 11 them, and appear truly romantick. The grass and fields G37 1130 7 of rice are perfectly green, and herds of cattle are G37 1140 5 everywhere feeding on the banks of the river, and the G37 1150 2 natives are scattered about differently employed. Some G37 1150 9 are fishing, some driving the team, and many are sitting G37 1160 9 indolently on the banks of the river. The pagodas we G37 1170 7 have passed are much larger than the houses". G37 1180 2 Harriet was just as delighted. Where were the hardships G37 1190 1 she had expected? She was certain now that it would G37 1190 11 be no harder to bear her child here in such pleasant G37 1200 9 surroundings than at home in the big white house in G37 1210 7 Haverhill. With childlike innocence she wrote of the G37 1220 3 Indians as "walking with fruit and umbrellas in their G37 1220 12 hands, with the tawny children around them **h. This G37 1230 9 is the most delightful trial I have ever had", she G37 1240 7 decided. G37 1240 8 The Indians who came aboard ship to collect the G37 1250 8 mail also interested her greatly, even if she was suitably G37 1260 6 shocked, according to the customs of the society in G37 1270 2 which she had been reared, to find them "naked, except G37 1270 12 a piece of cotton cloth wrapped around their middle". G37 1280 8 At last they saw Calcutta, largest city of Bengal G37 1290 7 and the Caravan's destination. Founded August 24, 1690 G37 1300 5 by Job Charnock of the East India Company, and commonly G37 1310 4 called "The City of Palaces", it seemed a vast and G37 1320 4 elegant place to Ann Hasseltine Judson. Solid brick G37 1330 1 buildings painted dazzling white, large domes and tall, G37 1330 9 picturesque palms stretched as far as the eye could G37 1340 8 see, while the wharves and harbor were filled with G37 1350 4 tall-masted sailing ships. The noise stunned her. Crowds G37 1360 2 flocked through the waterfront streets chattering loudly G37 1360 9 in their strange-sounding Bengali tongue. G37 1370 5 Harriet's mouth watered with anticipation when after G37 1380 5 months of dreaming she sat down at last to her much-craved G37 1390 5 milk and fresh bread. Ann, pleased to see her friend G37 1400 1 happy, was intrigued by the new fruits a friend of G37 1400 11 Captain Heard had sent on board for their enjoyment. G37 1410 8 Cautiously she sampled her first pineapple and another G37 1420 4 fruit whose taste she likened to that of "a rich pear". G37 1430 3 Though she did not then know its name, this strange G37 1430 13 new fruit was a banana. G37 1440 5 #SIX# G37 1440 6 The first act of Adoniram and Samuel on reaching Calcutta G37 1450 4 was to report at the police station, a necessity when G37 1460 2 landing in East India Company territory. On the way G37 1460 11 they tried to discover all they could about Burma, G37 1470 9 and they were disturbed to find that Michael Symes's G37 1480 6 book had not presented an altogether true picture. G37 1490 3 He had failed to realize that the Burmese were not G37 1490 13 really treating him as the important visitor he considered G37 1500 9 himself. They were in fact quietly laughing at him, G37 1510 8 for their King wished to have nothing to do with the G37 1520 6 Western world. When Captain John Gibault of Salem had G37 1530 4 visited Burma in 1793 his ship, the Astra, had been G37 1540 1 promptly commandeered and taken by her captors up the G37 1540 10 Irrawaddy River. Although after much trouble he did G37 1550 7 manage to get it back, he discovered there was no trade G37 1560 5 to be had. All Captain Gibault took back to Salem were G37 1570 4 a few items for the town's East India Museum. A year G37 1580 2 later another Salem ship returned from Burma with a G37 1580 11 cargo of gum lacquer which nobody wanted to buy. After G37 1590 8 that Salem ships decided to bypass unfriendly Burma. G37 1600 5 The Burmese appeared to have little knowledge of G37 1610 3 British power or any idea of trade. They despised foreigners. G37 1620 2 Cruel Burmese governors could, on the slightest whim, G37 1620 10 take a man's life. As for missionaries, even if they G37 1630 10 succeeded in getting into the country they probably G37 1640 6 would not be allowed to preach the Christian faith G37 1650 3 to the Burmans. Unspeakable tortures or even execution G37 1660 1 might well be their fate. G37 1660 6 "Go back to America or any other place", well-meaning G37 1670 5 friends of Captain Heard advised them, "but put thoughts G37 1680 4 of going to Burma out of your heads". G37 1680 12 Somewhat daunted, the two American missionaries G37 1690 6 reached the police station where they were questioned G37 1700 5 by a most unfriendly clerk. When he discovered they G37 1710 2 had received from the Company's Court of Directors G37 1720 1 no permission to live in India, coupled with the fact G37 1720 11 that they were Americans who had been sent to Asia G37 1730 8 to convert "the heathen", he became more belligerent G37 1740 4 than ever. G37 1740 6 They explained that they desired only to stop in G37 1750 6 India until a ship traveling on to Burma could be found. G38 0010 1 She describes, first, the imaginary reaction of a foreigner G38 0010 10 puzzled by this "unseasonable exultation"; he is answered G38 0020 7 by a confused, honest Englishman. The reasons for the G38 0030 7 Whig joy on this occasion are found to be their expectation G38 0040 6 of regaining control of the government, their delight G38 0050 3 at the prospect of a new war, their hopes of having G38 0050 14 the Tories hanged, and so on. As for the author of G38 0060 11 the Englishman, Mrs& Manley sarcastically deplores G38 0070 5 that the sole defense of the Protestant cause should G38 0080 4 be left to "Ridpath, Dick Steele, and their Associates, G38 0090 3 with the Apostles of Young Man's Coffee-House". G38 0100 1 Another controversy typical of the war between the G38 0110 1 Englishman and the Examiner centered on Robert (later G38 0110 9 Viscount) Molesworth, a Whig leader in Ireland and G38 0120 8 a member of the Irish Privy Council. On December 21, G38 0130 6 the day that the Irish House of Commons petitioned G38 0140 4 for removal of Sir Constantine Phipps, their Tory Lord G38 0150 3 Chancellor, Molesworth reportedly made this remark G38 0150 9 on the defense of Phipps by Convocation: "They that G38 0160 8 have turned the world upside down, are come hither G38 0170 7 also". Upon complaints from the Lower House of Convocation G38 0180 5 to the House of Lords, he was removed from the Privy G38 0190 4 Council, his remark having been represented as a blasphemous G38 0200 1 affront to the clergy. Steele, who had earlier praised G38 0200 10 Molesworth in Tatler No& 189, now defended him in Englishman G38 0220 1 No& 46, depicting his removal as a setback to the Constitution. G38 0220 12 On the other hand, Molesworth was naturally assailed G38 0230 8 in the Tory press. Swift, in the Dublin edition of G38 0240 7 A Preface to the Bishop of Sarum's Introduction, indicated G38 0250 3 his feelings by including Molesworth, along with Toland, G38 0260 4 Tindal, and Collins, in the group of those who, like G38 0270 3 Burnet, are engaged in attacking all Convocations of G38 0270 11 the clergy. In the same way he coupled Molesworth and G38 0280 9 Wharton in a letter to Archbishop King, and he had G38 0290 7 earlier described him as "the worst of them" in some G38 0300 5 "Observations" on the Irish Privy Council submitted G38 0310 2 to Oxford. A month later, in The Publick Spirit of G38 0320 1 the Whigs, he used Steele's defense of Molesworth as G38 0320 10 evidence of his disrespect for the clergy, calling G38 0330 7 Steele's position an affront to the "whole Convocation G38 0340 5 of Ireland". On this issue, then, as on so many in G38 0350 6 these months, Steele and Swift took rigidly opposed G38 0360 1 points of view. G38 0360 4 In the early months of 1714, the battle between G38 0370 2 Swift and Steele over the issue of the Succession entered G38 0370 12 its major phase. The preliminaries ended with the publication G38 0380 9 of Steele's Crisis on January 19, and from that point G38 0390 9 on the fight proceeded at a rapid pace. In answer to G38 0400 8 The Crisis, Swift produced The Publick Spirit of the G38 0410 6 Whigs, his most extensive and bitter attack on his G38 0420 4 old friend. By this time, as we shall see, the Tories G38 0430 1 were already planning to "punish" Steele for his political G38 0430 10 writing by expelling him from the House of Commons. G38 0440 9 Despite his defense of himself in the final paper of G38 0450 8 the Englishman and in his speech before the House, G38 0460 4 their efforts were successful. Steele lost his seat G38 0470 2 in Parliament, and his personal quarrel with Swift, G38 0470 10 by now a public issue, thus reached its climax. G38 0480 6 Of all the Whig tracts written in support of the G38 0490 6 Succession, The Crisis is perhaps the most significant. G38 0500 3 Certainly it is the most pretentious and elaborate. G38 0510 1 Hanoverian agents assisted in promoting circulation, G38 0510 7 said to have reached 40,000, and if one may judge by G38 0520 8 the reaction of Swift and other government writers, G38 0530 3 the work must have had considerable impact. Steele's G38 0540 1 main business here is to arouse public opinion to the G38 0540 11 immediate danger of a Stuart Restoration. To this end, G38 0550 9 the first and longest section of the tract cites all G38 0560 7 the laws enacted since the Revolution to defend England G38 0570 4 against the "Arbitrary Power of a Popish Prince". In G38 0580 2 his comment on these laws Steele sounds all the usual G38 0580 12 notes of current Whig propaganda, ranging from a criticism G38 0590 9 of the Tory peace to an attack on the dismissal of G38 0600 9 Marlborough; but his principal theme is that the intrigues G38 0610 6 of the Tories, "our Popish or Jacobite Party", pose G38 0620 3 an immediate threat to Church and State. Like Burnet, G38 0630 2 he deplores the indifference of the people in the face G38 0630 12 of the crisis. Treasonable books striking at the Hanoverian G38 0640 8 Succession, he complains, are allowed to pass unnoticed. G38 0650 8 In this connection, Swift, too, is drawn in for attack: G38 0660 7 "The Author of the Conduct of the Allies has dared G38 0670 5 to drop Insinuations about altering the Succession". G38 0680 1 In his effort to stir the public from its lethargy, G38 0680 11 Steele goes so far as to list Catholic atrocities of G38 0690 10 the sort to be expected in the event of a Stuart Restoration, G38 0700 8 and, with rousing rhetoric, he asserts that the only G38 0710 5 preservation from these "Terrours" is to be found in G38 0720 3 the laws he has so tediously cited. "It is no time", G38 0720 14 he writes, "to talk with Hints and Innuendos, but openly G38 0730 10 and honestly to profess our Sentiments before our Enemies G38 0740 8 have compleated and put their Designs in Execution G38 0750 5 against us". G38 0750 7 Steele apparently professed his sentiments in this G38 0760 6 book too openly and honestly for his own good, since G38 0770 4 the government was soon to use it as evidence against G38 0780 1 him in his trial before the House. In the final issues G38 0780 12 of the Englishman, which ended just as the new session G38 0790 8 of Parliament began, he provided his enemies with still G38 0800 7 more ammunition. For example, No& 56 printed the patent G38 0810 5 giving the Electoral Prince the title of Duke of Cambridge. G38 0820 3 In a few months the Duke was to be the center of a G38 0830 2 controversy of some significance on the touchy question G38 0830 10 of the Protestant Succession. At the order of the Dowager G38 0840 8 Electress, the Hanoverian agents, supported by the G38 0850 5 Whig leaders, demanded that a writ of summons be issued G38 0860 5 which would call the Duke to England to sit in Parliament, G38 0870 2 thus further insuring the Succession by establishing G38 0870 9 a Hanoverian Prince in England before the Queen's death. G38 0880 8 Anne was furious, and Bolingbroke advised that the G38 0890 7 request be refused. Oxford, realizing that the law G38 0900 5 required the issuance of the writ, took the opposite G38 0910 1 view, for which the Queen never forgave him. Accordingly G38 0910 10 the request was granted, but the Elector himself, who G38 0920 9 had not been consulted by his mother, rejected the G38 0930 6 proposal and recalled his agent Schu^tz, whose impolitic G38 0940 3 handling of the affair had caused the Hanoverian interest G38 0950 2 to suffer and had made Oxford's dismissal more likely G38 0960 1 than ever. Steele in this paper is indicating his sympathy G38 0960 11 for such a plan. A few days after this Englishman appeared, G38 0970 9 Defoe reported to Oxford that Steele was expected to G38 0980 8 move in Parliament that the Duke be called over; Defoe G38 0990 6 then commented, "If they Could Draw that young Gentleman G38 1000 4 into Their Measures They would show themselves quickly, G38 1010 2 for they are not asham'd to Say They want Onely a head G38 1020 1 to Make a beginning". G38 1020 5 The final issue of the Englishman, No& 57 for February G38 1030 5 15, ran to some length and was printed as a separate G38 1040 4 pamphlet, entitled The Englishman: Being the Close G38 1050 1 of the Paper So-called. Steele's purpose is to present G38 1050 11 a general defense of his political writing and a resume G38 1060 9 of the themes which had occupied him in the Englishman; G38 1070 7 but there is much here also which bears directly on G38 1080 5 his personal quarrel with Swift. Thus he complains, G38 1090 1 with considerable justice, that the Tory writers have G38 1090 9 resorted to libel instead of answering his arguments. G38 1100 8 His birth, education, and fortune, he says, have all G38 1110 7 been ridiculed simply because he has spoken with the G38 1120 4 freedom of an Englishman, and he assures the reader G38 1120 13 that "whoever talks with me, is speaking to a Gentleman G38 1130 10 born". As notable examples of this abuse, he quotes G38 1140 8 passages from the Examiner, "that Destroyer of all G38 1150 5 things", and The Character of Richard Steele, which G38 1160 3 he here attributes to Swift. Though put in rather maudlin G38 1170 2 terms, Steele's defense of himself has a reasonable G38 1170 10 basis. His point is simply that the Tories have showered G38 1180 10 him with personal satire, despite the fact that as G38 1190 7 a private subject he has a right to speak on political G38 1200 5 matters without affronting the prerogative of the Sovereign. G38 1210 3 He claims, too, that his political convictions are G38 1210 11 simply those which are called "Revolution Principles" G38 1220 7 and which are accepted by moderate men in both parties. G38 1230 8 The final section of this pamphlet is of special G38 1240 7 interest in a consideration of Steele's relations with G38 1250 3 Swift. It purports to be a letter from Steele to a G38 1260 2 friend at court, who, in Miss Blanchard's opinion, G38 1260 10 could only be meant as Swift. Steele first answers G38 1270 7 briefly the charges which his "dear old Friend" has G38 1280 5 made about his pamphlet on Dunkirk and his Crisis. G38 1300 2 Then he launches into an attack on the Tory ministers, G38 1310 1 whom he calls the "New Converts"; by this term he means G38 1310 12 to ridicule their professions of acting in the interest G38 1320 8 of the Church despite their own education and manner G38 1330 6 of life- a gibe, in other words, at the "Presbyterianism" G38 1340 4 in Harley's family and at Bolingbroke's reputed impiety. G38 1350 3 The Tory leaders, he insinuates, are cynically using G38 1360 2 the Church as a political "By-word" to increase party G38 1360 12 friction and keep themselves in power. This is the G38 1370 9 principal point made in this final section of Englishman G38 1380 7 No& 57, and it caps Steele's efforts in his other writing G38 1390 6 of these months to counteract the notion of the Tories G38 1400 5 as a "Church Party" supported by the body of the clergy. G38 1410 4 Next, Steele turns his attention to the "Courtier" G38 1420 1 he is addressing. He explains that there are sometimes G38 1420 10 honorable courtiers, but that too often a man who succeeds G38 1430 10 at court does not hesitate to sacrifice his Sovereign G38 1440 6 and nation to his own avarice and ambition. Such, he G38 1450 5 implies, is the case with his friend, who is not really G38 1460 2 a new convert himself but merely a favorer of new converts. G38 1470 1 If "Jack the Courtier" is really to be taken as Swift, G38 1470 12 the following remark is obviously Steele's comment G38 1480 6 on Swift's change of parties and its effect on their G38 1490 7 friendship: "I assure you, dear Jack, when I first G38 1500 5 found out such an Allay in you, as makes you of so G38 1510 3 malleable a Constitution, that you may be worked into G38 1510 12 any Form an Artificer pleases, I foresaw I should not G38 1520 9 enjoy your Favour much longer". He closes his "letter" G38 1530 6 by demanding that Dunkirk be demolished, that the Pretender G38 1540 6 be forced to move farther away from the coast of England, G38 1550 5 and that the Queen and the House of Hanover come to G38 1560 3 a better understanding. The last point was soon to G38 1560 12 be included in the "seditious" remarks used against G38 1570 7 him in Parliament. G38 1580 1 The Examiner, during Steele's trial a month later, G38 1580 9 printed an answer from the "courtier" addressed to G38 1590 8 "R& S&" at Button's coffee-house. He reviews Steele's G38 1600 7 entrance into politics and finds that his present difficulties G38 1610 7 are due to his habit of attributing to his own abilities G38 1620 5 and talents achievements which more properly should G38 1630 2 be credited to the indulgence of his friends. Once G38 1630 11 more, in other words, Steele is said to be indebted G38 1640 10 to Swift for his "wit"; this was the form in which G38 1650 7 their private feud most often appeared in the Tory G38 1660 4 press, especially the Examiner. In The Publick Spirit G38 1670 2 of the Whigs, it may be noted, Swift himself contemptuously G38 1680 1 dismissed Steele's reference to his friend at court: G38 1680 9 "I suppose by the Style of old Friend, and the like, G38 1690 11 it must be some Body there of his own Level; among G38 1700 8 whom, his Party have indeed more Friends than I could G38 1710 6 wish". G38 1710 7 On February 16, Steele took his seat in Parliament. G38 1720 7 By now he was undergoing a fresh torrent of abuse from G38 1730 5 Tory papers and pamphlets, and action was being taken G38 1740 2 to effect his punishment by expulsion from Parliament. G38 1740 10 On the very day that the parliamentary session began, G38 1750 8 another "Infamous Libel" appeared, entitled A Letter G38 1760 6 from the Facetious Dr& Andrew Tripe, at Bath, to the G38 1770 7 Venerable Nestor Ironside. It is filled with the usual G38 1780 5 personal abuse of Steele, especially of his physical G38 1790 1 appearance; in the opening paragraph, too, Steele is G38 1790 9 accused of extreme egotism, of giving "himself the G38 1800 8 preference to all the learned, his contemporaries, G38 1810 3 from Dr& Sw-ft himself, even down to Poet Cr-spe of G38 1820 4 the Customhouse". G39 0010 1 When Harold Arlen returned to California in the winter G39 0010 10 of 1944, it was to take up again a collaboration with G39 0020 9 Johnny Mercer, begun some years before. The film they G39 0030 6 did after his return was an inconsequential bit of G39 0040 3 nothing titled Out of This World, a satire on the Sinatra G39 0050 1 bobby-soxer craze. The twist lay in using Bing Crosby's G39 0050 11 voice on the sound track while leading man Eddie Bracken G39 0060 10 mouthed the words. If nothing else, at least two good G39 0070 9 songs came out of the project, "Out of This World" G39 0080 5 and "June Comes Around Every Year". G39 0090 1 Though they would produce some very memorable and G39 0090 9 lasting songs, Arlen and Mercer were not given strong G39 0100 9 material to work on. Their first collaboration came G39 0110 5 close. Early in 1941 they were assigned to a script G39 0120 4 titled Hot Nocturne. It purported to be a reasonably G39 0130 1 serious attempt at a treatment of jazz musicians, their G39 0130 10 aims, their problems- the tug-of-war between the "pure" G39 0140 8 and the "commercial"- and seemed a promising vehicle, G39 0150 8 for the two men shared a common interest in jazz. G39 0160 5 Johnny Mercer practically grew up with the sound G39 0170 3 of jazz and the blues in his ears. He was born in Savannah, G39 0180 1 Georgia, in 1909. His father, George A& Mercer, was G39 0180 10 descended from an honored Southern family that could G39 0190 8 trace its ancestry back to one Hugh Mercer, who had G39 0200 7 emigrated from Scotland in 1747. G39 0210 1 The lyricist's father was a lawyer who had branched G39 0210 10 out into real estate. His second wife, Lillian, was G39 0220 8 the mother of John H& Mercer. By the age of six young G39 0230 8 Johnny indicated that he had the call. One day he followed G39 0240 6 the Irish Jasper Greens, the town band, to a picnic G39 0250 4 and spent the entire day listening, while his family G39 0250 13 spent the day looking. The disappearance caused his G39 0260 8 family to assign a full-time maid to keeping an eye G39 0270 6 on the boy. But one afternoon Mrs& Mercer met her; G39 0280 4 both were obviously on the way to the Mercer home. G39 0290 1 The mother inquired, "Where's Johnny, and why did you G39 0290 10 leave him"? "There was nothing else I could do", the G39 0300 9 maid answered, satisfied with a rather vague explanation. G39 0310 7 But Mrs& Mercer demanded more. The maid then told her, G39 0320 7 "Because he fired me". G39 0330 1 With her son evidencing so strong a musical bent G39 0330 9 his mother could do little else but get him started G39 0340 6 on the study of music- though she waited until he was G39 0350 4 ten- beginning with the piano and following that with G39 0360 1 the trumpet. Young Mercer showed a remarkable lack G39 0360 9 of aptitude for both instruments. Still, he did like G39 0370 7 music making and even sang in the chapel choir of the G39 0380 6 Woodberry Forest School, near Orange, Virginia, where G39 0390 2 he sounded fine but did not matriculate too well. G39 0400 1 When he was fifteen John H& Mercer turned out his G39 0400 11 first song, a jazzy little thing he called "Sister G39 0410 7 Susie, Strut Your Stuff". If his scholarship and formal G39 0430 6 musicianship were not all they might have been, Mercer G39 0440 3 demonstrated at an early age that he was gifted with G39 0450 1 a remarkable ear for rhythm and dialect. From his playmates G39 0450 11 in Savannah, Mercer had picked up, along with a soft G39 0460 9 Southern dialect, traces also of the Gullah dialects G39 0470 6 of Africa. Such speech differences made him acutely G39 0480 4 aware of the richness and expressivness of language. G39 0490 1 During the summers, while he was still in school, G39 0490 10 Mercer worked for his father's firm as a messenger G39 0500 8 boy. It generally took well into the autumn for the G39 0510 6 firm to recover from the summer's help. "We'd give G39 0520 2 him things to deliver, letters, checks, deeds and things G39 0530 1 like that", remembers his half-brother Walter, still G39 0530 9 in the real estate business in Savannah, "and learn G39 0540 6 days later that he'd absent-mindedly stuffed them into G39 0550 4 his pocket. There they stayed". G39 0560 1 This rather detached attitude toward life's encumbrances G39 0560 7 has seemed to be the dominant trait in Mercer's personality G39 0570 9 ever since. It is, however, a disarming disguise, or G39 0580 7 perhaps a shield, for not only has Mercer proved himself G39 0590 4 to be one of the few great lyricists over the years, G39 0600 2 but also one who can function remarkably under pressure. G39 0600 11 He has also enjoyed a successful career as an entertainer G39 0610 10 (his records have sold in the millions) and is a sharp G39 0620 9 businessman. G39 0620 10 He has also an extraordinary conscience. In 1927 G39 0630 6 his father's business collapsed, and, rather than go G39 0640 5 bankrupt, Mercer senior turned his firm over to a bank G39 0650 4 for liquidation. He died before he could completely G39 0650 12 pay off his debts. Some years later the bank handling G39 0660 9 the Mercer liquidation received a check for $300,000, G39 0670 6 enough to clear up the debt. The check had been mailed G39 0680 4 from Chicago, the envelope bore no return address, G39 0690 1 and the check was not signed. G39 0690 7 "That's Johnny", sighed the bank president, "the G39 0700 5 best-hearted boy in the world, but absent-minded". G39 0710 1 But Mercer's explanation was simple: "I made out the G39 0720 2 check and carried it around a few days unsigned- in G39 0720 12 case I lost it". When he remembered that he might have G39 0730 9 not signed the check, Mercer made out another for the G39 0740 7 same amount, instructing the bank to destroy the other- G39 0750 4 especially if he had happened to have absent-mindedly G39 0760 1 signed both of them. G39 0760 5 When the family business failed, Mercer left school G39 0770 3 and on his mother's urging- for she hoped that he would G39 0780 2 become an actor- he joined a local little theater group. G39 0780 12 When the troupe traveled to New York to participate G39 0790 9 in a one-act-play competition- and won- Mercer, instead G39 0800 7 of returning with the rest of the company in triumph, G39 0810 5 remained in New York. He had talked one other member G39 0820 2 of the group to stay with him, but that friend had G39 0820 13 tired of not eating regularly and returned to Savannah. G39 0830 8 But Mercer hung on, living, after a fashion, in a Greenwich G39 0840 8 Village fourth-flight walk-up. "The place had no sink G39 0850 6 or washbasin, only a bathtub", his mother discovered G39 0860 2 when she visited him. "Johnny insisted on cooking a G39 0870 1 chicken dinner in my honor- he's always been a good G39 0870 11 cook- and I'll never forget him cleaning the chicken G39 0880 7 in the tub". G39 0880 10 A story, no doubt apocryphal, for Mercer himself G39 0890 7 denies it, has him sporting a monacle in those Village G39 0900 6 days. Though merely clear glass, it was a distinctive G39 0910 4 trade mark for an aspiring actor who hoped to imprint G39 0920 1 himself upon the memories of producers. One day in G39 0920 10 a bar, so the legend goes, someone put a beer stein G39 0930 7 with too much force on the monacle and broke it. The G39 0940 5 innocent malfeasant, filled with that supreme sense G39 0950 1 of honor found in bars, insisted upon replacing the G39 0950 10 destroyed monacle- and did, over the protests of the G39 0960 10 former owner- with a square monacle. Mercer is supposed G39 0970 4 to have refused it with, "Anyone who wears a square G39 0980 3 monacle must be affected"! G39 0980 7 Everett Miller, then assistant director for the G39 0990 5 Garrick Gaieties, a Theatre Guild production, needed G39 1000 3 a lyricist for a song he had written; he just happened G39 1010 2 not to need any actor at the moment, however. For him G39 1010 13 Mercer produced the lyric to "Out of Breath Scared G39 1020 9 to Death of You", introduced in that most successful G39 1030 6 of all the Gaieties, by Sterling Holloway. This 1930 G39 1040 4 edition also had songs in it by Vernon Duke and Ira G39 1050 3 Gershwin, by E& Y& Harburg and Duke, and by Harry Myers. G39 1060 2 Entrance into such stellar song writing company encouraged G39 1070 1 the burgeoning song writer to take a wife, Elizabeth G39 1070 10 Meehan, a dancer in the Gaieties. The Mercers took G39 1080 7 up residence in Brooklyn, and Mercer found a regular G39 1090 6 job in Wall Street "misplacing stocks and bonds". G39 1100 3 When he heard that Paul Whiteman was looking for G39 1110 2 singers to replace the Rhythm Boys, Mercer applied G39 1110 10 and got the job, "not for my voice, I'm sure, but because G39 1120 10 I could write songs and material generally". While G39 1130 5 with the Whiteman band Mercer met Jerry Arlen. He had G39 1140 5 yet to meet Harold Arlen, for although they had "collaborated" G39 1150 3 on "Satan's Li'l Lamb", Mercer and Harburg had worked G39 1160 4 from a lead sheet the composer had furnished them. G39 1170 1 The lyric, Mercer remembers, was tailored to fit the G39 1170 10 unusual melody. G39 1180 1 Mercer's Whiteman association brought him into contact G39 1190 1 with Hoagy Carmichael, whose "Snowball" Mercer relyriced G39 1200 7 as "Lazybones", in which form it became a hit and marked G39 1210 10 the real beginning of Mercer's song-writing career. G39 1220 6 After leaving Whiteman, Mercer joined the Benny Goodman G39 1230 5 band as a vocalist. With the help of Ziggy Elman, also G39 1240 3 in the band, he transformed a traditional Jewish melody G39 1250 1 into a popular song, "And the Angels Sing". The countrywide G39 1260 1 success of "Lazybones" and "And the Angels Sing" could G39 1260 10 only lead to Hollywood, where, besides Harold Arlen, G39 1270 8 Mercer collaborated with Harry Warren, Jimmy Van Heusen, G39 1280 7 Richard Whiting, Walter Donaldson, Jerome Kern, and G39 1290 5 Arthur Schwartz. Mercer has also written both music G39 1300 4 and lyrics for several songs. He may be the only song G39 1310 2 writer ever to have collaborated with a secretary of G39 1310 11 the U& S& Treasury; he collaborated on a song with G39 1320 8 William Hartman Woodin, who was Secretary of the Treasury, G39 1330 7 1932-33. G39 1330 9 When Johnny Mercer and Harold Arlen began their G39 1340 7 collaboration in 1940, Mercer, like Arlen, had several G39 1350 5 substantial film songs to his credit, among them "Hooray G39 1360 3 for Hollywood", "Ride, Tenderfoot, Ride", "Have You G39 1370 3 Got Any Castles, Baby?", and "Too Marvelous for Words" G39 1380 3 (all with Richard Whiting); with Harry Warren he did G39 1390 2 "The Girl Friend of the Whirling Dervish", "Jeepers G39 1390 10 Creepers", and "You Must Have Been a Beautiful Baby". G39 1400 9 Mercer's lyrics are characterized by an unerring ear G39 1410 8 for rhythmic nuances, a puckish sense of humor expressed G39 1420 7 in language with a colloquial flair. Though versatile G39 1430 3 and capable of turning out a ballad lyric with the G39 1440 2 best of them, Mercer's forte is a highly polished quasi-folk G39 1440 13 wit. G39 1450 1 His casual, dreamlike working methods, often as G39 1450 8 not in absentia, were an abrupt change from Harburg's, G39 1460 7 so that Arlen had to adjust again to another approach G39 1470 7 to collaboration. There were times that he worked with G39 1480 5 both lyricists simultaneously. G39 1480 8 Speaking of his work with Johnny Mercer, Arlen says, G39 1490 9 "Our working habits were strange. After we got a script G39 1500 8 and the spots for the songs were blocked out, we'd G39 1510 4 get together for an hour or so every day. While Johnny G39 1520 1 made himself comfortable on the couch, I'd play the G39 1520 10 tunes for him. He has a wonderfully retentive memory. G39 1530 8 After I would finish playing the songs, he'd just go G39 1540 7 away without a comment. I wouldn't hear from him for G39 1550 5 a couple of weeks, then he'd come around with the completed G39 1560 2 lyric". G39 1560 3 Arlen is one of the few (possibly the only) composer G39 1570 2 Mercer has been able to work with so closely, for they G39 1570 13 held their meetings in Arlen's study. "Some guys bothered G39 1580 9 me", Mercer has said. "I couldn't write with them in G39 1590 10 the same room with me, but I could with Harold. He G39 1600 8 is probably our most original composer; he often uses G39 1610 4 very odd rhythms, which makes it difficult, and challenging, G39 1620 2 for the lyric writer". G39 1620 6 While Arlen and Mercer collaborated on Hot Nocturne, G39 1630 5 Mercer worked also with Arthur Schwartz on another G39 1640 4 film, Navy Blues. Arlen, too, worked on other projects G39 1650 3 at the same time with old friend Ted Koehler. Besides G39 1660 1 doing a single song, "When the Sun Comes Out", they G39 1660 11 worked on the ambitious Americanegro Suite, for voices G39 1670 7 and piano, as well as songs for films. G39 1680 5 The Americanegro Suite is in a sense an extension G39 1690 3 of the Cotton Club songs in that it is a collection G39 1700 1 of Negro songs, not for a night club, but for the concert G39 1700 13 stage. The work had its beginning in 1938 with an eight-bar G39 1710 11 musical strain to which Koehler set the words "There'll G39 1720 6 be no more work/ There'll be no more worry", matching G39 1730 4 the spiritual feeling of the jot. This grew into the G39 1740 3 song "Big Time Comin'". By September 1940 the suite G39 1750 1 had developed into a collection of six songs, "four G39 1750 10 spirituals, a dream, and a lullaby". G39 1760 5 The Negro composer Hall Johnson studied the Americanegro G39 1770 3 Suite and said of it, "Of all the many songs written G39 1780 3 by white composers and employing what claims to be G39 1780 12 a Negroid idiom in both words and music, these six G39 1790 9 songs by Harold Arlen and Ted Koehler easily stand G39 1800 6 far out above the rest. Thoroughly modern in treatment, G39 1810 4 they are at the same time, full of simple sincerity G39 1820 1 which invariably characterizes genuine Negro folk-music G39 1820 8 and are by no means to be confused with the average G39 1830 9 'Broadway Spirituals' which depend for their racial G39 1840 6 flavor upon sundry allusions to the 'Amen Corner', G39 1850 2 'judgement day', 'Gabriel's horn', and a frustrated G39 1860 2 devil- with a few random 'Hallelujahs' thrown in for G39 1870 1 good measure. G40 0010 1 I feel obliged to describe this cubbyhole. It had G40 0010 10 a single porcelain stall and but one cabinet for the G40 0020 8 chairing of the bards. It was here that the terror-stricken G40 0030 6 Dennis Moon played an unrehearsed role during the children's G40 0040 4 party. A much larger room, adjacent to the lavatory, G40 0050 2 served as a passageway to and from the skimpy toilet. G40 0050 12 That unused room was large enough for- well, say an G40 0060 10 elephant could get into it **h and, as a matter of G40 0070 9 fact, an elephant did **h G40 0080 1 Something occurred on the morning of the children's G40 0080 8 party which may illustrate the kind of trouble our G40 0090 7 restricted toilet facilities caused us. It so happened G40 0100 5 that sports writer Arthur Robinson got out of the hospital G40 0110 2 that morning after promising his doctor that he would G40 0110 11 be back in an hour or two to continue his convalescence. G40 0120 9 Arthur Robinson traveled with the baseball clubs as G40 0130 6 staff correspondent for the American. He was ghost G40 0140 4 writer for Babe Ruth, whose main talent for literary G40 0150 1 composition was the signing of his autograph. Robbie G40 0150 9 was a war veteran with battle-shattered knees. G40 0160 5 He arrived on crutches at the Newspaper Club with G40 0170 4 one of his great pals, Oliver Herford, artist, author, G40 0180 2 and foe of stupidity. Mr& Herford's appearance was G40 0180 10 that of a frustrated gnome. He seemed timid (at first), G40 0190 10 wore nose glasses from which a black ribbon dangled, G40 0200 7 and was no bigger than a jockey. Robinson asked Herford G40 0210 4 to escort him to the club's lavatory before they sat G40 0220 3 down for a highball and a game of cards. In the jakes, G40 0230 1 after Robbie and his crutches were properly stowed, G40 0230 9 Mr& Herford went to the adjoining facility. He had G40 0240 8 barely assumed his stance there when a fat fellow charged G40 0250 6 through the doorway. Without any regard for rest-room G40 0260 3 protocol, the hulking stranger almost knocked Herford G40 0260 10 off his pins. The artist-author said nothing, but stood G40 0270 10 to one side. He waited a long time. Nothing was said, G40 0280 8 nothing accomplished. The unrelieved stranger eventually G40 0290 3 turned away from the place of his- shall we dare say G40 0300 4 his Waterloo?- to go to the door. G40 0300 11 Mr& Herford touched the fat man's arm. "Pardon me, G40 0310 8 sir. May I say that you have just demonstrated the G40 0320 6 truth of an old proverb- the younger Pliny's, if memory G40 0330 4 serves me- which, translated freely from the archaic G40 0340 2 Latin, says, 'The more haste, the less peed'". G40 0350 1 Governor Alfred E& Smith was the official host at G40 0350 10 the children's party. United States Senator Royal S& G40 0360 7 Copeland was wearing the robes of Santa Claus and a G40 0370 8 great white beard; the Honorable Robert Wagner, Sr&, G40 0380 4 at that time a justice of the New York Supreme Court, G40 0390 2 was on the reception committee. I was in charge of G40 0390 12 the arrangements- which were soon enough disarranged. G40 0400 6 I had had difficulties from the very first day. G40 0410 7 When, in my enthusiasm, I proposed the party, my city G40 0420 5 editor (who disliked the club and many of its members) G40 0430 2 tried to block my participation in the gala event. G40 0430 11 Even earlier than that he had resented the fact that G40 0440 9 I had been chosen to edit the club's Reporter. G40 0450 4 City editor Victor Watson of the New York American G40 0460 4 was a man of brooding suspicions and mysterious shifts G40 0470 2 of mood. Mr& Hearst's telegraphic code word for Victor G40 0480 1 Watson was "fatboy". The staff saw in him the qualities G40 0480 11 of a Don Cossack, hence, as mentioned before, his nickname G40 0490 9 "the Hetman". G40 0500 1 The Hetman's physical aspects were not those of G40 0500 9 a savage rider of the steppes. Indeed, he looked more G40 0510 9 like a well-fleshed lay brother of the Hospice of St& G40 0520 8 Bernard. Nor were his manners barbaric. He had a purring G40 0530 6 voice and poker player's immobility of features which G40 0540 2 somehow conveyed the feeling that he knew where all G40 0540 11 the bodies were buried. He was the son of a Scottish G40 0550 11 father and an American Jewish mother, long widowed, G40 0560 5 with whom he lived in a comfortable home in Flushing. G40 0570 4 He had worked in the newspaper business since he was G40 0580 2 nineteen years old, always for the Hearst service. G40 0580 10 From the very first he regarded himself as Mr& Hearst's G40 0590 8 disciple, defender, and afterward his prime minister, G40 0600 5 self-ordained. G40 0600 7 It was said that the Hetman plotted to take over G40 0610 7 the entire Hearst newspaper empire one day by means G40 0620 5 of various coups: the destruction of editors who tried G40 0630 2 to halt his course, the unfrocking of publishers whose G40 0630 11 mistakes of judgment might be magnified in secret reports G40 0640 9 to Mr& Hearst. Whatever the Hetman's ambitions, his G40 0650 5 colleagues were kept ill at ease. Among the outstanding G40 0660 4 members of the Hearst cabinet whom he successfully G40 0670 1 opposed for a time were the great Arthur Brisbane, G40 0670 10 Bradford Merrill, S&S& Carvalho, and Colonel Van Hamm. G40 0680 8 He also disliked Runyon, for no good reason other than G40 0690 8 the fact that the Demon's talent was so marked as to G40 0700 7 put him well beyond the Hetman's say-so or his supervision. G40 0710 4 Runyon, for his part, had a contemptuous regard G40 0720 2 for Mr& Watson. "He's a wrong-o", said Runyon, "and G40 0730 2 I wouldn't trust him as far as I could throw the Statue G40 0730 14 of Liberty". G40 0740 2 Arthur "Bugs" Baer wrote to me just recently, "Vic G40 0750 2 wanted to die in harness, with his head towards the G40 0750 12 wagon. He supported his mother and his brother, who G40 0760 9 afterwards committed suicide. Watson told me that his G40 0770 7 brother always sent roses to his mother, blossoms bought G40 0780 3 with Vic's allowance to him. 'And would you believe G40 0790 2 it', Vic added, 'she likes him better than she does G40 0790 12 me. Why'"? G40 0800 2 About the only time the Hetman seemed excited was G40 0810 1 when one of his own pet ideas was born. Then he would G40 0810 13 get to his feet, as though rising in honor of his own G40 0820 9 remarkable powers, and say almost invariably, "Gentlemen, G40 0830 3 this is an amazing story! It's bigger than the Armistice". G40 0840 4 Some of the Hetman's "ideas" were dream-ridden, G40 0850 4 vaguely imparted, and at times preposterous. One day G40 0860 2 he assigned me to lay bare a "plot" by the Duponts G40 0860 13 to supply munitions to a wholly fictitious revolution G40 0870 7 he said was about to occur in Cuba. He said that his G40 0880 7 information was so secret that he would not be able G40 0890 4 to confide in me the origin of his pipeline tip. G40 0900 1 "I can tell you this much", he said. It's bigger G40 0900 10 than the Armistice". G40 0910 1 I worked for a day on this plainly ridiculous assignment G40 0920 1 and consulted several of my own well-informed sources. G40 0920 10 Then I spent the next two days at the baseball park G40 0930 9 and at Jack Doyle's pool parlors. When I returned to G40 0940 6 make my report, the Hetman did not remember having G40 0950 2 sent me on the secret mission. He was busy, he said, G40 0950 13 in having someone submit to a monkey-gland operation. G40 0960 9 And I was to go to work on that odd matter. I shall G40 0970 9 tell of it later on. G40 0970 14 The Hetman had a strong liking for a story, any G40 0980 10 story which was to be had by means of much sleuthing G40 0990 6 or by roundabout methods. Most of my stories were obtained G40 1000 3 by simply seeking out the person who could give me G40 1010 1 the facts, and not as a rule by playing clever tricks. G40 1010 12 One day I tired of following the Hetman's advice G40 1020 8 of "shadowing" and of the "ring-around-the-rosie" approach G40 1030 8 to a report that Enrico Caruso had pinched a lady's G40 1040 5 hip while visiting the Central Park monkey house. I G40 1050 3 explained my state of mind to artist Winsor McCay and G40 1060 1 to "Bugs" Baer. Mr& Baer obtained a supply of crepe G40 1060 11 hair and spirit-gum from an actor at the Friars. We G40 1070 10 fashioned beards, put them on, and reported to the G40 1080 7 Hetman at the city desk. G40 1080 12 Mr& Baer had an auburn beard, like Longfellow's. G40 1090 8 Mr& McCay had on a sort of Emperor Maximilian beard G40 1100 7 and mustache. As for myself, I had on an enormous black G40 1110 6 "muff". This, together with a derby hat and horn-rim G40 1120 4 eyeglasses, gave me the appearance of a Russian nihilist. G40 1130 1 "We are ready for your next mysterious assignment", G40 1130 9 said Mr& Baer to the Hetman. "Where to, sir"? G40 1140 9 Mr& Watson did not have much humor in his make-up, G40 1150 10 but he managed a mirthless smile. Just then a reporter G40 1160 6 telephoned in from the Bronx to give the rewrite desk G40 1170 4 an account of a murder. The Hetman told me to take G40 1180 1 the story over the phone and to write it. While I was G40 1180 13 sitting at one of the rewrite telephones with my derby G40 1190 8 and my great beard, Arthur Brisbane whizzed in with G40 1200 5 some editorial copy in his hand. He paused for a moment G40 1210 4 to look at me, then went on to the city desk to deliver G40 1220 1 his "Today" column. G40 1220 4 I thought it expedient to take off my derby, my G40 1230 3 glasses, and the beard; and also to change telephones. G40 1230 12 I managed to do this by the time the great A&B& returned G40 1240 12 to the place where he last had seen the fierce nihilist. G40 1250 9 He stood there staring with disbelief at the vacant G40 1260 6 desk. Then he wrinkled his huge brow and went slowly G40 1270 4 out of the room. He had a somewhat goggle-eyed expression. G40 1280 1 He had been "seeing things". G40 1280 6 The Hetman's "ideas" for news stories or editorial G40 1290 6 campaigns were by no means always fruitless or lacking G40 1300 3 in merit. He campaigned successfully for the riddance G40 1310 1 of "Death Avenue" and also brought about the ending G40 1310 10 of pollution of metropolitan beaches by sewage. He G40 1320 7 exposed the bucket-shop racket with the able assistance G40 1330 5 of two excellent reporters, Nat Ferber and Carl Helm. G40 1340 4 In the conduct of these and many other campaigns, the G40 1350 1 Hetman proved to be a much abler journalist than his G40 1350 11 critics allowed. G40 1360 1 It seems to me now, in a long backward glance, that G40 1360 12 many of the Hetman's conceits and odd actions- together G40 1370 8 with his grim posture when brandishing the hatchet G40 1380 5 in the name of Mr& Hearst- were keyed with the tragedy G40 1390 5 which was to close over him one day. Alone, rejected G40 1400 2 on every hand, divorced, and in financial trouble, G40 1400 10 he leaped from an eleventh-floor window of the Abbey G40 1410 9 Hotel in 1937. G40 1410 12 One finds it difficult to pass censure on the lonely G40 1420 10 figure who waited for days for a saving word from his G40 1430 9 zealously served idol, W&R& Hearst. That word was withheld G40 1440 6 when the need of it seemed the measure of his despair. G40 1450 4 The unfinished note, written in pencil upon the back G40 1460 1 of a used envelope, and addressed to the coroner, makes G40 1460 11 one wonder about many things: "God forgive me for everything. G40 1470 9 I cannot **h" G40 1480 2 Much to Damon Runyon's amazement, as well as my G40 1480 11 own, I got along splendidly with the Hetman; that is, G40 1490 10 until I became an editor, hence, in his eyes, a rival. G40 1500 9 Not long after Colonel Van Hamm had foisted me on the G40 1510 7 Watson staff I received a salary raise and a contract G40 1520 4 on the Hetman's recommendation. During the next years G40 1530 1 he gave me the second of the five contracts I would G40 1530 12 sign with the Hearst Service. It was a somewhat unusual G40 1540 8 thing for a reporter to have a contract in those days G40 1550 7 before the epidemic of syndicated columnists. I would G40 1560 3 like to believe that my ability warranted this advancement. G40 1570 1 Somehow I think that Watson paid more attention to G40 1570 10 me than he otherwise might have because his foe, Colonel G40 1580 8 Van Hamm, wouldn't touch me with a ten-foot blue pencil. G40 1590 9 I remember one day when Mr& Hearst (and I never G40 1600 6 knew why he liked me, either) sent the Hetman a telegram: G40 1610 4 "Please find some more reporters like that young man G40 1620 3 from Denver". Watson showed this wire to Colonel Van G40 1620 12 Hamm. The colonel grunted, then made a remark which G40 1630 9 might be construed in either of two ways. "Don't bother G40 1640 8 to look any further. We already have the only one of G40 1650 6 its kind". G40 1650 8 The Hetman did have friends, but they were mostly G40 1660 6 outside the newspaper profession. Sergeant Mike Donaldson, G40 1670 3 Congressional Medal of Honor soldier, was one of them. G40 1680 4 Dr& Menas S& Gregory was another. I used to go with G40 1690 2 Watson to call on the eminent neurologist at his apartment, G40 1690 12 to sit among the doctor's excellent collection of statues, G40 1700 8 paintings, and books and drink Oriental coffee while G40 1710 7 Watson seemed to thaw out and become almost affable. G40 1720 4 There was one time, however, when his face clouded G40 1730 3 and he suddenly blurted, "Why did my brother commit G40 1740 1 suicide"? G40 1740 2 I cannot remember Dr& Gregory's reply, if, indeed, G40 1750 2 he made one. G41 0010 1 If she were not at home, Mama would see to it that G41 0010 13 a fresh white rose was there. Sometimes, Mrs& Coolidge G41 0020 6 would close herself in the Green Suite on the second G41 0030 6 floor, and play the piano she had brought to the White G41 0040 4 House. Mama knew she was playing her son's favorite G41 0050 1 pieces and feeling close to him, and did not disturb G41 0050 11 her. G41 0050 12 All the rest of the days in the White House would G41 0060 11 be shadowed by the tragic loss, even though the President G41 0070 6 tried harder than ever to make his little dry jokes G41 0080 4 and to tease the people around him. G41 0080 11 A little boy came to give the President his personal G41 0090 9 condolences, and the President gave word that any little G41 0100 6 boy who wanted to see him was to be shown in. Backstairs, G41 0110 4 the maids cried a little over that, and the standing G41 0120 1 invitation was not mentioned to Mrs& Coolidge. G41 0120 8 The President was even more generous with the First G41 0130 9 Lady than he had been before the tragedy. He would G41 0140 6 bring her boxes of candy and other presents to coax G41 0150 3 a smile to her lips. G41 0150 8 He brought her shawls. Dresses were short in the G41 0160 5 days of Mrs& Coolidge, and Spanish shawls were thrown G41 0170 3 over them. He got her dozens of them. One shawl was G41 0170 14 so tremendous that she could not wear it, so she draped G41 0180 11 it over the banister on the second floor, and it hung G41 0190 8 over the stairway. The President used to look at it G41 0200 6 with a ghost of a smile. G41 0200 12 Mrs& Coolidge spent more time in her bedroom among G41 0210 8 her doll collection. She kept the dolls on the Lincoln G41 0220 6 bed. At night, when Mama would turn back the covers, G41 0230 2 she would have to take all the dolls off the bed and G41 0230 14 place them elsewhere for the night. Mama always felt G41 0240 9 that the collection symbolized Mrs& Coolidge's wish G41 0250 4 for a little girl. G41 0250 8 Among the dolls was one that meant very much to G41 0260 9 the First Lady, who would pick it up and look at it G41 0270 7 often. It had a tiny envelope tied to its wrist. An G41 0280 2 accompanying sympathetic letter explained that inside G41 0280 8 the envelope was a name for Mrs& Coolidge's first granddaughter. G41 0290 9 Mama knew this doll was meant to help Mrs& Coolidge G41 0300 10 overcome her grief by turning her eyes to the future. G41 0310 8 The name inside the envelope was "Cynthia". G41 0320 1 The Coolidges' life, after the death of their son, G41 0330 2 was quieter than ever. John was away at school most G41 0330 12 of the time. Mrs& Coolidge would knit, and the President G41 0340 8 would sit reading, or playing with the many pets around G41 0350 8 them. G41 0350 9 Now and then, the President would call for "Little G41 0360 6 Jack, Master of the Hounds", which was his nickname G41 0370 5 for a messenger who had worked in the White House since G41 0380 2 Teddy Roosevelt's administration, and discuss the welfare G41 0390 1 of some one of the animals. It was part of Little Jack's G41 0390 13 work to look after the dogs. G41 0400 6 One White House dog was immortalized in a painting. G41 0410 4 That was Rob Roy, who posed with Mrs& Coolidge for G41 0420 2 the portrait by Howard Chandler Christy. To get him G41 0420 11 to pose, Mrs& Coolidge would feed him candy, so he G41 0430 9 enjoyed the portrait sessions as well as she did. G41 0440 6 I would like to straighten out a misconception about G41 0450 2 the dress Mrs& Coolidge is wearing in this painting. G41 0460 1 It is not the same dress as the one on her manikin G41 0460 13 in the Smithsonian. People think the dress in the picture G41 0470 8 was lengthened by an artist much later on. This is G41 0480 6 not true. The dress in the painting is a bright red, G41 0490 3 with rhinestones forming a spray on the right side. G41 0490 12 There is a long train flowing from the shoulders. G41 0500 9 Mrs& Coolidge gave Mama this dress for me, and I G41 0510 9 wore it many times. I still have the dress, and I hope G41 0520 6 to give it to the Smithsonian Institution as a memento, G41 0530 4 or, as I more fondly hope, to present it to a museum G41 0530 16 containing articles showing the daily lives of the G41 0540 8 Presidents- if I can get it organized. G41 0550 5 But to get back to the Coolidge household, Mrs& G41 0560 2 Coolidge so obviously loved dogs, that the public sent G41 0560 11 her more dogs- Calamity Jane, Timmy, and Blackberry. G41 0570 8 The last two were a red and a black chow. Rob Roy remained G41 0580 11 boss of all the dogs. He showed them what to do, and G41 0590 8 taught them how to keep the maids around the White G41 0600 3 House in a state of terror. G41 0600 9 The dogs would run through the halls after him like G41 0610 7 a burst of bullets, and all the maids would run for G41 0620 4 cover. Mama didn't know what to do- whether to tell G41 0630 1 on Rob Roy or not- since she had the ear of Mrs& Coolidge G41 0640 1 more than the other maids. But she was afraid the First G41 0640 12 Lady would not understand, because Rob Roy was a perfect G41 0650 9 angel with the First Family. G41 0660 2 Every day, when the President took his nap, Rob G41 0660 11 Roy would stretch out on the window seat near him, G41 0670 10 like a perfect gentleman, and stare thoughtfully out G41 0680 5 the window, or he would take a little nap himself. G41 0690 3 He would not make a sound until the President had wakened G41 0700 1 and left for the office; then he would bark to let G41 0700 12 everyone know the coast was clear. His signal was for G41 0710 9 the other dogs to come running, but it was also the G41 0720 6 signal for Mama and the other maids to watch out. G41 0730 2 Rob Roy was self-appointed to accompany the President G41 0730 11 to his office every morning. Rob Roy was well aware G41 0740 10 of the importance of this mission, and he would walk G41 0750 8 in front of the President, looking neither to the right G41 0760 5 nor to the left. G41 0760 9 At dinner, lunch, or breakfast, the President would G41 0770 4 call out, "Supper"!- he called all meals supper- after G41 0780 5 the butler had announced the meal. All the dogs would G41 0790 3 dash to get on the elevator with the President and G41 0790 13 go to the dining room. They would all lie around on G41 0800 10 the rug during the meal, a very pretty sight as Rob G41 0810 7 Roy, Prudence, and Calamity Jane were all snow-white. G41 0820 4 When Prudence and Blackberry were too young to be G41 0830 3 trusted in the dining room, they were tied to the radiator G41 0830 14 with their leashes, and they would cry. Mama tried G41 0840 9 to talk to them and keep them quiet while she tidied G41 0850 6 up the sitting room before the First Family returned. G41 0860 3 Finally, Mama did mention to Mrs& Coolidge that G41 0870 2 she felt sorry for the little dogs, and then Mrs& Coolidge G41 0880 1 decided to leave the radio on for them while she was G41 0880 12 gone, even though her husband disapproved of the waste G41 0890 7 of electricity. G41 0890 9 Mama was now the first maid to Mrs& Coolidge, because G41 0900 9 Catherine, the previous first maid, had become ill G41 0910 6 and died. Mrs& Coolidge chose Mama in her place. It G41 0920 5 was a high mark for Mama. G41 0920 11 Every First Family seems to have one couple upon G41 0930 8 whom it relies for true friendship. For the Coolidges, G41 0940 4 it was Mr& and Mrs& Frank W& Stearns of Boston, Massachusetts, G41 0950 4 owners of a large department store. They seemed to G41 0960 3 be at the White House half the time. The butlers were G41 0970 1 amused because when the Stearns were there, the President G41 0970 10 would say grace at breakfast. If the Stearns were not G41 0980 9 there, grace would be omitted. G41 0990 1 Speaking of breakfast, the President inaugurated G41 0990 7 a new custom- that of conducting business at the breakfast G41 1000 8 table. The word was that this too was part of an economy G41 1010 10 move on his part. A new bill had been passed under G41 1020 5 Harding that designated the Government, rather than G41 1030 2 the President, as the tab-lifter for official meals. G41 1030 11 So the President would make a hearty breakfast official G41 1040 8 by inviting Government officials to attend. G41 1050 4 He caused a lot of talk when he also chose the breakfast G41 1060 4 hour to have the barber come in and trim his hair while G41 1070 2 he ate. Mama said that if Presidents were supposed G41 1070 11 to be colorful, Mr& Coolidge certainly made a good G41 1080 7 president. He knew exactly how to be colorful! G41 1090 5 The favorite guest of the house, as far as the staff G41 1100 5 was concerned, was Mr& Wrigley, the chewing gum king. G41 1110 1 The White House had chewing gum until it could chew G41 1110 11 no more, and every Christmas, Mr& Wrigley sent the G41 1120 7 President a check for $100, to be divided among all G41 1130 6 the help. You can imagine that he got pretty good service. G41 1140 3 Another good friend of the Coolidges' was George G41 1150 2 B& Harvey, who was the Ambassador to Great Britain G41 1150 11 from 1921 to 1923. He had been a friend of the Hardings, G41 1160 12 and continued to be invited by the Coolidges. G41 1170 7 The first royalty whom Mama ever waited on in the G41 1180 6 White House was Queen Marie of Rumania, who came to G41 1190 4 a State dinner given in her honor on October 21, 1926. G41 1200 1 She was not an overnight guest in the White House, G41 1200 11 but Mr& Ike Hoover, the chief usher, had Mama check G41 1210 8 her fur coat when she came in, and take care of her G41 1220 7 needs. Mama said she was one of the prettiest ladies G41 1230 2 she had ever seen. G41 1230 6 Mama was very patriotic, and one of the duties she G41 1240 4 was proudest of was repairing the edges of the flag G41 1240 14 that flew above the White House. Actually, two flags G41 1250 9 were used at the mansion- a small one on rainy days, G41 1260 7 and a big one on bright days. The wool would become G41 1270 5 frazzled around the edges from blowing in the wind, G41 1280 1 and Mama would mend it. She would often go up on the G41 1280 13 roof to see the attendant take down the flag in the G41 1290 9 evening. She used to tell me, "When I stand there and G41 1300 6 look at the flag blowing this way and that way, I have G41 1310 4 the wonderful, safe feeling that Americans are protected G41 1320 1 no matter which way the wind blows". G41 1320 8 Even when Mrs& Coolidge was in mourning for her G41 1330 7 son, she reached out to help other people in trouble. G41 1340 3 One person she helped was my brother. Mama had told G41 1350 1 her how Emmett's lungs had been affected when he was G41 1350 11 gassed in the war. He was in and out of Mount Alto G41 1360 10 Hospital for veterans any number of times. G41 1370 3 Taking a personal interest, she had the doctor assigned G41 1380 2 to the White House, Dr& James Coupal, look Emmett over. G41 1390 1 As a result, he was sent to a hospital in Arizona until G41 1390 13 his health improved enough for him to come back to G41 1400 9 Washington to work in the Government service. But again, G41 1410 5 there was danger that his lungs would suffer in the G41 1420 4 muggy Washington weather, and he had to return to the G41 1430 1 dry climate of the West to live and work. G41 1430 10 When Mrs& Coolidge was in mourning, she did not G41 1440 7 wear black. She wore grey every day, and white every G41 1450 4 evening. Mama knew that she was out of mourning when G41 1460 1 she finally wore bright colors. The President helped G41 1460 9 her a lot by selecting some lovely colored dresses G41 1470 5 to get her started. She opened the boxes with a tear G41 1480 5 in her eye and a sad smile on her face. G41 1480 15 On the social side, the chore Mama had at the formal G41 1490 11 receptions at the White House thrilled her the most. G41 1500 7 It was her job to stand at the foot of the stairs, G41 1510 5 and, just as the First Lady stepped off the last tread, G41 1520 2 Mama would straighten out her long train before she G41 1520 11 marched to the Blue Room to greet her guests with the G41 1530 10 President. Mama would enjoy the sight of the famous G41 1540 7 guests as much as anyone, and would note a gown here G41 1560 4 and there to tell me about that night. G41 1560 12 One night, Mama came home practically in a state G41 1570 8 of shock. She had stood at the bottom of the stairs, G41 1580 5 as usual, when Mrs& Coolidge came down, in the same G41 1590 3 dress that is now in the Smithsonian, to greet her G41 1590 13 guests. Mama stooped down to fix the train, but there G41 1600 10 was no train there! She reached and reached around G41 1610 5 the dress, but there was nothing there. She looked G41 1620 3 up and saw that, without knowing it, Mrs& Coolidge G41 1620 12 was holding it aloft. Mrs& Coolidge looked down, saw G41 1630 9 Mama's horrified expression and quickly let the whole G41 1640 7 thing fall to the floor. Mama swirled the train in G41 1650 5 place, and not a step was lost. G41 1650 12 The Coolidges did not always live at the White House G41 1660 9 during the Presidency. G42 0010 1 Impressive as this enumeration is, it barely hints G42 0010 9 at the diverse perceptions of Jews, collectively or G42 0020 6 individually, that have been attested by their Gentile G42 0030 5 environment. It is reasonable to affirm two propositions: G42 0040 3 Jews have been perceived by non-Jews as all things G42 0050 1 to all men; some Jews have in fact been all things G42 0050 12 to all men. In the arena of power Jews have at one G42 0060 10 time or another been somebody's ally; they have observed G42 0070 5 correct neutrality; they have been someone's enemy. G42 0080 3 In the market place Jews have in fact under various G42 0090 1 circumstances been valued customers and suppliers, G42 0090 7 or clannish monopolists and cutthroat competitors. G42 0100 4 And so on through the roles referred to in the previous G42 0110 5 paragraph. Diversity of perception, yes; diversity G42 0120 1 of fact, yes. G42 0120 4 But the two do not invariably or even typically G42 0130 2 coincide. The "conventional" image of a particular G42 0130 9 time and place is not necessarily congruent with the G42 0140 9 image of the facts as established over the years by G42 0150 6 scholarly and scientific research. Conventional images G42 0160 2 of Jews have this in common with all perceptions of G42 0170 1 a configuration in which one feature is held constant: G42 0170 10 images can be both true and false. G42 0180 5 The genuinely interesting question, then, becomes: G42 0190 2 What factors determine the degree of realism or distortion G42 0200 1 in conventional images of Jews? The working test of G42 0200 10 "the facts" must always be the best available description G42 0210 8 obtainable from scholars and scientists who have applied G42 0220 6 their methods of investigation to relevant situations. G42 0230 4 Granted, such "functional" images are subject to human G42 0240 3 error; they are self-correcting in the sense that they G42 0250 1 are subject to disciplined procedures that check and G42 0250 9 recheck against error. G42 0260 2 In accounting for realism or distortion two sets G42 0260 10 of factors can be usefully distinguished: current intelligence; G42 0270 7 predispositions regarding intelligence. General Grant G42 0280 5 may have been the victim of false information in the G42 0290 6 instance reported in this book; if so, he would not G42 0300 4 be the first or last commanding officer who has succumbed G42 0310 1 to bad information and dubious estimates of the future. G42 0310 10 But General Grant may have been self-victimized. He G42 0320 8 may have entered the situation with predispositions G42 0330 3 that prepared him to act uncritically in the press G42 0340 2 of affairs. G42 0340 4 Predispositions, in turn, fall conveniently into G42 0360 2 two categories for purposes of analysis. To some extent G42 0360 11 predispositions are shaped by exposure to group environments. G42 0370 8 In some measure they depend upon the structure of individual G42 0380 8 personality. The anti-Semitism of Hitler owed something G42 0390 5 to his exposure to the ideology of Lueger's politically G42 0400 3 successful Christian socialist movement in Vienna. G42 0410 1 But millions of human beings were exposed to Lueger's G42 0410 10 propaganda and record. After allowing for group exposures, G42 0420 8 it is apparent that other factors must be considered G42 0430 7 if we are to comprehend fanaticism. These are personality G42 0440 4 factors; they include harmonies and conflicts within G42 0450 2 the whole man, and mechanisms whereby inner components G42 0450 10 are more or less smoothly met. Modern psychiatric knowledge G42 0460 9 provides us with many keys to unlock the significance G42 0470 8 of behavior of the kind. G42 0480 1 The foregoing factors are pertinent to the analysis G42 0480 9 of perceptual images and the broad conditions under G42 0490 7 which they achieve realism or fall short of it. Undoubtedly G42 0500 6 one merit of the vast panorama of Gentile conceptions G42 0510 2 of the Jew unfolded in the present anthology is that G42 0520 1 it provides a formidable body of material that invites G42 0520 10 critical examination in terms of reality. Many selections G42 0530 7 are themselves convincing contributions to this appraisal. G42 0540 5 Undoubtedly, however, the significance of the volume G42 0550 4 is greater than the foregoing paragraphs suggest. Speaking G42 0560 2 as a non-Jew I believe that its primary contribution G42 0560 12 is in the realm of future policy. Since we can neither G42 0570 11 undo nor redo the past, we are limited to the events G42 0580 8 of today and tomorrow. In this domain the simple fact G42 0590 5 of coexistence in the same local, national, and world G42 0600 2 community is enough to guarantee that we cannot refrain G42 0600 11 from having some effect, large or small, upon Gentile-Jewish G42 0610 9 relations. What shall these effects be? G42 0620 5 I am deliberately raising the policy problems involved G42 0630 3 in Gentile-Jewish relations. Comprehensive examination G42 0640 1 of any policy question calls for the performance of G42 0640 10 the intellectual tasks inseparable from any problem-solving G42 0650 7 method. The tasks are briefly indicated by these questions: G42 0660 7 What are my goals in Gentile-Jewish relations? What G42 0670 3 are the historical trends in this country and abroad G42 0680 3 in the extent to which these goals are effectively G42 0680 12 realized? What factors condition the degree of realization G42 0690 8 at various times and places? What is the probable course G42 0700 9 of future developments? What policies if adopted and G42 0710 6 applied in various circumstances will increase the G42 0720 3 likelihood that future events will coincide with desired G42 0730 1 events and do so at least cost in terms of all human G42 0730 13 values? G42 0740 1 It is beyond the province of this epilogue to cover G42 0740 11 policy questions of such depth and range. The discussion G42 0750 8 is therefore limited to a suggested procedure for realizing G42 0760 5 at least some of the potential importance of this volume G42 0770 4 for future policy. As a groundwork for the proposal G42 0780 1 I give some attention to the first task enumerated G42 0780 10 above, the clarification of goal. G42 0790 3 My reply is that I associate myself with all those G42 0800 3 who affirm that Gentile-Jewish relations should contribute G42 0810 1 to the theory and practice of human dignity. The basic G42 0810 11 goal finds partial expression in the Universal Declaration G42 0820 6 of Human Rights, a statement initiated and endorsed G42 0830 4 by individuals and organizations of many religious G42 0840 2 and philosophical traditions. G42 0840 5 Within this frame of reference policies appropriate G42 0850 4 to claims advanced in the name of the Jews depend upon G42 0860 4 which Jewish identity is involved, as well as upon G42 0870 1 the nature of the claim, the characteristics of the G42 0870 10 claimant, the justifications proposed, and the predispositions G42 0880 5 of the community decision makers who are called upon G42 0890 6 to act. If Jews are identified as a religious body G42 0900 2 in a controversy that comes before a national or international G42 0910 1 tribunal, it is obviously compatible with the goal G42 0910 9 of human dignity to protect freedom of worship. When G42 0920 7 decision makers act within this frame they determine G42 0930 4 whether a claim put forward in the name of religion G42 0940 1 is to be accepted by the larger community as appropriate G42 0940 11 to religion. Since the recognition of Israel as a nation G42 0950 9 state, claims are made in many cases which identify G42 0960 6 the claimant as a member of the new body politic. Community G42 0970 3 decision makers must make up their minds whether a G42 0980 2 claim is acceptable to the larger community in terms G42 0980 11 of prevailing expectations regarding members of nation G42 0990 6 states. In free countries many controversies involve G42 1000 4 self-styled Jews who use the symbol in asserting a G42 1010 2 vaguely "cultural" rather than religious or political G42 1010 9 identity. The decision maker who acts for the community G42 1020 9 as a whole must decide whether the objectives pursued G42 1030 6 and the methods used are appropriate to public policy G42 1040 4 regarding cultural groups. G42 1040 7 We know that much is made of the multiplicity and G42 1050 8 ambiguity of the identities that cluster around the G42 1060 4 key symbol of the Jew. Many public and private controversies G42 1070 1 will undoubtedly continue to reflect these confusions G42 1070 8 in the mind and usage of Gentile and Jew. However, G42 1080 10 in the context of legal and civic policy, these controversies G42 1090 6 are less than novel. They involve similar uncertainties G42 1100 4 regarding the multiple identities of any number of G42 1110 3 non-Jewish groups. So far as the existing body of formal G42 1120 1 principle and procedure is concerned, categorical novelties G42 1120 8 are not to be anticipated in Jewish-Gentile relationships; G42 1130 8 claims are properly disposed of according to norms G42 1140 6 common to all parties. G42 1140 10 It is not implied that formal principles and procedures G42 1150 9 are so firmly entrenched within the public order of G42 1160 6 the world community or even of free commonwealths that G42 1170 3 they will control in all circumstances involving Jews G42 1180 1 and Gentiles during coming years. Social process is G42 1180 9 always anchored in past predisposition; but it is perennially G42 1190 8 restructured in situations where anchors are dragged G42 1200 5 or lost. In conformance with the maximization principle G42 1210 3 we affirm that Gentile-Jewish relations will be harmonious G42 1220 3 or inharmonious to the degree that one relation or G42 1220 12 the other is expected by the active participants to G42 1230 9 yield the greatest net advantage, taking all value G42 1240 5 outcomes and effects into consideration. It is not G42 1250 4 difficult to anticipate circumstances in which negative G42 1250 11 tensions will cumulate; for instance, imagine the situation G42 1260 8 if Israel ever joins an enemy coalition. The formal G42 1270 8 position of Americans who identify themselves with G42 1280 4 one or more of the several identities of the Jewish G42 1290 2 symbol is already clear; the future weight of informal G42 1290 11 factors cannot be so easily assessed. G42 1300 6 When we consider the disorganized state of the world G42 1310 5 community, and the legacy of predispositions adversely G42 1320 1 directed against all who are identified as Jews, it G42 1320 10 is obvious that the struggle for the minds and muscles G42 1330 9 of men needs to be prosecuted with increasing vigor G42 1340 4 and skill. During moments of intense crisis the responsibility G42 1350 3 of political leaders is overwhelming. But their freedom G42 1360 2 of policy is limited by the pattern of predisposition G42 1360 11 with which they and the people around them enter the G42 1370 9 crisis. At such critical moments predispositions favorable G42 1380 4 to human dignity most obviously "pay off". By the same G42 1390 5 test predispositions destructive of human personality G42 1400 1 exercise their most sinister impact, with the result G42 1400 9 that men of good will are often trapped and nullified. G42 1410 9 Among measures in anticipation of crisis are plans G42 1420 7 to inject into the turmoil as assistants of key decision G42 1430 4 makers qualified persons who are cognizant of the corrosive G42 1440 3 effect of crisis upon personal relationships and are G42 1440 11 also able to raise calm and realistic voices when overburdened G42 1450 10 leaders near the limit of self-control. We are learning G42 1460 9 how to do these things in some of the vast organized G42 1470 7 structures of modern society; the process can be accelerated. G42 1480 4 A truism is that the time to prepare for the worst G42 1490 4 is when times are best. During intercrisis periods G42 1490 12 the educational facilities of the community have the G42 1500 8 possibility of remolding the perspectives and altering G42 1510 5 the behavior of vast numbers of human beings of every G42 1520 4 age and condition. As more men and women are made capable G42 1530 1 of living up to the challenge of decency the chances G42 1530 11 are improved that the pattern of predisposition prevailing G42 1540 7 in positions of strength in future crises can be favorably G42 1550 7 affected. G42 1550 8 Now an abiding difficulty of paragraphs like the G42 1560 6 foregoing is that they appear to preach; and in contemporary G42 1570 4 society we often complain of too much reaffirmation G42 1580 1 of the goodness of the good. In any case I do not intend G42 1580 14 to let the present occasion pass without dealing more G42 1590 9 directly with the problem of implementing good intentions. G42 1600 6 I assume that the number of readers of this anthology G42 1610 5 who regard themselves as morally perfect is small, G42 1620 2 and that most readers are willing to consider procedures G42 1620 11 by which they may gain more insight into themselves G42 1630 8 and better understanding of others. Properly used, G42 1640 5 the present book is an excellent instrument of enlightenment. G42 1650 3 Let us not confuse the issue by labeling the objective G42 1660 3 or the method "psychoanalytic", for this is a well G42 1660 12 established term of art for the specific ideas and G42 1670 9 procedures initiated by Sigmund Freud and his followers G42 1680 7 for the study and treatment of disordered personalities. G42 1690 2 The traditional method proceeds by the technique of G42 1700 2 free association, punctuated by interpretations proposed G42 1700 8 by the psychoanalytic interviewer. G42 1710 3 What we have in mind does have something in common G42 1720 4 with the goals of psychoanalysis and with the methods G42 1730 1 by which they are sought. For what we propose, however, G42 1730 11 a psychoanalyst is not necessary, even though one aim G42 1740 8 is to enable the reader to get beneath his own defenses- G42 1750 6 his defenses of himself to himself. For this purpose G42 1760 4 a degree of intellectual and emotional involvement G42 1760 11 is necessary; but involvement needs to be accompanied G42 1770 8 by a special frame of mind. G42 1780 3 The relatively long and often colorful selections G42 1790 1 in this anthology enable the reader to become genuinely G42 1790 10 absorbed in what is said, whether he responds with G42 1800 8 anger or applause. But simple involvement is not enough; G42 1810 5 self-discovery calls for an open, permissive, inquiring G42 1820 2 posture of self-observation. G42 1820 6 The symposium provides an opportunity to confront G42 1830 5 the self with specific statements which were made at G42 1840 4 particular times by identifiable communicators who G42 1840 10 were addressing definite audiences- and throughout G42 1850 6 several hundred pages everyone is talking about the G42 1860 6 same key symbol of identification. G42 1870 1 An advantage of being exposed to such specificity G42 1870 9 about an important and recurring feature of social G42 1880 6 reality is that it can be taken advantage of by the G42 1890 4 reader to examine covert as well as overt resonances G42 1900 1 within himself, resonances triggered by explicit symbols G42 1900 8 clustering around the central figure of the Jew. G43 0010 1 Two facets of this aspect of the literary process G43 0010 10 have special significance for our time. One, a reservation G43 0020 8 on the point I have just made, is the phenomenon of G43 0030 6 pseudo-thinking, pseudo-feeling, and pseudo-willing, G43 0040 1 which Fromm discussed in The Escape from Freedom. In G43 0050 2 essence this involves grounding one's thought and emotion G43 0050 10 in the values and experience of others, rather than G43 0060 8 in one's own values and experience. There is a risk G43 0070 7 that instead of teaching a person how to be himself, G43 0090 1 reading fiction and drama may teach him how to be somebody G43 0100 1 else. Clearly what the person brings to the reading G43 0100 10 is important. Moreover, if the critic instructs his G43 0110 7 audience in what to see in a work, he is contributing G43 0120 6 to this pseudo-thinking; if he instructs them in how G43 0130 4 to evaluate a work, he is helping them to achieve their G43 0140 1 own identity. G43 0140 3 The second timely part of this sketch of literature G43 0150 1 and the search for identity has to do with the difference G43 0150 12 between good and enduring literary works and the ephemeral G43 0160 9 mass culture products of today. In the range and variety G43 0170 8 of characters who, in their literary lives, get along G43 0180 5 all right with life styles one never imagined possible, G43 0190 2 there is an implicit lesson in differentiation. The G43 0190 10 reader, observing this process, might ask "why not G43 0200 8 be different"? and find in the answer a license to G43 0210 8 be a variant of the human species. The observer of G43 0220 4 television or other products for a mass audience has G43 0230 1 only a permit to be, like the models he sees, even G43 0230 12 more like everybody else. And this, I think, holds G43 0240 7 for values as well as life styles. One would need to G43 0250 5 test this proposition carefully; after all, the large G43 0260 1 (and probably unreliable) Reader's Digest literature G43 0260 7 on the "most unforgettable character I ever met" deals G43 0270 8 with village grocers, country doctors, favorite if G43 0280 5 illiterate aunts, and so forth. Scientists often turn G43 0290 3 out to be idiosyncratic, too. But still, the proposition G43 0300 1 is worth examination. G43 0300 4 It is possible that the study of literature affects G43 0310 4 the conscience, the morality, the sensitivity to some G43 0320 2 code of "right" and "wrong". I do not know that this G43 0320 13 is true; both Flu^gel and Ranyard West deal with the G43 0330 10 development and nature of conscience, as do such theologians G43 0340 9 as Niebuhr and Buber. It forms the core of many, perhaps G43 0350 8 most, problems of psychotherapy. I am not aware of G43 0360 6 great attention by any of these authors or by the G43 0370 1 psychotherapeutic G43 0370 2 profession to the role of literary study in the development G43 0380 1 of conscience- most of their attention is to a pre-literate G43 0390 1 period of life, or, for the theologians of course, G43 0390 10 to the influence of religion. G43 0400 3 Still, it would be surprising if what one reads G43 0400 12 did not contribute to one's ideas of right and wrong; G43 0410 10 certainly the awakened alarm over the comic books and G43 0420 8 the continuous concern over prurient literature indicate G43 0430 3 some peripheral aspects of this influence. Probably G43 0440 2 the most important thing to focus on is not the development G43 0450 1 of conscience, which may well be almost beyond the G43 0450 10 reach of literature, but the contents of conscience, G43 0460 6 the code which is imparted to the developed or immature G43 0470 3 conscience available. This is in large part a code G43 0480 1 of behavior and a glossary of values: what is it that G43 0480 12 people do and should do and how one should regard it. G43 0490 9 In a small way this is illustrated by the nineteenth-century G43 0500 5 novelist who argued for the powerful influence of literature G43 0510 4 as a teacher of society and who illustrated this with G43 0520 3 the way a girl learned to meet her lover, how to behave, G43 0520 15 how to think about this new experience, how to exercise G43 0530 10 restraint. G43 0540 1 Literature may be said to give people a sense of G43 0540 11 purpose, dedication, mission, significance. This, no G43 0550 5 doubt, is part of what Gilbert Seldes implies when G43 0560 3 he says of the arts, "They give form and meaning to G43 0570 2 life which might otherwise seem shapeless and without G43 0570 10 sense". Men seem almost universally to want a sense G43 0580 8 of function, that is, a feeling that their existence G43 0590 4 makes a difference to someone, living or unborn, close G43 0600 2 and immediate or generalized. Feeling useless seems G43 0600 9 generally to be an unpleasant sensation. A need so G43 0610 9 deeply planted, asking for direction, so to speak, G43 0620 6 is likely to be gratified by the vivid examples and G43 0630 2 heroic proportions of literature. The terms "renewal" G43 0640 1 and "refreshed", which often come up in aesthetic discussion, G43 0640 10 seem partly to derive their import from the "renewal" G43 0650 9 of purpose and a "refreshed" sense of significance G43 0660 6 a person may receive from poetry, drama, and fiction. G43 0670 4 The notion of "inspiration" is somehow cognate to this G43 0680 3 feeling. How literature does this, or for whom, is G43 0680 12 certainly not clear, but the content, form, and language G43 0690 9 of the "message", as well as the source, would all G43 0700 8 play differentiated parts in giving and molding a sense G43 0710 5 of purpose. G43 0710 7 One of the most salient features of literary value G43 0720 4 has been deemed to be its influence upon and organization G43 0730 2 of emotion. Let us differentiate a few of these ideas. G43 0730 12 The Aristotelian notion of catharsis, the purging of G43 0740 8 emotion, is a persistent and viable one. The idea here G43 0750 7 is one of discharge but this must stand in opposition G43 0760 5 to a second view, Plato's notion of the arousal of G43 0770 3 emotion. A third idea is that artistic literature serves G43 0780 1 to reduce emotional conflicts, giving a sense of serenity G43 0780 10 and calm to individuals. This is given some expression G43 0790 9 in Beardsley's notion of harmony and the resolution G43 0800 7 of indecision. A fourth view is the transformation G43 0810 3 of emotion, as in Housman's fine phrase on the arts: G43 0820 2 they "transform and beautify our inner nature". It G43 0820 10 is possible that the idea of enrichment of emotion G43 0830 8 is a fifth idea. F&S&C& Northrop, in his discussion G43 0840 5 of the "Functions and Future of Poetry", suggests this: G43 0850 5 "One of the things which makes our lives drab and empty G43 0860 6 and which leaves us, at the end of the day, fatigued G43 0870 2 and deflated spiritually is the pressure of the taxing, G43 0870 11 practical, utilitarian concern of common-sense objects. G43 0880 7 If art is to release us from these postulated things G43 0890 6 [things we must think symbolically about] and bring G43 0900 4 us back to the ineffable beauty and richness of the G43 0910 1 aesthetic component of reality in its immediacy, it G43 0910 9 must sever its connection with these common sense entities". G43 0920 6 I take the central meaning here to be the contrast G43 0930 6 between the drab empty quality of life without literature G43 0940 2 and a life enriched by it. Richards' view of the aesthetic G43 0950 1 experience might constitute a sixth variety: for him G43 0950 9 it constitutes, in part, the organization of impulses. G43 0960 7 A sketch of the emotional value of the study of G43 0970 8 literature would have to take account of all of these. G43 0980 5 But there is one in particular which, it seems to me, G43 0990 3 deserves special attention. In the wide range of experiences G43 1000 1 common to our earth-bound race none is more difficult G43 1000 11 to manage, more troublesome, and more enduring in its G43 1010 7 effects than the control of love and hate. The study G43 1020 5 of literature contributes to this control in a curious G43 1030 1 way. William Wimsatt and Cleanth Brooks, it seems to G43 1030 10 me, have a penetrating insight into the way in which G43 1040 9 this control is effected: "For if we say poetry is G43 1050 7 to talk of beauty and love (and yet not aim at exciting G43 1060 4 erotic emotion or even an emotion of Platonic esteem) G43 1070 1 and if it is to talk of anger and murder (and yet not G43 1070 14 aim at arousing anger and indignation)- then it may G43 1080 7 be that the poetic way of dealing with these emotions G43 1090 4 will not be any kind of intensification, compounding, G43 1100 1 or magnification, or any direct assault upon the affections G43 1110 1 at all. Something indirect, mixed, reconciling, tensional G43 1110 8 might well be the strategem, the devious technique G43 1120 7 by which a poet indulged in all kinds of talk about G43 1130 5 love and anger and even in something like "expressions" G43 1140 1 of these emotions, without aiming at their incitement G43 1140 9 or even uttering anything that essentially involves G43 1150 7 their incitement". The rehearsal through literature G43 1160 5 of emotional life under controlled conditions may be G43 1170 3 a most valuable human experience. Here I do not mean G43 1180 1 catharsis, the discharge of emotion. I mean something G43 1180 9 more like Freud's concept of the utility of "play" G43 1190 7 to a small child: he plays "house" or "doctor" or "fireman" G43 1200 6 as a way of mastering slightly frightening experiences, G43 1210 4 reliving them imaginatively until they are under control. G43 1220 4 There is a second feature of the influences of literature, G43 1230 3 good literature, on emotional life which may have some G43 1240 2 special value for our time. In B& M& Spinley's portrayal G43 1250 1 of the underprivileged and undereducated youth of London, G43 1250 9 a salient finding was the inability to postpone gratification, G43 1260 8 a need to satisfy impulses immediately without the G43 1270 5 pleasure of anticipation or of savoring the experience. G43 1280 3 Perhaps it is only an analogy, but one of the most G43 1290 1 obvious differences between cheap fiction and fiction G43 1290 8 of an enduring quality is the development of a theme G43 1300 8 or story with leisure and anticipation. Anyone who G43 1310 3 has watched children develop a taste for literature G43 1320 1 will understand what I mean. It is at least possible G43 1320 11 that the capacity to postpone gratification is developed G43 1330 6 as well as expressed in a continuous and guided exposure G43 1340 6 to great literature. G43 1340 9 In any inquiry into the way in which great literature G43 1350 9 affects the emotions, particularly with respect to G43 1360 4 the sense of harmony, or relief of tension, or sense G43 1370 3 of "a transformed inner nature" which may occur, a G43 1370 12 most careful exploration of the particular feature G43 1380 7 of the experience which produces the effect would be G43 1390 6 required. In the calm which follows the reading of G43 1400 3 a poem, for example, is the effect produced by the G43 1400 13 enforced quiet, by the musical quality of words and G43 1410 9 rhythm, by the sentiments or sense of the poem, by G43 1420 7 the associations with earlier readings, if it is familiar, G43 1430 3 by the boost to the self-esteem for the semi-literate, G43 1435 1 by the diversion of attention, by the sense of security G43 1440 10 in a legitimized withdrawal, by a kind license for G43 1450 7 some variety of fantasy life regarded as forbidden, G43 1460 3 or by half-conscious ideas about the magical power G43 1460 12 of words? These are, if the research is done with subtlety G43 1470 11 and skill, researchable topics, but the research is G43 1480 7 missing. G43 1480 8 One of the most frequent views of the value of literature G43 1490 9 is the education of sensibility that it is thought G43 1500 5 to provide. Sensibility is a vague word, covering an G43 1510 3 area of meaning rather than any precise talent, quality, G43 1520 1 or skill. Among other things it means perception, discrimination, G43 1520 10 sensitivity to subtle differences. Both the extent G43 1530 7 to which this is true and the limits of the field of G43 1540 8 perceptual skill involved should be acknowledged. Its G43 1550 2 truth is illustrated by the skill, sensitivity, and G43 1550 10 general expertise of the English professor with whom G43 1560 8 one attends the theatre. The limits are suggested by G43 1570 6 an imaginary experiment: contrast the perceptual skill G43 1580 4 of English professors with that of their colleagues G43 1590 1 in discriminating among motor cars, political candidates, G43 1590 8 or female beauty. Along these lines, the particular G43 1600 7 point that sensitivity in literature leads to sensitivity G43 1610 6 in human relations would require more proof than I G43 1620 4 have seen. In a symposium and general exploration of G43 1630 1 the field of Person Perception and Interpersonal Behavior G43 1630 9 the discussion does not touch upon this aspect of the G43 1640 10 subject, with one possible exception; Solomon Asch G43 1650 5 shows the transcultural stability of metaphors based G43 1660 4 on sensation (hot, sweet, bitter, etc&) dealing with G43 1670 2 personal qualities of human beings and events. But G43 1670 10 to go from here to the belief that those more sensitive G43 1680 8 to metaphor and language will also be more sensitive G43 1690 5 to personal differences is too great an inferential G43 1700 1 leap. G43 1700 2 I would say, too, that the study of literature tends G43 1710 2 to give a person what I shall call depth. I use this G43 1710 14 term to mean three things: a search for the human significance G43 1720 11 of an event or state of affairs, a tendency to look G43 1730 9 at wholes rather than parts, and a tendency to respond G43 1740 6 to these events and wholes with feeling. It is the G43 1750 3 obverse of triviality, shallowness, emotional anaesthesia. G43 1750 9 I think these attributes cluster, but I have no evidence. G43 1760 10 In fact, I can only say this seems to me to follow G43 1770 10 from a wide, continuous, and properly guided exposure G43 1780 4 to literary art. G44 0010 1 THE late R& G& Collingwood, a philosopher whose G44 0010 9 work has proved helpful to many students of literature, G44 0020 9 once wrote "We are all, though many of us are snobbish G44 0030 9 enough to wish to deny it, in far closer sympathy with G44 0040 5 the art of the music-hall and picture-palace than with G44 0050 3 Chaucer and Cimabue, or even Shakespeare and Titian. G44 0050 11 By an effort of historical sympathy we can cast our G44 0060 10 minds back into the art of a remote past or an alien G44 0070 9 present, and enjoy the carvings of cavemen and Japanese G44 0080 4 colour-prints; but the possibility of this effort is G44 0100 2 bound up with that development of historical thought G44 0100 10 which is the greatest achievement of our civilization G44 0110 6 in the last two centuries, and it is utterly impossible G44 0120 6 to people in whom this development has not taken place. G44 0130 3 The natural and primary aesthetic attitude is to enjoy G44 0140 1 contemporary art, to despise and dislike the art of G44 0140 10 the recent past, and wholly to ignore everything else". G44 0150 7 One might argue that the ultimate purpose of literary G44 0160 6 scholarship is to correct this spontaneous provincialism G44 0170 2 that is likely to obscure the horizons of the general G44 0180 1 public, of the newspaper critic, and of the creative G44 0180 10 artist himself. There results a study of literature G44 0190 7 freed from the tyranny of the contemporary. Such study G44 0200 4 may take many forms. The study of ideas in literature G44 0210 2 is one of these. Of course, it goes without saying G44 0210 12 that no student of ideas can justifiably ignore the G44 0220 8 contemporary scene. He will frequently return to it. G44 0230 5 The continuities, contrasts, and similarities discernible G44 0240 2 when past and present are surveyed together are inexhaustible G44 0250 1 and the one is often understood through the other. G44 0250 10 When we assert the value of such study, we find G44 0260 10 ourselves committed to an important assumption. Most G44 0270 5 students of literature, whether they call themselves G44 0280 2 scholars or critics, are ready to argue that it is G44 0280 12 possible to understand literary works as well as to G44 0290 9 enjoy them. Many will add that we may find our enjoyment G44 0300 8 heightened by our understanding. This understanding, G44 0310 2 of course, may in its turn take many forms and some G44 0320 1 of these- especially those most interesting to the G44 0320 9 student of comparative literature- are essentially G44 0330 3 historical. But the historian of literature need not G44 0340 4 confine his attention to biography or to stylistic G44 0350 1 questions of form, "texture", or technique. He may G44 0350 9 also consider ideas. It is true that this distinction G44 0360 8 between style and idea often approaches the arbitrary G44 0370 4 since in the end we must admit that style and content G44 0380 2 frequently influence or interpenetrate one another G44 0380 8 and sometimes appear as expressions of the same insight. G44 0390 8 But, in general, we may argue that the student can G44 0400 7 direct the primary emphasis of his attention toward G44 0410 2 one or the other. G44 0410 6 At this point a working definition of idea is in G44 0420 5 order, although our first definition will have to be G44 0430 2 qualified somewhat as we proceed. The term idea refers G44 0430 11 to our more reflective or thoughtful consciousness G44 0440 6 as opposed to the immediacies of sensuous or emotional G44 0450 5 experience. It is through such reflection that literature G44 0460 3 approaches philosophy. An idea, let us say, may be G44 0470 1 roughtly defined as a theme or topic with which our G44 0470 11 reflection may be concerned. In this essay, we are, G44 0480 1 along with most historians, interested in the more G44 0490 4 general or more inclusive ideas, that are so to speak G44 0500 1 "writ large" in history of literature where they recur G44 0500 10 continually. Outstanding among these is the idea of G44 0510 8 human nature itself, including the many definitions G44 0520 4 that have been advanced over the centuries; also secondary G44 0530 3 notions such as the perfectibility of man, the depravity G44 0540 1 of man, and the dignity of man. One might, indeed, G44 0540 11 argue that the history of ideas, in so far as it includes G44 0550 10 the literatures, must center on characterizations of G44 0560 4 human nature and that the great periods of literary G44 0570 2 achievement may be distinguished from one another by G44 0570 10 reference to the images of human nature that they succeed G44 0580 10 in fashioning. G44 0590 1 We need not, to be sure, expect to find such ideas G44 0590 12 in every piece of literature. An idea, of the sort G44 0600 7 that we have in mind, although of necessity readily G44 0610 3 available to imagination, is more general in connotation G44 0620 1 than most poetic or literary images, especially those G44 0620 9 appearing in lyric poems that seek to capture a moment G44 0630 9 of personal experience. Thus Burns's "My love is like G44 0640 6 a red, red rose" and Hopkins' "The thunder-purple sea-beach, G44 0650 6 plumed purple of thunder" although clearly intelligible G44 0660 5 in content, hardly present ideas of the sort with which G44 0670 7 we are here concerned. On the other hand, Arnold's G44 0680 2 "The unplumbed, salt, estranging sea", taken in its G44 0690 4 context, certainly does so. G44 0690 8 Understanding a work of art involves recognition G44 0700 5 of the ideas that it reflects or embodies. Thus the G44 0710 3 student of literature may sometimes find it helpful G44 0710 11 to classify a poem or an essay as being in idea or G44 0720 11 in ideal content or subject matter typical or atypical G44 0730 5 of its period. Again, he may discover embodied within G44 0740 2 its texture a theme or idea that has been presented G44 0740 12 elsewhere and at other times in various ways. Our understanding G44 0750 10 will very probably require both these commentaries. G44 0760 6 Very likely it will also include a recognition that G44 0770 4 the work we are reading reflects or "belongs to" some G44 0780 3 way of thought labelled as a "school" or an "-~ism", G44 0790 1 i&e& a complex or "syndrome" of ideas occurring together G44 0800 1 with sufficient prominence to warrant identification. G44 0800 7 Thus ideas like "grace", "salvation", and "providence" G44 0810 5 cluster together in traditional Christianity. Usually G44 0820 5 the work studied offers us a special or even an individualized G44 0830 5 rendering or treatment of the ideas in question, so G44 0840 3 that the student finds it necessary to distinguish G44 0840 11 carefully between the several expressions of an "-~ism" G44 0850 9 or mode of thought. Accordingly we may speak of the G44 0860 7 Platonism peculiar to Shelley's poems or the type of G44 0870 6 Stoicism present in Henley's "Invictus", and we may G44 0880 4 find that describing such Platonism or such Stoicism G44 0890 1 and contrasting each with other expressions of the G44 0890 9 same attitude or mode of thought is a difficult and G44 0900 8 challenging enterprise. After all, Shelley is no "orthodox" G44 0910 5 or Hellenic Platonist, and even his "romantic" Platonism G44 0920 3 can be distinguished from that of his contemporaries. G44 0930 1 Again, Henley's attitude of defiance which colors his G44 0930 9 ideal of self-mastery is far from characteristic of G44 0940 9 a Stoic thinker like Marcus Aurelius, whose gentle G44 0950 5 acquiescence is almost Christian, comparable to the G44 0960 4 patience expressed in Milton's sonnet on his own blindness. G44 0970 2 In recent years, we have come increasingly to recognize G44 0980 1 that ideas have a history and that not the least important G44 0980 12 chapters of this history have to do with thematic or G44 0990 10 conceptual aspects of literature and the arts, although G44 1000 5 these aspects should be studied in conjunction with G44 1010 2 the history of philosophy, of religion, and of the G44 1010 11 sciences. When these fields are surveyed together, G44 1020 7 important patterns of relationship emerge indicating G44 1030 4 a vast community of reciprocal influence, a continuity G44 1040 3 of thought and expression including many traditions, G44 1040 10 primarily literary, religious, and philosophical, but G44 1050 6 frequently including contact with the fine arts and G44 1060 7 even, to some extent, with science. G44 1070 1 Here we may observe that at least one modern philosophy G44 1070 11 of history is built on the assumption that ideas are G44 1080 9 the primary objectives of the historian's research. G44 1090 5 Let us quote once more from R& G& Collingwood: "History G44 1100 3 is properly concerned with the actions of human beings G44 1110 4 **h Regarded from the outside, an action is an event G44 1120 1 or series of events occurring in the physical world; G44 1120 10 regarded from the inside, it is the carrying into action G44 1130 8 of a certain thought **h The historian's business is G44 1140 4 to penetrate to the inside of the actions with which G44 1150 3 he is dealing and reconstruct or rather rethink the G44 1150 12 thoughts which constituted them. It is a characteristic G44 1160 8 of thoughts that **h in re-thinking them we come, ipso G44 1170 8 facto, to understand why they were thought". Such an G44 1180 4 understanding, although it must seek to be sympathetic, G44 1190 1 is not a matter of intuition. "History has this in G44 1190 11 common with every other science: that the historian G44 1200 8 is not allowed to claim any single piece of knowledge, G44 1210 6 except where he can justify his claim by exhibiting G44 1220 3 to himself in the first place, and secondly to any G44 1220 13 one else who is both able and willing to follow his G44 1230 11 demonstration, the grounds upon which it is based. G44 1240 6 This is what was meant, above, by describing history G44 1250 2 as inferential. The knowledge in virtue of which a G44 1250 11 man is an historian is a knowledge of what the evidence G44 1260 11 at his disposal proves about certain events". It is G44 1270 6 obvious that the historian who seeks to recapture the G44 1280 4 ideas that have motivated human behavior throughout G44 1290 1 a given period will find the art and literature of G44 1290 11 that age one of his central and major concerns, by G44 1300 7 no means a mere supplement or adjunct of significant G44 1310 3 historical research. G44 1310 5 The student of ideas and their place in history G44 1320 5 will always be concerned with the patterns of transition, G44 1330 2 which are at the same time patterns of transformation, G44 1330 11 whereby ideas pass from one area of activity to another. G44 1340 10 Let us survey for a moment the development of modern G44 1350 8 thought- turning our attention from the Reformation G44 1360 4 toward the revolutionary and romantic movements that G44 1370 2 follow and dwelling finally on more recent decades. G44 1370 10 We may thus trace the notion of individual autonomy G44 1380 7 from its manifestation in religious practice and theological G44 1390 4 reflection through practical politics and political G44 1400 3 theory into literature and the arts. Finally we may G44 1400 12 note that the idea appears in educational theory where G44 1410 9 its influence is at present widespread. No one will G44 1420 7 deny that such broad developments and transitions are G44 1430 4 of great intrinsic interest and the study of ideas G44 1440 1 in literature would be woefully incomplete without G44 1440 8 frequent reference to them. Still, we must remember G44 1450 7 that we cannot construct and justify generalizations G44 1460 2 of this sort unless we are ready to consider many special G44 1470 1 instances of influence moving between such areas as G44 1470 9 theology, philosophy, political thought, and literature. G44 1480 5 The actual moments of contact are vitally important. G44 1490 4 These moments are historical events in the lives of G44 1500 3 individual authors with which the student of comparative G44 1500 11 literature must be frequently concerned. G44 1510 5 Perhaps the most powerful and most frequently recurring G44 1520 5 literary influence on the Western world has been that G44 1530 4 of the Old and New Testament. Certainly one of the G44 1540 2 most important comments that can be made upon the spiritual G44 1540 12 and cultural life of any period of Western civilization G44 1550 8 during the past sixteen or seventeen centuries has G44 1560 5 to do with the way in which its leaders have read and G44 1570 4 interpreted the Bible. This reading and the comments G44 1580 1 that it evoked constitute the influence. A contrast G44 1580 9 of the scripture reading of, let us say, St& Augustine, G44 1590 8 John Bunyan, and Thomas Jefferson, all three of whom G44 1600 6 found in such study a real source of enlightenment, G44 1610 1 can tell us a great deal about these three men and G44 1610 12 the age that each represented and helped bring to conscious G44 1620 9 expression. In much the same way, we recognize the G44 1630 8 importance of Shakespeare's familarity with Plutarch G44 1640 3 and Montaigne, of Shelley's study of Plato's dialogues, G44 1650 2 and of Coleridge's enthusiastic plundering of the writings G44 1660 1 of many philosophers and theologians from Plato to G44 1660 9 Schelling and William Godwin, through which so many G44 1670 8 abstract ideas were brought to the attention of English G44 1680 6 men of letters. G44 1680 9 We may also recognize cases in which the poets have G44 1690 7 influenced the philosophers and even indirectly the G44 1700 4 scientists. English philosopher Samuel Alexander's G44 1710 1 debt to Wordsworth and Meredith is a recent interesting G44 1710 10 example, as also A& N& Whitehead's understanding of G44 1720 8 the English romantics, chiefly Shelley and Wordsworth. G44 1730 5 Hegel's profound admiration for the insights of the G44 1740 6 Greek tragedians indicates a broad channel of classical G44 1750 3 influence upon nineteenth-century philosophy. Again G44 1750 9 the student of evolutionary biology will find a fascinating, G44 1760 9 if to our minds grotesque, anticipation of the theory G44 1770 6 of chance variations and the natural elimination of G44 1780 4 the unfit in Lucretius, who in turn seems to have borrowed G44 1790 3 the concept from the philosopher Empedocles. G44 1790 9 Here an important caveat is in order. We must avoid G44 1800 10 the notion, suggested to some people by examples such G44 1810 7 as those just mentioned, that ideas are "units" in G44 1820 4 some way comparable to coins or counters that can be G44 1830 2 passed intact from one group of people to another or G44 1830 12 even, for that matter, from one individual to another. G45 0010 1 "Suppose you take Mr& Hearst's morning American G45 0010 8 at $10,000 a year", Brisbane proposed. "You could come G45 0020 9 down to the office once a day, look over a few exchanges, G45 0030 10 dictate an editorial, and then have the remainder of G45 0040 7 your time for your more serious literary labors. If G45 0050 3 within one year you can make a success out of the American, G45 0060 1 you can practically name your own salary thereafter. G45 0060 9 Of course, if you don't make the American a success, G45 0070 9 Hearst will have no further use for you". G45 0080 6 The blue-eyed Watson decided that he would dislike G45 0090 4 living in New York, and the deal fell through. Hearst's G45 0100 1 luck was even poorer when he had a chat with Franklin G45 0100 12 K& Lane, a prominent California journalist and reform G45 0110 8 politician, whom he asked for his support. Lane was G45 0120 8 still burning because he had narrowly missed election G45 0130 3 as governor of California in 1902 and laid his defeat G45 0140 1 to the antagonism of Hearst's San Francisco Examiner. G45 0140 9 Hearst disclaimed blame for this, but the conversation, G45 0150 8 according to Lane, ended on a tart note. G45 0160 6 "Mr& Lane", Hearst said, "if you ever wish anything G45 0170 5 that I can do, all you will have to do will be to send G45 0180 4 me a telegram asking, and it will be done". G45 0180 13 "Mr& Hearst", Lane replied as he left, "if you ever G45 0190 10 get a telegram from me asking you to do anything, you G45 0200 9 can put the telegram down as a forgery". G45 0210 4 Hearst took a brief respite to hurry home to New G45 0220 2 York to become a father. On April 10, 1904, his first G45 0220 13 child was born, a son named George after the late Senator. G45 0230 10 Hearst saw his wife and child, sent a joyful message G45 0240 7 to his mother in California, and soon returned to Washington, G45 0250 5 where on April 22, for the first time, he opened his G45 0260 4 mouth in Congress. G45 0260 7 This was not before the House but before the Judiciary G45 0270 5 Committee, where he asked for action on one of his G45 0280 4 pet bills, that calling for an investigation of the G45 0280 13 coal-railroad monopoly. Attorney Shearn had worked G45 0290 6 on this for two years and had succeeded in getting G45 0300 5 a report supporting his stand from the United States G45 0310 2 Attorney for the Southern District of New York. Hearst G45 0320 1 had spent more than $60,000 of his own money in the G45 0320 12 probe, but still Attorney General Knox was quiescent. G45 0330 6 Six of the railroads carrying coal to tidewater G45 0340 5 from the Pennsylvania fields, Hearst said, not only G45 0350 3 had illegal agreements with coal operators but owned G45 0350 11 outright at least eleven mines. They had watered their G45 0360 9 stock at immense profit, then had raised the price G45 0370 7 of coal fifty cents a ton, netting themselves another G45 0380 2 $20,000,000 in annual profit. G45 0380 6 "The Attorney General has been brooding over that G45 0390 7 evidence like an old hen on a doorknob for eighteen G45 0400 4 months", Hearst said. "He has not acted in any way, G45 0410 3 and won't let anyone take it away from him **h What G45 0410 14 I want is to have this evidence come before Congress G45 0420 9 and if the Attorney General does not report it, as G45 0430 7 I am very sure he won't, as he has refused to do anything G45 0440 5 of the kind, I then wish that a committee of seven G45 0450 2 Representatives be appointed with power to take the G45 0450 10 evidence **h". G45 0460 1 The Congressman tried hard, but failed. This was G45 0460 9 the very sort of legislation that Roosevelt himself G45 0470 7 had in mind. There can be little doubt that there was G45 0480 7 a conspiracy in Washington, overt or implied, to block G45 0490 4 anything Hearst wanted, even if it was something good. G45 0500 1 Hatred tied his hands in Congress. Roosevelt and others G45 0500 10 considered him partly responsible for the murder of G45 0510 8 McKinley. They were repelled by his noisy newspapers, G45 0520 5 his personal publicity, his presumptuous campaign for G45 0540 3 the Presidential nomination, and by the swelling cloud G45 0550 1 of rumor about his moral lapses. He might get votes G45 0550 11 from his constituents, but he would never get a helping G45 0560 8 hand in Congress. He was the House pariah. Even the G45 0570 5 regular Democrats disowned him. Inherently incapable G45 0580 2 of cooperating with others, he ran his own show regardless G45 0590 1 of how many party-line Democratic toes he stepped on. G45 0590 11 He was a political maverick, a reformer with his own G45 0600 7 program, determined to bulldoze it through or to blazon G45 0610 6 the infamy of those who balked him. He showed little G45 0620 2 interest in measures put forward by the regular Democrats. G45 0630 1 He sought to run Congress as he ran his New York American G45 0630 13 or Journal, a scheme veteran legislators resisted. G45 0640 7 For a freshman Congressman to read political lessons G45 0650 5 to graybeard Democrats was poor policy for one who G45 0660 5 needed to make friends. He soon quarreled with all G45 0670 1 the party leaders in the House, and came to be regarded G45 0670 12 with detestation by regular Democrats as a professional G45 0680 7 radical leading a small pack of obedient terriers whose G45 0690 6 constant snapping was demoralizing to party discipline. G45 0700 3 To old-line Democrats, the Hearst Presidential boom, G45 0710 2 now in full cry, was the joke of the new century. Yet G45 0710 14 no leader had come to the fore who seemed likely to G45 0720 11 give the puissant T& R& a semblance of a race. There G45 0730 8 was talk of dragging old ex-President Cleveland out G45 0740 3 of retirement for another try. Some preferred Judge G45 0750 2 Alton B& Parker of New York. There was a host of dark G45 0760 1 horses. The sneers at Hearst changed to concern when G45 0760 10 it was seen that he had strong support in many parts G45 0770 8 of the country. Platoons of Hearst agents were traveling G45 0780 4 from state to state in a surprisingly successful search G45 0790 2 for delegates at the coming convention, and there were G45 0790 11 charges that money was doing a large part of the persuading. G45 0800 11 Just when it was needed for the campaign, Hearst Paper G45 0810 9 No& 8, the Boston American, began publication. A Bay G45 0820 5 State supporter said, "Mr& Hearst's fight has been G45 0830 5 helped along greatly by the starting of his paper in G45 0840 4 Boston". His candidacy affected his journalism somewhat. G45 0850 1 He ordered his editors to tone down on sensationalism G45 0850 10 and to refrain from using such words as "seduction", G45 0860 7 "rape", "abortion", "criminal assault" and "born out G45 0870 6 of wedlock". G45 0870 8 In a story headed, "HEARST OFFERS CASH", the Republican G45 0880 9 New York Tribune spread the money rumor, quoting an G45 0890 8 unnamed "Hearst supporter" as saying: G45 0900 4 "The argument that is cutting most ice is that Hearst G45 0910 5 is the only candidate who is fighting the trusts fearlessly G45 0920 2 and who would use all the powers of government to disrupt G45 0930 1 them if he were elected. The Hearst men say that if G45 0930 12 Hearst is nominated, he and his immediate friends will G45 0940 7 contribute to the Democratic National Committee the G45 0950 4 sum of $1,500,000. This, it is urged, would relieve G45 0960 2 the national committee from the necessity of appealing G45 0960 10 to the trust magnates. The alternative to this is that G45 0970 9 if a conservative candidate is nominated the national G45 0980 5 committee will have to appeal to the trusts for their G45 0990 4 campaign funds, and in doing this will incur obligations G45 1000 1 which would make a Democratic victory absolutely fruitless G45 1000 9 **h. the average Democratic politician, especially G45 1010 6 in the country districts, is hungry for the spoils G45 1020 6 of office. It has been a long time since he has seen G45 1030 4 any campaign money, and when the proposition is laid G45 1030 13 down to him as the friends of Mr& Hearst are laying G45 1040 11 it down these days he is quite likely to get aboard G45 1050 8 the Hearst bandwagon". G45 1050 11 If anything, the conservative Democrats were more G45 1060 7 opposed to Hearst than the Republicans. In his own G45 1070 6 state of New York, the two Democratic bellwethers, G45 1080 2 State Leader Hill and Tammany Boss Murphy, were saying G45 1090 2 nothing openly against Hearst but industriously boosting G45 1090 9 their own favorites, Murphy being for Cleveland and G45 1100 8 Hill for Parker. They had lost twice with the radical G45 1110 7 Bryan, and were having no part of Hearst, whom they G45 1120 4 considered more radical than Bryan. But his increasing G45 1130 1 strength in the West looked menacing. It caused Henry G45 1130 10 Watterson to sound a blast in his Louisville Courier-Journal: G45 1160 1 "**h Does any sane Democrat believe that Mr& Hearst, G45 1160 10 a person unknown even to his constituency and his colleagues, G45 1170 9 without a word or act in the public life of his country, G45 1180 9 past or present, that can be shown to be his to commend G45 1190 7 him, could by any possibility be elected President G45 1200 1 of the United States? But there is a Hearst barrel G45 1205 2 **h" G45 1210 1 More splenetic was Senator Edward Carmack of Tennessee, G45 1220 1 a Parker man. "**h the nomination of Hearst would compass G45 1220 11 the ruin of the party", Carmack said. "It would be G45 1230 9 a disgrace, and, as I have already said to the people G45 1240 7 of Tennessee, if Hearst is nominated, we may as well G45 1250 5 pen a dispatch, and send it back from the field of G45 1260 1 battle: 'All is lost, including our honor'". G45 1260 8 A lone pro-Hearst voice from New York City was that G45 1270 10 of William Devery, who had been expelled as a Tammany G45 1280 8 leader but still claimed strong influence in his own G45 1290 4 district. "I understand [Hearst] is a candidate for G45 1300 2 Presidential honors", Devery said without cracking G45 1300 8 a smile. "There's nothing like buildin' from the bottom G45 1310 8 up. If he's going to the St& Louis convention as a G45 1320 9 delegate we ought to know it. He's got a lot of friends, G45 1330 7 and he ought to come along and let us know if he wants G45 1340 5 our help". G45 1340 7 Hearst won the Iowa state convention, but ran into G45 1350 4 a bitter battle in Indiana before losing to Parker, G45 1360 1 drawing an angry statement from Indiana's John W& Kern: G45 1370 1 "We are menaced for the first time in the history G45 1370 11 of the Republic by the open and unblushing effort of G45 1380 8 a multi-millionaire to purchase the Presidential nomination. G45 1390 4 Our state has been overrun with a gang of paid agents G45 1400 5 and retainers **h As for the paid Hessians from other G45 1410 2 states, we are here to instruct the Indiana Democracy G45 1410 11 in their duty, I have nothing but contempt **h The G45 1420 9 Hearst dollar mark is all over them **h" G45 1430 1 The talk of a Hearst "barrel" was increasing. Another G45 1440 2 Indiana observer later commented, "Perhaps we shall G45 1450 1 never know how much was spent [by Hearst], but if as G45 1450 12 much money was expended elsewhere as in Indiana a liberal G45 1460 9 fortune was squandered". G45 1470 1 In his fight for the Illinois and Indiana delegations, G45 1480 1 Hearst made several trips to Chicago to confer with G45 1480 10 Andrew Lawrence, the former San Francisco Examiner G45 1490 6 man who was now his Chicago kingpin, and once to meet G45 1500 6 with Bryan. On one visit he stopped at the office of G45 1510 4 the American, where he was known surreptitiously as G45 1520 1 "the Great White Chief", and for the first time met G45 1520 11 his managing editor, fat Moses Koenigsberg. Koenigsberg G45 1530 6 never did learn what Hearst wanted, for the latter G45 1540 6 shook hands and moved toward the door. G45 1550 1 "Never mind, thank you", he said. "I must hurry G45 1550 10 to catch my train". G45 1560 3 Another editor pointed despairingly at a bundle G45 1570 1 of letters that had accumulated for him, saying, "But G45 1570 10 Mr& Hearst, what shall I do with this correspondence"? G45 1580 8 "I'll show you", Hearst replied, grinning. He took G45 1590 8 the stack of mail and tossed it into the waste basket. G45 1600 7 "Don't bother. Every letter answers itself in a couple G45 1610 5 of weeks". G45 1610 7 #/2,. THE HEARST "BARREL"# G45 1620 1 HEARST hopped into a private railroad car with Max G45 1620 10 Ihmsen and made an arduous personal canvass for delegates G45 1630 9 in the western and southern states, always wearing G45 1640 5 a frock coat, listening intently to local politicians, G45 1650 2 and generally making a good impression. He laughed G45 1660 1 at a story that he planned to bolt the party if he G45 1660 13 was not nominated. G45 1670 1 "I should, of course", he said, "like any other G45 1670 10 man, be honored and gratified should the Democrats G45 1680 7 see fit to nominate me. But I do not have to be bribed G45 1690 8 by office to be a Democrat. I have supported the Democratic G45 1700 3 party in the last five campaigns. I supported Cleveland G45 1710 2 three times and Bryan twice. I intend to support the G45 1710 12 nominee of the party at St& Louis, whoever he may be". G45 1720 11 The Hearst press followed the Chief's progress at G45 1730 8 the various state conventions with its usual admiring G45 1740 5 attention, stressing the "enthusiasm" and "loyalty" G45 1750 3 he inspired. This was historic in its way, for it marked G45 1760 3 the first time an American Presidential aspirant had G45 1760 11 advertised his own virtues in his own string of newspapers G45 1770 10 spanning the land. G45 1780 1 Yet his editors did not abandon their sense of story G45 1780 11 value. When Nan Patterson, a stunning and money-minded G45 1790 9 chorus girl who had appeared in a Florodora road show, G45 1800 8 rode down Broadway in a hansom cab with her married G45 1810 5 lover, Frank Young, she stopped the cab to disclose G45 1820 2 that Young had been shot dead, tearfully insisting G45 1820 10 that he had shot himself although experts said he could G45 1830 9 not have done so. G46 0010 1 Trevelyan's Liberalism was above all a liberalism of G46 0010 9 the spirit, a deep feeling of communion with men fighting G46 0020 8 for country and for liberty. His passion and enthusiasm G46 0030 5 convey the courage and high adventure of Garibaldi's G46 0040 3 exploits and give the reader a unique sense of participation G46 0050 1 in the events described. G46 0050 5 The three volumes brought to the fore a characteristic G46 0060 5 of Trevelyan's prose which remained conspicuous through G46 0070 2 his later works- a genius for describing military action G46 0080 1 with clarity and with authority. The confused rambling G46 0080 9 of guerrilla warfare, such as most of Garibaldi's campaigns G46 0090 8 were, was brought to life by Trevelyan's pen in some G46 0100 8 of the best passages in the books. His personal familiarity G46 0110 4 with the scenes of action undoubtedly contributed much G46 0120 2 to the final result, but familiarity alone would not G46 0120 11 have been enough without other qualities. Military G46 0130 7 knowledge, love of detail, and a sure feeling for the G46 0140 8 portrayal of action were the added ingredients. G46 0150 2 But the Garibaldi volumes were more than a romantic G46 0160 1 story. Trevelyan contributed considerable new knowledge G46 0160 7 of the issues connected with his subject. The outstanding G46 0170 7 example was in Garibaldi and the Thousand, where he G46 0180 6 made use of unpublished papers of Lord John Russell G46 0190 4 and English consular materials to reveal the motives G46 0200 1 which led the British government to permit Garibaldi G46 0200 9 to cross the Straits of Messina. G46 0210 5 In looking back over the volumes, it is possible G46 0220 3 to find errors of interpretation, some of which were G46 0220 12 not so evident at the time of writing. Thus Trevelyan G46 0230 10 repeats the story which pictured Victor Emmanuel as G46 0240 6 refusing to abandon the famous Statuto at the insistence G46 0250 4 of General Radetzky. Later research has shown this G46 0260 3 part of the legend of the Re Galantuomo to be false. G46 0270 1 Trevelyan accepts Italian nationalism with little analysis, G46 0270 8 he is unduly critical of papal and French policy, and G46 0280 9 he is more than generous in assessing British policy. G46 0290 5 But fifty years later the trilogy still maintains a G46 0300 3 firm place in the list of standard works on the unification G46 0310 1 of Italy, a position cautiously prophesied by the reviewers G46 0310 10 at the time of publication. G46 0320 5 Trevelyan's Manin and the Venetian revolution of G46 0330 3 1848, his last major volume on an Italian theme, was G46 0340 2 written in a minor key. Published in 1923, it did not G46 0340 13 gain the popular acclaim of the Garibaldi volumes, G46 0350 6 probably because Trevelyan felt less at home with Manin, G46 0360 7 the bourgeois lawyer, than with Garibaldi, the filibuster. G46 0370 3 The complexities of Venetian politics eluded him, but G46 0380 2 the story of the revolution itself is told in restrained G46 0380 12 measures, with no superfluous passages and only an G46 0390 8 occasional overemphasis of the part played by its leading G46 0400 7 figure. If it is not one of his best books, it can G46 0410 4 only be considered unsatisfactory when compared with G46 0410 11 his own Garibaldi. G46 0420 3 Already Trevelyan had begun to parallel his nineteenth-century G46 0430 4 Italian studies with several works on English figures G46 0440 2 of the same period. First The life of John Bright appeared G46 0450 1 and seven years later Lord Grey of the Reform Bill. G46 0450 11 Of the two, the life of Bright is incomparably the G46 0460 10 better biography. Trevelyan centers too exclusively G46 0470 4 on Bright, is insufficiently appreciative of the views G46 0480 4 of Bright's opponents and critics, and makes light G46 0490 1 of the genuine difficulties faced by Peel. Yet he is G46 0490 11 right when he claims in his autobiography that he drew G46 0500 8 the real features of the man, his tender and selfless G46 0510 5 motives and his rugged fearless strength. In the story G46 0520 3 of Bright and the Corn Law agitation, the Crimean War, G46 0530 1 the American Civil War, and the franchise struggle G46 0530 9 Trevelyan reflects something of the moral power which G46 0540 7 enabled this independent man to exercise so immense G46 0550 5 an influence over his fellow countrymen for so long. G46 0560 2 Because Bright's speeches were so much a part of him, G46 0560 12 there are long and numerous quotations, which, far G46 0570 8 from making the biography diffuse, help to give us G46 0580 6 the feel of the man. Associated in a sense with the G46 0590 3 Manchester School through his mother's family, Trevelyan G46 0600 1 conveys in this biography something of its moral conviction G46 0600 10 and drive. Nineteenth-century virtues, however, seem G46 0610 6 somehow to have gone out of fashion and the Bright G46 0620 6 book has never been particularly popular. G46 0630 1 The biography of Lord Grey is strictly speaking G46 0630 9 not a biography at all. It is a Whig history of the G46 0640 10 "Tory reaction" which preceded the Reform Bill of 1832, G46 0650 6 and it uses the figure of Grey to give some unity to G46 0660 5 the narrative. The volume is a piece of passionate G46 0670 1 special pleading, written with the heat- and often G46 0670 9 with the wisdom, it must be said- of a Liberal damning G46 0680 9 the shortsightedness of politicians from 1782 to 1832. G46 0690 5 Characteristically, Trevelyan enjoyed writing the work. G46 0700 3 The theme of glorious summer coming after a long winter G46 0710 1 of discontent and repression was, he has told us, congenial G46 0710 11 to his artistic sense. And Grey's Northumberland background G46 0720 6 was close to Trevelyan's own. But his concentration G46 0730 6 on personalities and his categorical assessment of G46 0740 3 their actions fail to convey the political complexities G46 0750 1 of a long generation harassed by world-wide war and G46 0750 11 confronted with the problem of adjustment to an unprecedented G46 0760 9 industrial and social transformation. Some historians G46 0770 4 have found his point of view not to their taste, others G46 0780 5 have complained that he makes the Tory tradition appear G46 0790 2 "contemptible rather than intelligible", while a sympathetic G46 0800 1 critic has remarked that the "intricate interplay of G46 0800 9 social dynamics and political activity of which, at G46 0810 7 times, politicians are the ignorant marionettes is G46 0820 4 not a field for the exercise of his talents". The Liberal-Radical G46 0830 4 heritage which informs all of Trevelyan's interpretations G46 0840 2 of history here seems clearly to have distorted the G46 0840 11 issues and oversimplified the period. For once his G46 0850 8 touch deserted him. G46 0860 1 Research in the period of Grey and Bright led naturally G46 0860 11 to a more ambitious work. Britain in the nineteenth G46 0870 9 century is a textbook designed "to give the sense of G46 0880 7 continuous growth, to show how economic led to social, G46 0890 5 and social to political change, how the political events G46 0900 2 reacted on the economic and social, and how new thoughts G46 0900 12 and new ideals accompanied or directed the whole complicated G46 0910 9 process". The plan is admirably fulfilled for the period G46 0920 9 up to 1832. More temperately than in the study of Grey G46 0930 7 and despite his Liberal bias, Trevelyan vividly sketches G46 0940 3 the England of pre-French Revolution days, portrays G46 0950 2 the stresses and strains of the revolutionary period G46 0950 10 in rich colors, and brings developments leading to G46 0960 7 the Reform Bill into sharp and clear focus. His technique G46 0970 6 is genuinely masterful. By what one reader called a G46 0980 4 "series of dissolving views", he merges one period G46 0990 1 into another and gives a sense of continuous growth. G46 0990 10 But after 1832, the narrative tends to lose its G46 1000 8 balanced, many-sided quality and to become a medley G46 1010 6 of topics, often unconnected by any single thread. G46 1020 1 Economic analysis was never Trevelyan's strong point G46 1020 8 and the England of the industrial transformation cries G46 1030 7 out for economic analysis. Yet after 1832, the interrelations G46 1040 6 of economic and social and political affairs become G46 1050 3 blurred and the narrative becomes largely a conventional G46 1060 1 political account. Finally, the period after 1870 receives G46 1070 1 little attention and that quite superficial. Yet Britain G46 1070 9 in the nineteenth century became the vade mecum of G46 1080 7 beginning students of history, went through edition G46 1090 5 after edition, and continues to be reprinted up to G46 1100 3 the very present. Its success is a tribute, above all, G46 1100 13 to Trevelyan's brilliance as a literary stylist. G46 1110 7 In 1924 Trevelyan traveled to the United States, G46 1120 6 where he delivered the Lowell lectures at Harvard University. G46 1130 5 These lectures formed the nucleus of a general survey G46 1140 4 of English development which took form afterward as G46 1150 1 a History of England. In short order, the general history G46 1150 11 became his most popular work and has remained, aside G46 1160 9 from his later Social history, the work most widely G46 1170 6 favored by the public. G46 1170 10 The History of England has often been compared with G46 1180 9 Green's Short history. Like Green, Trevelyan aimed G46 1190 6 to write a history not of "English kings or English G46 1200 6 conquests", but of the English people. The result was G46 1210 4 fortunate. The History takes too much for granted to G46 1220 3 serve as a text for other than English schoolboys, G46 1220 12 and like Britain in the nineteenth century it deteriorates G46 1230 8 badly as it goes beyond 1870. Trevelyan's excursions G46 1240 5 into contemporary history were rarely happy ones. But G46 1250 5 as a stimulating, provocative interpretation of the G46 1260 3 broad sweep of English development it is incomparable. G46 1260 11 Living pictures of the early boroughs, country life G46 1270 8 in Tudor and Stuart times, the impact of the industrial G46 1280 7 revolution compete with sensitive surveys of language G46 1290 4 and literature, the common law, parliamentary development. G46 1300 1 The strength of the History is also its weakness. Trevelyan G46 1310 1 is militantly sure of the superiority of English institutions G46 1310 10 and character over those of other peoples. His nationalism G46 1330 2 was not a new characteristic, but its self-consciousness, G46 1340 1 even its self-satisfaction, is more obvious in a book G46 1340 11 that stretches over the long reach of English history. G46 1350 8 And yet the elements which capture his liberal and G46 1360 5 humanistic imagination are those which make the English G46 1370 2 story worth telling and worth remembering. Tolerance G46 1370 9 and compromise, social justice and civil liberty, are G46 1380 8 today too often in short supply for one to be overly G46 1390 7 critical of Trevelyan's emphasis on their central place G46 1400 4 in the English tradition. Like most major works of G46 1410 2 synthesis, the History of England is informed by the G46 1410 11 positive views of a first-class mind, and this is surely G46 1420 11 a major work. G46 1430 1 Four years after the publication of the History G46 1430 9 of England, the first volume of Trevelyan's Queen Anne G46 1440 7 trilogy appeared. By now he had become Regius Professor G46 1450 6 of Modern History at Cambridge and had been honored G46 1460 5 by the award of the Order of Merit. His academic duties G46 1470 2 had little evident effect on his prolific pen. Blenheim G46 1480 1 was followed in rapid succession by Ramillies and the G46 1480 10 union with Scotland and by The peace and the Protestant G46 1490 9 succession, the three forming together a detailed picture G46 1500 7 of England under Queen Anne. Like his volume on Wycliffe, G46 1510 6 the work was accompanied by the publication of a selected G46 1520 5 group of documents, in this case illustrative of the G46 1530 3 history of Queen Anne's reign down to 1707. G46 1530 11 Trevelyan was at least in part attracted to the G46 1540 9 period by an almost unconscious desire to take up the G46 1550 6 story where Macaulay's History of England had broken G46 1560 3 off. In addition, he believed in the "dramatic unity G46 1570 2 and separateness of the period from 1702-14, lying G46 1570 11 between the Stuart and Hanoverian eras with a special G46 1580 7 ethos of its own". He saw the age as one in which Britain G46 1590 8 "settled her free constitution" and attained her modern G46 1600 5 place in the world. To most observers, there is little G46 1610 3 doubt that he placed an artificial strait jacket of G46 1610 12 unity upon the years of Anne's reign which in reality G46 1620 9 existed only in the pages of his history. G46 1630 4 Of the three volumes, Blenheim is easily the best. G46 1640 3 In four opening chapters reminiscent of Macaulay's G46 1640 10 famous third chapter, Trevelyan surveys the state of G46 1650 8 England at the opening of the eighteenth century. His G46 1660 6 delightful picture of society and institutions is filled G46 1670 4 with warm detail that brings the period vividly to G46 1680 2 life. He tends to underestimate- or perhaps to view G46 1680 11 charitably- the brutality and the violence of the age, G46 1690 11 so that there is an idyllic quality in these pages G46 1700 5 which hazes over some of its sharp reality. Yet as G46 1710 3 an evocation of time past, there are few such successful G46 1715 1 portraits in English historical literature. Once the G46 1720 7 scene is set, Trevelyan skilfully builds up the tense G46 1730 6 story until it reaches its climax in the dramatic victory G46 1740 5 of Marlborough and Eugene of Savoy at Blenheim. The G46 1760 2 account of the battle is, next to his descriptions G46 1760 11 of Garibaldi's campaigns, Trevelyan's outstanding military G46 1770 5 narrative. The scene is etched in sharp detail, the G46 1780 8 military problems brilliantly explained, and the excitement G46 1790 5 and importance of the battle made evident. If only G46 1800 3 for this modest masterpiece of military history, Blenheim G46 1810 1 is likely to be read and reread long after newer interpretations G46 1820 1 have perhaps altered our picture of the Marlborough G46 1820 9 wars. G46 1830 1 Ramillies and the union with Scotland has fewer G46 1830 8 high spots than Blenheim and much less of its dramatic G46 1840 7 unity. Yet in several chapters on Scotland in the eighteenth G46 1850 6 century, Trevelyan copes persuasively with the tangled G46 1860 4 confusion of Scottish politics against a vivid background G46 1870 1 of Scottish religion, customs, and traditions. G47 0010 1 I stood on a table, surrounded by hundreds of expectant G47 0010 11 young faces. Questions came to me from all sides about G47 0020 10 my world citizenship activities. After making a short G47 0030 6 statement about human rights, and the freedom to travel, G47 0040 4 I told them I would be going to the Kehl bridge the G47 0050 2 next morning in order to cross the Rhine into Germany. G47 0060 1 "May we come with you"? called out a dozen young G47 0060 10 voices. G47 0070 1 "Well, I might not get that far", I told them, "as G47 0070 12 actually I have no papers to enter Germany and, as G47 0080 10 a matter of fact, no permit to return to France once G47 0090 6 I leave". G47 0090 8 That was all they needed. They would champion me. G47 0100 5 We would all meet at ten o'clock at the Kehl bridge, G47 0110 4 five miles from Strasbourg, and march triumphantly G47 0120 1 across into Germany. G47 0120 4 There was only one hitch: the small town of Kehl, G47 0130 3 on the other side of the Rhine, was still under French G47 0140 1 jurisdiction. The real Franco-German frontier was beyond G47 0140 9 the town's limits. In fact, all persons were permitted G47 0150 8 to cross the Rhine into Kehl, there being no sentry G47 0160 6 posted on the west side of the river. G47 0170 1 That evening, as I learned later, the students, G47 0170 9 enjoying that spontaneous immodesty in action known G47 0180 6 only to university students, surged out onto the streets G47 0190 5 of Strasbourg, overturning empty streetcars, marking G47 0200 2 up store fronts, and shouting imprudently, "Garry Davis G47 0210 1 to power"! G47 0210 3 As I got off the trolley at Kehl bridge the next G47 0220 2 morning, I was met by what looked like 5,000 students, G47 0220 12 some of whom were carrying sticks apparently for the G47 0230 7 coming "battle" with the police. Alarmed by this display G47 0240 6 of weapons, I looked toward the bridge and there saw, G47 0250 4 stretched across the near side, a cordon of policemen, G47 0260 1 their bicycles forming a roadblock before which stood G47 0260 9 several French officers in uniform and a small waspish G47 0270 8 man in a brown derby. G47 0280 1 "Listen please", I called to the students in French. G47 0280 10 "I thank you most heartily for being here. This is G47 0290 10 full evidence of your support for my principles. These G47 0300 6 principles, however, will not be served by violence G47 0310 3 in any form. If they are right, they will prevail of G47 0320 1 and by themselves. I ask you all to support me in this. G47 0320 13 If one finger is raised against the authorities, all G47 0330 7 our moral power will vanish. Your self-control in this G47 0340 6 respect will be the only witness to your understanding G47 0350 2 of what I am saying. I have full confidence in you. G47 0350 13 Now, let's go". G47 0360 3 I marched up to the waiting officials, the students G47 0370 1 massed behind me. As usual, the press photographers G47 0370 9 were on hand. The waspish man stopped me three paces G47 0380 8 from the bicycle barricade, and asked me in French G47 0390 6 if I had papers to leave France. I replied in the affirmative, G47 0400 4 taking out my recently acquired titre d'identite et G47 0410 2 de voyage, on which was stamped a permission to leave G47 0410 12 Fran e. He examined it carefully, handed it back and G47 0420 10 said, "Eh bien, you may leave France". G47 0430 5 I took one step **h eastward. G47 0440 1 One of the uniformed officers stepped in my way, G47 0440 10 demanding to know whether I had permission to enter G47 0450 7 Germany. G47 0450 8 "No, I have no permission to enter Germany", I told G47 0460 8 him. G47 0460 9 "Alors, you may go no farther", he said imperiously. G47 0470 9 "Is this then the frontier"? I asked him. G47 0480 6 "Yes". G47 0480 7 At this, the students let out a yell, knowing full G47 0490 9 well the actual frontier was beyond the town of Kehl. G47 0500 6 "But I have no permission to re-enter France, and G47 0510 3 I have just left", I told him. "I must then be standing G47 0520 3 on the line between France and Germany". G47 0520 10 The waspish man stepped forward. "Line? Line? But G47 0530 8 there is no line between France and Germany, that is, G47 0540 7 no actual line **h I mean **h" G47 0550 2 "No line"? I asked. "But if there is no line, how G47 0560 2 can there be two countries? You have just given me G47 0560 12 permission to leave France, which I did. I have witnesses. G47 0570 10 And as you know, I have no permission to re-enter France G47 0580 9 once out. Now I learn I cannot enter Germany. Obviously G47 0600 4 I'm stuck on the line between the two countries". G47 0610 2 The students were laughing uproariously at this G47 0620 1 piece of logic, and even the policemen were trying G47 0620 10 hard not to smile. G47 0630 1 "Mais non", the Interior Ministry man coaxed, "you G47 0640 1 may come back to Strasbourg, now, if you wish". G47 0640 10 "Oh? Then will you give me a visa to re-enter France"? G47 0650 11 "Visa? But there is no question of a visa. You are G47 0660 11 still in France". G47 0670 1 "Ah, then please tell me where the frontier is because G47 0670 11 this gentleman here"- I indicated the French occupation G47 0680 8 officer- "informs me that Germany is just on the other G47 0690 9 side of him". G47 0700 1 The Interior man looked uneasily at his French compatriot. G47 0700 9 From the crowd were coming cries of "He's right"! "There G47 0710 9 must be a line"! and "Bravo, Garry, continue"! G47 0720 7 Seeing their hesitation, I said, "Well, until I G47 0730 7 have permission to enter Germany, or a visa to re-enter G47 0740 7 France, I shall be obliged to remain here **h on the G47 0750 4 line between two countries", whereupon I moved to the G47 0760 1 side of the road, parked my backpack against the small G47 0760 11 guardhouse on the sidewalk, sat down, took out my typewriter, G47 0770 9 and began typing the above conversation. G47 0780 3 The reporters were questioning the Interior man G47 0790 2 and the French officer, both of whom remained noncommittal G47 0790 11 as to what action, if any, would be taken in my regard. G47 0800 12 Finally they went off to file their stories, after G47 0820 7 the photographers had taken pictures of my latest vigil. G47 0830 5 The students crowded around asking questions, slapping G47 0840 1 me on the back, and generally being friendly. G47 0840 9 "But what will you do this evening, Mr& Davis"? G47 0850 8 asked a young mustached Frenchman. "It will be very G47 0860 6 cold". G47 0860 7 "I don't know", I told him, "except that I will G47 0870 8 be here". G47 0870 10 "I shall see about getting you a tent", he said. G47 0880 9 "I have a small sports shop in Strasbourg". G47 0890 3 That would be a great help, I told him, thanking G47 0900 2 him for his thoughtfulness. A special guard was posted G47 0900 11 at my end of the bridge to make sure I didn't cross, G47 0910 12 the ludicrousness of the situation being revealed fully G47 0920 7 in that everyone else- men, women, and children, dogs, G47 0930 5 cats, horses, cars, trucks, baby carriages- could cross G47 0940 5 Kehl bridge into Kehl without surveillance. G47 0940 11 The day passed eventfully enough, with a constant G47 0950 8 stream of visitors, some stopping only to say hello, G47 0960 6 others getting into serious conversations, such as G47 0970 3 one Andre Fuchs, a free-lance journalist from Strasbourg G47 0980 1 who wrote an article for the Nouvelle Alsatian in highly G47 0980 11 sympathetic terms. Some students from the University G47 0990 7 returned around six with a large pot containing enough G47 1000 7 hot soup to last me a week. A volunteer food brigade G47 1010 3 had been arranged, they told me, which would supply G47 1020 1 me with the necessities as long as I remained at the G47 1020 12 bridge. A little later, the sports shop man returned G47 1030 7 with a small pup tent. One of the girl students, sitting G47 1040 5 by while I ate the thick soup, asked me if I had a G47 1050 4 sleeping bag. When I informed her that I didn't, she G47 1050 14 said she would borrow her brother's and bring it to G47 1060 10 me later that evening. G47 1070 1 "You do not know me", she said in good English, G47 1070 11 "but my mother was your governess in Philadelphia when G47 1080 9 you were a child". Her name was Esther Peter. I was G47 1090 8 delighted to make that personal contact in such trying G47 1100 5 and unusual circumstances. The Peter family proved G47 1110 2 wonderful and helpful friends in the following days, G47 1110 10 Mrs& Peter, little Esther, and Raoul, who generously G47 1120 8 lent me his sleeping bag for my "Watch on the Rhine". G47 1130 8 Sighting a line from the bridge to a small field G47 1140 7 directly to the side, I pitched the tent that evening G47 1150 3 on the stateless "line", digging a small trench around G47 1160 1 it as best I could with a toy spade donated by a neighborhood G47 1160 14 child. The wind from the Rhine was damp and chill, G47 1170 10 necessitating a fire for warmth. After scouring around G47 1180 6 a bit in the open area, I came across what proved to G47 1190 4 be tar-soaked logs which crackled and burned brightly, G47 1200 1 giving off vast rolls of smoke into the ashen sky. G47 1200 11 Each evening the students appeared with the soup G47 1210 7 kettle and several petits pains, Esther usually being G47 1220 5 among them. I had advised friends to write me to "No G47 1230 5 Man's Land, Pont Kehl, Between Strasbourg and Kehl, G47 1240 2 France-Germany". Sure enough, mail began trickling G47 1240 9 in, delivered by a talkative, highly amused French G47 1250 8 postman who informed me there had been quite a debate G47 1260 7 at the post office as to whether that address would G47 1270 3 be recognized. G47 1270 5 On Christmas Eve, students brought out two small G47 1280 4 Christmas trees which I placed on either side of the G47 1290 1 tent. As the field on which my tent was pitched was G47 1290 12 a favorite natural playground for the kids of the neighborhood, G47 1300 8 I had made many friends among them, taking part in G47 1310 6 their after-school games and trying desperately to G47 1320 2 translate Grimm's Fairy Tales into an understandable G47 1330 1 French as we gathered around the fire in front of the G47 1330 12 tent. To my great surprise and delight, when they saw G47 1340 7 the two trees they went rushing off, returning shortly G47 1350 4 with decorations from their own trees. G47 1360 1 It was a merry if somewhat soggy Christmas for me G47 1360 11 that year. G47 1360 13 ## G47 1370 1 In the mail were invitations to speak at the universities G47 1370 11 of Cologne, Heidelberg, and Baden-Baden. Twenty thousand G47 1380 7 world citizens at Stuttgart had signed a petition inviting G47 1390 7 me to visit their town. When Dr& Adenauer was approached G47 1400 5 by a world citizen delegation to find out his disposition G47 1410 4 of my case, he gave them his personal approval of my G47 1420 3 entry, saying that all men advocating peace should G47 1420 11 be welcomed into Germany. The special guard, however, G47 1430 6 was still posted on Kehl bridge. G47 1440 1 As it began raining at around eight o'clock on December G47 1450 1 26th, I retired into my tent early, somewhat tired G47 1450 10 and discouraged, my body reacting sluggishly because G47 1460 2 of the continued exposure. No matter how large the G47 1470 4 fire, I couldn't seem to shake off the chill that day. G47 1480 2 "Oh, Mr& Davis, are you there"? a voice drifted G47 1490 1 in to me above the patter of the rain shortly after G47 1490 12 I had fallen into a fitful sleep. G47 1500 5 "Who is it"? G47 1500 8 "We're from the Council of Europe, British delegation. G47 1510 7 May we have a word with you"? G47 1520 2 "I'm sorry. I've had a trying day and I just can't G47 1530 2 make it out again", I told them. G47 1530 9 I heard nothing more. Later I learned that Sir Hugh G47 1540 8 Dalton had expressed a desire to see me, hence their G47 1550 6 trip to "No Man's Land". G47 1550 11 On the evening of December 27th, Esther noticed G47 1560 8 my pallid look and rasping voice. She entreated me G47 1570 5 to see a doctor, and when I refused, brought one out G47 1580 3 to see me. He advised immediate hospitalization. I G47 1580 11 wouldn't hear of it because it meant giving up the G47 1590 10 "line", though I realized I was in poor shape physically. G47 1600 8 Esther, mistaking my hesitation, assured me that the G47 1610 5 hospital expense would be taken care of by a leading G47 1620 3 merchant in Strasbourg whom she had already approached. G47 1620 11 "No, it's not that", I told her. "You see, once G47 1630 11 I relinquish the position I've already established G47 1640 6 here, I couldn't regain it without sacrificing the G47 1650 5 logic of it". G47 1650 8 At that moment, up walked a tall young man with G47 1660 8 glasses who announced himself as a world citizen from G47 1670 4 Basel, Switzerland. Without preliminaries, Esther asked G47 1680 2 him, "If you are a world citizen, will you take Garry G47 1680 13 Davis' place in his tent while he goes to the hospital"? G47 1700 1 "But of course, with pleasure", he replied. G47 1700 7 Esther looked at me. I looked from her to him. G47 1710 8 "What is your name"? I asked him. G47 1720 3 "Jean Babel". G47 1720 5 "Shake", I said. "You have just enlisted for the G47 1730 6 'Rhine Campaign'". G47 1730 8 Esther jumped up, ran to him and gave him a little G47 1740 11 hug. G47 1740 12 "I am so happy. Now come, Garry, we must go quickly. G47 1750 10 There is a police car outside. Maybe they will take G47 1760 6 us". G47 1760 7 Such were the incongruities of the situation that G47 1770 5 the very police assigned to check up on me were drafted G47 1780 3 into driving me to the Strasbourg Hospital while World G47 1790 1 Citizen Jean Babel waved adieu from the "Line"! G48 0010 1 He remembered every detail of his pre-assault movements G48 0010 10 but nothing of the final, desperate rush to come to G48 0020 8 grips with the enemy. When the victory cheer went up G48 0030 5 this officer found himself still mounted, with his G48 0040 1 horse pressed broadside against Cleburne's log parapet G48 0040 8 in a tangled group of infantrymen. His hat was gone, G48 0050 8 the tears were streaming from his eyes. He never knew G48 0060 7 how he got there. Six climactic minutes in an individual's G48 0070 4 life left no memory. G48 0070 8 Eight hundred and sixty-five Rebels surrendered G48 0080 3 within their works and a thousand more were captured G48 0090 2 or surrendered themselves that night and the next day. G48 0090 11 Eight field guns were captured in position. Seven battle G48 0100 9 flags and fourteen officers' swords were sent to Thomas' G48 0110 7 headquarters. It was the only sizable assault upon G48 0120 6 infantry and artillery behind breastworks successfully G48 0130 2 made by either side during the Atlanta campaign. The G48 0140 1 Fourteenth Regiment of Ohio Volunteers lost one-third G48 0140 9 of its numbers within a few minutes, among them being G48 0150 8 several men whose time of service had expired but who G48 0160 5 had volunteered to advance with their regiment. The G48 0170 2 Thirty-eighth Regiment of Ohio Volunteers, one of the G48 0170 11 regiments in Thomas' First Division during Buell's G48 0180 7 command, suffered its greatest loss of the war in this G48 0190 9 action. G48 0190 10 A popular belief grew up after the war that the G48 0200 8 only time during the Civil War that Thomas ever put G48 0210 4 his horse to a gallop was when he went to hurry up G48 0220 1 Stanley for this assault. Sherman was responsible for G48 0220 9 the story when he said in his memoirs that this was G48 0230 9 the only time he could recall seeing Thomas ride so G48 0240 5 fast. While Thomas' injured back led him to restrain G48 0250 2 his mount from its most violent gait he moved quickly G48 0250 12 enough when he had to. It is not in the record, but G48 0260 12 he must have galloped his horse at Peach Tree Creek G48 0270 6 when he brought up Ward's guns to save Newton's crumbling G48 0280 3 line. G48 0280 4 While the final combat of the campaign was being G48 0290 4 worked out at Jonesborough, Thomas, on Sherman's instructions, G48 0300 2 ordered Slocum, now commanding the Twentieth Corps, G48 0310 1 to make an effort to occupy Atlanta if he could do G48 0310 12 so without exposing his bridgehead to a counterattack. G48 0320 6 The dispatch must have been sent after sundown on September G48 0330 5 1. Slocum made his reconnaissanace the next morning, G48 0340 3 found the town empty, accepted the surrender of the G48 0340 12 mayor and occupied the city a little before noon. G48 0350 9 On the morning of September 2 the Fourth Corps and G48 0360 8 the Armies of the Tennessee and the Ohio followed the G48 0370 5 line of Hardee's retreat. About noon they came up with G48 0380 4 the enemy two miles from Lovejoy's Station and deployed. G48 0390 1 The Fourth Corps assaulted and carried a small portion G48 0390 10 of the enemy works but could not hold possession of G48 0400 9 the gain for want of cooperation from the balance of G48 0410 5 the line. That night a note written in Slocum's hand G48 0420 3 and dated from inside the captured city came to Sherman G48 0430 1 stating that the Twentieth Corps was in possession G48 0430 9 of Atlanta. Before making the news public Sherman sent G48 0440 8 an officer with the note to Thomas. In a short time G48 0450 7 the officer returned and Thomas followed on his heels. G48 0460 4 The cautious Thomas re-examined the note and then, G48 0460 13 making up his mind that it was genuine, snapped his G48 0470 10 fingers, whistled and almost danced in his exuberance. G48 0480 6 The next day Sherman issued his orders ending the G48 0490 5 campaign and pulled his armies back to Atlanta. The G48 0500 2 measure of combat efficiency in an indecisive campaign G48 0500 10 is a matter of personal choice. Sherman laid great G48 0510 7 store by place captures. Hood refused to notice anything G48 0520 6 except captured guns and colors. By both standards G48 0530 3 Thomas had the right to be proud. G48 0530 10 Thomas thanked his men for their tenacity of purpose, G48 0540 8 unmurmuring endurance, cheerful obedience, brilliant G48 0550 3 heroism and high qualities in battle. G48 0560 1 Sherman felt that his own part in the campaign was G48 0560 10 skillful and well executed but that the slowness of G48 0570 7 a part of his army robbed him of the larger fruits G48 0580 3 of victory. He supposed the military world would approve G48 0590 1 of his accomplishment. G48 0590 4 Whatever the military world thought, the political G48 0600 3 world approved it wholeheartedly. For some time, despondency G48 0610 1 in some Northern quarters had been displayed in two G48 0610 10 ways- an eagerness for peace and a dissatisfaction G48 0620 7 with Lincoln. Proposals were in the air for a year's G48 0630 8 armistice. Lincoln was sure that he would not be re-elected. G48 0640 5 In the midst of this gloom, at 10:05 P&M& on September G48 0650 3 2, Slocum's telegram to Stanton, "General Sherman has G48 0660 2 taken Atlanta", shattered the talk of a negotiated G48 0660 10 peace and boosted Lincoln into the White House. To G48 0670 9 the Republicans no victory could have been more complete. G48 0680 6 Official congratulations showered upon Sherman and G48 0690 5 his army. Lincoln mentioned their distinguished ability, G48 0700 2 courage and perseverance. He felt that this campaign G48 0700 10 would be famous in the annals of war. Grant called G48 0710 10 it prompt, skillful and brilliant. Halleck described G48 0720 5 it as the most brilliant of the war. G48 0730 1 Actually the Atlanta campaign was a military failure. G48 0730 9 Next best to destroying an army is to deprive it of G48 0740 11 its freedom of action. Sherman had accomplished this G48 0750 5 much of his job and then inexplicably nullified it G48 0760 3 by his thirty-mile retreat from Lovejoy's to Atlanta. G48 0770 1 But, so far as its territorial objectives were concerned, G48 0770 10 the campaign was successful. Within the narrow frame G48 0780 7 of military tactics, too, the experts agree that the G48 0790 6 campaign was brilliant. In seventeen weeks the military G48 0800 3 front was driven southward more than 100 miles. There G48 0810 1 was a battle on an average of once every three weeks. G48 0810 12 The skirmishing was almost constant. In the summary G48 0820 7 of the principal events of the campaign compiled from G48 0830 3 the official records there are only ten days which G48 0840 1 show no fighting. The casualties in the Army of the G48 0840 11 Cumberland were 22,807, while for all three armies G48 0850 7 they were 37,081. Men were killed in their camps, at G48 0860 5 their meals and in their sleep. Rifle fire often kept G48 0870 2 the opposing gunners from manning their pieces. Modern G48 0870 10 warfare was born in this campaign- periscopes, camouflage, G48 0880 8 booby traps, land mines, extended order, trench raids, G48 0890 6 foxholes, armored cars, night attacks, flares, sharpshooters G48 0900 4 in trees, interlaced vines and treetops, which were G48 0910 3 the forerunners of barbed wire, trip wires to thwart G48 0910 12 a cavalry charge, which presaged the mine trap, and G48 0920 8 the general use of anesthetics. The use of map coordinates G48 0930 6 was begun when the senior officers began to select G48 0940 4 tactical points by designating a spot as "near the G48 0950 1 letter ~o in the word mountain". A few weeks later G48 0950 11 the maps were being divided into squares and a position G48 0960 8 was described as being "about lots 239, 247 and 272 G48 0970 6 with pickets forward as far as 196". This system was G48 0980 3 dependent upon identical maps and Thomas supplied them G48 0985 1 from a mobile lithograph press. Orders of the day began G48 0990 6 to specify the standard map for the movement. G48 1000 6 Sherman proved that a railway base could be movable G48 1010 5 and the most brilliant feature of the Atlanta campaign G48 1020 2 was the rapid repair of the tracks. To the Rebels it G48 1020 13 seemed as if Sherman carried tunnels and bridges in G48 1030 9 his pockets. The whistle of Sherman's locomotives often G48 1040 5 drowned out the rattle of the skirmish fire. As always, G48 1050 4 the ranks worked out new and better tactics, but there G48 1060 2 was brilliance in the way the field commands adopted G48 1060 11 these methods and in the way the army commanders incorporated G48 1070 9 them into their military thinking. The fossilized, G48 1080 5 formalized, precedent-based thinking of the legendary G48 1090 4 military brain was not evident in Sherman's armies. G48 1100 1 Sherman could never be accused of sticking too long G48 1100 10 with the old. G48 1110 1 One of Sherman's most serious shortcomings, however, G48 1110 8 was his mistrust of his cavalry. He never saw that G48 1120 10 it was a complement to his infantry and not a substitute G48 1130 7 for it. Then, in some way, this lack of faith in the G48 1140 5 cavalry became mixed up in his mind with the dragging G48 1150 1 effect of wagon trains and was hardened into a prejudice. G48 1150 11 A horse needed twenty pounds of food a day but the G48 1160 10 infantryman got along with two pounds. The horseman G48 1170 5 required eleven times more than the footman. So Sherman G48 1180 3 tried a compromise. He would ship by rail five pounds G48 1180 13 per day per animal and the other fifteen pounds that G48 1190 10 were needed could be picked up off the country. It G48 1200 8 failed to work. Already debilitated by the Chattanooga G48 1210 4 starvation, the quality of Sherman's horseflesh ran G48 1220 2 downhill as the campaign progressed. Every recorded G48 1220 9 request by Thomas for a delay in a flank movement or G48 1230 10 an advance was to gain time to take care of his horses. G48 1240 4 Well led, properly organized cavalry, in its complementary G48 1250 4 role to infantry, had four functions. First, it could G48 1260 3 locate the enemy infantry, learn what they were doing, G48 1260 12 and hold them until the heavy foot columns could come G48 1270 9 up and take over. Second, it could screen its own infantry G48 1280 7 from the sight of the enemy. Third, it could threaten G48 1290 4 at all times, and destroy when possible, the enemy G48 1300 1 communications. It could reach key tactical points G48 1300 8 faster than infantry and destroy them or hold them G48 1310 7 as the case might be for the foot soldier. Its climactic G48 1320 4 role was to pursue and demoralize a defeated enemy G48 1330 2 but this chance never came in the Atlanta campaign. G48 1330 11 Thomas tried hard to have his cavalry ready for the G48 1340 9 test it was to meet, but his plans were wrecked when G48 1350 5 it was forced into a campaign without optimum mobility G48 1360 2 and with its commander stripped from it. G48 1360 9 Sherman knew the uses of cavalry as well as Thomas G48 1370 9 but he imagined a moving base with infantry wings instead G48 1380 5 of cavalry wings. His conception proved workable but G48 1390 3 slower and it enabled his enemy to make clean, deft, G48 1390 13 well organized retreats with small materiel losses. G48 1400 7 Sherman insisted that cavalry could not successfully G48 1410 5 break up hostile railways, yet Garrard's Covington G48 1420 2 raid and Rousseau's Opelika raid cut two-thirds of G48 1430 2 the rail lines he had to break and Sherman lived in G48 1430 13 mortal fear of what Forrest might do to his communications. G48 1440 8 When McPherson pushed blindly through Snake Creek G48 1450 6 Gap in a potentially decisive movement, the only cavalry G48 1460 5 in his van was the Ninth Illinois Mounted Infantry, G48 1470 2 totally inadequate for its role. It stumbled on infantry G48 1480 1 where no infantry should have been and McPherson's G48 1480 9 aggressive impulse faded out, overwhelmed by fears G48 1490 6 of the unknown. A proper cavalry command in his front G48 1500 5 would have developed the fact that he had run into G48 1510 1 one division of Polk's Army of the Mississippi moving G48 1510 10 up from the direction of Mobile to join Johnston at G48 1520 9 Dalton. From the night of August 30 to the morning G48 1530 7 of September 2 there was no Union cavalry east of the G48 1540 4 Macon railway to disclose to Sherman that he was missing G48 1550 1 the greatest opportunity of his career. A great part G48 1550 10 of the time, Thomas' infantry never knew the location G48 1560 7 of the enemy line. At such times Thomas wondered when G48 1570 5 and where a counterattack would strike him. It was G48 1580 4 the hard way to fight a war but Thomas did it without G48 1580 16 making any disastrous mistakes. G48 1590 4 Heat during the Atlanta campaign, coupled with unsuitable G48 1600 4 clothing, caused individual irritation that was compounded G48 1610 3 by a lack of opportunity to bathe and shift into clean G48 1620 1 clothing. To relieve the itch and sweat galls, the G48 1620 10 men got into the water whenever they could and since G48 1630 7 each sizable stream was generally the dividing line G48 1640 4 between the armies the pickets declared a private truce G48 1650 2 while the men went swimming. Johnston believed that G48 1650 10 Sherman put his naked engineers into the swimming parties G48 1660 8 to locate the various fords. Lieutenant Colonel James G48 1670 5 P& Brownlow, who commanded the First Brigade of Thomas' G48 1680 5 First Cavalry Division, was ordered across one of these G48 1690 4 fords. The water was deep and Brownlow took his troopers G48 1700 1 across naked- except for guns, cartridge boxes and G48 1700 9 hats. They kicked their horses through the deep water G48 1710 8 with their bare heels, drove the Rebels out of their G48 1730 6 rifle pits and captured four men. Most of the Rebels G48 1740 3 got away since they could make better time through G48 1740 12 the stiff brush than their naked pursuers. G48 1750 6 Rank was becoming an explosive issue in all three G48 1760 5 of Sherman's armies. Merited recommendations from army G48 1770 3 commanders were passed over in favor of political appointees G48 1780 1 from civil life. G49 0010 1 In one of the very few letters in which he ever G49 0010 12 complained of Meynell, Thompson told Patmore of his G49 0020 7 distress at having had to leave London before this G49 0030 4 new friendship had developed further: " G49 0040 1 That was a very absurd and annoying situation in G49 0040 10 which I was placed by W& M&'s curious methods of handling G49 0050 7 me. He never let me know that my visit was about to G49 0060 7 terminate until the actual morning I was to leave for G49 0070 4 Lymington. The result was that I found myself in the G49 0080 1 ridiculous position of having made a formal engagement G49 0080 9 by letter for the next week, only two days before my G49 0090 9 departure from London. Luckily both women knew my position G49 0100 6 and if anyone suffered in their opinion it was not G49 0110 4 I". It need hardly be remarked that Thompson was not G49 0120 1 generally known for his scrupulosity about keeping G49 0120 8 his social engagements, which makes his irritation G49 0130 5 in this letter all the more significant. G49 0140 1 When Thompson and her daughter began a correspondence G49 0140 9 which included fervent verses from Pantasaph, Mrs& G49 0150 7 King felt a proper Victorian alarm. Some, she knew, G49 0160 6 looked upon Thompson almost as a saint, but others G49 0180 3 read in "The Hound of Heaven" what they took to be G49 0190 2 the confessions of a great sinner, who, like Oscar G49 0190 11 Wilde, had- as one pious writer later put it- thrown G49 0200 11 himself "on the swelling wave of every passion". G49 0210 5 Consequently, on October 31, 1896, Mrs& King wrote G49 0220 4 to Thompson, quite against her daughter's wishes, asking G49 0230 2 him not to "recommence a correspondence which I believe G49 0240 1 has been dropped for some weeks". Katherine was staying G49 0240 10 at a convent, and her mother felt that, as Thompson G49 0250 8 himself seems to have suggested, she might eventually G49 0260 4 stay there. This prospect did not please Mrs& King G49 0270 2 any more than did the possibility that her daughter G49 0270 11 might marry a Bohemian, but she used it to suggest G49 0280 10 to Thompson that, "It is not in her nature to love G49 0300 8 you". G49 0300 9 For his part, Thompson had explained in a previous G49 0310 6 letter that there would be nothing but an honorable G49 0320 2 friendship between Katie and himself. At no time does G49 0320 11 he seem to have proposed marriage, and Mrs& King was G49 0330 10 evidently torn between a concern for her daughter's G49 0340 6 emotions and the desire to believe that the friendship G49 0350 4 might be continued without harm to her reputation. G49 0360 1 In any case, she told Thompson that she saw no reason G49 0360 12 why he might not see Katie again, "now that this frank G49 0370 9 explanation has been made + no one can misunderstand". G49 0380 6 She ended her letter with the assurance that she considered G49 0390 4 his friendship for her daughter and herself to be an G49 0400 4 honor, from which she could not part "without still G49 0400 13 more pain". G49 0410 1 After Thompson came to London to live, he received G49 0410 10 a letter from Katie, which was dated February 8, 1897. G49 0420 10 She regretted what she described as the "unwarrantable G49 0430 7 + unnecessary" check to their friendship and said that G49 0440 5 she felt that they understood one another perfectly. G49 0450 2 This letter concluded with an invitation: " G49 0450 8 I am a great deal at the little children's Hospital. G49 0460 10 Mr& Meynell knows the way. I know you are very busy G49 0470 10 now, you are writing a great deal + your book is coming G49 0480 7 out, isn't it? but if you are able + care to come, G49 0490 3 you know how glad I shall be. G49 0490 10 Ever yours sincerely, G49 0500 1 Katherine Douglas King" The invitation was accepted G49 0500 8 and other letters followed, in which she spoke of her G49 0510 10 concern for his health and her delight in seeing him G49 0520 7 so much at home among the crippled children she served. G49 0530 4 It is difficult to say what Thompson expected would G49 0540 2 come of their relationship, which had begun so soon G49 0540 11 after his emotions had been stirred by Maggie Brien, G49 0550 7 but when Katie wrote on April 11, 1900, to tell him G49 0560 6 that she was to be married to the Rev& Godfrey Burr, G49 0570 2 the vicar of Rushall in Staffordshire, the news evidently G49 0580 1 helped to deepen his discouragement over the failure G49 0580 9 of his hopes for a new volume of verse. In a letter G49 0590 10 to Meynell, which was written in June, less than a G49 0600 6 month before Katie's wedding, he was highly melodramatic G49 0610 2 in his despair and once again announced his intention G49 0610 11 of returning to the life of the streets: " G49 0620 8 A week in arrears, and without means to pay, I must G49 0630 8 go, it is the only right thing. **h Perhaps Mrs& Meynell G49 0640 4 would do me the undeserved kindness to keep my own G49 0650 3 copy of the first edition of my first book, with all G49 0650 14 its mementos of her and the dear ones. **h Last, not G49 0660 10 least, there are some poems which K& King sent me (addressed G49 0670 7 to herself) when I was preparing a fresh volume, asking G49 0680 5 me to include them. The terrible blow of the New Year G49 0690 4 put an end to that project. I wish you would return G49 0690 15 them to her. I have not the heart. **h I never had G49 0700 12 the courage to look at them, when my projected volume G49 0710 7 became hopeless, fearing they were poor, until now G49 0720 4 when I was obliged to do so. **h O my genius, young G49 0730 1 and ripening, you would swear,- when I wrote them; G49 0730 10 and now! What has it all come to? All chance of fulfilling G49 0740 11 my destiny is over. **h I want you to be grandfather G49 0750 9 to these orphaned poems, dear father-brother, now I G49 0760 5 am gone; and launch them on the world when their time G49 0770 2 comes. For them a box will be lodgment enough. **h G49 0770 12 Katie cannot mind your seeing them now; since my silence G49 0780 9 must have ended when I gave the purposed volume to G49 0790 7 you. **h I ask you to do me the last favour of reading G49 0800 4 them by 8 to-morrow evening, about which time I shall G49 0810 1 come to say my sad good-bye. If you don't think much G49 0810 13 of them, tell me the wholesome truth. If otherwise, G49 0820 7 you will give me a pleasure. O Wilfrid! it is strange; G49 0830 6 but this- yes, terrible step I am about to take **h G49 0840 6 is lightened with an inundating joy by the new-found G49 0850 1 hope that here, in these poems, is treasure- or at G49 0850 11 least some measure of beauty, which I did not know G49 0860 9 of". **h Thompson, of course, was persuaded not to G49 0880 5 take the "terrible step"; Meynell once again paid his G49 0890 4 debts and it was Katie, rather than Thompson, whose G49 0900 1 life was soon ended, for she died in childbirth in G49 0900 11 April, 1901, in the first year of her marriage. G49 0910 7 The "orphaned poems" mentioned in the letter to G49 0920 5 Meynell comprised a group of five sonnets, which were G49 0930 2 published in the 1913 edition of Thompson's works under G49 0930 11 the heading "Ad Amicam", plus certain other completed G49 0940 8 pieces and rough drafts gathered together in one of G49 0950 7 the familiar exercise books. The publication of Father G49 0960 4 Connolly's The Man Has Wings has made more of the group G49 0970 5 available in print so that a general picture of what G49 0980 2 it contained can now be had without difficulty. Some G49 0980 11 of the poems express a mood of joy in a newly discovered G49 0990 10 love; others suggest its coming loss or describe the G49 1000 6 poet's feelings when he learns of a final separation. G49 1010 2 The somewhat Petrarchan love story which these poems G49 1020 2 suggest cannot obscure the fact that undoubtedly they G49 1020 10 have more than a little of autobiographical sincerity. G49 1030 7 When they were first written, there was evidently no G49 1040 6 thought of their being published, and those which refer G49 1050 4 to the writer's love for Mrs& Meynell particularly G49 1060 1 have the ring of truth. In "My Song's Young Virgin G49 1060 11 Date", for example, Thompson wrote: "Yea, she that G49 1070 8 had my song's young virgin date Not now, alas, that G49 1080 8 noble singular she, I nobler hold, though marred from G49 1090 5 her once state, Than others in their best integrity. G49 1100 1 My own stern hand has rent the ancient bond, And thereof G49 1100 12 shall the ending not have end: But not for me, that G49 1110 11 loved her, to be fond Lightly to please me with a newer G49 1120 9 friend. Then hold it more than bravest-feathered song, G49 1130 4 That I affirm to thee, with heart of pride, I knew G49 1140 3 not what did to a friend belong Till I stood up, true G49 1140 15 friend, by thy true side; Whose absence dearer comfort G49 1150 9 is, by far, Than presences of other women are"! G49 1160 6 Taking into account Thompson's capacity for self-dramatization G49 1170 5 and the possibility of a wish to identify his own life G49 1180 6 with the misfortunes of other poets who had known unhappy G49 1190 2 loves, there can be no doubt about his genuine emotion G49 1190 12 for Katie King. That she was affected by his protestations G49 1200 10 seems obvious, but since she was evidently a sensible G49 1210 8 young woman- as well as an outgoing and sympathetic G49 1220 5 type- it would seem that for her the word friendship G49 1230 2 had a far less intense emotional significance than G49 1230 10 that which Thompson gave it. From the outset, she must G49 1240 10 have realized that marriage with him was out of the G49 1250 8 question, and although she was displeased by the "unwarrantable" G49 1260 4 interference, it seems probable that she did agree G49 1270 4 with her mother's suggestion that the poet was "perhaps" G49 1280 1 a man "most fitted to live + die solitary, + in the G49 1280 13 love only of the Highest Lover". G49 1290 6 The poems which were addressed to her, while they G49 1300 5 are far more restrained than those of "Love in Dian's G49 1310 2 Lap", show no great technical advance over those of G49 1310 11 the "Narrow Vessel" group and are, if anything, somewhat G49 1320 8 more labored. Their interest remains chiefly biographical, G49 1330 6 for they throw some light on the utter despair which G49 1340 6 overtook Thompson in the spring and early summer of G49 1350 3 1900. G49 1350 4 Whether or not Danchin is correct in suggesting G49 1360 1 that Thompson's resumption of the opium habit also G49 1360 9 dates from this period is, of course, a matter of conjecture. G49 1370 10 Reid simply states, without offering any supporting G49 1380 5 evidence, that "after he returned to London, he resumed G49 1390 5 his draughts of laudanum, and continued this right G49 1400 2 up to his death". There is every reason to recognize G49 1400 12 that in the very last years of his life, as we shall G49 1410 11 see, Thompson did take the drug in carefully rationed G49 1420 6 doses to ease the pains of his illness, but the exact G49 1430 4 date at which this began has never been determined. G49 1430 13 If, as Reid says, "nearly all his poetry was produced G49 1440 10 when he was not taking opium", there may be some reason G49 1450 8 to doubt that he was under its influence in the period G49 1460 6 from 1896 to 1900 when he was writing the poems to G49 1470 3 Katie King and making plans for another book of verse. G49 1470 13 In any event, the critical productivity of that time G49 1480 9 is abundant proof that if he was taking laudanum, it G49 1490 7 was never in command of him to the extent that it had G49 1500 4 been during his vagrant years. G49 1500 9 Meynell's remedy for Thompson's despondent mood G49 1510 5 was typically practical. He simply found more work G49 1520 4 for him to do, and the articles and reviews continued G49 1530 1 without an evident break. G49 1530 5 #@ /3, @# G49 1530 8 As a reviewer, Thompson generally displayed a judicious G49 1540 5 attitude. That he read some of the books assigned to G49 1550 6 him with a studied carefulness is evident from his G49 1560 2 notes, which are often so full that they provide an G49 1560 12 unquestionable basis for the identification of reviews G49 1570 7 that were printed without his signature. On the basis G49 1580 6 of this careful reading, Thompson frequently gave a G49 1590 3 clear, complete, and interesting description of a prose G49 1590 11 work or chose effective quotations to illustrate his G49 1600 8 discussions of poetry. G49 1610 1 He was seldom an unmethodical critic, and his reviews G49 1610 10 generally followed a systematic pattern: a description G49 1620 7 of what the work contained, a treatment of the things G49 1630 7 that had especially interested him in it, and, wherever G49 1640 5 possible, a balancing of whatever artistic merits and G49 1650 2 faults he might have found. G49 1650 7 It was, of course, in this drawing of the balance G49 1660 4 sheet of judgment that he most clearly displayed his G49 1660 13 desire to do full justice to an author. Reviewing Davidson's G49 1670 10 The Testament of an Empire Builder, for example, Thompson G49 1680 9 found that there was "too much metrical dialectic". G49 1700 7 Poetry, he said, must be "dogmatic": it must not stoop G49 1710 6 to argue like a "K&C& in cloth-of-gold". Yet Davidson G49 1720 6 impressed him as a poet capable of "sustained power, G49 1730 2 passion, or beauty", and he cited specific passages G49 1740 1 to illustrate not only these qualities but Davidson's G49 1740 9 command of imagery as well. Similarly, he wrote that G49 1750 8 Laurence Housman had a "too deliberate manner" as well G49 1760 5 as a lack of "inevitable felicity in diction". But G49 1770 4 he admired Housman's "subtle intellectuality" and delighted G49 1780 3 in the inversion by which Divine Love becomes the most G49 1790 1 "fatal" allurement in "Love the Tempter". G49 1790 7 Of course, there were books about which nothing G49 1800 7 good could be said. Understanding, as he did, the difficulty G49 1810 6 of the art of poetry, and believing that the "only G49 1820 4 technical criticism worth having in poetry is that G49 1820 12 of poets", he felt obliged to insist upon his duty G49 1830 10 to be hard to please when it came to the review of G49 1840 8 a book of verse. G50 0010 1 As he had done on his first Imperial sortie a year G50 0010 12 and a half before, Lewis trekked southeast through G50 0020 6 Red Russia to Kamieniec. Thence he pushed farther south G50 0030 6 than he had ever been before into Podolia and Nogay G50 0040 3 Tartary or the Yedisan. There, along the east bank G50 0050 1 of the Southern Bug, opposite the hamlet of Zhitzhakli G50 0050 10 a few miles north of the Black Sea, he arrived at General G50 0060 10 Headquarters of the Russian Army. By June 19, 1788, G50 0070 7 he had presented himself to its Commander in Chief, G50 0080 3 the Governor of the Southern Provinces, the Director G50 0090 1 of the War College- The Prince. G50 0090 7 ## G50 0090 8 Catherine's first war against the Grand Turk had ended G50 0100 8 in 1774 with a peace treaty quite favorable to her. G50 0110 5 By 1783 her legions had managed to annex the Crimea G50 0120 2 amid scenes of wanton cruelty and now, in this second G50 0120 12 combat with the Crescent, were aiming at suzerainty G50 0130 7 over all of the Black Sea's northern shoreline. G50 0140 3 Through most of 1787 operations on both sides had G50 0150 4 been lackadaisical; those of 1788 were going to prove G50 0160 1 decisive, though many of their details are obscure. G50 0160 9 To consolidate what her Navy had won, the Czarina was G50 0170 8 fortunate that, for the first time in Russian history, G50 0180 5 her land forces enjoyed absolute unity of command under G50 0190 2 her favorite Giaour. Potemkin was directing this conflict G50 0200 1 on three fronts: in the Caucasus; along the Danube G50 0200 10 and among the Carpathians, in alliance with the Emperor G50 0210 7 Joseph's armies; and in the misty marshlands and shallow G50 0220 7 coastal waters of Nogay Tartary and Taurida, including G50 0230 4 the Crimean peninsula. Here the war would flame to G50 0240 3 its focus, and here Lewis Littlepage had come. G50 0240 11 Potemkin's Army of Ekaterinoslav, totaling, it was G50 0260 7 claimed, 40,000 regular troops and 6,000 irregulars G50 0270 5 of the Cossack Corps, had invested Islam's principal G50 0280 3 stronghold on the north shore of the Black Sea, the G50 0290 2 fortress town of Oczakov, and was preparing to test G50 0290 11 the Turk by land and sea. During a sojourn of slightly G50 0300 9 more than three months Chamberlain Littlepage sould G50 0310 3 see action on both elements. G50 0310 8 As his second in command The Prince had Marshal G50 0320 8 Repnin, one-time Ambassador to Poland. Repnin, who G50 0330 5 had a rather narrow face, longish nose, high forehead, G50 0340 3 and arching brows, looked like a quizzical Mephistopheles. G50 0350 1 Some people thought he lacked both ability and character, G50 0350 10 but most agreed that he was noble in appearance and, G50 0370 9 for a Russian, humane. The Marshal came to know Littlepage G50 0380 7 quite well. At General Headquarters the newcomer in G50 0390 4 turn got to know others. There was the Neapolitan, G50 0400 1 Ribas, a capable conniver whose father had been a blacksmith G50 0410 1 but who had fawned his way up the ladder of Catherine's G50 0410 12 and Potemkin's favor till he was now a brigadier (and G50 0420 9 would one day be the daggerman designated to do in G50 0430 5 Czar Paul /1,, after traveling all the way to Naples G50 0450 3 to procure just the right stiletto). G50 0450 9 Then there were the distinguished foreign volunteers. G50 0460 5 Representing the Emperor were the Prince de Ligne, G50 0470 5 still as impetuous as a youth of twenty; and General G50 0480 2 the Count Pallavicini, founder of the Austrian branch G50 0480 10 of that celebrated Italian house, a courtier Littlepage G50 0490 8 could have met at Madrid in December, 1780. From Milan G50 0500 8 came the young Chevalier de Litta, an officer in the G50 0510 7 service of Malta. Out of Saxony rode the Prince of G50 0520 4 Anhalt-Bernburg, one of the Czarina's cousins and a G50 0530 2 lieutenant general in her armies, a frank, sensitive, G50 0530 10 popular soldier whose kindnesses Littlepage would "always G50 0540 6 recall with the sincerest gratitude". G50 0550 2 Though Catherine was vexed at the number of French G50 0560 2 officers streaming to the Turkish standard, there were G50 0560 10 several under her own, such as the Prince de Nassau; G50 0570 10 the energetic Parisian, Roger de Damas, three year's G50 0580 6 Littlepage's junior, to whom Nassau had taken a liking; G50 0590 6 and the artillerist, Colonel Prevost, whom the Count G50 0600 4 de Segur had persuaded to lend his technical skills G50 0610 1 to Nassau. England contributed a young subaltern named G50 0610 9 Newton and the naval architect Samuel Bentham, brother G50 0620 7 to the economist, who far his colonel's commission G50 0630 4 was proving a godsend to the Russian fleet. From America G50 0640 3 were the Messrs& Littlepage and Jones. G50 0650 1 Lewis had expected to report at once to Jones's G50 0650 10 and Nassau's naval command post. On arrival at headquarters G50 0660 7 he had, however- in King Stanislas' words to Glayre- G50 0670 5 "found such favor with ~Pe Potemkin that he made him G50 0680 6 his aide-de-camp and up to now does not want him to G50 0690 3 go join Paul Jones **h". So of course he stayed put. G50 0690 14 Having done so, he began to experience all the frustrations G50 0700 10 of others who attempted to get along with Serenissimus G50 0710 7 and do a job at the same time. G50 0720 2 The Prince's perceptions were quick and his energy G50 0720 10 monstrous, but these qualities were sapped by an Oriental G50 0730 9 lethargy and a policy of letting nothing interfere G50 0740 7 with personal passions. At headquarters- sufficiently G50 0750 4 far from the firing line to make you forget occasionally G50 0760 1 that you were in a war- Lewis found that the Commander G50 0770 1 in Chief's only desk was his knees (and his only comb, G50 0770 12 his fingers). An entire theater had been set up for G50 0780 9 his diversion, with a 200-man Italian orchestra under G50 0790 4 the well-known Sarti. In the great one's personal quarters, G50 0800 3 a portable house, almost every evening saw an elegant G50 0810 1 banquet or reception. Lewis could let his eye caress G50 0810 10 The Prince's divan, covered with a rose-pink and silver G50 0820 9 Turkish cloth, or admire the lovely tapis, interwoven G50 0830 5 with gold, that spread across the floor. Filigreed G50 0840 2 perfume boxes exuded the aromas of Araby. Around the G50 0850 1 billiard tables were always at least a couple of dozen G50 0850 11 beribboned generals. At dinner the courses were carried G50 0860 7 in by tall cuirassiers in red capes and black fur caps G50 0870 6 topped with tufts of feathers, marching in pairs like G50 0880 3 guards from a stage tragedy. G50 0880 8 Among the visitors arriving every now and then there G50 0890 6 were, of course, women. For if Serenissimus made the G50 0900 3 sign of the Cross with his right hand, and meant it, G50 0910 1 with his left he beckoned lewdly to any lady who happened G50 0910 12 to catch his eye. Usually Lewis would find at headquarters G50 0920 8 one or more of The Prince's various nieces. G50 0930 4 Right now he found Sophie de Witt, that magnificent G50 0940 3 young matron he had spotted at Kamieniec fours years G50 0950 1 ago. The Prince took her with him on every tour around G50 0950 12 the area, and it was rumored he was utilizing her knowledge G50 0960 10 of Constantinople as part of his espionage network. G50 0970 7 One evening he passed around the banquet table a crystal G50 0980 4 cup full of diamonds, requesting every female guest G50 0990 1 to select one as a souvenir. When a lady chanced to G50 0990 12 soil a pair of evening slippers, Brigadier Bauer was G50 1000 6 dispatched to Paris for replacements. G50 1010 1 But if The Prince fancied women and was fascinated G50 1020 1 by foreigners, he could be haughtiness personified G50 1020 8 to his subordinates. He had collared one of his generals G50 1030 8 in public. His coat trimmed in sable, diamond stars G50 1040 5 of the Orders of Saints Andrew or George agleam, he G50 1050 2 was often prone to sit sulkily, eye downcast, in a G50 1050 12 Scheherazade trance. When this happened, everything G50 1060 6 stopped. As Littlepage noted: "A complete picture of G50 1070 6 Prince Potemkin may be had in his 1788 operations. G50 1080 3 He stays inactive for half the summer in front of Oczakov, G50 1090 1 a quite second-rate spot, begins to besiege it formally G50 1090 11 only during the autumn rains, and finally carries it G50 1100 9 by assault in the heart of winter. There's a man who G50 1110 9 never goes by the ordinary road but still arrives at G50 1120 5 his goal, who gratuitously gets himself into difficulty G50 1130 2 in order to get out of it with eclat, in a word a man G50 1130 16 who creates monsters for himself in order to appear G50 1140 8 a Hercules in destroying them". G50 1150 2 To help him do so The Prince had conferred control G50 1160 1 of his land forces on a soldier who was different from G50 1160 12 him in almost every respect save one: both were eccentrics G50 1170 8 of the purest ray serene. G50 1180 2 Alexander Vasilievitch Suvorov, now in his fifty-ninth G50 1190 1 year (ten years Potemkin's senior), was a thin, worn-faced G50 1190 11 person of less than medium height who looked like a G50 1200 10 professor of botany. He had a small mouth with deep G50 1210 7 furrows on either side, a large flat nose, and penetrating G50 1220 3 blue eyes. His gray hair was thin, his face beginning G50 1230 1 to attract a swarm of wrinkles. He was ugly. But Suvorov's G50 1230 12 face was also a theater of vivacity, and his tough, G50 1240 10 stooping little frame was briskness embodied. Like G50 1250 5 all Russians he was an emotional man, and in him the G50 1260 5 emotions warred. Kind by nature, he never refused charity G50 1270 1 to a beggar or help to anyone who asked him for it G50 1270 13 (as Lewis would one day discover). But he was perpetually G50 1280 8 engaged in a battle to command his own temper. G50 1290 5 When Littlepage was introduced, if the General behaved G50 1300 3 as usual, the newcomer faced a staccato salvo of queries: G50 1310 1 origin? age? mission? current status? Woe betide the G50 1320 1 interviewee if he answered vaguely. Suvorov's contempt G50 1320 8 for don't-know's was proverbial; better to give an G50 1330 7 asinine answer than none at all. Despising luxuries G50 1340 5 of any sort for a soldier, he slept on a pile of hay G50 1350 4 with his cloak as blanket. He rose at 4:00 A&M& the G50 1360 1 year round and was apt to stride through camp crowing G50 1370 8 like a cock to wake his men. His breakfast was tea; G50 1380 7 his dinner fell anywhere from nine to noon; his supper G50 1390 5 was nothing. He hadn't worn a watch or carried pocket G50 1400 2 money for years because he disliked both, but highest G50 1400 11 among his hates were looking glasses: he had snatched G50 1410 9 one from an officer's grasp and smashed it to smithereens. G50 1420 7 He kept several pet birds and liked cats well enough G50 1430 6 that if one crept by, he would mew at it in friendly G50 1440 2 fashion. Passing dogs were greeted with a cordial bark. G50 1440 11 Yet General Suvorov- who had never forgotten hearing G50 1450 9 his adored Czarina declare that all truly great men G50 1460 8 had oddities- was mad only north, northwest. He had G50 1470 6 come to learn that a reputation for peculiarity allowed G50 1480 2 mere field officers a certain leeway at Court; in camp G50 1490 2 he knew it won you the affection of your men. He had G50 1490 14 accordingly cultivated eccentricity to the point of G50 1500 7 second nature. Underneath, he remained one of the best-educated G50 1510 7 Russians of his day. He dabbled in verse, could get G50 1520 5 along well among most of the European languages, and G50 1530 2 was fluent in French and German. He had also mastered G50 1530 12 the Cossack tongue. G50 1540 2 For those little men with the short whiskers, shaven G50 1550 1 polls, and top knots Suvorov reserved a special esteem. G50 1550 10 Potemkin- as King Stanislas knew, and presently informed G50 1560 10 Littlepage- looked on the Cossacks as geopolitical G50 1570 6 tools. To Serenissimus such tribes as the Cossacks G50 1580 4 of the Don or those ex-bandits the Zaporogian Cossacks G50 1590 1 (in whose islands along the lower Dnieper the Polish G50 1590 10 novelist Sienkiewicz would one day place With Fire G50 1600 8 and Sword) were just elements for enforced resettlement G50 1610 5 in, say, Bessarabia, where, as "the faithful of the G50 1620 5 Black Sea borders", he could use their presence as G50 1630 2 baragining points in the Czarina's territorial claims G50 1630 9 against Turkey. Suvorov saw in these scimitar-wielding G50 1640 8 skirmishers not demographic units but military men G50 1650 5 of a high potential. He knew how to channel their exuberant G50 1660 4 disorderliness so as to transform them from mere plunderers G50 1665 2 into A-1 guerrilla fighters. He always kept a few on G50 1670 8 his personal staff. He often donned their tribal costumes, G50 1680 9 such as the one featuring a tall, black sheepskin hat G50 1690 8 from the top of which dangled a little red bag ornamented G50 1700 6 by a chain of worsted lace and tassels; broad red stripes G50 1710 4 down the trouser leg; broader leather belt round the G50 1720 2 waist, holding cartridges and light sabre. Suvorov G50 1720 9 played parent not just to his Cossacks but to all his G50 1730 10 troops. It was probably at this period that Littlepage G50 1740 5 got his first good look at the ordinary Russian soldier. G50 1750 3 These illiterate boors conscripted from villages G50 1760 1 all across the Czarina's empire had, Suvorov may have G50 1760 10 told Lewis, just two things a commander could count G50 1770 8 on: physical fitness and personal courage. When their G50 1780 5 levies came shambling into camp, they were all elbows, G50 1790 4 hair, and beard. They emerged as interchangeable cogs G50 1800 1 in a faulty but formidable machine: shaved nearly naked, G50 1800 10 hair queued, greatcoated, jackbooted, and best of all- G50 1810 7 in the opinion of the British professional, Major Semple-Lisle- G50 1820 6 "their minds are not estranged from the paths of obedience G50 1830 7 by those smatterings of knowledge which only serve G50 1840 4 to lead to insubordination and mutiny". G51 0010 1 Mando, pleading her cause, must have said that Dr& G51 0010 10 Brown was the most distinguished physician in the United G51 0020 7 States of America, for our man poured out his symptoms G51 0030 7 and drew a madly waving line indicating the irregularity G51 0040 3 of his pulse. "He's got high blood pressure, too, and G51 0050 2 bum kidneys", the doctor said to me. "Transparent look, G51 0050 11 waxy skin- could well be uremia". He looked disapprovingly G51 0060 8 at an ash tray piled high with cigarette stubs, shook G51 0070 8 his head, and moved his hand back and forth in a strong G51 0080 8 negative gesture. The little official hung his head G51 0090 4 in shame. Seeing this, his colleague at the next desk G51 0100 1 gave a short, contemptuous laugh, pushed forward his G51 0100 9 own ash tray, innocent of a single butt, thumped his G51 0110 7 chest to show his excellent condition, and looked proud. G51 0120 4 The doctor gravely nodded approval. G51 0130 1 At this moment Mando came hurrying up to announce G51 0130 10 that the problem was solved and all Norton had to do G51 0140 9 was to sign a sheaf of papers. We went out of the office G51 0150 6 and down the hall to a window where documents and more G51 0160 3 officials awaited us, the rest of the office personnel G51 0160 12 hot upon our heels. By this time word had got around G51 0170 11 that an American doctor was on the premises. One fellow G51 0180 7 who had liver spots held out his hands to the great G51 0190 5 healer. It was funny but it was also touching. "You G51 0200 1 know", Norton said to me later, "I am thinking of setting G51 0210 1 up the Klinico Brownapopolus. I might not make any G51 0210 10 money but I'd sure have patients". G51 0220 4 After luncheon we took advantage of the siesta period G51 0230 4 to try to get in touch with a few people to whom our G51 0240 1 dear friend Deppy had written. Deppy is Despina Messinesi, G51 0240 10 a long-time member of the Vogue staff who, although G51 0250 8 born in Boston, was born there of Greek parents. Several G51 0260 5 years of her life have been spent in the homeland, G51 0270 3 and she had written to friends to alert them of our G51 0270 14 coming. "All you have to do, Ilka dear, is to phone G51 0280 11 on your arrival. They are longing to see you". The G51 0290 8 wear and tear of life have taught me that very few G51 0300 5 friends of mutual friends long to see foreign strangers, G51 0310 1 but I planned on being the soul of tact, of giving G51 0310 12 them plenty of outs was there the tiniest implication G51 0320 8 that their cups were already running over without us. G51 0330 5 My diplomacy was needless. Greek phone service is worse G51 0340 3 than French, so that it was to be some little time G51 0340 14 before contact of any sort was established. G51 0350 7 In the late afternoon Mando came back to fetch us, G51 0360 7 and we drove to the Acropolis. We stopped first at G51 0370 3 the amphitheater that lies at the foot of the height G51 0370 13 crowned by the Parthenon. The curving benches are broken, G51 0380 9 chipped, tumbled, but still in place, as are the marble G51 0390 9 chairs, the seats of honor for the legislators. The G51 0400 5 carved statues of the frieze against the low wall are G51 0420 3 for the most part headless, but their exquisitely graceful G51 0420 12 nude and draped torsos and the kneeling Atlantes are G51 0430 9 well preserved in their perfect proportion. G51 0440 4 Having completed our camera work, we started our G51 0450 3 climb. I suppose the same emotion holds, if to a lesser G51 0460 1 degree, with any famous monument. Will it live up to G51 0460 11 its reputation? The weight of fame and history is formidable, G51 0470 9 and dreary steel engravings in schoolbooks do little G51 0480 5 to quicken interest and imagination. Uh huh, we think, G51 0490 4 looking at them, so that's the Parthenon. And then G51 0500 1 perhaps one day we get to Athens. We are here! We've G51 0500 12 come a long way and spent a lot of money. It had better G51 0510 12 be good. Don't worry about the Acropolis. It is awe-inspiring. G51 0520 8 Probably every visitor has a favorite time for his G51 0530 7 first sight of it. We saw it frequently afterward, G51 0540 2 but our suggestion for the very first encounter is G51 0540 11 near sunset. The light at that time is a benediction. G51 0550 9 The serene, majestic columns of the Parthenon, tawny G51 0560 6 in color against the pure deep blue sky, frame incredible G51 0570 3 vistas. All we wanted to do was to stand very quietly G51 0580 1 and look and look and look. G51 0580 7 More than twenty-four hundred years old, bruised, G51 0590 4 battered, worn and partially destroyed, combining to G51 0600 2 an astounding degree solidity and grace, it still stands, G51 0600 11 incomparable testimony to man's aspiration. In 1687 G51 0610 7 the Turks, who had been in control of the city since G51 0620 7 the fifteenth century, with a truly shattering lack G51 0630 2 of prudence used the Parthenon as a powder magazine. G51 0630 11 It was hit by a shell fired by the bombarding Venetian G51 0640 11 army and the great central portion of the temple was G51 0650 7 blown to smithereens. G51 0650 10 Nearby is the temple of Athena. The architectural G51 0660 8 feature, the caryatides upholding the portico, famous G51 0670 5 around the world as the Porch of the Maidens, was referred G51 0680 4 to airily by Mando as the Girls' Place. Another beautiful G51 0690 3 building is the Propylaea, the entrance gate of the G51 0700 1 Acropolis. G51 0700 2 My other nugget of art and architectural knowledge- G51 0710 3 besides remembering that it was Ghiberti who designed G51 0710 11 the doors of the baptistery in Florence- is the three G51 0720 9 styles of Greek columns. For some happy reason Doric, G51 0730 6 Ionic, and Corinthian have always stuck in my mind. G51 0740 5 Furthermore I can identify each design. It remained, G51 0750 1 however, for Mando to teach me that Doric symbolized G51 0750 10 strength, Ionic wisdom, and Corinthian beauty, the G51 0760 7 three pillars of the ancient world. The columns of G51 0770 5 the Parthenon are fluted Doric. G51 0770 10 Another classic sight that gave us considerable G51 0780 7 pleasure was the evzone sentry, in his ballet skirt G51 0790 5 with great pompons on his shoes, who was patrolling G51 0800 1 up and down in front of the palace. Gun on shoulder, G51 0800 12 he would march smartly for a few yards, bring his heels G51 0810 10 together with a click, make a brisk pirouette, skirts G51 0820 6 flaring, and march back to his point of departure. G51 0830 3 We did not dare speak to so exalted a being, but Norton G51 0840 1 aimed his camera and shot him, so to speak, on the G51 0840 12 rise, the split second between the halt and the turn. G51 0850 7 The evening of our first day we drove with Christopher G51 0860 6 and Judy Sakellariadis, who were friends and patients G51 0870 3 of Norton, to dine at a restaurant on the shores of G51 0880 1 the Aegean. On the way out Mr& Sakellariadis detoured G51 0880 10 up a special hill from which one may obtain a matchless G51 0890 9 view of the Acropolis lighted by night. G51 0900 3 The great spectacle was a source of rancor, and G51 0910 1 Son et Lumiere, which the French were trying to promote G51 0910 11 with the Athenians, was the reason. These performances G51 0930 6 were being staged at historical monuments throughout G51 0940 3 Europe. By a combination of music, lighting effects, G51 0950 2 and narration, famous events that have transpired in G51 0955 1 these locations are evoked and re-created for large G51 0960 9 audiences usually to considerable acclaim. The Acropolis G51 0970 5 had been scheduled for the treatment too, but apparently G51 0980 4 it was to take place at the time of the full moon when G51 0990 3 the Athenians themselves, out of respect for the natural G51 0990 12 beauty of the occasion, were wont to forgo their own G51 1000 10 usual nocturnal illumination. G51 1010 1 Athenian society was split into two factions, the G51 1010 9 Philistines and the Artists. The Artists contended G51 1020 7 that the Philistines, gross of soul, were all for having G51 1030 8 Son et Lumiere, since the French were footing the bill G51 1040 6 and the attraction, wherever it had been done, had G51 1050 3 proven popular. This was the crassest kind of materialism G51 1060 1 and they, the Artists, would have no truck with it. G51 1060 11 The Acropolis was unique in the world and if that imcomparable G51 1070 10 work flooded by moonlight wasn't enough for both natives G51 1080 6 and tourists, then they were quite simply barbarians G51 1090 1 and the hell with them. It was very stimulating. G51 1100 1 The restaurant to which the Sakellariadises took G51 1100 8 us on this night of controversy was the Asteria, on G51 1110 7 Asteria beach. This is a public bathing beach, easily G51 1120 4 accessible by tramway from the center of Athens. Office G51 1130 2 workers frequently go out there to lunch and swim during G51 1140 1 the siesta period, which, during the summer, lasts G51 1140 9 from two until five in the afternoon, when shops and G51 1150 7 offices are again open for business. They close sometime G51 1160 4 after eight. Nine o'clock is the rush hour, when the G51 1170 3 busses are jammed, and by nine-thirty the restaurants G51 1170 12 are beginning to fill. Bedtime is late, for the balmy G51 1180 9 evenings are delightful and everyone wants to linger G51 1190 6 under the stars. G51 1190 9 The sand is fine and pleasant, the cabanas are clean, G51 1200 7 and the parasols, green, raspberry, and butter yellow, G51 1210 4 are very gay. Although open to the general public it G51 1220 3 is not overcrowded; the atmosphere is that of an attractive G51 1230 1 private beach club at home. We went there a couple G51 1230 11 of times to swim and enjoyed ourselves thoroughly. G51 1240 5 This agreeable state of affairs is explicable, I think, G51 1250 4 on two counts. One is Greece is not yet suffering from G51 1260 2 overpopulation. The public may still find pleasure G51 1260 9 in public places. The other is that the charge for G51 1270 9 cabanas and parasols, though modest from an American G51 1280 5 point of view, still is a little high for many Athenians. G51 1290 3 We were struck by the notable absence of banana skins G51 1300 1 and beer cans, but just so that we wouldn't go overboard G51 1300 12 on Greek refinement, perfection was side-stepped by G51 1310 7 a couple of braying portable radios. Greek boys and G51 1320 5 girls also go for rock-and-roll, and the stations most G51 1330 2 tuned to are those carrying United States overseas G51 1330 10 programs. A good deal of English was spoken on the G51 1340 10 beach, most educated Greeks learn it in childhood, G51 1350 5 and there were also American wives and children of G51 1360 3 our overseas servicemen. G51 1360 6 For a delightful drive out of Athens I should recommend G51 1370 6 Sounion, at the end of the Attic Peninsula. The road, G51 1380 3 a comparatively new one, is very good, winding along G51 1390 1 inlets, coves, and bays of deep and brilliant blue. G51 1390 10 I suppose the day will inevitably come when the area G51 1400 8 will be encrusted with developments, but at present G51 1410 4 it is deserted and seductive. Three beneficial hurdles G51 1420 2 to progress are the lack of water, electricity, and G51 1420 11 telephones. G51 1430 1 At Sounion there is a group of beautiful columns, G51 1430 10 the ruins of a temple to Poseidon, of particular interest G51 1440 9 at that time, as active reconstruction was in progress. G51 1450 5 Gaunt scaffoldings adjoined the ruins, and on the ground G51 1460 5 segments of columns two and a half to three feet in G51 1470 2 thickness were being fitted with sections cunningly G51 1470 9 chiseled to match exactly the fluting and proportion G51 1480 7 of the original. Later they would be hoisted into place. G51 1490 6 There is a mediocre restaurant at Sounion and I G51 1500 4 fed a thin little Grecian cat and gave it two saucers G51 1510 1 of water- there was no milk- which it lapped up as G51 1510 12 though it were nectar. I think its thirst had never G51 1520 8 been assuaged before. G51 1530 1 Norton and I dined one night in a sea-food restaurant G51 1530 11 in Piraeus right on the water's edge. To enter it, G51 1540 8 you go down five or six steps from the road. Across G51 1550 5 the road is the kitchen, and waiters bearing great G51 1560 1 trays of dishes dodge traffic as nimbly as their French G51 1560 11 colleagues at the restaurant in the Place du Tertre G51 1570 9 in Paris. G51 1570 11 This restaurant, too, had a cat, a dusty, thin little G51 1580 9 creature. How can a cat be thin in a fish restaurant? G51 1590 9 But this one was. When offered a morsel it glanced G51 1600 5 right and left and winced, obviously frightened and G51 1610 2 expecting a kick, but too hungry not to snatch the G51 1610 12 tidbit. Greece was one of the highlights of our trip, G51 1620 9 but beginning in Greece and continuing around the world G51 1630 4 throughout Southeast Asia the treatment of animals G51 1640 2 was horrifying, ranging from callous indifference to G51 1640 9 active cruelty. This of course was not true of the G51 1650 10 educated and sophisticated people we met, who loved G51 1660 6 their pets, but kindness is not a basic human instinct. G51 1670 2 We met some charming Athenians, and among them our G51 1680 1 chauffeur Panyotis ranked high. His English was limited, G51 1680 9 and the little he knew he found irritating. A particularly G51 1690 9 galling phrase was "O&K&, Panyotis, we have time at G51 1700 7 our disposal". This he claimed was the favorite refrain G51 1710 6 of the English. They would be lolling under a tree G51 1720 4 sipping Ouzo, relishing the leisurely life, assuring G51 1730 1 him that the day was yet young. G52 0010 1 "Let him become honest, and they discard him.- But G52 0010 10 let him be ready to invent whatever falsehood- to assail G52 0020 7 whatever character- and to prostitute his paper to G52 0030 6 whatever ends- and they hug him to their heart. In G52 0040 3 proportion to the degradation of his moral worth, is G52 0040 12 the increase of his worth to them". G52 0050 7 To exonerate the legislature and thereby extricate G52 0060 4 himself from a sticky situation, Pike took another G52 0070 1 course and made it appear that the legislature had G52 0070 10 been bilked. He claimed in his attacks that Woodruff, G52 0080 7 with scurrilous underhandedness, had deliberately written G52 0090 4 an ambiguous bid that had so confused the honest members G52 0100 3 of the legislature that they had awarded him the contract G52 0110 1 without knowing what they were doing. G52 0110 7 The charge was so farfetched that Woodruff paid G52 0120 4 little attention to it, and answered Pike in a rather G52 0130 4 bored way, wearily declaring that a "new hand" was G52 0140 1 pumping the bellows of the Crittenden organ, and concluding: G52 0140 10 "In a controversy with an adversary so utterly destitute G52 0150 9 of moral principles, even a triumph would entitle the G52 0160 7 victor to no laurels. The game is not worth the ammunition G52 0170 6 it would cost. We therefore leave the writer to the G52 0180 3 enjoyment of the unenvied reputation which the personal G52 0180 11 abuse he has heaped on us will entitle him to from G52 0190 11 the low and vulgar herd to which he belongs". G52 0200 5 Despite Woodruff's continuing refusal to debate G52 0210 3 with Pike through the columns of his newspaper, Pike G52 0220 1 did not let up his attack for a moment. Over the months G52 0220 13 he became a political gadfly with an incessant barrage G52 0230 7 of satirical poems ridiculing Woodruff, the "Casca" G52 0240 4 letters belittling Woodruff, and long analytical articles G52 0250 3 vilifying Woodruff. So persistent were these attacks G52 0260 1 that in March of the following year, Woodruff was finally G52 0260 11 moved to action, and Pike was to learn his first lesson G52 0270 11 in frontier politics, the subtle art of diversion. G52 0280 6 To attack Pike directly would gain Woodruff little, G52 0290 4 for as a penniless newcomer Pike had nothing to lose. G52 0300 3 By this time Woodruff had accurately measured Pike G52 0300 11 as a man of great personal pride, a man who would fly G52 0310 11 into a towering rage if his integrity were questioned, G52 0320 6 and who would be anxious to avenge himself. Pike's G52 0330 2 honor would now come under attack, but not by Woodruff G52 0340 1 himself. The charges would be made in the Gazette by G52 0340 11 an anonymous correspondent, and Pike would be so busy G52 0350 8 trying to track down the illusive character assassin G52 0360 4 that he would forget about harassing Woodruff. The G52 0370 2 strategy worked perfectly. G52 0370 5 Pike was stunned by the first blast against his G52 0380 5 character, which was published in the March 4th issue G52 0390 3 of the Gazette under the name "Vale". The anonymous G52 0400 1 correspondent did not resort to innuendoes. He called G52 0400 9 Pike a thief. He said Pike had stolen mules from Harris G52 0410 9 during the Santa Fe expedition; he accused Pike of G52 0420 6 continuing his sticky-fingered career in Arkansas with G52 0430 4 the theft of some otter skins in Van Buren. The charges G52 0440 2 caught Pike off balance, coming as they did from an G52 0440 12 unexpected quarter. Outraged, he used the Advocate G52 0450 7 of March 7th for a denial, sending immediately to Santa G52 0460 6 Fe and Van Buren for documents to vindicate himself, G52 0470 4 and demanding that Woodruff reveal the name of this G52 0480 3 perfidious slanderer who disguised himself under a G52 0480 10 pastoral pseudonym. G52 0490 1 Woodruff said nothing, and Pike, frustrated, stormed G52 0500 1 throughout Little Rock in an unsuccessful search for G52 0500 9 "Vale", asking his friends to keep their ears open. G52 0510 8 Finally he learned through the grapevine that the culprit G52 0520 6 might be one James W& Robinson in Pope County. Without G52 0530 4 further inquiry, Pike jumped to the conclusion that G52 0540 2 Robinson was guilty, and, following the honorable route G52 0540 10 that would eventually lead to the dueling ground, sent G52 0560 8 a message to Robinson through his friends, demanding G52 0570 5 that he either confirm or deny his complicity. Robinson G52 0580 2 did neither. To Pike, silence was tantamount to an G52 0590 1 admission of guilt, and he determined to get Robinson G52 0590 10 onto the dueling ground at all costs. On April 11th G52 0600 8 he wrote an open letter in the Advocate, making it G52 0610 4 known "to the world that Jas& W& Robinson is by his G52 0620 4 own admission a base LIAR and a SLANDERER". G52 0630 1 If Robinson was a liar and a slanderer, he was also G52 0640 1 a very canny gentleman, for nothing that Pike could G52 0640 10 do would pry so much as a single word out of him. Preoccupied G52 0650 10 with his own defense and his attempts to get Robinson G52 0660 6 to fight, Pike lessened his attacks on Woodruff, and G52 0670 4 finally stopped them altogether. And Pike never did G52 0680 1 find out if Robinson was really responsible for the G52 0680 10 "Vale" letter. Woodruff's strategy had been immensely G52 0690 6 successful. G52 0690 7 It took Pike a long time to realize what Woodruff G52 0700 10 had done, and it had a profound effect on him. Once G52 0710 7 he learned a lesson, he never forgot it. In the next G52 0720 4 few months of comparative silence, Pike waited patiently G52 0730 1 until conditions were perfect for a new attack, and G52 0730 10 then, displaying a remarkable grasp of the subtleties G52 0740 7 of political infighting, gained from his first bout G52 0750 5 with Woodruff, he used these changed conditions to G52 0760 2 excellent advantage. G52 0760 4 Shortly after the "Vale" incident, a rift began G52 0770 4 to develop between William Woodruff and Governor Pope. G52 0780 1 One-armed, gruff, frugally honest, Governor Pope had G52 0780 9 been the ideal man to assume office in Arkansas after G52 0790 9 the disgraceful antics of political bosses like Crittenden, G52 0800 5 and he ruled the state with an iron fist, tolerating G52 0810 3 no nonsense. Woodruff had supported him all the way, G52 0820 1 both as a chief executive and as a man. Besides being G52 0820 12 political allies, they were also friends. This warm G52 0830 7 relationship came to an abrupt end in June of 1834 G52 0840 6 when the National Congress appropriated $3,000 for G52 0850 2 compiling and printing the laws of Arkansas Territory, G52 0850 10 and, taking note of the recent wave of corruption in G52 0860 10 the legislature, left it to the governor to award the G52 0870 8 contract. G52 0870 9 Woodruff wanted this political windfall very badly, G52 0880 5 and everyone assumed that he would get it because he G52 0890 4 was a close friend of the governor and his stanchest G52 0890 14 supporter. After all, Woodruff owned a competent printing G52 0900 8 plant and was the logical man for the job. But because G52 0910 9 the governor was determined that friendship should G52 0920 4 not influence him one way or the other, he looked for G52 0930 2 a printer with a knowledge of the law (which Woodruff G52 0930 12 did not have), and awarded the contract to a lawyer G52 0940 9 named John Steele who had started a newspaper in Helena G52 0950 7 the year before. G52 0950 10 Woodruff was furious. Considering the governor's G52 0960 5 act a personal rebuff, he aired his feelings in the G52 0970 5 Gazette on August 26, 1834: "We think the governor G52 0980 3 treated us rather shabbily, to say the least of it. G52 0980 13 **h It is but justice to Mr& Steele for us to add that, G52 0990 13 in the above remarks, nothing is intended to his disparagement, G52 1000 8 either as a lawyer or as a printer. He got a good fat G52 1010 10 job and we congratulate him on his good luck. We hope G52 1020 5 that he will execute it in a manner that will entitle G52 1030 1 him to credit". G52 1030 4 As summer cooled into fall and winter, even so the G52 1040 4 relationship between the two men continued to grow G52 1040 12 colder by the day, and by December of 1834 it was icy. G52 1050 12 It was at this point that Pike decided to capitalize G52 1060 6 on the bad feelings between the two men. The eventual G52 1070 4 prize in this new battle was the public printing contract G52 1080 1 that Woodruff still held. G52 1080 5 From his first bout with the canny Woodruff, Pike G52 1090 4 had learned that it was better not to attack him directly, G52 1100 2 so, harping on the theme that the cost of printing G52 1100 12 was too high, he condemned the governor for permitting G52 1110 8 such a state of affairs to exist. To document his charge, G52 1120 7 Pike set up two parallel columns in the Advocate showing G52 1130 5 the price charged by the Gazette and the considerably G52 1140 3 lower price for which the work could be done elsewhere. G52 1150 1 Then he called on the governor to explain why. G52 1150 10 The governor was not used to having his integrity G52 1160 8 questioned, and he promptly passed the charges on to G52 1170 6 Woodruff, demanding that Woodruff answer them. If Woodruff G52 1180 3 could not furnish a strong explanation, the governor G52 1190 1 insisted that he lower his prices in accord with the G52 1190 11 scale printed in the Advocate. Woodruff was now impaled G52 1200 7 on the horns of a dilemma. As a proud man, his prestige G52 1210 7 would suffer if he let Pike dictate to him through G52 1220 4 the governor's office, but to lower his prices would G52 1230 1 be tantamount to an admission that they had been too G52 1230 11 high in the first place. As a consequence, he did neither. G52 1240 8 Very angry at Woodruff, the governor used his personal G52 1250 6 influence to have the printing contract withdrawn from G52 1260 3 the Gazette and awarded to the lowest bidder, which, G52 1270 1 by a strange coincidence, happened to be Pike's Advocate. G52 1280 1 And, for the moment at least, the governor now found G52 1280 11 himself allied with the head of the Crittenden faction G52 1290 7 he had formerly opposed, and Pike was credited with G52 1300 4 a clear triumph over Woodruff. G52 1300 9 But in the confused atmosphere of frontier politics, G52 1320 6 alliances were as quickly broken as they were formed, G52 1330 6 and as Pike came to favor with the governor of the G52 1340 3 Territory, the governor fell out of favor with the G52 1340 12 President of the United States. On January 28, 1835, G52 1350 9 Andrew Jackson removed Pope from office and elevated G52 1360 6 Territorial Secretary William S& Fulton to the position. G52 1370 6 Fulton was a very close friend of Jackson, and had G52 1380 3 been his private secretary for a number of years in G52 1380 13 the old days. As a stanch party man and a rabid Democrat, G52 1390 12 he had little tolerance for Whigs like Pike, and Pike G52 1400 8 lost any immediate personal advantage his victory over G52 1410 5 Woodruff might have gained him. G52 1410 10 #2# G52 1420 1 As Pike proved himself adept in the political arena, G52 1420 10 he also became a social lion in the village of Little G52 1430 9 Rock, where he served as a symbol of the culture that G52 1440 5 the ladies of the town were striving so eagerly to G52 1450 2 cultivate. After all, Pike was an established poet G52 1450 10 and his work had been published in the respectable G52 1460 7 periodicals of that center of American culture, Boston. G52 1470 4 His accomplishments, and the fact that he was resident, G52 1480 3 did much to offset the unkind words travelers used G52 1480 12 to describe Little Rock after a visit there. For some G52 1490 10 reason, none of them were impressed with the territorial G52 1500 7 capital. The internationally known sportsman and traveler G52 1510 5 Friedrich Gersta^cker was typical of its detractors G52 1520 3 in the mid-thirties. "Little Rock is a vile, detestable G52 1530 1 place **h". he wrote. "Little Rock is, without any G52 1530 10 flattery, one of the dullest towns in the United States G52 1540 10 and I would not have remained two hours in the place, G52 1550 7 if I had not met with some good friends who made me G52 1560 4 forget its dreariness". G52 1560 7 Pike enjoyed his new social position tremendously, G52 1570 5 and cultivated in himself those traits necessary to G52 1580 3 its preservation. He was especially popular with women, G52 1590 1 for, like the romantic poetry he wrote, he was personally G52 1590 11 gracious, gallant, and chivalrous. He again began to G52 1600 8 play the violin, and tucking the instrument beneath G52 1610 4 his chin, performed soulful and romantic airs to match G52 1620 3 the expressions on the faces of the lovely women who G52 1620 13 gathered to hear him. His artistic accomplishments G52 1630 7 guaranteed him entry into any social gathering. He G52 1640 5 composed songs and set them to music and sang them G52 1650 3 in a soft, melodious voice, and when his audience had G52 1650 13 had enough of music he would discourse on politics G52 1660 8 or tell stories of his western adventures guaranteed G52 1670 3 to excite the emotions of men and women alike. G52 1690 1 The bulk of his early reputation, however, came G52 1690 9 not from his poetry or his music, but from his excellence G52 1700 10 as an orator. By 1834 the art of oratory had reached G52 1710 7 a very high level in the United States as a literary G52 1720 4 form. The orator of this period, in order to earn a G52 1730 1 reputation, had to pay close attention to the formal G52 1730 10 composition of his speech, judging how it would appear G52 1740 7 in print as well as the effect it would have on the G52 1750 6 audience that heard it. G52 1750 10 Very soon after his arrival in Little Rock, Pike G52 1760 6 had joined one of the most influential organizations G52 1770 2 in town, the Little Rock Debating Society, and it was G52 1780 2 with this group that he made his debut as an orator, G52 1780 13 being invited to deliver the annual Fourth of July G52 1790 8 address the club sponsored every year. G53 0010 1 SAMUEL GORTON, founder of Warwick, was styled by the G53 0010 10 historian Samuel Greene Arnold "one of the most remarkable G53 0020 9 men who ever lived". A biographer called him "the premature G53 0030 7 John the Baptist of New England Transcendentalism". G53 0040 4 The historian Charles Francis Adams called him "a crude G53 0050 6 and half-crazy thinker". His contemporaries in Massachusetts G53 0060 3 called him an arch-heretic, a beast, a miscreant, a G53 0070 2 proud and pestilent seducer, a prodigious minter of G53 0070 10 exorbitant novelties. Edward Rawson, secretary of the G53 0080 7 colony of Massachusetts Bay, described him as "a man G53 0090 7 whose spirit was stark drunk with blasphemies and insolence, G53 0100 3 a corrupter of the truth, a disturber of the peace G53 0110 1 wherever he comes". Nathaniel Morton stated he "was G53 0110 9 deeply leavened with blasphemous and familistical opinions". G53 0120 6 He was thrown out, more or less, from Boston, Plymouth, G53 0130 8 Pocasset, Newport, and Providence. G53 0140 1 On the other hand, Dr& Ezra Styles recorded the G53 0150 1 following testimony of John Angell, the last disciple G53 0150 9 of Gorton: " G53 0160 1 He said Gorton was a holy man; wept day and night G53 0160 12 for the sins and blindness of the world **h had a long G53 0170 12 walk through the trees and woods by his house, where G53 0180 7 he constantly walked morning and evening, and even G53 0190 3 in the depths of the night, alone by himself, for contemplation G53 0200 1 and the enjoyment of the dispensation of light. He G53 0200 10 was universally beloved by his neighbours, and the G53 0210 7 Indians, who esteemed him, not only as a friend, but G53 0220 7 one high in communion with God in Heaven". Gorton sometimes G53 0230 3 signed himself "a professor of the mysteries of Christ". G53 0240 2 There is plenty more to recommend Gorton, the facts G53 0250 1 of whose life are given in The Life and Times of Samuel G53 0250 13 Gorton, by Adelos Gorton. He fought like a fiend for G53 0260 10 the helpless and oppressed, worked for the abolition G53 0270 6 of slavery, helped the Quakers and Indians, and worked G53 0280 5 against the prosecution of witches. He defied the Boston G53 0290 3 hierarchy, and after they sent a small army to get G53 0290 13 him he befuddled the court, including John Cotton, G53 0300 8 with one of the most complicated religious discourses G53 0310 4 ever heard. G53 0310 6 Samuel Gorton was born at Gorton, England, near G53 0320 6 the present city of Manchester, about 1592. Although G53 0330 3 he did not attend any celebrated schools or universities, G53 0340 1 he was a master of Greek and Hebrew and could read G53 0340 12 the Bible in the original. He worked as a "clothier" G53 0350 9 in London, but was greatly concerned with religion. G53 0360 4 Gorton left England, he said, "to enjoy libertie G53 0370 4 of conscience in respect to faith towards God, and G53 0380 2 for no other end". With his wife and three or more G53 0380 13 children he arrived in Boston in March, 1637, and soon G53 0390 9 found it was no place for anyone looking for liberty G53 0400 5 of conscience. Roger Williams had recently been thrown G53 0410 3 out, and Anne Hutchinson and her Antinomians were slugging G53 0420 1 it out with the powers-that-be. Gorton and his family G53 0420 12 moved to Plymouth. G53 0430 2 Soon he was in trouble there, for defending a woman G53 0440 1 who was accused of smiling in church. She was Ellen G53 0440 11 Aldridge, a widow of good repute who was employed by G53 0450 8 Gorton's wife and lived with the family. The report G53 0460 5 was: " G53 0460 6 It had been whispered privately that she had smiled G53 0470 5 in the congregation, and the Governor Prence sent to G53 0480 3 knoe her business, and command, after punishment as G53 0480 11 the bench see fit, her departure and also anyone who G53 0490 9 brought her "to the place from which she came"". Gorton G53 0500 6 said they were preparing to deport her as a vagabond, G53 0510 5 and to escape the shame she fled to the woods for several G53 0520 2 days, returning at night. He advised the poor woman G53 0520 11 not to appear in court as what she was charged with G53 0530 10 was not in violation of law. Gorton appeared for her, G53 0540 6 however, and what he told the magistrates must have G53 0550 3 been plenty, for he was charged with deluding the court, G53 0560 1 fined, and told to leave the colony within fourteen G53 0560 10 days. He left in a storm for Pocasset, December 4, G53 0570 7 1638. His wife was in delicate health and nursing an G53 0580 4 infant with measles. G53 0580 7 The unconquerable Mrs& Hutchinson was residing at G53 0590 5 Pocasset, after having been excommunicated by the Boston G53 0600 4 church and thrown out of the colony. One can imagine G53 0610 1 that with her and Gorton there it was no place for G53 0610 12 anyone with weak nerves. William Coddington, who was G53 0620 7 running the colony, felt constrained to move seven G53 0630 4 miles south where, with others- as mentioned above- G53 0640 1 he founded Newport. When, in March, 1640, the two towns G53 0650 1 were united under Coddington, Gorton claimed the union G53 0650 9 was irregular and illegally constituted and that it G53 0660 7 had never been sanctioned by the majority of freeholders. G53 0670 4 Then he became involved in a ruckus remarkably similar G53 0680 3 to the one in Plymouth. A cow owned by an old woman G53 0690 1 trespassed on Gorton's land. While driving the cow G53 0690 9 back home the woman was assaulted by a servant maid G53 0700 8 of Gorton. The old woman complained to the deputy governor, G53 0710 5 who ordered the servant brought before the court. Gorton G53 0720 4 reverted to his Plymouth tactics, refused to let her G53 0730 2 go, and appeared himself before the Portsmouth grand G53 0730 10 jury. During the trial he told off the jury, called G53 0740 9 them "Just Asses" and called a freeman "a saucy boy G53 0750 7 and Jack-an-Apes". He was jailed and banished. G53 0760 3 Gorton then moved to Providence and soon put the G53 0770 1 town in a turmoil. He held that no group of colonists G53 0770 12 could set up or maintain a government without royal G53 0780 7 sanction. Since Rhode Island at that time did not have G53 0790 7 such sanction, his opinion was not popular. Roger Williams G53 0800 3 wrote his friend Winthrop as follows: " G53 0810 1 Master Gorton, having foully abused high and low G53 0810 8 at Aquidneck is now bewitching and bemaddening poor G53 0820 5 Providence, both with his unclean and foul censures G53 0830 3 of all the ministers of this country (for which myself G53 0840 1 have in Christ's name withstood him), and also denying G53 0840 10 all visible and external ordinances in depth of Familism: G53 0850 8 almost all suck in his poison, as at first they did G53 0860 8 at Aquidneck. Some few and myself withstand his inhabitation G53 0870 3 and town privileges, without confession and reformation G53 0880 2 of his uncivil and inhuman practices at Portsmouth; G53 0880 10 yet the tide is too strong against us, and I fear (if G53 0890 12 the framer of hearts help not) it will force me to G53 0900 8 little Patience, a little isle next to your Prudence". G53 0910 4 Williams also stated: "Our peace was like the peace G53 0920 3 of a man who hath the tertian ague". G53 0920 11 Providence finally managed to get Gorton out of G53 0930 7 the town, and he and some friends bought land at Pawtuxet G53 0940 5 on the west side of Narragansett Bay, five miles south G53 0950 3 but still within the jurisdiction of the Providence G53 0950 11 colony. This town should not be confused with Pawtucket, G53 0960 9 just north of Providence, or Pawcatuck, Connecticut, G53 0970 4 on the Pawcatuck River, opposite Westerly, Rhode Island. G53 0980 4 Up to now, Gorton had been looking for trouble, G53 0990 3 and now that he was trying to get away from it, trouble G53 1000 1 started looking for him. Upon intelligence that the G53 1000 9 formidable agitator was to favor them with his presence, G53 1010 9 the benighted inhabitants of Pawtuxet, alas, gave their G53 1020 6 allegiance to Massachusetts and asked that colony to G53 1030 4 expel the newcomers. As it was the custom of that alert G53 1040 1 colony to take over the property of persons asking G53 1040 10 for protection, this was an act roughly equivalent G53 1050 7 to throwing open the door to a pack of wolves and saying G53 1060 5 "Come and get it". G53 1060 9 Gorton and company, however, promptly bought land G53 1070 5 from Miantonomi a few miles south of Pawtuxet, extending G53 1080 4 from the present Gaspee Point south to Warwick Neck G53 1090 2 and twenty miles inland. The settlement was called G53 1090 10 Shawomet. It was not within the jurisdiction of anybody G53 1100 9 or anything, including Providence and Massachusetts. G53 1110 4 If Gorton wanted peace and quiet for his complicated G53 1120 4 meditations this is where he should have had it. Instead G53 1130 1 of that he was engulfed by bedlam. G53 1130 8 Pomham and Soconoco, a couple of minor sachems (of G53 1140 7 something less than exalted character) under Miantonomi, G53 1150 3 declared that they had never assented to the sale of G53 1160 2 land to Gorton and had never received anything for G53 1160 11 it. Following the glorious lead of the heroes of Pawtuxet, G53 1170 9 they also submitted themselves to the protection of G53 1180 5 Massachusetts. One historical authority presents laborious G53 1190 3 and circuitous testimony tending to arouse suspicion G53 1200 1 that Massachusetts was behind the clouds settling down G53 1200 9 on the embattled Gorton. G53 1210 2 However, the General Court at Boston ordered the G53 1220 2 purchasers of Shawomet to appear before them to answer G53 1220 11 the sachems' claim. The purchasers rejected the order G53 1230 7 in two letters written in vigorous terms. Then Massachusetts G53 1240 6 switched to its standard tactics. It pointed out twenty-six G53 1250 6 instances of blasphemy in the letters, and ordered G53 1260 3 the writers to submit or force of arms would be used. G53 1260 14 The next week, forty soldiers were sent to get the G53 1270 10 miscreants. The latter tried to arbitrate through a G53 1280 6 delegation from Providence, which offer was declined G53 1290 3 by the invaders. The Commissioners at Boston wrote G53 1300 1 the victims to see their misdeeds and repent or they G53 1300 11 should "look upon them as men prepared for slaughter". G53 1310 7 At Shawomet, women and children fled in terror across G53 1320 7 the Bay. The men fortified a blockhouse and got ready G53 1330 4 to fight, but meanwhile appealed to the King and again G53 1340 2 tried to arbitrate. Gorton evidently still had plenty G53 1340 10 to learn about Massachusetts, but he was learning fast. G53 1350 8 Governor Winthrop wrote: " G53 1360 1 You may do well to take notice, that besides the G53 1360 11 title to land between the English and the Indians there, G53 1370 10 there are twelve of the English that have subscribed G53 1380 7 their names to horrible and detestable blasphemies, G53 1390 2 who are rather to be judged as blasphemous than they G53 1400 2 should delude us by winning time under pretence of G53 1400 11 arbitration". G53 1410 1 The attack started on October 2, 1643, and the Gortonists G53 1410 11 held out for a day and a night. The attackers sent G53 1420 11 for more soldiers, and the defenders, to save bloodshed, G53 1430 6 surrendered under the promise that they would be treated G53 1440 5 as neighbors. Promptly their livestock was taken and G53 1450 2 according to Gorton the soldiers were ordered to knock G53 1450 11 down anyone who should utter a word of insolence, and G53 1460 9 run through anyone who might step out of line. G53 1470 6 When the captives arrived in Boston, "the chaplain G53 1480 3 [of their captors] went to prayers in the open streets, G53 1490 1 that the people might take notice what they had done G53 1490 11 in a holy manner, and in the name of the Lord". Gorton G53 1500 9 and ten of his friends were thrown in jail. G53 1510 5 On Sunday they refused to attend church. The magistrates G53 1520 3 were determined to compel them. The prisoners agreed, G53 1530 1 provided they might speak after the sermon, which was G53 1530 10 permitted. Here was Gorton's chance to indulge in something G53 1540 8 at which he was supreme. The Boston elders were great G53 1550 6 at befuddling the opposition with torrents of ecclesiastical G53 1560 4 obscurities, but Gorton was better. Reverend Cotton G53 1570 2 preached to them about Demetrius and the shrines of G53 1570 11 Ephesus. Gorton replied with blasts that scandalized G53 1580 7 the congregation. G53 1590 1 At the trial which took place later, the Pomham G53 1590 10 matter was completely omitted. The Gortonists were G53 1600 5 charged with blasphemy and tried for their lives. Four G53 1610 5 ecclesiastical questions were presented by the General G53 1620 2 Court to Gorton: " G53 1620 5 _1._ G53 1620 6 Whether the Fathers, who died before Christ was G53 1630 5 born of the Virgin Mary, were justified and saved only G53 1640 3 by the blood which hee shed, and the death which hee G53 1640 14 suffered after his incarnation? G53 1650 4 _2._ G53 1650 5 Whether the only price of our redemption were not G53 1660 4 the death of Christ on the cross, with the rest of G53 1670 2 his sufferings and obediences, in the time of his life G53 1670 12 here, after hee was born of the Virgin Mary? G53 1680 8 _3._ G53 1680 9 Who was the God whom hee thinke we serve? G53 1690 4 _4._ G53 1690 5 What hee means when hee saith, wee worship the starre G53 1700 3 of our God Remphan, Chion, Moloch"? G53 1700 9 Gorton answered in writing. All of the elders except G53 1710 9 three voted for death, but a majority of the deputies G53 1720 7 refused to sanction the sentence. Seven of the prisoners G53 1730 5 were sentenced to be confined in irons for as long G53 1740 2 as it pleased the court, set to work and, if they broke G53 1740 14 jail or proclaimed heresy, to be executed if convicted. G53 1750 7 The three others got off easier. The convicts were G53 1760 5 put in chains, paraded before the congregation at the G53 1770 3 Reverend Cotton's lecture as an example, and sent to G53 1780 1 prisons in various towns, where they languished all G53 1780 9 winter, chains included. G54 0010 1 When Fred wheeled him back into his room, the big one G54 0010 12 looking out on the back porch, and put him to bed, G54 0020 9 Papa told him he was very tired but that he had enjoyed G54 0030 6 greatly the trip downtown. "I've been cooped up so G54 0040 3 long", he added. Getting out again, seeing old friends, G54 0050 1 had given his spirits a lift. G54 0050 7 That night after supper I went back over to 48 Spruce G54 0060 6 Street- Ralph and I at that time were living at 168 G54 0070 3 Chestnut- and Ralph went with me. Papa was still elated G54 0080 1 over his afternoon visit downtown. "Baby, I saw a lot G54 0080 11 of old friends I hadn't seen in a long time", he told G54 0090 10 me, his eyes bright. "It was mighty good for the old G54 0100 8 man to get out again". G54 0100 13 The next day he seemed to be in fairly good shape G54 0110 11 and still in excellent spirits. But a few days after G54 0120 7 Fred's return he began hemorrhaging and that was the G54 0130 5 beginning of early and complete disintegration. It G54 0140 1 began in the morning, and very quickly the hemorrhage G54 0140 10 was a massive one. We got Dr& Glenn to him as quickly G54 0150 9 as we could, and we wired Tom of Papa's desperate condition. G54 0160 6 The hemorrhage was in the prostate region; Dr& Glenn G54 0170 4 saw at once what had happened. G54 0170 10 "He has lost much blood", he said. "It'll take a G54 0180 10 lot to replace it". G54 0190 2 "Dr& Glenn, I've got a lot of blood", Fred spoke G54 0200 2 up, "plenty of it. Let me give Papa blood". G54 0200 11 The doctor agreed, but explained that it would be G54 0210 8 necessary first to check Fred's blood to ascertain G54 0220 4 whether or not it was of the same type as Papa's. To G54 0230 3 give a patient the wrong type of blood, said the doctor, G54 0240 1 would likely kill him. G54 0240 5 That was in the days before blood banks, of course, G54 0250 3 and transfusions had to be given directly from donor G54 0250 12 to patient. One had to find a donor, and usually very G54 0260 11 quickly, whose blood corresponded with the patient's. G54 0270 5 And then it took considerably longer to make preparations G54 0280 5 for giving transfusions. They had to take blood samples G54 0290 3 to the laboratory to test them, for one thing, and G54 0290 13 there was much required preliminary procedure. G54 0300 6 They made the tests and came to Fred; by now it G54 0310 8 was perhaps two days or longer after Papa had begun G54 0320 3 hemorrhaging. G54 0320 4 "Fred, your blood matches your father's, all right", G54 0330 4 Dr& Glenn said. "But we aren't going to let you give G54 0340 5 him any". G54 0340 7 "But why in the name of God can't I give my father G54 0350 5 blood"? Fred demanded. "Why can't I, Doctor"? G54 0360 2 "Because, Fred, it could do him no good. It's too G54 0370 2 late now. He's past helping. He's as good as gone". G54 0380 1 And in a few minutes Papa was dead. It was well G54 0380 12 past midnight. Papa had left us about the same hour G54 0390 9 of the night that Ben had passed on. The date was June G54 0400 6 20, 1922. G54 0400 8 "W& O& Wolfe, prominent business man and pioneer G54 0410 6 resident of this section, died shortly after midnight G54 0420 3 Tuesday at his home 48 Spruce Street", the Asheville G54 0430 1 Times of Wednesday, June 21, announced. "Mr& Wolfe G54 0440 1 had been in declining health for many years and death G54 0440 11 was not unexpected". A biographical sketch followed. G54 0450 5 Funeral services were held Thursday afternoon at G54 0460 5 four o'clock at the home. Beloved Dr& R& F& Campbell, G54 0470 4 our First Presbyterian Church pastor, was in charge. G54 0480 3 The burial was out in Riverside Cemetery. All about G54 0480 12 him stood tombstones his own sensitive great hands G54 0490 8 had fashioned. G54 0500 1 A few years before his death Papa had agreed with G54 0500 11 Mama to make a joint will with her in which it would G54 0510 9 be provided that in the event of the death of either G54 0530 4 of them an accounting would be made to their children G54 0540 1 whereby each child would receive a bequest of $5000 G54 0540 10 cash. At his death Fred and Ralph, my husband, were G54 0550 7 named executors of the estate under the terms of the G54 0560 5 will. G54 0560 6 Fred and Ralph qualified as executors and paid off G54 0570 4 what debts were currently due, and they were all current, G54 0580 1 since Papa was never one to allow bills to go unpaid. G54 0580 12 The bills were principally for hospitalization and G54 0590 6 doctors' fees during the last years of his life, and G54 0600 7 when he died he owed in the main only current doctor's G54 0610 2 bills. After they had paid all his debts and the funeral G54 0620 1 costs, Ralph and Fred had some fourteen thousand dollars, G54 0620 10 as I remember, with which to pay the bequests. This, G54 0630 8 manifestly, would not provide $5000 to each of the G54 0640 7 surviving five children. G54 0640 10 So what Fred and Ralph did was to attempt to prorate G54 0650 10 the money fairly by taking into account what each of G54 0660 6 the five had received, if anything, from the estate G54 0670 3 before Papa's death. Consequently, Fred and Tom, the G54 0680 1 two who had been provided college educations, signed G54 0680 9 statements to the effect that each had received his G54 0690 7 bequest in full, and Effie and I were each allotted G54 0700 4 $5000. Frank had been given about half his legacy to G54 0710 2 use in a business venture before Papa's death; he was G54 0710 12 given the difference between that amount and $5000. G54 0720 7 Tom had received four years of education at the University G54 0730 6 of North Carolina and two at Harvard, and Fred had G54 0740 4 been in and out of Georgia Tech and Carneigie Tech G54 0750 2 and part of the time had been a self-help student. G54 0750 13 So, because he had received less than Tom, it was felt G54 0760 10 proper that Fred should receive the few hundred dollars G54 0770 5 that remained. And that's how Papa's estate was divided. G54 0780 4 Papa, I should emphasize, had been an invalid the G54 0790 3 last several years of his life; his hospital and doctor G54 0800 1 bills had been large and his income had been cut until G54 0800 12 he was receiving little except small rentals on some G54 0810 5 properties he still owned. Had he been able to escape G54 0820 6 this long siege of invalidism, I'm convinced, Papa G54 0830 2 would have left a sizable estate. But he had succeeded G54 0830 12 well, we agreed. He had left us a legacy far more valuable G54 0840 10 than houses and lands and stocks and bonds. G54 0850 5 For years Papa and Mama had been large taxpayers. G54 0860 2 I recall that several years their taxes exceeded $800. G54 0870 1 In those years of lower property valuations and lower G54 0870 10 tax rates, that payment represented ownership of much G54 0880 6 property. G54 0880 7 "Merciful God, Julia"! I have known Papa to exclaim G54 0890 8 on getting his tax bill, "we're going to the dogs"! G54 0900 6 But he never expected to do that. And he didn't, G54 0910 6 by a long shot! G54 0910 10 #35.# G54 0910 11 In the spring of his second year at Harvard, Tom had G54 0920 9 been offered a job at Northwestern University as an G54 0930 4 instructor in the English Department. But he had delayed G54 0940 4 accepting this job, and as he was leaving to come home G54 0950 1 to Papa in response to our telegram, he dropped a postcard G54 0950 12 to Miss McCrady, head of the Harvard Appointment Office, G54 0960 8 asking her please to write Northwestern authorities G54 0970 5 and explain the circumstances. G54 0980 1 Actually Tom had been postponing giving them an G54 0980 9 answer, I'm confident, because he did not want to go G54 0990 9 out there to teach. In fact, he didn't want to teach G54 1000 6 anywhere. He wanted to go back to Harvard for another G54 1010 3 year of playwriting. But Papa's death had further complicated G54 1020 1 the financing of Tom's hoped-for third year, and for G54 1020 11 the weeks following it Tom did not know whether his G54 1030 10 return to Harvard could be arranged. G54 1040 3 But things were worked out in the family and late G54 1050 2 in August he wrote Miss McCrady an explanatory letter G54 1050 11 in which he told her that matters at home had been G54 1060 10 in an unsettled condition after Papa's death and he G54 1070 6 had not known whether he would stay at home with Mama, G54 1080 3 accept the Northwestern job, or return to Harvard. G54 1080 11 But he was happy to tell her that his finances were G54 1090 11 now in such condition that he could go back to Harvard G54 1100 8 for a third year with Professor Baker. G54 1110 2 And that's what he did. That third year he wrote G54 1110 12 plays with a fury. I believe there are seventeen short G54 1120 10 plays by Tom now housed in the Houghton Library at G54 1130 7 Harvard; I think I'm right in that figure. That fall G54 1140 6 he submitted to Professor Baker the first acts and G54 1150 3 outlines of the following acts of several plays, six G54 1150 12 of them, according to some of his associates, and he G54 1160 9 also worked on a play that he first called Niggertown, G54 1170 6 the material for which he had collected during the G54 1180 3 summer at home. Later this play would be called Welcome G54 1190 1 to Our City. In the spring, it must have been, he began G54 1200 1 working on the play that he called The House, which G54 1200 11 later would be Mannerhouse. That spring Welcome to G54 1210 7 Our City was selected for production by the 47 Workshop G54 1220 7 and it was staged in the middle of May. It ran two G54 1230 6 nights, and though it was generally praised, there G54 1240 1 was considerable criticism of its length. It ran until G54 1240 10 past one o'clock. That was Tom's weakness; it was demonstrated, G54 1250 8 many critics would later point out, in the length of G54 1260 9 his novels. In this play there were so many characters G54 1270 6 and so much detail. Tom never knew how to condense, G54 1290 3 to boil down. He was always concerned with life, and G54 1290 13 he tried to picture it whole; he wanted nothing compressed, G54 1300 10 tight. He was a big man, and he wanted nothing little, G54 1310 10 squeezed; he despised parsimony, and particularly of G54 1320 4 words. In this play there were some thirty or more G54 1330 3 named characters and I don't know how many more unnamed. G54 1340 1 In describing it to Professor Baker after it had been G54 1340 11 chosen for production, he defended his great array G54 1350 7 of characters by declaring that he had included that G54 1360 5 many not because "I didn't know how to save paint", G54 1370 2 but because the play required them. And he threatened G54 1370 11 someday to write a play "with fifty, eighty, a hundred G54 1380 10 people- a whole town, a whole race, a whole epoch". G54 1390 8 He said he would do it, though probably nobody would G54 1400 4 produce it, for his own "soul's ease and comfort". G54 1410 2 That summer Tom attended the summer session at Harvard, G54 1420 1 but he did not ask Mama to send him back in the fall. G54 1420 14 Instead, he went down to New York and submitted Welcome G54 1430 10 to Our City to the Theatre Guild, which had asked him G54 1440 9 to let them have a look at it after Professor Baker G54 1450 5 had recommended it highly. He hung around New York, G54 1460 3 waiting to hear whether they would accept it for production G54 1470 1 and in that time came down to Asheville and also paid G54 1470 12 a short visit to Chapel Hill, where with almost childish G54 1480 8 delight he visited old friends and favorite campus G54 1490 5 spots. On returning to New York he had a job for several G54 1500 5 weeks; it was visiting University of North Carolina G54 1510 1 alumni in New York to ask them for contributions to G54 1510 11 the Graham Memorial Building fund. The Graham Memorial G54 1520 7 would be the campus student union honoring the late G54 1530 6 and much beloved Edward Kidder Graham, who had been G54 1540 4 president when Tom entered the university. G54 1550 1 Well, the Theatre Guild kept that play, and kept G54 1550 9 it, and finally in December they turned it down. But G54 1560 7 they would reconsider it, they assured him, if he would G54 1570 5 rewrite it. Tom told me about it, how one evening he G54 1580 2 went over to see the Theatre Guild man. This man, Tom G54 1580 13 said, had the play shut up in his desk, I believe, G54 1590 11 and when Tom sat down, he pulled it out and apologetically G54 1600 7 told Tom that they wouldn't be able to use it. G54 1610 5 Tom said he almost burst into tears, he was so disappointed G54 1620 2 and put out. The man, Tom said, explained that it was G54 1630 1 not only too long and detailed but that as it stood G54 1630 12 it wasn't the sort of thing the public wanted. The G54 1640 7 public, Tom said the man told him, wanted realism, G54 1650 3 and his play wasn't that. It was fantastic writing, G54 1660 1 beautiful writing, the man declared, but the public, G54 1660 9 he insisted, wanted realism. G54 1670 3 Tom was not willing to revise the play according G54 1680 1 to the plan the man suggested. Such a revision, he G54 1680 11 said, would ruin it, would change his whole conception G54 1690 7 of the play as well as the treatment. He thought about G54 1700 4 it and he told the man he just couldn't do it over G54 1710 3 in accordance with the suggestions he had made. G55 0010 1 ## G55 0010 2 It was not until we had returned to the city to live, G55 0010 14 while I was still at Brown and Sharpe's, that I felt G55 0020 10 the full impact of evangelical Christianity. I came G55 0030 5 under the spell of a younger group in the church led G55 0040 5 by the pastor's older son. The spirit of this group G55 0050 1 was that we were- and are- living in a world doomed G55 0050 12 to eternal punishment, but that God through Jesus Christ G55 0060 8 has provided a way of escape for those who confess G55 0070 6 their sins and accept salvation. G55 0080 1 There are millions who accept this doctrine, but G55 0080 9 few indeed are those who accept it so truly that the G55 0090 8 fate of humanity lies as a weight on their souls night G55 0100 4 and day. This group in Park Place Church was made up G55 0110 2 of the earnest few. I was drawn deeper and deeper into G55 0110 13 these concerns and responsibilities. I engaged more G55 0120 6 and more in religious activities. Besides Church and G55 0130 4 Sunday School I went to out-of-door meetings on the G55 0140 3 sidewalk at the church door. I went to an afternoon G55 0140 13 service at the ~YMCA. I went to the Christian Endeavor G55 0150 10 Society and to the evening service of the church. Much G55 0160 10 of this lacked the active support of the pastor. The G55 0170 6 young people were self-energizing, and I was energized. G55 0180 4 Once or twice my father asked me if I wasn't overdoing G55 0190 1 a bit in my churchgoing. G55 0190 6 Meanwhile I myself was not yet saved. At least I G55 0200 5 had been unable to lay hold on the experience of conversion. G55 0210 2 Try as I might to confess my sins and accept salvation, G55 0220 1 no answer came to me from heaven. Finally, after years, G55 0220 11 I gave up. G55 0230 1 The basic difficulty, I suppose, was in my ultimate G55 0230 10 inability to feel a burden of sin from which I sought G55 0240 11 relief. I was familiar with Pilgrim's Progress, which G55 0250 5 I read as literature. No load of sin had been laid G55 0260 6 on my shoulders, nor did earnest effort enable me to G55 0270 3 become conscious of one. G55 0270 7 There is, of course, the doctrine of original sin, G55 0280 4 which asserts that each of us as individuals partakes G55 0290 1 of the guilt of our first ancestor. In the rhyming G55 0290 11 catechism this doctrine is worded thus: "In Adam's G55 0300 7 fall We sin-ned all". G55 0310 1 This doctrine was repugnant to my moral sense. I G55 0310 10 did not feel it presumptuous to expect that the Creator G55 0320 8 would be at least as just as the most righteous of G55 0330 6 His creatures; and the doctrine of original sin is G55 0340 3 compounded of injustice. G55 0340 6 Some of these thoughts- not all of them- have taken G55 0350 6 organized form in later years. The actual impelling G55 0360 2 force which severed me from evangelical effort was G55 0360 10 of another sort. I became disgusted at being so preoccupied G55 0370 9 with the state of my own miserable soul. I found myself G55 0380 8 becoming one of that group of people who, in Carlyle's G55 0390 5 words, "are forever gazing into their own navels, anxiously G55 0400 3 asking 'Am I right, am I wrong'"? I bethought me of G55 0410 3 the Lord's Prayer, and these words came to mind: "Thy G55 0420 2 kingdom come, Thy will be done, on earth as it is in G55 0420 14 heaven". They have remained on the opened page of my G55 0430 10 mind in all the years which since have passed. From G55 0440 6 that time to this my religious concern is that I might G55 0450 5 give effective help to the bringing in of God's kingdom G55 0460 1 on earth. G55 0460 3 I do not claim to be free from sin, or from the G55 0470 1 need for repentance and forgiveness. In my experience G55 0470 9 the assurance of forgiveness comes only when I have G55 0480 8 confessed to the wronged one and have made as full G55 0490 5 reparation as I can devise. G55 0490 10 ## G55 0490 11 There was one further step in my religious progress. G55 0500 7 This was taken after I came to live in Springfield, G55 0510 5 and it was made under the guidance of the Reverend G55 0520 1 Raymond Beardslee, a young preacher who came to the G55 0520 10 Congregational Church there at about the same time G55 0530 8 that I moved from New York. His father was a professor G55 0540 6 at Hartford Theological Seminary, and from him he acquired G55 0550 6 a conviction, which he passed along to me, that there G55 0560 2 is in the universe of persons a moral law, the law G55 0560 13 of love, which is a natural law in the same sense as G55 0570 11 is the physical law. G55 0580 1 It is most important that we recognize the law of G55 0580 11 love as being unbreakable in all personal relationships, G55 0590 5 whether individually, socially or as between whole G55 0600 5 nations of people. If obeyed, the law brings order G55 0610 1 and satisfaction. If disobeyed, the result is turmoil G55 0610 9 and chaos. G55 0620 1 As we observe moral law and physical law they appear G55 0620 11 as being inevitable. We can conceive of no alternatives. G55 0630 7 Their basis seems deeper than mere authority. They G55 0640 5 are not true because scientists or prophets say they G55 0650 3 are true. It is not the authority of God Himself which G55 0660 1 makes them true. Because God is what He is, the laws G55 0660 12 of the universe, material and spiritual, are what they G55 0670 7 are. Deity and Law are one and inseparable. G55 0680 3 With this conviction, the partition between the G55 0690 2 sacred and the secular disappears. One's daily work G55 0690 10 becomes sacred, since it is performed in the field G55 0700 8 of influence of the moral law, dealing as it does with G55 0710 6 people as well as with matter and energy. G55 0720 1 In his book Civilization and Ethics Albert Schweitzer G55 0720 9 faces the moral problems which arise when moral law G55 0730 9 is recognized in business life, for example. His Ethics G55 0740 6 defines "possessions as the property of the community, G55 0750 5 of which the individual is sovereign steward. One serves G55 0760 3 society by conducting a business from which a certain G55 0770 1 number of employees draw their means of subsistence; G55 0770 9 another by giving away his property in order to help G55 0780 8 his fellow man. Each will decide on his own course G55 0790 5 somewhere between these two extreme cases according G55 0800 1 to the sense of responsibility which is determined G55 0800 9 for him by the particular circumstances of his own G55 0810 5 life. No one is to judge others". G55 0820 1 He is uncompromising in assigning guilt to the man G55 0820 10 who finds it necessary to inflict or permit injury G55 0830 8 to one individual or group for the sake of a larger G55 0840 6 good. For this decision a man must take personal responsibility. G55 0850 2 Says he, "I may never imagine that in the struggle G55 0860 1 between personal and supra-personal responsibility G55 0860 7 it is possible to make a compromise between the ethical G55 0870 8 and the purposive in the shape of a relative ethic; G55 0880 5 or to let the ethical be superseded by the purposive. G55 0890 1 On the contrary it is my duty to make my own decision G55 0890 13 as between the two". G55 0900 3 Schweitzer seems, in fact, to acquire for himself G55 0910 1 a burden of sin, not bequeathed by Adam, but accumulated G55 0910 11 in the inevitable judgments which life requires of G55 0920 7 him as between greater and lesser responsibilities. G55 0930 3 This viewpoint I find interesting, but it has never G55 0940 3 weighed on my soul. Perhaps it should have. My own G55 0940 13 experience has followed simpler lines. G55 0950 5 An uncompromising belief in the moral law has the G55 0960 5 advantage of making religion natural, even as physical G55 0970 1 law is natural. Neither the engineer nor the ordinary G55 0970 10 citizen feels any self-consciousness in obeying the G55 0980 7 laws of matter and energy, nor can he achieve a sense G55 0990 7 of self-righteousness in such obedience. To obey the G55 1000 3 moral law is just ordinary common sense, applied to G55 1000 12 a neglected field. Religion thus becomes integrated G55 1010 6 with life. G55 1010 8 This truth that the moral law is natural has other G55 1020 10 important corollaries. One of them is that it gives G55 1030 7 meaning and purpose to life. In seeking for such meaning G55 1040 4 and purpose, Albert Schweitzer seized upon the concept G55 1050 1 of the "sacredness of life". It is puzzling to the G55 1050 11 occidental mind (to mine at least) to assign "sacredness" G55 1060 9 to animal, insect, and plant life. These lives are G55 1070 7 in themselves outside of the moral order and are unburdened G55 1080 4 with moral responsibility. There is indeed a moral G55 1090 2 responsibility on man himself, for his own soul's sake, G55 1090 11 to respect lower life and to avoid the infliction of G55 1100 9 suffering, but this viewpoint Schweitzer rejects. G55 1110 3 So far as "sacredness" inheres in any aspect of G55 1120 5 creation it seems to me to be found in human personality, G55 1130 1 whether in Lambarene, Africa, or in Washington, D&C&. G55 1130 9 One cannot read the records of scientists, officials G55 1140 8 and travelers who have penetrated to the minds of the G55 1150 8 most savage races without realizing that each individual G55 1160 4 met with is a person. Read, for instance, in Malcolm G55 1170 2 MacDonald's Borneo People of Segura and her wise father G55 1180 2 Tomonggong Koh, and her final adjustment to encroaching G55 1180 10 civilization. Above all read in Jens Bjerre's The Last G55 1190 9 Cannibals how the old man of the Wailbri tribe (not G55 1200 10 cannibals) in central Australia gave to the white man G55 1210 6 his choicest possession, while the tears streamed down G55 1220 3 his face. The Australian aborigine is the conventional G55 1230 1 exemplar of degraded humanity; yet here was a depth G55 1230 10 of sensibility which is lacking in a considerable portion G55 1240 8 of the beneficiaries of our civilization. G55 1250 2 Persons, whether white, black, brown or yellow, G55 1260 1 are a concern of God. Respect for personality is a G55 1260 11 privilege and a duty for us as brothers. G55 1270 6 Such is the field for exercising our reverence. G55 1280 2 As to our action, let us align ourselves with the purpose G55 1290 1 expressed by Jesus in the Lord's Prayer: "Thy kingdom G55 1290 10 come, Thy will be done, on earth as it is in heaven". G55 1300 12 With the knowledge that the kingdom comes by obedience G55 1310 7 to the moral law in our relations with all people, G55 1320 4 we have a firm intellectual grasp on both the means G55 1330 1 and the ends of our lives. G55 1330 7 This intellectual approach to spiritual life suited G55 1340 3 me well, because I was never content to lead a divided G55 1350 1 life. As I have said, words from Tennyson remain ever G55 1350 11 in my memory: "That mind and soul, according well, G55 1360 7 May make one music as before". G55 1370 2 Let us now give some thought to the soul. When the G55 1380 1 young biologist, Dr& Ballard, began to show interest G55 1380 9 in our daughter Elizabeth, this induced a corresponding G55 1390 6 interest, on our part, in him. I asked one day what G55 1400 7 he was doing. He told me that he had a big newt and G55 1410 3 a little newt and that he was transplanting a big eye G55 1410 14 of the big newt onto the little newt and a little eye G55 1420 11 of the little newt onto the big newt. He was then noting G55 1430 8 that the big eye on the little newt hung back until G55 1440 4 the little eye had grown up to it, while the little G55 1450 1 eye on the big newt grew rapidly until it was as big G55 1450 13 as the other. Then I asked, "What does that teach you"? G55 1460 8 Said he, "It teaches me to wonder". G55 1470 4 This was a profound statement. In the face of the G55 1480 3 unfolding universe, our ultimate attitude is that of G55 1480 11 wonder. Wonder is indeed the intellectual gateway to G55 1490 8 the spiritual world. G55 1500 1 Gone are the days when, in the nineteenth century, G55 1500 10 scientists thought that they were close to the attainment G55 1510 8 of complete knowledge of the physical universe. For G55 1520 5 them only a little more needed to be learned, and then G55 1530 3 all physical knowledge could be neatly sorted, packaged G55 1540 1 and put in the inventory to be drawn on for the solution G55 1540 13 of any human problem. G55 1550 2 This complacency was blown to bits by the relativity G55 1560 1 of Einstein, the revelation of the complex anatomy G55 1560 9 of the atom and the discovery of the expanding universe. G55 1570 6 None of these discoveries were neatly rounded off bits G55 1580 5 of knowledge. Each faded out into the unexplored areas G55 1590 2 of the future. G55 1590 5 It is as if we, in our center of human observation, G55 1600 2 from time to time penetrate more deeply into the unknown. G55 1610 1 As our radius of penetration, ~R, increases, the area G55 1610 10 of new knowledge increases by **f, and the total of G55 1630 8 human knowledge becomes measured in terms of **f. Wonder G55 1640 6 grows. It is endless. G55 1640 10 There are some people, intelligent people, who seem G55 1650 7 to be untouched by the sea of wonder in which we are G55 1660 7 immersed and in which we spend our lives. One such G55 1670 2 is Abraham Meyer, the writer of a recent book, Speaking G55 1670 12 of Man. This is a straightforward denial of the spiritual G55 1680 10 world and a vigorous defense of pure materialism. His G55 1690 8 inability to wonder vitiates his argument. G55 1700 3 The subject of immortality brings to mind a vivid G55 1710 2 incident which took place in 1929 at Montreux in Switzerland. G56 0010 1 Criticism is as old as literary art and we can set G56 0010 12 the stage for our study of three moderns if we see G56 0020 9 how certain critics in the past have dealt with the G56 0030 5 ethical aspects of literature. I have chosen five contrasting G56 0040 2 pairs, ten men in all, and they are arranged in roughly G56 0050 1 chronological order. Such a list must naturally be G56 0050 9 selective, and the treatment of each man is brief, G56 0060 7 for I am interested only in their general ideas on G56 0070 3 the moral measure of literature. Altogether, the list G56 0080 1 will give us considerable variety in attitudes and G56 0080 9 some typical ones, for these critics range all the G56 0090 7 way from censors to those who consider art above ethics, G56 0100 4 all the way from Plato to Poe. And most of the great G56 0110 2 periods are represented, because we will compare Plato G56 0110 10 and Aristotle from the golden age of Greece; Stephen G56 0120 8 Gosson and Sir Philip Sidney from renaissance England; G56 0130 5 Dr& Johnson and William Hazlitt of the eighteenth and G56 0140 6 early nineteenth centuries in England; and James Russell G56 0150 4 Lowell and Edgar Allan Poe of nineteenth century American G56 0160 3 letters. G56 0160 4 #PLATO AND ARISTOTLE# G56 0160 7 Plato and Aristotle agree on some vital literary issues. G56 0170 7 They both measure literature by moral standards, and G56 0180 5 in their political writings both allow for censorship, G56 0190 2 but the differences between them are also significant. G56 0190 10 While Aristotle censors literature only for the young, G56 0200 8 Plato would banish all poets from his ideal state. G56 0210 7 Even more important, in his Poetics, Aristotle differs G56 0220 3 somewhat from Plato when he moves in the direction G56 0230 2 of treating literature as a unique thing, separate G56 0230 10 and apart from its causes and its effects. G56 0240 7 All through The Republic, Plato attends to the way G56 0250 6 art relates to the general life and ultimately to a G56 0260 3 good life for his citizens. In short, he is constantly G56 0260 13 concerned with the ethical effects. When he discusses G56 0270 8 the subject matter of poetry, he asks what moral effect G56 0280 8 the scenes will have. When he turns briefly to literary G56 0290 5 style, in the Third Book, he again looks to the effect G56 0300 3 on the audience. He explains that his citizens must G56 0300 12 not be corrupted by any of the misrepresentations of G56 0310 9 the gods or heroes that one finds in much poetry, and G56 0320 7 he observes that all "these pantomimic gentlemen" will G56 0330 3 be sent to another state. Only those story tellers G56 0340 1 will remain who can "imitate the style of the virtuous". G56 0350 1 Plato is, at times, just as suspicious of the poets G56 0350 11 themselves as he is of their work. When he discusses G56 0360 8 tyrants in the Eighth Book of The Republic, he pictures G56 0370 5 the poets as willing to praise the worst rulers. But G56 0380 3 the most fundamental objection he has to poets appears G56 0390 1 in the Tenth Book, and it is derived from his doctrine G56 0390 12 of ideal forms. In Plato's mind there is an irresolvable G56 0400 8 conflict between the poet and the philosopher, because G56 0410 6 the poet imitates only particular objects and is incapable G56 0420 4 of rising to the first level of abstraction, much less G56 0430 2 the highest level of ideal forms. True reality, of G56 0430 11 course, is the ideal, and the poet knows nothing of G56 0440 9 this; only the philosopher knows the truth. G56 0450 4 Poets, moreover, dwell on human passions. And with G56 0460 2 this point about the passions, we encounter Plato's G56 0460 10 dualism. The same sort of thinking plays so large a G56 0470 10 part in both Babbitt and More, that we must examine G56 0480 6 it in some detail. Plato feels that man has two competing G56 0490 4 aspects, his rational faculty and his irrational. We G56 0500 2 can be virtuous only if we control our lower natures, G56 0500 12 the passions in this case, and strengthen our rational G56 0510 8 side; and poetry, with all its emphasis on the passions, G56 0520 6 encourages the audience to give way to emotion. For G56 0530 3 this reason, then, poetry tends to weaken the power G56 0530 12 of control, the reason, because it tempts one to indulge G56 0540 10 his passions, and even the best of men, he maintains, G56 0550 8 may be corrupted by this subtle influence. G56 0560 2 Plato's attitude toward poetry has always been something G56 0570 1 of an enigma, because he is so completely sensitive G56 0570 10 to its charm. His whole objection, indeed, seems to G56 0580 7 rise out of a deep conviction that the poets do have G56 0590 6 great power to influence, but Plato seldom pays any G56 0600 3 attention to what might be called the poem itself. G56 0600 12 He is, rather, concerned with the effect on society G56 0610 8 and he wants the poets to join his fight for justice. G56 0620 7 He wants them to use their great power to strengthen G56 0630 3 man's rational side, to teach virtue, and to encourage G56 0640 1 religion. G56 0640 2 While Plato finally allows a few acceptable hymns G56 0650 1 to the gods and famous men, still he clearly leaves G56 0650 11 the way open for further discussion of the issue. He G56 0660 7 even calls upon the poets to defend the Muse and to G56 0670 5 show that poetry may contribute to virtue. He says: G56 0675 1 " G56 0675 1 We may further grant to those of her [Poetry's] G56 0680 9 defenders who are lovers of poetry and yet not poets, G56 0690 10 the permission to speak in prose on her behalf: let G56 0700 8 them show not only that she is pleasant but also useful G56 0710 4 to States and to human life, and we will listen in G56 0720 2 a kindly spirit; for if this can be proved we shall G56 0720 13 surely be the gainers- I mean, if there is a use in G56 0730 9 poetry as well as a delight". G56 0740 1 When we turn to Aristotle's ideas on the moral measure G56 0750 1 of literature, it is at once apparent that he is at G56 0750 12 times equally concerned about the influence of the G56 0760 6 art. In the ideal state, for instance, he argues that G56 0770 4 the young citizens should hear only the most carefully G56 0780 1 selected tales and stories. For this reason, he would G56 0780 10 banish indecent pictures and speeches from the stage; G56 0790 7 and the young people should not even be permitted to G56 0800 6 see comedies till they are old enough to drink strong G56 0810 3 wine and sit at the public tables. By the time they G56 0810 14 reach that age, however, Aristotle no longer worries G56 0820 8 about the evil influence of comedies. G56 0830 3 In Aristotle's analysis of tragedy in the Poetics, G56 0840 2 we find an attempt to isolate the art, to consider G56 0840 12 only those things proper to it, to discover how it G56 0850 10 differs from other arts, and to deal with the effects G56 0860 7 peculiar to it. He assures us, early in the Poetics, G56 0870 4 that all art is "imitation" and that all imitation G56 0880 1 gives pleasure, but he distinguishes between art in G56 0880 9 general and poetic art on the basis of the means, manner, G56 0890 10 and the objects of the imitation. Once the poetic arts G56 0900 6 are separated from the other forms, he lays down his G56 0910 5 famous definition of tragedy, which sets up standards G56 0920 1 and so lends direction to the remainder of the work. G56 0920 11 A tragedy, by his definition, is an imitation of an G56 0930 8 action that is serious, of a certain magnitude, and G56 0940 3 complete in itself. It should have a dramatic form G56 0950 1 with pleasing language, and it should portray incidents G56 0950 9 which so arouse pity and fear that it purges these G56 0960 8 emotions in the audience. Any tragedy, he maintains, G56 0970 4 has six elements: plot, character, and thought (the G56 0980 2 objects of imitation), diction and melody (the means G56 0980 10 of imitation), and spectacle (the manner of imitation). G56 0990 7 Throughout the rest of the Poetics, Aristotle continues G56 1000 5 to discuss the characteristics of these six parts and G56 1010 3 their interrelationship, and he refers frequently to G56 1010 10 the standards suggested by his definition of tragedy. G56 1020 8 Aristotle's method in the Poetics, then, does suggest G56 1030 8 that we should isolate the work. The Chicago contingent G56 1040 6 of modern critics follow Aristotle so far in this direction G56 1050 6 that it is hard to see how they can compare one poem G56 1060 3 with another for the purpose of evaluation. But there G56 1060 12 are, however, several features of Aristotle's approach G56 1070 7 which open the way for the moral measure of literature. G56 1080 8 For one thing, Aristotle mentions that plays may corrupt G56 1090 5 the audience. In addition, his definition of a tragedy G56 1100 4 invites our attention, because a serious and important G56 1110 1 action may very well be one that tests the moral fiber G56 1110 12 of the author or of the characters. And there is one G56 1120 9 other point in the poetics that invites moral evaluation: G56 1130 4 Aristotle's notion that the distinctive function of G56 1140 3 tragedy is to purge one's emotions by arousing pity G56 1150 1 and fear. He rejects certain plots because they do G56 1150 10 not contribute to that end. The point is that an ethical G56 1160 9 critic, with an assist from Freud, can seize on this G56 1170 5 theory to argue that tragedy provides us with a harmless G56 1180 3 outlet for our hostile urges. In his study Samuel Johnson, G56 1190 1 Joseph Wood Krutch takes this line when he says that G56 1190 11 what Aristotle really means by his theory of catharsis G56 1200 8 is that our evil passions may be so purged by the dramatic G56 1210 8 ritual that it is "less likely that we shall indulge G56 1220 5 them through our own acts". In Krutch's view, this G56 1230 2 is one way to show how literature may be moral in effect G56 1230 14 without employing the explicit methods of a moralist. G56 1240 8 And we can add that Krutch's interpretation of purgation G56 1250 5 is also one answer to Plato's fear that poetry will G56 1260 5 encourage our passions. If Krutch is correct, tragedy G56 1270 2 may have quite the opposite effect. It may allay our G56 1270 12 passions and so restore the rule of reason. Or in more G56 1280 11 Freudian terms, the experience may serve to sublimate G56 1290 7 our destructive urges and strengthen the ego and superego. G56 1300 5 #GOSSON AND SIDNEY# G56 1300 8 The second half of the sixteenth century in England G56 1310 6 was the setting for a violent and long controversy G56 1320 2 over the moral quality of renaissance literature, especially G56 1330 1 the drama. No one suggested that the ethical effects G56 1330 10 of the art were irrelevant. Both sides agreed that G56 1340 7 the theater must stand a moral test, but they could G56 1350 5 not agree on whether the poets were a good or a bad G56 1360 3 influence. Both sides claimed that Plato and Aristotle G56 1360 11 supported their cause. Those who wanted to close the G56 1370 9 theaters, for example, pointed to Plato's Republic G56 1380 5 and those who wished to keep them open called on the G56 1390 5 Plato of the Ion to testify in their behalf. G56 1400 1 The most famous document that comes out of this G56 1400 10 dispute is perhaps Sir Philip Sidney's An Apologie G56 1410 6 for Poetrie, published in 1595. Many students of literature G56 1420 7 know that classical defense. What is not so well known, G56 1430 7 however, and what is quite important for understanding G56 1440 2 the issues of this early quarrel, is the kind of attack G56 1450 1 on literature that Sidney was answering. For this reason, G56 1450 10 then I want to describe, first, two examples of the G56 1460 8 puritanical attacks: Stephen Gosson's The School of G56 1470 5 Abuse, 1579, and his later Playes Confuted, published G56 1480 3 in 1582. Second, we will see how Sidney answered the G56 1490 3 charges, for while Sidney's essay was not specifically G56 1500 1 a reply to Gosson, his arguments do support the new G56 1500 11 theater. G56 1510 1 According to William Ringler's study, Stephen Gosson, G56 1510 8 the theater business in London had become a thriving G56 1520 8 enterprise by 1577, and, in the opinion of many, a G56 1530 7 thoroughly bad business. Aroused by what they considered G56 1540 3 an evil influence, some members of the clergy, joined G56 1550 1 by city authorities, merchants, and master craftsmen, G56 1550 8 began the attack on the plays and the actors for what G56 1560 9 they called "the abuses of the art", but by 1582 some G56 1570 6 of them began to denounce the whole idea of acting. G56 1580 2 Although this kind of wholesale objection came at first G56 1580 11 from some men who were not technically Puritans, still, G56 1590 9 once the Puritans gained power, they climaxed the affair G56 1600 7 by passing the infamous ordinance of 1642 which decreed G56 1610 5 that all "public stage-plays shall cease and be forborne". G56 1620 4 With that act of Parliament the opponents of the stage G56 1630 2 won the day, and for more than two decades after that G56 1630 13 England had no legitimate public drama. G56 1640 6 In the early days of this controversy over the theater G56 1650 4 one of the interested parties, Stephen Gosson, published G56 1660 2 a little tract in which he objected mildly to the abuses G56 1670 1 of art, rather than the art itself. But his opposition G56 1670 11 hardened and by 1579, in The School of Abuse, he was G56 1680 10 ready to banish all "players". He advises women to G56 1690 5 beware "of those places which in sorrows cheere you G56 1700 3 and beguile you in mirth". He does not really approve G56 1710 1 of levity and laughter, but sex is the deadly sin. G56 1710 11 He warns that a single glance can lead us into temptation, G56 1720 9 for "Looking eies have lyking hartes, and lyking hartes G56 1730 6 may burne in lust". G57 0010 1 But it would not be very satisfactory to leave our G57 0010 11 conclusions at the point just reached. fortunately, G57 0020 7 it is possible to be somewhat more concrete and factual G57 0030 5 in diagnosing the involvement of values in education. G57 0040 2 For this purpose we now draw upon data from sociological G57 0040 12 and psychological studies of students in American colleges G57 0050 8 and universities, and particularly from the Cornell G57 0060 6 Values Studies. In the latter research program, information G57 0070 2 is available for 2,758 Cornell students surveyed in G57 0080 3 1950 and for 1,571 students surveyed in 1952. Of the G57 0090 1 latter sample, 944 persons had been studied two years G57 0090 10 earlier; hence changes in attitudes and values can G57 0100 7 be analyzed for identical individuals at two points G57 0110 4 in time. In addition, the 1952 study collected comparable G57 0120 2 data from 4,585 students at ten other colleges and G57 0120 11 universities scattered across the country: Dartmouth, G57 0130 6 Harvard, Yale, Wesleyan, North Carolina, Fisk, Texas, G57 0140 5 University of California at Los Angeles, Wayne, and G57 0150 5 Michigan. G57 0150 6 We find, in the first place, that the students overwhelmingly G57 0160 6 approve of higher education, positively evaluate the G57 0170 4 job their own institution is doing, do not accept most G57 0180 3 of the criticisms levelled against higher education G57 0180 10 in the public prints, and, on the whole, approve of G57 0190 9 the way their university deals with value-problems G57 0200 5 and value inculcation. It is not our impression that G57 0210 2 these evaluations are naively uncritical resultants G57 0210 8 of blissful ignorance; rather, the generality of these G57 0220 7 students find their university experience congenial G57 0230 4 to their own sense of values. G57 0240 1 Students are approximately equally divided between G57 0240 6 those who regard vocational preparation as the primary G57 0250 6 goal of an ideal education and those who chose a general G57 0260 5 liberal education. Other conceivable goals, such as G57 0270 3 character-education and social adjustment, are of secondary G57 0280 1 importance to them. The ideal of a liberal education G57 0280 10 impresses itself upon the students more and more as G57 0290 8 they move through college. Even in such technical curricula G57 0300 5 as engineering, the senior is much more likely than G57 0310 3 the freshman to choose, as an ideal, liberal education G57 0310 12 over specific vocational preparation. In the university G57 0320 7 milieu of scholarship and research, of social diversity, G57 0330 6 of new ideas and varied and wide-ranging interests, G57 0340 4 "socialization" into a campus culture apparently means G57 0350 2 heightened appreciation of the idea of a liberal education G57 0360 1 in the arts and sciences. G57 0360 6 Students' choices of ideal educational goals are G57 0370 4 not arbitrary or whimsical. There is a clear relationship G57 0380 2 between their educational evaluations and their basic G57 0390 1 pattern of general values. The selective and directional G57 0390 9 qualities of basic value-orientations are clearly evident G57 0400 7 in these data: the "success-oriented" students choose G57 0420 3 vocational preparation, the "other-directed" choose G57 0430 2 goals of social adjustment ("getting along with people"), G57 0440 2 the "intellectuals" choose a liberal arts emphasis. G57 0440 9 The same patterned consistency shows itself in occupational G57 0450 9 choices. There is impressive consistency between specific G57 0460 7 occupational preferences and the student's basic conception G57 0470 7 of what is for him a good way of life. And, contrary G57 0480 7 to many popular assertions, the goal-values chosen G57 0490 2 do not seem to us to be primarily oriented to materialistic G57 0500 1 success nor to mere conformity. Our students want occupations G57 0510 1 that permit them to use their talents and training, G57 0510 10 to be creative and original, to work with and to help G57 0520 9 other people. They also want money, prestige, and security. G57 0530 5 But they are optimistic about their prospects in these G57 0540 4 regards; they set limits to their aspirations- few G57 0550 4 aspire to millions of dollars or to "imperial" power G57 0550 13 and glory. Within the fixed frame of these aspirations, G57 0560 9 they can afford to place a high value on the expressive G57 0570 9 and people-oriented aspects of occupation and to minimize G57 0580 5 the instrumental-reward values of power, prestige, G57 0590 2 and wealth. G57 0590 4 Occupational choices are also useful- and interesting- G57 0600 3 in bringing out clearly that values do not constitute G57 0610 1 the only component in goals and aspirations. For there G57 0610 10 is also the "face of reality" in the form of the individual's G57 0620 10 perceptions of his own abilities and interests, of G57 0630 7 the objective possibilities open to him, of the familial G57 0640 6 and other social pressures to which he is exposed. G57 0650 1 We find "reluctant recruits" whose values are not in G57 0650 10 line with their expected occupation's characteristics. G57 0660 5 Students develop occupational images- not always accurate G57 0670 4 or detailed- and they try to fit their values to the G57 0680 6 presumed characteristics of the imagined occupation. G57 0690 1 The purely cognitive or informational problems are G57 0690 8 often acute. Furthermore, many reluctant recruits are G57 0700 6 yielding to social demands, or compromising in the G57 0710 5 face of their own limitations of opportunity, or of G57 0720 3 ability and performance. Thus, many a creativity-oriented G57 0720 11 aspirant for a career in architecture, drama, or journalism, G57 0730 9 resigns himself to a real estate business; many a people-oriented G57 0740 10 student who dreams of the M&D& decides to enter his G57 0750 8 father's advertising agency; and many a hopeful incipient G57 0760 6 business executive decides it were better to teach G57 0770 4 the theory of business administration than to practice G57 0780 1 it. The old ideal of the independent entrepreneur is G57 0780 10 extant- but so is the recognition that the main chance G57 0790 9 may be in a corporate bureaucracy. G57 0800 1 In their views on dating, courtship, sex, and family G57 0810 1 life, our students prefer what they are expected to G57 0810 10 prefer. For them, in the grim words of a once-popular G57 0820 9 song, love and marriage go together like a horse and G57 0830 5 carriage. Their expressed standards concerning sex G57 0840 2 roles, desirable age for marriage, characteristics G57 0840 8 of an ideal mate, number of children desired are congruent G57 0850 7 with the values and stereotypes of the preceding generation- G57 0860 5 minus compulsive rebellion. They even accept the "double G57 0870 5 standard" of sex morality in a double sense, i&e&, G57 0880 2 both sexes agree that standards for men differ from G57 0880 11 standards for women, and women apply to both sexes G57 0890 9 a standard different from that held by men. G57 0900 5 "Conservatism" and "traditionalism" seem implied G57 0910 3 by what has just been said. But these terms are treacherous. G57 0920 1 In the field of political values, it is certainly true G57 0920 11 that students are not radical, not rebels against their G57 0930 9 parents or their peers. And as they go through college, G57 0940 7 the students tend to bring their political position G57 0950 3 in line with that prevalent in the social groups to G57 0960 2 which they belong. Yet they have accepted most of the G57 0960 12 extant "welfare state" provisions for health, security, G57 0970 6 and the regulation of economic affairs, and they overwhelmingly G57 0980 6 approve of the traditional "liberalism" of the Bill G57 0990 5 of Rights. When their faith in civil liberties is tested G57 1000 4 against strong pressures of social expediency in specific G57 1010 1 issues, e&g&, suppression of "dangerous ideas", many G57 1010 8 waver and give in. The students who are most willing G57 1020 10 to acquiesce in the suppression of civil liberties G57 1030 5 are also those who are most likely to be prejudiced G57 1040 3 against minority groups, to be conformist and traditionalistic G57 1050 1 in general social attitudes, and to lack a basic faith G57 1050 11 in people. G57 1060 1 As one looks at the existing evidence, one finds G57 1060 10 a correlation, although only a slight one, between G57 1070 7 high grades and "libertarian" values. But the correlation G57 1080 5 is substantial only among upperclassmen. In other words, G57 1090 4 as students go through college, those who are most G57 1100 2 successful academically tend to become more committed G57 1100 9 to a "Bill of Rights" orientation. College in gross- G57 1110 7 just the general experience- may have varying effects, G57 1120 7 but the the students who are successful emerge with G57 1130 3 strengthened and clarified democratic values. This G57 1140 2 finding is consistent also with the fact that student G57 1140 11 leaders are more likely to be supporters of the values G57 1150 9 implicit in civil liberties than the other students. G57 1160 5 There is now substantial evidence from several major G57 1170 4 studies of college students that the experience of G57 1180 1 the college years results in a certain, selective homogenization G57 1180 10 of attitudes and values. Detached from their prior G57 1190 8 statuses and social groups and exposed to the pervasive G57 1200 7 stimuli of the university milieu, the students tend G57 1210 4 to assimilate a new common culture, to converge toward G57 1220 2 norms characteristic of their own particular campus. G57 1220 9 Furthermore, in certain respects, there are norms common G57 1230 8 to colleges and universities across the country. For G57 1240 5 instance, college-educated people consistently show G57 1250 2 up in study after study as more often than others supporters G57 1260 1 of the Bill of Rights and other democratic rights and G57 1260 11 liberties. The interesting thing in this connection G57 1270 7 is that the norms upon which students tend to converge G57 1280 5 include toleration of diversity. G57 1290 1 To the extent that our sampling of the orientations G57 1290 9 of American college students in the years 1950 and G57 1300 7 1952 may be representative of our culture- and still G57 1310 3 valid in 1959- we are disposed to question the summary G57 1320 2 characterization of the current generation as silent, G57 1320 9 beat, apathetic, or as a mass of other-directed conformists G57 1330 10 who are guided solely by social radar without benefit G57 1340 7 of inner gyroscopes. Our data indicate that these students G57 1350 5 of today do basically accept the existing institutions G57 1360 2 of the society, and, in the face of the realities of G57 1360 13 complex and large-scale economic and political problems, G57 1370 8 make a wary and ambivalent delegation of trust to those G57 1380 7 who occupy positions of legitimized responsibility G57 1390 2 for coping with such collective concerns. In a real G57 1400 3 sense they are admittedly conservative, but their conservatism G57 1410 1 incorporates a traditionalized embodiment of the original G57 1410 8 "radicalism" of 1776. Although we have no measures G57 1420 8 of its strength or intensity, the heritage of the doctrine G57 1430 6 of inalienable rights is retained. As they move through G57 1440 5 the college years our young men and women are "socialized" G57 1450 1 into a broadly similar culture, at the level of personal G57 1460 1 behavior. In this sense also, they are surely conformists. G57 1460 10 It is even true that some among them use the sheer G57 1470 10 fact of conformity- "everyone does it"- as a criterion G57 1480 6 for conduct. But the extent of ethical robotism is G57 1490 4 easily overestimated. Few students are really so faceless G57 1500 2 in the not-so-lonely crowd of the swelling population G57 1500 12 in our institutions of higher learning. And it may G57 1510 8 be well to recall that to say "conformity" is, in part, G57 1520 5 another way of saying "orderly human society". G57 1530 2 In the field of religious beliefs and values, the G57 1540 1 college students seem to faithfully reflect the surrounding G57 1540 9 culture. Their commitments are, for the most part, G57 1550 8 couched in a familiar idiom. Students testify to a G57 1560 5 felt need for a religious faith or ultimate personal G57 1570 2 philosophy. Avowed atheists or freethinkers are so G57 1570 9 rare as to be a curiosity. The religious quest is often G57 1580 10 intense and deep, and there are students on every campus G57 1590 8 who are seriously wrestling with the most profound G57 1600 4 questions of meaning and value. At the same time, a G57 1610 2 major proportion of these young men and women see religion G57 1610 12 as a means of personal adjustment, an anchor for family G57 1620 8 life, a source of emotional security. These personal G57 1630 4 and social goals often overshadow the goals of intellectual G57 1640 4 clarity, and spiritual transcendence. The "cult of G57 1650 2 adjustment" does exist. It exists alongside the acceptance G57 1650 10 of traditional forms of organized religion (church, G57 1660 7 ordained personnel, ritual, dogma). Still another segment G57 1670 6 of the student population consists of those who seek, G57 1680 5 in what they regard as religion, intellectual clarity, G57 1690 1 rational belief, and ethical guidance and reinforcement. G57 1700 1 Our first impression of the data was that the students G57 1700 11 were surprisingly orthodox and religiously involved. G57 1710 5 Upon second thought we were forced to realize that G57 1720 5 we have very few reliable historical benchmarks against G57 1730 2 which we might compare the present situation, and that G57 1730 11 conclusions that present-day students are "more" or G57 1740 8 "less" religious could not be defended on the basis G57 1750 8 of our data. As we looked more intently at the content G57 1760 4 of our belief and the extent of religious participation, G57 1770 1 we received the impression that many of the religious G57 1770 10 convictions expressed represented a conventional acceptance, G57 1780 6 of low intensity. But, here again, comparative benchmarks G57 1790 6 are lacking, and we do not know, in any case, what G57 1800 6 measure of profoundity and intensity to expect from G57 1810 2 healthy, young, secure and relatively inexperienced G57 1810 8 persons; after all, feelings of immortality and invulnerability G57 1820 8 are standard illusions of youth. Nor are optimistic G57 1830 6 and socially-oriented themes at all rare in the distinctive G57 1840 6 religious history of this country. G57 1850 1 Kluckhohn recently has summarized evidence regarding G57 1850 7 changes in values during a period of years, primarily G57 1860 7 1935-1955, but extending much farther back in some G57 1870 4 instances. A variety of data are assembled to bear G57 1880 1 upon such alleged changes as diminished puritan morality, G57 1880 9 work-success ethic, individualism, achievement, lessened G57 1890 5 emphasis on future-time orientation in favor of sociability, G57 1900 6 moral relativism, consideration and tolerance, conformity, G57 1910 3 hedonistic present-time orientation. Although he questions G57 1920 3 the extent and nature of the alleged revival of religion G57 1930 1 and the alleged increase in conformity, and thinks G57 1930 9 that "hedonistic" present-time orientation does not G57 1940 6 have the meaning usually attributed to it, he does G57 1950 5 conclude that Americans increasingly enjoy leisure G57 1960 1 without guilt, do not stress achievement so much as G57 1960 10 formerly, are more accepting of group harmony as a G57 1970 7 goal, more tolerant of diversity and aware of other G57 1980 4 cultures. G58 0010 1 From New Jersey, Morgan hastened to the headquarters G58 0010 9 of Washington at Whitemarsh, Pennsylvania, arriving G58 0020 5 there on November 18th. There was much sickness in G58 0030 6 the corps, and the men were, in addition, without the G58 0040 3 clothing, shoes, and blankets needed for the winter G58 0040 11 weather. Morgan himself had sciatica again. Even on G58 0050 8 his tough constitution, the exposure and strenuous G58 0060 5 activity were beginning to tell in earnest. G58 0070 1 On the morning of November 17th, Cornwallis and G58 0070 9 2,000 men had left Philadelphia with the object of G58 0080 9 capturing Fort Mercer at Red Bank, New Jersey. In order G58 0090 8 to prevent this, Washington hastened to dispatch several G58 0110 4 units to reinforce the fort, including a force under G58 0120 2 the Marquis de Lafayette containing some 160 of Morgan's G58 0130 1 riflemen, all who were fit for duty at this time, the G58 0130 12 rest having no shoes. Although the fort was evacuated G58 0140 6 in the face of the force of Cornwallis, Morgan and G58 0150 3 his men did have a chance to take another swing at G58 0160 2 the redcoats. A picket guard of about 350, mostly Hessians, G58 0160 12 were attacked by the Americans under Lafayette, and G58 0170 8 driven back to their camp, some twenty to thirty of G58 0180 7 them falling before the riflemen's fire. G58 0190 1 "I never saw men", Lafayette declared in regard G58 0190 9 to the riflemen, "so merry, so spirited, and so desirous G58 0200 9 to go on to the enemy, whatever force they might have, G58 0210 7 as that small party in this fight". Nathanael Greene G58 0220 3 told Washington that "Lafayette was charmed with the G58 0230 3 spirited behavior of the militia and riflemen". G58 0240 1 A few days later it was learned that General Howe G58 0240 10 was planning an attack upon the American camp. The G58 0250 7 British general moved his forces north from Philadelphia G58 0260 4 to Chestnut Hill, near the right wing of the patriot G58 0270 3 encampment. Here the Pennsylvania militia skirmished G58 0270 9 with the British, but soon fled. Morgan was ordered G58 0280 9 to attack the enemy, who had meantime moved to Edge G58 0290 7 Hill on the left of the Americans. Similar orders were G58 0300 4 given to the Maryland militia. Morgan immediately disposed G58 0310 2 his troops for action and found he had not long to G58 0310 13 wait. A body of redcoats were seen marching down a G58 0320 10 nearby slope, a tempting target for the riflemen, who G58 0330 6 threw a volley into their ranks and "messed up" the G58 0340 3 smart formation considerably. Now the riflemen and G58 0340 10 the Marylanders followed up their beginning and closed G58 0350 8 in on the British, giving them another telling round G58 0360 6 of fire. The redcoats ran like rabbits. But the Maryland G58 0370 5 militia had likewise fled, all too typical of this G58 0380 3 type of soldier during the Revolution, an experience G58 0380 11 which gave Morgan little confidence in militia in general, G58 0390 8 as he watched other instances of their breaking in G58 0400 6 hot engagements. The British, although suffering considerable G58 0410 3 losses, noted the defection of the Marylanders, made G58 0420 2 a stand, then turned and attacked Morgan who became G58 0420 11 greatly outnumbered and had to retire. G58 0430 6 The Americans lost forty-four men, among them Major G58 0440 5 Joseph Morris of Morgan's regiment, an officer who G58 0450 3 was regarded with high esteem and affection, not only G58 0450 12 by his commander, but by Washington and Lafayette as G58 0460 8 well. The latter was so upset on learning of the death G58 0470 8 of Morris, that he wrote Morgan a letter, showing his G58 0480 5 own warmhearted generosity. After complimenting Morgan G58 0490 2 and the riflemen and saying he was praising them to G58 0490 12 Congress, too, the ardent Frenchman added he felt that G58 0500 9 Congress should make some financial restitution to G58 0510 5 the widow and family of Morris, but that he knew Morgan G58 0520 3 realized how long such action usually required, if G58 0520 11 it was done at all. "As Mrs& Morris may be in some G58 0530 11 want before that time", Lafayette continued, "I am G58 0540 6 going to trouble you with a commission which I beg G58 0550 4 you will execute with the greatest secrecy. If she G58 0560 2 wanted to borrow any sum of money in expecting the G58 0560 12 arrangements of Congress, it would not become a stranger, G58 0570 8 unknown to her, to offer himself for that purpose. G58 0580 4 But you could (as from yourself) tell her that you G58 0590 2 had friends who, being with the army, don't know what G58 0590 12 to do with their money and **h would willingly let G58 0600 8 her have one or many thousand dollars". This was accordingly G58 0610 5 done, and the plight of the grateful Mrs& Morris was G58 0620 4 much relieved as a result of the generous loan, the G58 0630 2 amount of which is not known. G58 0630 8 Apparently still sensitive about the idea with which G58 0640 6 General Gates had approached him at Saratoga, namely, G58 0650 2 that George Washington be replaced, Morgan was vehement G58 0660 1 in his support of the commander-in-chief during the G58 0660 11 campaign around Philadelphia. Richard Peters, Secretary G58 0670 5 of the Board of War, thought Morgan was so extreme G58 0680 5 on the subject that he accused him of trying to pick G58 0710 3 a quarrel. Morgan hotly denied this and informed the G58 0710 12 Board of War that the men in camp linked the name of G58 0730 12 Peters with the plot against Washington. Peters insisted G58 0740 5 that this impression was a great misunderstanding, G58 0750 2 and evidently, from the quarrel, obtained an unfavorable G58 0760 1 impression of Morgan's judgment. Such a situation regarding G58 0770 1 the Board of War could hardly have helped Morgan's G58 0770 10 chances for promotion when that matter came before G58 0780 7 the group later on. G58 0780 11 In late December, the American army moved from Whitemarsh G58 0790 9 to Valley Forge, and although the distance was only G58 0800 8 13 miles, the journey took more than a week because G58 0810 6 of the bad weather, the barefooted and almost naked G58 0820 2 men. The position of the new camp was admirably selected G58 0820 12 and well fortified, its easily defensible nature being G58 0830 8 one good reason why Howe did not attack it. Besides G58 0840 7 helping to prevent the movement of the British to the G58 0850 5 west, Valley Forge also obstructed the trade between G58 0860 1 Howe's forces and the farmers, thus threatening the G58 0860 9 vital subsistence of the redcoats and rendering their G58 0870 7 foraging to obtain necessary supplies extremely hazardous. G58 0880 4 In order to see that this hindering situation remained G58 0890 3 effective, Washington detached several bodies of his G58 0900 1 troops to the periphery of the Philadelphia area. G58 0900 9 Morgan and his corps were placed on the west side G58 0910 9 of the Schuylkill River, with instructions to intercept G58 0920 4 all supplies found going to the city and to keep a G58 0930 4 close eye on the movements of the enemy. The headquarters G58 0940 1 of Morgan was on a farm, said to have been particularly G58 0940 12 well located so as to prevent the farmers nearby from G58 0950 9 trading with the British, a practice all too common G58 0960 5 to those who preferred to sell their produce for British G58 0970 2 gold rather than the virtually worthless Continental G58 0970 9 currency. In his dealings with offenders, however, G58 0980 7 Morgan was typically firm but just. For example, he G58 0990 7 captured some persons from York County, who with teams G58 1000 4 were taking to Philadelphia the furniture of a man G58 1010 1 who had just been released from prison through the G58 1010 10 efforts of his wife, and who apparently was helpless G58 1020 6 to prevent the theft of his household goods. Morgan G58 1030 3 took charge of the furniture and restored it to its G58 1040 1 thankful owners, but he let the culprits who had stolen G58 1040 11 it go free. G58 1050 1 Morgan complained to Washington about the men detailed G58 1050 9 to him for scouting duty, most of them he said being G58 1060 10 useless. "They straggle at such a rate", he told the G58 1070 8 commander-in-chief, "that if the enemy were enterprising, G58 1080 4 they might get two from us, when we would take one G58 1090 2 of them, which makes me wish General Howe would go G58 1090 12 on, lest any incident happen to us". G58 1100 5 If the hardships of the winter at Valley Forge were G58 1110 4 trying for healthy men, they were, of course, much G58 1120 1 more so for those not in good health. Daniel Morgan's G58 1120 11 rheumatic condition worsened with the increase of the G58 1130 7 cold and damp weather. He had braved the elements and G58 1140 6 the enemy, but the strain, aided by the winter, was G58 1150 2 catching up with him at last. Also, he was now forty-three G58 1160 1 years old. The mild activity of his command during G58 1160 10 the sojourn of the troops at Valley Forge could be G58 1170 7 handled by a subordinate, he felt, so like Henry Knox, G58 1180 5 equally loyal to Washington, who went to Boston at G58 1190 2 this time, Morgan received permission to visit his G58 1190 10 home in Virginia for several weeks. In his absence, G58 1200 7 the rifle regiment was under the command of Major Thomas G58 1210 6 Posey, another able Virginian. G58 1220 1 But Morgan did not leave before he had written a G58 1220 11 letter to a William Pickman in Salem, Massachusetts, G58 1230 5 apparently an acquaintance, praising Washington and G58 1240 3 saying that the slanders propagated about him were G58 1250 1 "opposed by the general current of the people **h to G58 1250 11 exalt General Gates at the expense of General Washington G58 1260 8 was injurious to the latter. If there be a disinterested G58 1270 6 patriot in America, 'tis General Washington, and his G58 1280 4 bravery, none can question". G58 1280 8 It is doubtful if Morgan was able to take home much G58 1290 9 money to his wife and children, for his pay, as shown G58 1300 6 by the War Department Abstracts of early 1778 was $75 G58 1310 4 a month as a colonel, and that apt to be delayed. He G58 1320 1 was shown a warm welcome regardless, and spent the G58 1320 10 time in Winchester recuperating from his ailment, enjoying G58 1330 6 his family and arranging his private affairs which G58 1340 4 were, of course, run down. His neighbors celebrated G58 1350 1 his return, even if it was only temporary, and Morgan G58 1350 11 was especially gratified by the quaint expression of G58 1360 7 an elderly friend, Isaac Lane, who told him, "A man G58 1370 7 that has so often left all that is dear to him, as G58 1380 4 thou hast, to serve thy country, must create a sympathetic G58 1390 1 feeling in every patriotic heart". G58 1390 6 There must have been special feelings of joy and G58 1400 5 patriotism in the heart of Daniel Morgan too, when G58 1410 2 the news was received on April 30th of the recognition G58 1410 12 by France of the independence of the United States. G58 1420 8 His fellow Virginian, George Washington, had stated, G58 1430 5 "I believe no event was ever received with more heartfelt G58 1440 4 joy". The dreary camp at Valley Forge was turned into G58 1450 4 an arena of rejoicing. Even the dignified Washington G58 1460 1 indulged in a game of wickets with some children. His G58 1460 11 soldiers on the whole did not celebrate so mildly. G58 1470 7 On May 6th, Morgan, who had returned, received from G58 1480 3 Washington orders to "send out patrols under vigilant G58 1490 2 officers" to keep near the enemy. "The reason for this", G58 1500 1 the orders said, "is that the enemy may think to take G58 1500 12 advantage of the celebration of this day. The troops G58 1510 8 must have more than the common quantity of liquor, G58 1520 4 and perhaps there will be some little drunkenness among G58 1530 2 them". G58 1530 3 Apparently no serious disorders resulted from the G58 1540 2 celebration, and within a few days, Morgan joined the G58 1540 11 force of Lafayette who now had command of some 2,000 G58 1550 9 men at Barren Hill, not far above Philadelphia on the G58 1560 6 Schuylkill. The Frenchman had been ordered to approach G58 1570 4 the enemy's lines, harass them and get intelligence G58 1580 1 of their movements. Interestingly enough, the order G58 1580 8 transmitted to Morgan through Alexander Hamilton also G58 1590 7 informed him that "A party of Indians will join the G58 1600 6 party to be sent from your command at Whitemarsh, and G58 1610 2 act with them". These were Oneida Indians. G58 1620 1 Washington evidently was anxious for Morgan to be G58 1620 8 cautious as well as aggressive, for on May 17th, 18th G58 1630 8 and 20th he admonished the leader of the riflemen-rangers G58 1640 5 to be on the alert. Obviously the commander-in-chief G58 1650 1 had confidence that Morgan would furnish him good intelligence G58 1660 1 too, for on the 23rd of May, he told Morgan that the G58 1660 13 British were prepared to move, perhaps in the night, G58 1670 8 and asked Morgan to have two of his best horses ready G58 1680 6 to dispatch to General Smallwood with the intelligence G58 1690 2 obtained. Meantime, however, this same General Smallwood G58 1700 1 seemed to be serving chivalry as well as the American G58 1700 11 army. Colonel Benjamin Ford wrote to Morgan from Wilmington G58 1710 8 that he understood a Mrs& Sanderson from Maryland had G58 1720 7 obtained permission from Smallwood to visit Philadelphia, G58 1730 4 and would return on May 26th, escorted by several officers G58 1740 4 from Maryland "belonging to the new levies in the British G58 1750 4 service". Ford urged Morgan to capture these men, who, G58 1760 2 he thought, might be disguised as Quakers or peasants. G58 1760 11 Morgan took the suggested steps, but when Mrs& Sanderson G58 1770 8 appeared, there was nobody with her but her husband, G58 1780 7 whom he promptly sent to headquarters to be questioned. G58 1790 4 But Morgan evidently reported matters of intelligence G58 1800 1 much more important to his commanding general. A letter G58 1800 10 of a few days later from Washington's aide to Morgan G58 1810 9 stated, "His Excellency is highly pleased with your G58 1820 6 conduct upon this occasion". G59 0010 1 For by now the original cause of the quarrel, Philip's G59 0010 11 seizure of Gascony, was only one strand in the spider G59 0020 9 web of French interests that overlay all western Europe G59 0030 5 and that had been so well and closely spun that the G59 0040 4 lightest movement could set it trembling from one end G59 0040 13 to the other. Even so, Edward's ambassadors can scarcely G59 0050 9 have foreseen that five years of unremitting work lay G59 0060 8 ahead of them before peace was finally made and that G59 0070 6 when it did come the countless embassies that left G59 0080 2 England for Rome during that period had very little G59 0080 11 to do with it. G59 0090 2 It is hard not to lay most of the blame for their G59 0090 14 failures on the pope. Nogaret is hardly an impartial G59 0100 9 witness, and even he did not make his charges against G59 0120 6 Boniface until the latter was dead, but there is some G59 0130 4 truth in what he said and more in what he did not say. G59 0140 1 It was not merely a hunger for "money, gold and precious G59 0140 12 objects" that delayed the papal pronouncement that G59 0150 7 could have brought the war to an end; the pope was G59 0170 7 playing a dangerous game, with so many balls in the G59 0180 3 air at once that a misstep would bring them all about G59 0180 14 his ears, and his only hope was to temporize so that G59 0190 10 he could take advantage of every change in the delicate G59 0200 7 balance of European affairs. When the negotiations G59 0210 2 began, his quarrel with the king of France was temporarily G59 0220 1 in abeyance, and he had no intention of reviving it G59 0220 11 so long as there was hope that French money would come G59 0230 8 to pay the troops who, under Charles of Valois, the G59 0250 2 papal vicar of Tuscany, were so valuable in the crusade G59 0260 3 against the Colonna cardinals and their Sicilian allies. G59 0270 1 If his circumspection in regard to Philip's sensibilities G59 0270 9 went so far that he even refused to grant a dispensation G59 0280 10 for the marriage of Amadee's daughter, Agnes, to the G59 0290 6 son of the dauphin of Vienne- a truly peacemaking move G59 0300 5 according to thirteenth-century ideas, for Savoy and G59 0310 2 Dauphine were as usual fighting on opposite sides- G59 0310 10 for fear that he might seem to be favoring the anti-French G59 0320 11 coalition, he would certainly never take the far more G59 0330 7 drastic step of ordering the return of Gascony to Edward, G59 0340 5 even though, as he admitted to the English ambassadors, G59 0350 2 he had been advised that the original cession was invalid. G59 0360 1 On the other hand, he did not want to offend Edward G59 0360 12 either, and he found himself in a very difficult position. G59 0370 9 On the surface, the whole question was purely feudal. G59 0380 5 The French were now occupying Gascony and Flanders G59 0390 3 on the technical grounds that their rulers had forfeited G59 0400 1 them by a breach of the feudal contract. But Edward G59 0400 11 was invading Scotland for precisely the same reason, G59 0410 7 and his insubordinate vassal was the ally of the king G59 0420 7 of France. Boniface had to uphold the sacredness of G59 0430 2 the feudal contract at all costs, for it was only as G59 0430 13 suzerain of Sicily and of the Patrimony of Peter that G59 0440 10 he had any justification for his Italian wars, but G59 0450 6 in the English-Scottish-French triangle it was almost G59 0460 4 impossible for him to recognize the claims of any one G59 0470 1 of the contestants without seeming to invalidate those G59 0470 9 of the other two. G59 0480 2 Because of these involvements in the matter at stake, G59 0480 11 Boniface lacked the impartiality that is supposed to G59 0490 8 be an essential qualification for the position of arbiter, G59 0495 6 and in retrospect that would seem to be sufficient G59 0510 2 reason why the English embassies to the Curia proved G59 0520 1 so fruitless. But when the situation was so complicated G59 0520 10 that even Nogaret, one of the principal actors in the G59 0530 9 drama, could misinterpret the pope's motives, it is G59 0540 6 possible that Othon and his companions, equally baffled, G59 0550 3 attributed their difficulties to a more immediate cause. G59 0560 1 This was Boniface's monumental tactlessness. "Tact", G59 0560 7 by its very derivation, implies that its possessor G59 0570 8 keeps in touch with other people, but the author of G59 0580 6 Clericis Laicos and Unam Sanctam, the wielder of the G59 0590 5 two swords, the papal sun of which the imperial moon G59 0600 2 was but a dim reflection, the peer of Caesar and vice-regent G59 0610 1 of Christ, was so high above other human beings that G59 0610 11 he had forgotten what they were like. He was a learned G59 0620 9 and brilliant man, one of the best jurists in Europe G59 0630 5 and with flashes of penetrating insight, and yet in G59 0640 2 his dealings with other people, particularly when he G59 0640 10 tried to be ingratiating, he was capable of an abysmal G59 0650 8 stupidity that can have come only from a complete incomprehension G59 0660 6 of human nature and human motives. G59 0670 1 This lofty disregard for others was not shared by G59 0670 10 such men as Pierre Flotte and his associates, that G59 0680 8 "brilliant group of mediocre men", as Powicke calls G59 0690 5 them, who provided the brains for the French embassy G59 0700 3 that came to Rome under the nominal leadership of the G59 0710 1 archbishop of Narbonne, the duke of Burgundy, and the G59 0710 10 count of St&-Pol. They had risen from humble beginnings G59 0720 7 by their own diligence and astuteness, they were unfettered G59 0730 6 by the codes that bound nobles like Othon or even the G59 0740 6 older generation of clerks like Hotham, and they were G59 0750 3 working for an end that their opponents had never even G59 0750 13 visualized. Boniface was later to explain to the English G59 0760 9 that Robert of Burgundy and Guy de St&-Pol were easy G59 0770 10 enough to do business with; it was the clerks who caused G59 0780 7 the mischief and who made him say that the ruling passion G59 0790 5 of their race was covetousness and that in dealing G59 0800 1 with them he never knew whether he had to do with a G59 0800 13 Frenchman or with a devil. To the pope, head of the G59 0810 10 universal Church, to the duke of Burgundy, taking full G59 0820 5 advantage of his position on the borders of France G59 0830 3 and of the Empire, or to Othon, who found it quite G59 0830 14 natural that he should do homage to Edward for Tipperary G59 0840 10 and to the count of Savoy for Grandson, Flotte's outspoken G59 0850 7 nationalism was completely incomprehensible. And yet G59 0860 4 he made no pretense about it; when the pope, trying G59 0870 4 no doubt to appeal to his better nature, said to him, G59 0880 1 "You have already taken Normandy. Do you want to drive G59 0880 11 the king of England from all his overseas possessions"? G59 0890 8 the Frenchman's answer was a terse "Vous dites vrai". G59 0900 8 Loyal and unscrupulous, with a single-minded ambition G59 0910 6 to which he devoted all his energies, he outmatched G59 0920 2 the English diplomats time and time again until, by G59 0920 11 a kind of poetic justice, he fell at the battle of G59 0930 10 Courtrai, the victim of the equally nationalistic if G59 0940 5 less articulate Flemings. G59 0940 8 The English, relying on a prejudiced arbiter and G59 0950 8 confronted with superior diplomatic skill, were also G59 0960 5 hampered in their negotiations by the events that were G59 0970 3 taking place at home. The Scots had found a new leader G59 0980 1 in William Wallace, and Edward's yearly expeditions G59 0980 8 across the Border called for evermounting taxes, which G59 0990 6 only increased his difficulties with the barons and G59 1000 5 the clergy. He was unable to send any more help to G59 1010 3 his allies on the Continent, and during the next few G59 1010 13 years many of them, left to resist French pressure G59 1020 8 unaided, surrendered to the inevitable and made their G59 1030 5 peace with Philip. The defeat and death of Adolf of G59 1050 2 Nassau at the hands of Albert of Habsburg also worked G59 1050 12 to the disadvantage of the English, for all the efforts G59 1060 10 to revive the anti-French coalition came to nothing G59 1070 7 when Philip made an alliance with the new king of the G59 1080 6 Romans. G59 1080 7 These shifts in alliance and allegiance not only G59 1090 4 increased the difficulties confronting the English G59 1100 1 embassy as a whole, but also directly involved the G59 1100 10 two Savoyards, Amadee and Othon. In spite of the armistice G59 1110 8 negotiated by Amadee two years earlier, the war between G59 1120 6 Bishop Guillaume of Lausanne and Louis of Savoy was G59 1130 4 still going on, and although little is known about G59 1140 1 it, that little proves that it was yet another phase G59 1140 11 of the struggle against French expansion and was closely G59 1150 7 interwoven with the larger conflict. A second truce G59 1160 4 had been arbitrated in April, 1298, by Jean d'Arlay, G59 1170 2 lord of Chalon-sur-Saone, the most staunch of Edward's G59 1190 1 Burgundian allies, and these last were represented G59 1190 8 in the discussions at the Curia by Gautier de Montfaucon, G59 1200 8 Othon's neighbor and a member of the Vaudois coalition. G59 1210 6 But although in many of these discussions Othon G59 1220 3 and Amadee might have been tempted to consider their G59 1230 2 own interests as well as those of the king, Edward's G59 1230 12 confidence in them was so absolute that they were made G59 1240 10 the acknowledged leaders of the embassy. Amadee may G59 1250 6 have owed this partly to his relationship with the G59 1260 3 king, but Othon, who at sixty seems still to have been G59 1260 14 a simple knight, merited his position solely by his G59 1270 8 own character and ability. The younger men, Vere, and G59 1280 6 Pembroke, who was also Edward's cousin and whose Lusignan G59 1290 5 blood gave him the swarthy complexion that caused Edward G59 1300 3 of Carnarvon's irreverent friend, Piers Gaveston, to G59 1310 2 nickname him "Joseph the Jew", were relatively new G59 1310 10 to the game of diplomacy, but Pontissara had been on G59 1320 8 missions to Rome before, and Hotham, a man of great G59 1330 7 learning, "jocund in speech, agreeable to meet, of G59 1340 4 honest religion, and pleasing in the eyes of all", G59 1340 13 and an archbishop to boot, was as reliable and experienced G59 1350 9 as Othon himself. But all the reports of this first G59 1360 8 embassy show that the two Savoyards were the heads G59 1370 4 of it, for they were the only ones who were empowered G59 1380 1 to swear for the king that he would abide by the pope's G59 1380 13 decision and who were allowed to appoint deputies in G59 1390 9 the event that one was unavoidably absent. G59 1400 2 This also gave them the unpleasant duty of being G59 1410 2 spokesmen for the mission, and they could foresee that G59 1410 11 that would not be easy. Underneath all the high-sounding G59 1420 9 phrases of royal and papal letters and behind the more G59 1430 7 down-to-earth instructions to the envoys was the inescapable G59 1440 4 fact that Edward would have to desert his Flemish allies G59 1450 2 and leave them to the vengeance of their indignant G59 1450 11 suzerain, the king of France, in return for being given G59 1460 10 an equally free hand with the insubordinate Scots. G59 1470 5 This was a doubly bitter blow to the king. In the eyes G59 1480 5 of those who still cared for such things, it was a G59 1490 2 reflection on his honor, and it gave further grounds G59 1490 11 for complaint to his overtaxed subjects, who were already G59 1500 7 grumbling- although probably not in Latin- "Non est G59 1510 6 lex sana Quod regi sit mea lana". Bad relations between G59 1520 4 England and Flanders brought hard times to the shepherds G59 1530 2 scattered over the dales and downs as well as to the G59 1530 13 crowded Flemish cities, and while the English, so far, G59 1540 9 had done no more than grumble, Othon had seen what G59 1550 6 the discontent might lead to, for before he left the G59 1560 4 Low Countries the citizens of Ghent had risen in protest G59 1570 1 against the expense of supporting Edward and his troops, G59 1570 10 and the regular soldiers had found it unexpectedly G59 1580 7 difficult to put down the nasty little riot that ensued. G59 1590 6 In all the talk of feudal rights, the knights and G59 1600 4 bishops must never forget the woolworkers, nor was G59 1610 1 it easy to do so, for all along the road to Italy they G59 1610 14 passed the Florentine pack trains going home with their G59 1620 7 loads of raw wool from England and rough Flemish cloth, G59 1630 5 the former to be spun and woven by the Arte della Lana G59 1640 4 and the latter to be refined and dyed by the Arte della G59 1650 2 Calimala with the pigment recently discovered in Asia G59 1650 10 Minor by one of their members, Bernardo Rucellai, the G59 1660 9 secret of which they jealously kept for themselves. G59 1670 5 These chatty merchants made amusing and instructive G59 1680 2 traveling companions, for their business took them G59 1680 9 to all four corners of the globe, and Florentine gossip G59 1690 9 had already reached a high stage of development as G59 1700 7 even a cursory glance at the Inferno will prove. A G59 1710 4 northern ambassador, willing to keep his mouth shut G59 1720 1 and his ears open, could learn a lot that would stand G59 1720 12 him in good stead at the Curia. G59 1730 4 They had other topics of conversation, besides their G59 1740 2 news from courts and fairs, which were of interest G59 1740 11 to Othon, the builder of castles in Wales and churches G59 1750 9 in his native country. Behind him lay the Low Countries, G59 1760 7 where men were still completing the cathedrals that G59 1770 4 a later Florentine would describe as "a malediction G59 1780 1 of little tabernacles, one on top of the other, with G59 1780 11 so many pyramids and spires and leaves that it is a G59 1790 9 wonder they stand up at all, for they look as though G59 1800 6 they were made of paper instead of stone or marble"; G59 1810 1 the Low Countries, where the Middle Ages were to last G59 1810 11 for another two centuries and die out only when Charles G59 1820 10 the Bold of Burgundy met his first defeat in the fields G59 1830 8 and forests below the walls of Grandson. G60 0010 1 It usually turned out well for him because either he G60 0010 11 liked the right people or there were only a few wrong G60 0020 9 people in the town. Alfred wanted to invest in my father's G60 0030 6 hotel and advance enough money to build a larger place. G60 0040 4 It was a very tempting offer. My father would have G60 0040 14 done it if it hadn't been for my mother, who had a G60 0050 12 fear of being in debt to anyone- even Alfred Alpert. G60 0060 6 In spite of his being well liked there were a few G60 0070 6 people who were very careful about Alfred. They had G60 0075 3 my mother's opinion of him: that he was too sharp or G60 0080 10 a little too good to be true. One of the people who G60 0090 11 was afraid of Alfred was his own brother, Lew. I don't G60 0100 8 know how and I don't know why but the two stores, the G60 0110 6 one in Margaretville and the one in Fleischmanns that G60 0120 2 had been set up as a partnership, were dissolved, separated G60 0130 1 from each other. Everything was all very friendly, G60 0130 9 except when it came to Harry, the youngest brother. G60 0140 6 Alfred, who was a good deal older than Harry, had treated G60 0150 5 him like a son, and when Harry decided to stay in business G60 0160 3 with Lew instead of going with Alfred, Alfred looked G60 0170 1 on the decision as a betrayal. From that day on he G60 0170 12 never spoke to Harry or to Lew, or to Lew's two boys, G60 0180 9 Mort and Jimmy. The six miles between the towns became G60 0190 6 an ocean and the Alperts became a family of strangers. G60 0200 3 Time went on and everybody got older. I became fifteen, G60 0210 2 sixteen, then twenty, and still Tessie Alpert sat on G60 0210 11 the porch with a rose in her hair, and Alfred got richer G60 0220 12 and sicker with diabetes. It was in the spring of the G60 0230 9 year when he took to his bed and Tessie and Alfred G60 0240 4 found out that they didn't know each other. They were G60 0250 2 like two strangers. The store was their marriage, and G60 0250 11 when Alfred had to leave it there was nothing to hold G60 0260 11 them together. Tessie, everybody thought, was a strong G60 0270 6 woman, but she was only strong because she had Alfred G60 0280 4 to lean on. And when Alfred was forced into his bed, G60 0290 2 Tessie left the front porch of the store and sat at G60 0290 13 home, rocking in her rocker in the living room, staring G60 0300 9 out the window- the rose still in her hair. Tessie G60 0310 6 could do nothing for Alfred. She couldn't cook or clean G60 0320 4 or make him comfortable. Instead she waited for Alfred G60 0330 1 to get better and take care of her. G60 0330 9 Spring was life- and Alfred Alpert in his sickroom G60 0340 6 was death. Alfred knew that, too. I remember him pointing G60 0350 5 out of the window and saying that he wished he could G60 0360 2 live to see another spring but that he wouldn't. G60 0360 11 Alfred began to put his affairs in order, and he G60 0370 10 went about it like a man putting his things into storage. G60 0380 6 My father, who liked Alfred very much, was a constant G60 0390 4 visitor. One day Alfred told him that he had decided G60 0400 1 to leave everything to me. My father, a wise man, asked G60 0400 12 him not to. He knew Alfred liked me; if he wanted to G60 0410 11 leave me something let it be a trinket, nothing else. G60 0420 7 By leaving me everything he wouldn't be doing me a G60 0430 5 favor, my father told him, and he didn't want to see G60 0440 1 his daughter involved in a lawsuit. He didn't want G60 0440 10 Alfred to leave me trouble because that's all it would G60 0450 8 be, and Alfred understood. G60 0460 1 Alfred was getting too sick to stay in his own home. G60 0460 12 The doctor wanted him in a hospital; the nearest one G60 0470 9 was forty miles away in Kingston. The day Alfred left G60 0480 7 his home and Fleischmanns he gave up the convictions G60 0490 4 of a lifetime. He sent me for Meltzer the Butcher, G60 0500 1 whom he wanted not as a friend but as a rabbi. G60 0500 12 Meltzer knew why I had come for him. Solemnly he G60 0510 9 walked me back to Alfred's house without a word passing G60 0520 6 between us. He entered the house in silence, walked G60 0530 2 into Alfred's room, and closed the door behind him. G60 0530 11 I sat down to wait, and I watched Tessie Alpert, who G60 0540 11 hadn't moved or said a word but kept staring out of G60 0550 10 the window. G60 0550 12 For a few minutes there was nothing to hear. Then G60 0560 7 Meltzer's voice, quiet, calm, strong, started the Kaddish, G60 0570 5 the prayer for the dead. I could hear Alfred's voice G60 0580 3 a few words behind Meltzer's like a counterpoint, punctuated G60 0590 2 by sobs of sorrow and resignation. There was a finality G60 0600 1 in the rhythm of the prayer- it was the end of a life, G60 0600 14 the end of hope, and the wondering if there would ever G60 0610 8 be another beginning. G60 0620 1 Meltzer stayed with Alfred, and when the door opened G60 0620 10 they both came out. Alfred was dressed for his trip G60 0630 8 to the hospital. The car was waiting for him. Alfred, G60 0640 5 leaning on Meltzer, stopped for a minute to look at G60 0650 3 Tessie. She didn't turn away from the window. Alfred G60 0650 12 nodded a little nod and went out through the door. G60 0660 10 Outside, his brother Harry was waiting for him- G60 0670 6 he had come to say good-bye. Alfred walked past him G60 0680 4 without a word and got into the car. Harry ran to the G60 0690 2 side of the car where Alfred was sitting and looked G60 0690 12 at him, begging him to speak. Alfred looked straight G60 0700 7 ahead. The car began to move and Harry ran after it G60 0710 6 crying, "Alfred! Alfred! Speak to me". But the car G60 0720 4 moved off and Alfred just looked straight ahead. Harry G60 0730 1 followed the car until it reached the main road and G60 0730 11 turned towards Kingston. He stood there watching until G60 0740 7 it had gone from his sight. G60 0750 1 I went to visit Alfred in the Kingston Hospital G60 0750 10 a few times. The first time I went there he asked me G60 0760 10 to bring him water from Flagler's well- water that G60 0770 5 reminded him of his first days in the mountains- and G60 0780 2 before I came the next time I filled a five-gallon G60 0790 1 jug for him and brought it to the hospital. I don't G60 0790 12 think he ever got to drink any of it. G60 0800 7 The jug stayed at the hospital and the water- what G60 0810 2 can happen to water?- it evaporated, disappeared, and G60 0820 1 came back to the earth as rain- maybe for another well G60 0820 12 or another stream or another Alfred Alpert. G60 0830 6 #12 "WHERE IS IT WRITTEN"?# G60 0840 1 Mr& Banks was always called Banks the Butcher until G60 0840 10 he left town and the shop passed over to Meltzer the G60 0850 10 Scholar who then became automatically Meltzer the Butcher. G60 0860 5 Meltzer was a boarder with the Banks family. He came G60 0870 5 to Fleischmanns directly from the boat that brought G60 0880 2 him to America from Russia. He was a learned man and G60 0880 13 a very gentle soul. He was filled with knowledge of G60 0890 9 the Bible and the Talmud. He knew the whyfores and G60 0900 6 the wherefores but he was weak, very weak, on the therefores. G60 0910 4 Banks the Butcher took Meltzer the Scholar as an apprentice G60 0920 4 and he made it very clear that a man of learning must G60 0930 1 be able to do more than just quote the Commentaries G60 0930 11 of the Talmud in order to live. So Meltzer learned G60 0940 7 a new trade from Banks, who supplied the town and the G60 0950 5 hotels with meat. G60 0950 8 Banks had a family- a wife, a daughter, and a son. G60 0970 8 The daughter, Lilly, was a very good friend of mine G60 0980 4 and I always had hopes that someday she and Meltzer G60 0980 14 would find each other. They lived in the same house G60 0990 10 and it didn't seem to be such a hard thing to do, but G60 1010 5 the sad realities of Lilly's life and the fact that G60 1020 5 Meltzer didn't love her never satisfied my wishful G60 1030 1 thinking. G60 1030 2 Banks the Butcher was a hard master and a hard father, G60 1040 2 a man who didn't seem to know the difference between G60 1040 12 the living flesh of his family and the hanging carcasses G60 1050 9 of his stock in trade. He treated both with equal indifference G60 1060 7 and with equal contempt; perhaps he was a little more G60 1070 7 sympathetic to the sides of beef that hung silently G60 1080 3 from his hooks. G60 1080 6 Lilly Banks and I became friends. She was the opposite G60 1090 5 of everything she should have been- a positive pole G60 1100 2 in a negative home, a living reaction of warmth and G60 1100 12 kindness to the harsh reality of her father. And Lilly's G60 1110 10 whole family seemed to be an apology for Mr& Banks. G60 1120 8 Her brother Karl was a very gentle soul, her mother G60 1130 4 was a quiet woman who said little but who had hard, G60 1140 1 probing eyes. For every rude word of Mr& Banks's the G60 1140 11 family had five in apology. G60 1150 5 Every chance I got I left the hotel to visit Lilly. G60 1160 3 I was free but she was bound to her duties that not G60 1160 15 even the coming of Meltzer lightened. She had to clean G60 1170 10 the glass on the display cases in the butcher shop, G60 1180 7 help her brother scrub the cutting tables with wire G60 1190 4 brushes, mop the floors, put down new sawdust on the G60 1200 1 floors and help check the outgoing orders. When these G60 1200 10 chores were finished, only then, was she allowed whatever G60 1210 8 freedom she could find. G60 1220 1 I helped Lilly in the store. To me it was a game, G60 1220 13 to her it was the deadly seriousness of life. I wanted G60 1230 9 to help so that we could find time to play. And Lilly G60 1240 7 allowed me to help so that she could have her few little G60 1250 5 hours of escape. G60 1250 8 When the work was finished, we would walk. The road G60 1260 6 past the butcher shop took us along the side of a stream. G60 1270 4 It ran north, away from the town and the people, through G60 1280 1 woods and past the nothingness of a graveyard. G60 1280 9 Lilly preferred the loneliness of that walk. I would G60 1290 8 have liked the town and the busyness of its people G60 1300 5 but I always followed Lilly into the peace of the silent G60 1310 3 and unstaring road. G60 1310 6 It wasn't hard to understand. To me Lilly was a G60 1320 6 fine and lovely girl. To people who didn't know her G60 1330 2 she was a gawky, badly dressed kid whose arms were G60 1330 12 too long, whose legs were a little too bony. She had G60 1340 9 the hips of a boy and a loose-jointed walk that reminded G60 1350 4 me of a string of beads strolling down the street. G60 1360 2 And she had the kind of crossed eyes that shocked. G60 1360 12 It was unexpected, unexpected because Lilly walked G60 1370 6 with her head bent down, down, and her mark of friendship G60 1380 7 was to look into your face. I accepted her crossed G60 1390 3 eyes as she accepted my childishness; childishness G60 1390 10 compared to her grown-up understanding that life was G60 1400 9 a punishment for as yet undisclosed sins. We were almost G60 1410 7 the same age, she was fifteen, I was twelve, and where G60 1420 6 I felt there was a life to look forward to Lilly felt G60 1430 2 she had had as much of it as was necessary. G60 1430 12 When we went for our walks Lilly's brother would G60 1440 8 come along every once in a while. Karl was an almost G60 1450 7 exact copy of his father physically and it was strange G60 1460 3 to see the expected become the unexpected. This huge G60 1460 12 hulk played the guitar and he would take it along on G60 1470 11 our walks and play for us as we sat alone in the woods G60 1480 10 or by the stream. Karl played well and his favorite G60 1490 4 song was a Schubert lullaby. He spoke no German but G60 1500 2 he could sing it and the words of the song were the G60 1500 14 only ones he knew in a foreign language. The song, G60 1510 7 he said, was called "The Stream's Lullaby", and when G60 1520 4 he sang, "Gute ruh, Gute ruh, Mach't die augen zu" G60 1530 4 there was such longing and such simple sadness that G60 1540 1 it frightened me. Later, when I was older, I found G60 1540 11 the song was part of Schubert's Die Scho^ne Mu^llerin. G60 1550 6 And even hearing it in a concert hall surrounded by G60 1560 8 hundreds of people the words and the melody would make G60 1570 5 me a little colder and I would reach out for my husband's G60 1580 2 hand. G60 1580 3 The brother and sister seemed to be a sort of mutual-aid G60 1590 4 society, a little fortress of kindness for each other G60 1590 13 in a hard world. I felt very flattered to be included G60 1600 11 in the protection of their company even though I had G60 1610 8 nothing to be protected from. G61 0010 1 The turn of the century, or to be more precise, G61 0010 11 the two decades preceeding and following it, marks G61 0020 6 a great change in the history of early English scholarship. G61 0030 4 At the bottom of this change were great strides forward G61 0040 2 in the technical equipment and technical standards G61 0040 9 of the historian. In archaeology, for example, the G61 0050 7 contributions of Frederick Haverfield and Reginald G61 0060 4 Smith to the various volumes of the Victoria County G61 0070 2 Histories raised the discipline from the status of G61 0070 10 an antiquarian pastime to that of the most valuable G61 0080 9 single tool of the early English historian. And with G61 0090 6 the publication of E& T& Leeds' Archaeology of the G61 0100 4 Anglo-Saxon Settlements the student was presented with G61 0110 4 an organized synthesis of the archaeological data then G61 0120 2 known. G61 0120 3 What was true for archaeology was also true of place-name G61 0130 1 studies. The value of place-names in the reconstruction G61 0130 10 of early English history had long been recognized. G61 0140 7 Place-names, in fact, had been extensively utilized G61 0150 5 for this purpose from the time of Camden onwards. Without G61 0160 3 a precise knowledge of Germanic philology, however, G61 0170 1 it is debatable whether their use was not more often G61 0170 11 a source of confusion and error than anything else. G61 0180 6 Even in the nineteenth century such accomplished philologists G61 0190 4 as Kemble and Guest were led into what now seem ludicrous G61 0200 4 errors because of their failure to recognize that modern G61 0210 2 forms of place names are not necessarily the result G61 0210 11 of logical philological development. It was therefore G61 0220 6 not until the publication of J&H& Round's "The Settlement G61 0230 6 of the South and East Saxons", and W&H& Stevenson's G61 0240 5 "Dr& Guest and the English Conquest of South Britain", G61 0250 5 that a scientific basis for place-name studies was G61 0260 3 established. G61 0260 4 Diplomatic is another area for which the dawn of G61 0270 5 the twentieth century marks the beginning of modern G61 0280 1 standards of scholarship. Although because of the important G61 0280 9 achievements of nineteenth century scholars in the G61 0290 7 field of textual criticism the advance is not so striking G61 0300 7 as it was in the case of archaeology and place-names, G61 0310 4 the editorial principles laid down by Stevenson in G61 0320 1 his great edition of Asser and in his Crawford Charters G61 0320 11 were a distinct improvement upon those of his predecessors G61 0330 8 and remain unimproved upon today. G61 0340 3 In sum, it can be said that the techniques and standards G61 0350 2 of present day have their origin at the turn of the G61 0350 13 century. And it is this, particularly the establishment G61 0360 8 of archaeology and place-name studies on a scientific G61 0370 7 basis, which are immediately pertinent to the Saxon G61 0380 4 Shore. G61 0380 5 Almost inevitably, the first result of this technological G61 0390 4 revolution was a reaction against the methods and in G61 0400 2 many cases the conclusions of the Oxford school of G61 0400 11 Stubbs, Freeman and (particularly) Green regarding G61 0410 5 the nature of the Anglo-Saxon conquest of Britain. G61 0420 4 Even before the century was out the tide of reaction G61 0430 2 had set in. Charles Plummer in the introduction and G61 0430 11 notes to his splendid edition of Bede voiced some early G61 0440 9 doubts concerning the "elaborate superstructure" they G61 0450 4 raised up over the slim foundations afforded by the G61 0460 4 traditional narratives of the conquest. It was Plummer, G61 0470 1 in fact, who coined the much quoted remark: "Mr& Green G61 0480 1 indeed writes as if he had been present at the landing G61 0480 12 of the Saxons and had watched every step of their subsequent G61 0490 9 progress". Sir Henry Howorth, writing in 1898, put G61 0500 6 himself firmly in the Lappenburg-Kemble tradition by G61 0510 3 attacking the veracity of the West Saxon annals. G61 0520 1 Early in the present century, W& H& Stevenson continued G61 0530 1 the attack with a savage article against Guest. Following G61 0530 10 him in varying degrees of scepticism were T&W& Shore, G61 0540 7 H&M& Chadwick, Thomas Hodgkin and F& G& Beck. By 1913, G61 0550 9 Ferdinand Lot could begin an article subtitled "La G61 0560 7 conquete de la Grande-Bretagne par les Saxons" with G61 0570 5 the words, "Il est difficile aujourd 'hui d'entretenir G61 0580 3 des illusions sur la valeur du recit traditionnel de G61 0590 2 la conquete de la Grande-Bretagne **h". It is also G61 0590 12 worthy of note that Lot cited both Kemble and Lappenberg G61 0600 10 with favor in that article. It would seem that the G61 0610 8 wheel had turned full circle. G61 0620 1 In fact, modern scholarly opinion in the main has G61 0620 10 not retreated all the way back to the destructive scepticism G61 0630 9 of the first half of the nineteenth century. Although G61 0640 4 one meets with occasional extremists like Zachrisson G61 0650 2 or, very recently, Arthur Wade-Evans the majority of G61 0660 1 scholars have taken a middle position between the extremes G61 0660 10 of scepticism and gullibility. Most now admit that G61 0670 7 Bede, Gildas, Nennius and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles G61 0680 5 cannot be the infallible guides to early English history G61 0690 3 that Guest, Freeman and Green thought them to be. As G61 0700 2 R&H& Hodgkin has remarked: "The critical methods of G61 0710 1 the nineteenth century shattered most of this picturesque G61 0710 9 narrative. On the other hand, the consensus of opinion G61 0730 8 is that, used with caution and in conjunction with G61 0740 5 other types of evidence, the native sources still provide G61 0750 2 a valid rough outline for the English settlement of G61 0750 11 southern Britain. As Sir Charles Oman once said, "it G61 0760 9 is no longer fashionable to declare that we can say G61 0770 7 nothing certain about Old English origins". G61 0780 2 Therefore, in one way Kemble and Lappenberg have G61 0790 2 been vindicated. Their conclusions concerning the G61 0790 8 untrustworthiness G61 0800 1 of the West Saxon annals, the confused chronology of G61 0800 10 Bede, the unreliability of the early positions of the G61 0810 8 Anglo-Saxon genealogies and the mythological elements G61 0820 5 contained in Nennius are now mostly accepted. Nevertheless, G61 0830 2 in another way modern historians still labor in the G61 0840 2 vineyard of the Oxford school. For it is their catastrophic G61 0840 12 concept of the Anglo-Saxon invasions rather than Kemble's G61 0850 9 gradualist approach which dominates the field. Despite G61 0860 7 the rejection of the traditional accounts on many points G61 0870 5 of detail, as late as 1948 it was still possible to G61 0880 3 postulate a massive and comparatively sudden (beginning G61 0890 1 in ca& 450) influx of Germans as the type of invasions. G61 0890 12 At this point, of course, the issue has become complicated G61 0900 10 by a development unforeseen by Lappenberg and Kemble. G61 0910 6 They, however much they were in disagreement with the G61 0920 5 late Victorians over the method by which Britain was G61 0930 3 Germanized, agreed with them that the end result was G61 0930 12 the complete extinction of the previous Celtic population G61 0950 8 and civilization. But beginning, for all practical G61 0960 6 purposes, with Frederick Seebohm's English Village G61 0970 3 Community scholars have had to reckon with a theory G61 0980 4 involving institutional and agrarian continuity between G61 0990 1 Roman and Anglo-Saxon times which is completely at G61 0990 10 odds with the reigning concept of the Anglo-Saxon invasions. G61 1000 7 Against Seebohm formidable foes have taken the field, G61 1010 6 notably F& W& Maitland, whose Domesday Book and Beyond G61 1020 5 was written expressly for this purpose, and Sir Paul G61 1030 4 Vinogradoff whose The Growth of the Manor had a similar G61 1050 3 aim. Largely due to their efforts the catastrophic G61 1050 11 invasion-theory has maintained its position although G61 1060 6 Seebohm has always found supporters. H&L& Gray in his G61 1070 6 English Field Systems and Zachrisson's Romans, Kelts G61 1080 4 and Saxons defended in part the Seebohm thesis while G61 1090 4 at the present time H&P&R& Finberg and Gordon Copley G61 1100 3 seem to fall into the Celtic survivalist camp. This G61 1110 1 is nevertheless a minority view. Most scholars, while G61 1110 9 willing to accept a survival (revival?) of Celtic art G61 1120 7 forms and a considerable proportion of the Celtic population, G61 1130 5 reject any institutional legacy from pre-Anglo-Saxon G61 1140 4 Britain. G61 1140 5 Therefore, it is plain that the clear distinctions G61 1150 3 of the nineteenth century are no longer with us. In G61 1160 2 the main stream of historical thinking is a group of G61 1160 12 scholars, H&M& Chadwick, R&H& Hodgkin, Sir Frank Stenton G61 1170 7 et al& who are in varying degrees sceptical of the G61 1180 9 native traditions of the conquest but who defend the G61 1190 5 catastrophic type of invasion suggested by them. They, G61 1200 3 in effect, have compromised the opposing positions G61 1200 10 of the nineteenth century. On the other side are the G61 1210 9 Celtic survivalists who have taken a tack divergent G61 1220 6 from both these schools of nineteenth century thought. G61 1230 2 As a group they should be favorable to a concept of G61 1230 13 gradual Germanic infiltration although the specialist G61 1240 6 nature of much of their work, e&g& Seebohm, Gray and G61 1250 7 Finberg, tends to obscure their sympathies. Those who G61 1260 5 do have occasion to deal with the invasions in a more G61 1270 4 general way, like T&W& Shore and Arthur Wade-Evans, G61 1280 1 are on the side of a gradual and often peaceful Germanic G61 1280 12 penetration into Britain. Wade-Evans, in fact, denies G61 1290 8 that there were any Anglo-Saxon invasions at all other G61 1300 5 than a minor Jutish foray in A&D& 514. G61 1310 2 Now omitting for a moment some recent developments G61 1320 1 we can say the Saxon Shore hypothesis of Lappenberg G61 1320 10 and Kemble has undergone virtual eclipse in this century. G61 1330 7 It is no longer possible to say that a sceptical attitude G61 1340 7 towards the received accounts of the invasions almost G61 1350 3 automatically produces a "shore occupied by" interpretation. G61 1360 1 Everyone is more or less sceptical and virtually no G61 1360 10 one has been willing to accept Lappenberg or Kemble's G61 1370 8 position on that point. One reason is, of course, that G61 1380 8 the new scepticism has been willing to maintain the G61 1390 4 general picture of the invasions as portrayed in the G61 1400 2 traditional sources. The few scholars who have adopted G61 1400 10 the "shore occupied by" interpretation, Howorth, Shore, G61 1410 6 and Wade-Evans, have all been Celtic survivalists. G61 1420 6 Moreover, they have done so in rather special circumstances. G61 1430 3 The primary reason for the abandonment of the "shore G61 1440 4 occupied by" thesis has been the assimilation and accumulation G61 1450 2 of archaeological evidence, the most striking feature G61 1451 1 of early English studies in this century. Again omitting G61 1451 10 recent developments, E&T& Leeds' dictum of 1913 has G61 1460 6 stood unchallenged: "So far as archaeology is concerned, G61 1470 5 there is not the least warrant for the second (shore G61 1480 3 occupied by) of these theories". Even earlier Haverfield G61 1490 1 had come to the same conclusion. What they meant was G61 1490 11 that there was no evidence to show that the south and G61 1500 10 east coasts of Britain received Germanic settlers conspicuously G61 1510 4 earlier than some other parts of England. That is, G61 1520 4 there was no trace of Anglo-Saxons in Britain as early G61 1530 3 as the late third century, to which time the archaeological G61 1540 1 evidence for the erection of the Saxon Shore forts G61 1540 10 was beginning to point. In the face of a clear judgment G61 1550 9 from archaeology, therefore, it became impossible for G61 1560 4 a time for scholars to re-adopt the "shore settled G61 1570 1 by" theory. G61 1570 3 In recent years, however, a wind of change seems G61 1580 2 to be blowing through early English historical circles. G61 1580 10 The great increase in the amount of archaeological G61 1590 8 activity, and therefore information, in the years immediately G61 1600 6 preceeding and following the Second World War has brought G61 1610 5 to light data which has changed the complection of G61 1620 2 the Saxon Shore dispute. Where there were none fifteen G61 1620 11 years ago, several scholars currently are edging their G61 1630 8 way cautiously towards the acceptance of the "shore G61 1640 6 occupied by" position. We must, therefore, have a look G61 1650 5 at the new archaeological material and re-examine the G61 1660 2 literary and place-name evidence which bears upon the G61 1660 11 problem. G61 1670 1 #@# G61 1670 2 What exactly are we trying to prove? We know that the G61 1680 1 Saxon Shore was a phenonenon of late Roman defensive G61 1680 10 policy; in other words its existence belongs to the G61 1690 8 period of Roman Britain. So whenever the Romans finally G61 1700 5 withdrew from the island, the Saxon Shore disappeared G61 1710 2 in the first decade of the fifth century. We also know G61 1720 1 that the Saxon Shore as reflected in the Notitia was G61 1720 11 created as a part of the Theodosian reorganization G61 1730 8 of Britain (post-A&D& 369). My argument is that there G61 1740 7 was no Saxon Shore prior to that time even though the G61 1750 5 forts had been in existence since the time of Carausius. G61 1760 1 Therefore, what we must prove or disprove is that there G61 1760 11 were Saxons, in the broad sense in which we must construe G61 1770 11 the word, in the area of the Saxon Shore at the time G61 1780 10 it was called the Saxon Shore. That is, we must find G61 1790 6 Saxons in East Anglia, Kent, Sussex and Hampshire in G61 1800 3 the last half of the fourth century. G61 1800 10 The problem, in other words, is strictly a chronological G61 1810 8 one. In Gaul the Saxon element on its Saxon Shore was G61 1820 7 plainly visible because there the Saxons were an intrusive G61 1830 5 element in the population. In Britain, obviously, the G61 1840 2 archaeological and place-name characteristics of the G61 1840 9 Saxon Shore region are bound to be Saxon. It is a matter G61 1850 12 of trying to sort out an earlier fourth-century Saxon G61 1860 8 element from the later, fifth-century mainstream of G61 1870 3 Anglo-Saxon invasions. This, naturally, will be difficult G61 1880 3 to do since both the archaeological and place-name G61 1880 12 evidence in this period, with some fortunate exceptions, G61 1890 8 is insufficient for precise chronological purposes. G61 1900 5 It might be well to consider the literary evidence G61 1910 4 first because it can provide us with an answer to one G61 1920 3 important question; namely, is the idea that there G61 1920 11 were Saxon mercenaries in England at all reasonable? G62 0010 1 To do so, something was necessary beyond volunteering G62 0010 9 because there was little glamour or romance in the G62 0020 7 European war; it meant instead hardship, dirt, and G62 0030 4 death. G62 0030 5 Baker gave Leonard Wood credit for the initiation G62 0040 3 of the draft of soldiers; from the General's idea a G62 0050 2 chain reaction occurred. Wood took the proposal to G62 0050 10 Chief of Staff Hugh L& Scott, who passed it on to Baker G62 0060 10 a month before the actual declaration of war against G62 0070 5 Germany. The Secretary of War gave his assent after G62 0080 4 studying the history of the draft in the American Civil G62 0090 2 War as well as the British volunteer system in World G62 0090 12 War /1,. He concluded that selective service would G62 0100 7 not only prevent the disorganization of essential war G62 0110 4 industries but would avoid the undesirable moral effects G62 0120 3 of the British reliance on enlistment only- "where G62 0130 1 the feeling of the people was whipped into a frenzy G62 0130 11 by girls pinning white feathers on reluctant young G62 0140 6 men, orators preaching hate of the Germans, and newspapers G62 0150 4 exaggerating enemy outrages to make men enlist out G62 0160 2 of motives of revenge and retaliation". Baker took G62 0160 10 the plan to Wilson who said: "Baker, this is plainly G62 0170 9 right on any ground. Start to prepare the necessary G62 0180 6 legislation so that if I am obliged to go to Congress G62 0190 5 the bills will be ready for immediate consideration". G62 0200 1 The result was that by secret agreement draft machinery G62 0200 10 was actually ready long before the country knew that G62 0210 8 the device was to take the place of the volunteering G62 0220 6 method which Theodore Roosevelt favored. Before the G62 0230 3 Draft Act was passed Baker had confidentially briefed G62 0240 1 governors, sheriffs, and prospective draft board members G62 0240 8 on the administration of the measure- and the confidence G62 0250 7 was kept so well that only one newspaper learned what G62 0260 6 was going on. It was Baker, working through Provost G62 0270 3 Marshal Enoch Crowder and Major Hugh S& ("Old Ironpants") G62 0280 2 Johnson, who arranged for a secret printing by the G62 0290 1 million of selective service blanks- again before the G62 0290 9 Act was passed- until corridors in the Government Printing G62 0300 9 Office were full and the basement of the Washington G62 0310 7 Post Office was stacked to the ceiling. General Crowder G62 0320 3 proposed that Regular Army officers select the draftees G62 0330 3 in cities and towns throughout the nation; it was Baker G62 0340 1 who thought of lessening the shock, which conscription G62 0340 9 always brings to a country, by substituting "Greetings G62 0350 7 from your neighbors" for the recruiting sergeant, and G62 0360 5 registration in familiar voting places rather than G62 0370 3 at military installations. G62 0370 6 Even so, the Draft Act encountered rough sledding G62 0380 4 in its progress through the Congress. Democratic Speaker G62 0390 2 Champ Clark saw little difference between a conscript G62 0400 1 and a convict. Democrat Stanley H& Dent, Chairman of G62 0400 10 the House Military Affairs Committee, declined to introduce G62 0410 8 the bill. Democratic Floor Leader Claude Kitchin would G62 0420 7 have no part of the measure. In the judgment of Chief G62 0430 7 of Staff Scott it was ironic that the draft policy G62 0440 4 of a Democratic President, aimed at Germany, had to G62 0450 2 be pushed through the House of Representatives by the G62 0450 11 ranking minority member of the Military Affairs Committee- G62 0460 7 a Republican Jew born in Germany! He was Julius Kahn G62 0470 8 for whom the Chief of Staff thought no honor could G62 0480 5 be too great. After Kahn's death in 1924 Scott wrote: G62 0490 3 "May he rest in peace with the eternal gratitude of G62 0500 2 his adopted country". G62 0500 5 In spite of powerful opposition the Draft Act finally G62 0510 4 passed Congress on May 17, 1917. In early June ten G62 0520 2 million young men registered by name and number. The G62 0520 11 day passed without incident in spite of the warning G62 0530 8 of Senator James A& Reed of Missouri: "Baker, you will G62 0540 6 have the streets of our American cities running with G62 0550 4 blood on registration day". On July 20, the first drawing G62 0560 3 of numbers occurred in the Senate Office Building before G62 0570 1 a distinguished group of congressmen and high Army G62 0570 9 officers. Secretary of War Baker, blindfolded, put G62 0580 6 his hand into a large glass bowl and drew the initial G62 0590 6 number of those to be called. It was 258. A man in G62 0600 4 Mississippi wired: "Thanks for drawing 258- that's G62 0610 1 me". He was the first of 2,800,000 called to the Army G62 0610 12 through the selective service system. G62 0620 4 ## G62 0620 5 It was one thing to call men to the colors; it was G62 0630 4 another to house, feed, and train them. The existing G62 0640 1 Army posts were wholly inadequate. In a matter of months G62 0640 11 the War Department built thirty-two camps, each one G62 0650 8 accommodating fifty thousand men- sixteen were under G62 0660 4 canvas in the South and sixteen with frame structures G62 0670 2 in the North. It was a gargantuan task; a typical cantonment G62 0680 2 in the North had twelve hundred buildings, an G62 0680 10 electric-sewer-water G62 0700 1 system, and twenty-five miles of roads. At Camp Taylor G62 0700 11 in Kentucky a barracks was built in an hour and a half G62 0710 11 from timber that had been standing in Mississippi forests G62 0720 6 one week before. The total operation was a construction G62 0730 4 project comparable in magnitude with the Panama Canal, G62 0740 2 but in 1917 time was in short supply; in three months G62 0750 1 the Army spent three-quarters as much as had been expended G62 0750 12 on the "big Ditch" in ten years. G62 0760 5 In later years Josephus Danielswas to claim that G62 0770 3 World War /1, was the first in American history in G62 0770 13 which there was great concern for both the health and G62 0780 10 morals of our soldiers. It was the first American war G62 0790 7 in which the death rate from disease was lower than G62 0800 4 that from battle, due to the provision of trained medical G62 0810 2 personnel (of the 200,000 officers, 42,000 were physicians), G62 0810 10 compulsory vaccination, rigorous camp sanitation, and G62 0820 6 adequate hospital facilities. To the middle of September G62 0830 7 1918, there had been fewer than 10,000 deaths from G62 0840 4 disease in the new army. This enviable record would G62 0850 2 have been maintained but for a great and unexpected G62 0850 11 disaster which struck the world with murderous stealth. G62 0860 6 It was the influenza pandemic of 1918-19. The malady G62 0870 6 was popularly known as the "Spanish flu" from the alleged G62 0880 4 locale of its origin. The world-wide total of deaths G62 0890 1 from "Spanish flu" was around twenty million; in the G62 0890 10 United States 300,000 succumbed to it. In mid-September G62 0900 9 1918, the influenza-pneumonia pandemic swept through G62 0910 4 every American military camp; during the eight-week G62 0920 4 blitz attack 25,000 soldiers died from the disease G62 0930 1 and the death rate (formerly 5 per year per 1,000 men) G62 0930 12 increased almost fifty times to 4 per week per 1,000 G62 0940 9 men. In spite of this catastrophe the final mortality G62 0950 4 figure from disease in the American Army during World G62 0960 3 War /1, was 15 per 1,000 per year, contrasted with G62 0970 1 110 per 1,000 per year in the Mexican War, and 65 in G62 0970 13 the American Civil War. G62 0980 2 Both Secretary of War Baker and Secretary of Navy G62 0990 1 Daniels devoted much time and effort to the problem G62 0990 10 of providing reasonably normal and wholesome activities G62 1000 6 in camp for the millions of men who had been removed G62 1010 6 from their home environment. Their policy ran counter G62 1020 3 to the traditional idea that a good fighter was usually G62 1020 13 a libertine, and that in sex affairs "God-given passion" G62 1030 10 was a proof of manliness. Baker moved first; six days G62 1040 8 after war was declared he appointed Raymond Fosdick G62 1050 5 chairman of the Commission on Training Camp Activities G62 1060 3 (the ~CTCA). Fosdick, a brother of minister Harry Emerson G62 1080 3 Fosdick, was a graduate of Princeton, and a member G62 1080 12 of Phi Beta Kappa and the American Philosophical Association. G62 1090 9 His assignment was not a new one because Baker had G62 1100 10 sent him to the Mexican border in 1916 to investigate G62 1110 6 lurid newspaper stories about lack of discipline, drunkenness, G62 1120 4 and venereal disease in American military camps. Fosdick G62 1130 3 had found the installations surrounded by a battery G62 1130 11 of saloons and houses of prostitution, with filles G62 1140 8 de joie from all over the country flocking to San Antonio, G62 1150 8 Laredo, and El Paso to "woman the cribs". He also ascertained G62 1160 7 that many officers were indifferent to the problem, G62 1170 5 including Commanding General Frederick Funston who G62 1180 3 gave Fosdick the nickname of "Reverend". On the basis G62 1190 1 of the long chronicle of military history Funston and G62 1190 10 his brethren assumed that the issue was insoluble and G62 1200 8 that anyone interested in a mission like Fosdick's G62 1210 4 was an impractical idealist or a do-gooder. G62 1220 1 During the brief Mexican venture Fosdick's report G62 1220 8 to the Secretary recommended a definite stand by the G62 1230 8 War Department against the saloon and the excesses G62 1240 6 of prostitution. The problem involved military necessity G62 1250 2 as much as morality, for in pre-penicillin days venereal G62 1260 1 disease was a crippling disability. Fosdick insisted G62 1260 8 that a strong word was needed from Washington, and G62 1270 7 it was immediately forthcoming. Baker put the "cribs" G62 1280 5 and the saloons out of bounds, ordered the co-operation G62 1290 3 of military officers with local law authorities, and G62 1290 11 told communities that the troops would be moved unless G62 1300 9 wholesome conditions were restored. Both Baker and G62 1310 6 Fosdick knew that a substitute was necessary, that G62 1320 3 a verboten approach was not the real answer. They were G62 1330 2 aware that soldiers went to town, in more ways than G62 1330 12 one, because of the monotony of camp life, to find G62 1340 9 the only release available in the absence of movies, G62 1350 5 reading rooms, and playing fields with adequate athletic G62 1360 2 equipment. Both knew that when trains stopped at Texan G62 1360 11 crossroads bored soldiers would sometimes enter to G62 1370 7 ask the passengers if they had any reading material G62 1380 6 to spare, even a newspaper. There was no time in the G62 1390 5 short Mexican encounter to evolve a solution but the G62 1400 1 area provided a proving ground for new departures in G62 1400 10 the near future. G62 1410 1 When the United States entered the First World War G62 1410 10 Baker made certain that the Draft Act of 1917 prohibited G62 1420 10 the sale of liquor to men in uniform and that it provided G62 1430 9 for broad zones around the camps in which prostitution G62 1440 4 was outlawed. Even so Fosdick, as the new Chairman G62 1450 2 of the Commission on Training Camp Activities, encountered G62 1460 1 strong and vociferous opposition. New Orleans had a G62 1460 9 notorious red-light district extending over twenty-eight G62 1470 6 city blocks, and the business-minded mayor of the city G62 1480 5 journeyed to Washington to present the case for "the G62 1490 4 God-given right of men to be men". In Europe, Premier G62 1500 1 Clemenceau, showing his animal proclivities as the G62 1500 8 "Tiger of France", asked Pershing by letter for the G62 1510 8 creation of special houses where the sexual desires G62 1520 5 of American men could be satisfied. When Fosdick showed G62 1530 3 the letter to Baker his negative response was: "For G62 1540 1 God's sake, Raymond, don't show this to the President G62 1540 10 or he'll stop the war". Ultimately Fosdick's "Fit to G62 1550 9 fight" slogan swept across the country and every well-known G62 1560 10 red-light district in the United States was closed, G62 1570 7 a hundred and ten of them. The result was that the G62 1580 5 rate of venereal disease in the American Army was the G62 1590 3 lowest in our military history. G62 1590 8 This was the negative side of the situation. Affirmatively G62 1600 6 Baker worked on the premise that "young men spontaneously G62 1610 4 prefer to be decent, and that opportunities for wholesome G62 1620 3 recreation are the best possible cure for irregularities G62 1630 1 in conduct which arise from idleness and the baser G62 1630 10 temptations". The wholesome activities were to be provided G62 1640 8 by many organizations including the ~YMCA, the Knights G62 1650 5 of Columbus, the Jewish Welfare Board, the American G62 1660 4 Library Association, and the Playground and Recreation G62 1670 2 Association- private societies which voluntarily performed G62 1680 1 the job that was taken over almost entirely by the G62 1680 11 Special Services Division of the Army itself in World G62 1690 8 War /2,. Over these voluntary agencies, in 1917-18, G62 1700 6 the ~CTCA served as a co-ordinating body in carrying G62 1710 4 out what Survey called "the most stupendous piece of G62 1720 3 social work in modern times". Under Fosdick the first G62 1730 1 executive officer of the ~CTCA was Richard Byrd, whose G62 1730 10 name in later years was to become synonymous with activities G62 1740 9 at the polar antipodes. From the point of view of popularity G62 1750 8 the best-known member of the Commission was Walter G62 1760 5 Camp, the Yale athlete whose sobriquet was "the father G62 1770 4 of American football". He was placed in charge of athletics, G62 1780 2 and among other things adapted the type of calisthenics G62 1780 11 known as the daily dozen. The ~CTCA program of activities G62 1790 10 was profuse: William Farnum and Mary Pickford on the G62 1800 8 screen, Elsie Janis and Harry Lauder on the stage, G62 1810 7 books provided by the American Library Association, G62 1820 3 full equipment for games and sports- except that no G62 1830 2 "bones" were furnished for the all-time favorite pastime G62 1830 11 played on any floor and known as "African golf". The G62 1840 10 ~CTCA distributed a khaki-bound songbook that provided G62 1850 7 the impetus for spirited renditions of the selections G62 1860 5 found therein, plus a number of others whose lyrics G62 1870 3 were more earthy- from "Johnny Get Your Gun" to "Keep G62 1880 2 the Home Fires Burning" to "Mademoiselle from Armentieres". G63 0010 1 In the imagination of the nineteenth century the Greek G63 0010 10 tragedians and Shakespeare stand side by side, their G63 0020 7 affinity transcending all the immense contrarieties G63 0030 3 of historical circumstance, religious belief, and poetic G63 0040 2 form. G63 0040 3 We no longer use the particular terms of Lessing G63 0050 1 and Victor Hugo. But we abide by their insight. The G63 0050 11 word "tragedy" encloses for us in a single span both G63 0060 9 the Greek and the Elizabethan example. The sense of G63 0070 5 relationship overreaches the historical truth that G63 0080 3 Shakespeare may have known next to nothing of the actual G63 0090 1 works of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. It transcends G63 0090 9 the glaring fact that the Elizabethans mixed tragedy G63 0100 8 and comedy whereas the Greeks kept the two modes severely G63 0110 8 distinct. It overcomes our emphatic awareness of the G63 0120 4 vast difference in the shape and fabric of the two G63 0130 2 languages and styles of dramatic presentation. The G63 0130 9 intimations of a related spirit and ordering of human G63 0140 8 values are stronger than any sense of disparity. Comparable G63 0150 5 visions of life are at work in Antigone and Romeo and G63 0160 4 Juliet. We see at once what Victor Hugo means when G63 0170 3 he calls Macbeth a northern scion of the house of Atreus. G63 0180 1 Elsinore seems to lie in a range of Mycenae, and the G63 0180 12 fate of Orestes resounds in that of Hamlet. The hounds G63 0190 8 of hell search out their quarry in Apollo's sanctuary G63 0200 5 as they do in the tent of Richard /3,. Oedipus and G63 0210 3 Lear attain similar insights by virtue of similar blindness. G63 0220 1 It it not between Euripides and Shakespeare that the G63 0220 10 western mind turns away from the ancient tragic sense G63 0230 9 of life. It is after the late seventeenth century. G63 0240 5 I say the late seventeenth century because Racine (whom G63 0250 3 Lessing did not really know) stands on the far side G63 0260 1 of the chasm. The image of man which enters into force G63 0260 12 with Aeschylus is still vital in Phedre and Athalie. G63 0270 8 It is the triumph of rationalism and secular metaphysics G63 0280 7 which marks the point of no return. Shakespeare is G63 0290 6 closer to Sophocles than he is to Pope and Voltaire. G63 0300 3 To say this is to set aside the realness of time. But G63 0310 1 it is true, nevertheless. The modes of the imagination G63 0310 10 implicit in Athenian tragedy continued to shape the G63 0320 7 life of the mind until the age of Descartes and Newton. G63 0330 5 It is only then that the ancient habits of feeling G63 0340 3 and the classic orderings of material and psychological G63 0340 11 experience were abandoned. With the Discours de la G63 0350 8 methode and the Principia the things undreamt of in G63 0360 7 Horatio's philosophy seem to pass from the world. G63 0370 6 In Greek tragedy as in Shakespeare, mortal actions G63 0380 3 are encompassed by forces which transcend man. The G63 0380 11 reality of Orestes entails that of the Furies; the G63 0390 9 Weird Sisters wait for the soul of Macbeth. We cannot G63 0400 8 conceive of Oedipus without a Sphinx, nor of Hamlet G63 0410 5 without a Ghost. The shadows cast by the personages G63 0420 1 of Greek and Shakespearean drama lengthen into a greater G63 0420 10 darkness. And the entirety of the natural world is G63 0430 9 party to the action. The thunderclaps over the sacred G63 0440 6 wood at Colonus and the storms in King Lear are caused G63 0450 5 by more than weather. In tragedy, lightning is a messenger. G63 0460 4 But it can no longer be so once Benjamin Franklin (the G63 0470 2 incarnation of the new rational man) has flown a kite G63 0470 12 to it. The tragic stage is a platform extending precariously G63 0480 8 between heaven and hell. Those who walk on it may encounter G63 0490 9 at any turn ministers of grace or damnation. Oedipus G63 0500 4 and Lear instruct us how little of the world belongs G63 0510 4 to man. Mortality is the pacing of a brief and dangerous G63 0520 1 watch, and to all sentinels, whether at Elsinore or G63 0520 10 on the battlements at Mycenae, the coming of dawn has G63 0530 8 its breath of miracle. It banishes the night wanderers G63 0540 5 to fire or repose. But at the touch of Hume and Voltaire G63 0550 4 the noble or hideous visitations which had haunted G63 0560 1 the mind since Agamemnon's blood cried out for vengeance, G63 0560 10 disappeared altogether or took tawdry refuge among G63 0570 7 the gaslights of melodrama. Modern roosters have lost G63 0580 5 the art of crowing restless spirits back to Purgatory. G63 0590 2 In Athens, in Shakespeare's England, and at Versailles, G63 0600 2 the hierarchies of worldly power were stable and manifest. G63 0610 1 The wheel of social life spun around the royal or aristocratic G63 0610 12 centre. From it, spokes of order and degree led to G63 0620 10 the outward rim of the common man. Tragedy presumes G63 0630 5 such a configuration. Its sphere is that of royal courts, G63 0640 4 dynastic quarrels, and vaulting ambitions. The same G63 0650 1 metaphors of swift ascent and calamitous decline apply G63 0650 9 to Oedipus and Macbeth because they applied also to G63 0660 8 Alcibiades and Essex. And the fate of such men has G63 0670 7 tragic relevance because it is public. Agamemnon, Creon, G63 0680 2 and Medea perform their tragic actions before the eyes G63 0690 1 of the polis. Similarly the sufferings of Hamlet, Othello, G63 0700 1 or Phedre engage the fortunes of the state. They are G63 0700 11 enacted at the heart of the body politic. Hence the G63 0710 8 natural setting of tragedy is the palace gate, the G63 0720 4 public square, or the court chamber. Greek and Elizabethan G63 0730 1 life and, to a certain extent, the life of Versailles G63 0730 11 shared this character of intense "publicity". Princes G63 0740 7 and factions clashed in the open street and died on G63 0750 8 the open scaffold. G63 0750 11 With the rise to power of the middle class the centre G63 0760 10 of gravity in human affairs shifted from the public G63 0770 5 to the private. The art of Defoe and Richardson is G63 0780 2 founded on an awareness of this great change. Heretofore G63 0790 1 an action had possessed the breadth of tragedy only G63 0790 10 if it involved high personages and if it occurred in G63 0800 7 the public view. Behind the tragic hero stands the G63 0810 4 chorus, the crowd, or the observant courtier. In the G63 0820 1 eighteenth century there emerges for the first time G63 0820 9 the notion of a private tragedy (or nearly for the G63 0830 7 first time, there having been a small number of Elizabethan G63 0840 4 domestic tragedies such as the famous Arden of Feversham). G63 0850 3 In La Nouvelle-Heloi^se and Werther tragedy is made G63 0860 4 intimate. And private tragedy became the chosen ground G63 0870 1 not of drama, but of the new, unfolding art of the G63 0870 12 novel. G63 0880 1 The novel was not only the presenter of the new, G63 0880 11 secular, rationalistic, private world of the middle G63 0890 6 class. It served also as a literary form exactly appropriate G63 0900 3 to the fragmented audience of modern urban culture. G63 0910 1 I have said before how difficult it is to make any G63 0910 12 precise statements with regard to the character of G63 0920 7 the Greek and Elizabethan public. But one major fact G63 0930 5 seems undeniable. Until the advent of rational empiricism G63 0940 2 the controlling habits of the western mind were symbolic G63 0950 1 and allegoric. Available evidence regarding the natural G63 0950 8 world, the course of history, and the varieties of G63 0960 8 human action were translated into imaginative designs G63 0970 4 or mythologies. Classic mythology and Christianity G63 0980 1 are such architectures of the imagination. They order G63 0980 9 the manifold levels of reality and moral value along G63 0990 8 an axis of being which extends from brute matter to G63 1000 6 the immaculate stars. There had not yet supervened G63 1010 2 between understanding and expression the new languages G63 1010 9 of mathematics and scientific formulas. The poet was G63 1020 8 by definition a realist, his imaginings and parables G63 1030 5 being natural organizations of reality. And in these G63 1040 4 organizations certain primal notions played a radiant G63 1050 1 part, radiant both in the sense of giving light and G63 1050 11 of being a pole toward which all perspectives converge. G63 1060 6 I mean such concepts as the presence of the supernatural G63 1070 4 in human affairs, the sacraments of grace and divine G63 1080 3 retribution, the idea of preordainment (the oracle G63 1080 10 over Oedipus, the prophecy of the witches to Macbeth, G63 1090 8 or God's covenant with His people in Athalie). I refer G63 1100 7 to the notion that the structure of society is a microcosm G63 1110 6 of the cosmic design and that history conforms to patterns G63 1120 4 of justice and chastisement as if it were a morality G63 1130 1 play set in motion by the gods for our instruction. G63 1130 11 These conceptions and the manner in which they were G63 1140 9 transposed into poetry or engendered by poetic form G63 1150 5 are intrinsic to western life from the time of Aeschylus G63 1160 3 to that of Shakespeare. And although they were, as G63 1160 12 I have indicated, under increasing strain at the time G63 1170 9 of Racine, they are still alive in his theatre. They G63 1180 8 are the essential force behind the conventions of tragedy. G63 1190 5 They are as decisively present in the Oresteia and G63 1200 2 Oedipus as in Macbeth, King Lear, and Phedre. G63 1210 1 After the seventeenth century the audience ceased G63 1210 8 to be an organic community to which these ideas and G63 1220 10 their attendant habits of figurative language would G63 1230 5 be natural or immediately familiar. Concepts such as G63 1240 3 grace, damnation, purgation, blasphemy, or the chain G63 1240 10 of being, which are everywhere implicit in classic G63 1250 8 and Shakespearean tragedy, lose their vitality. They G63 1260 5 become philosophic abstractions of a private and problematic G63 1270 5 relevance, or mere catchwords in religious customs G63 1280 1 which had in them a diminishing part of active belief. G63 1280 11 After Shakespeare the master spirits of western consciousness G63 1290 7 are no longer the blind seers, the poets, or Orpheus G63 1300 8 performing his art in the face of hell. They are Descartes, G63 1310 6 Newton, and Voltaire. And their chroniclers are not G63 1320 3 the dramatic poets but the prose novelists. G63 1320 10 The romantics were the immediate inheritors of this G63 1330 8 tremendous change. They were not yet prepared to accept G63 1340 8 it as irremediable. Rousseau's primitivism, the anti-Newtonian G63 1350 5 mythology of Blake, Coleridge's organic metaphysics, G63 1360 3 Victor Hugo's image of the poets as the Magi, and Shelley's G63 1370 3 "unacknowledged legislators" are related elements in G63 1380 2 the rear-guard action fought by the romantics against G63 1380 11 the new scientific rationalism. From this action sprang G63 1390 7 the idea of somehow uniting Greek and Shakespearean G63 1400 4 drama into a new total form, capable of restoring to G63 1410 4 life the ancient moral and poetic responses. The dream G63 1420 1 of achieving a synthesis between the Sophoclean and G63 1420 9 the Shakespearean genius inspired the ambitions of G63 1430 6 poets and composers from the time of Shelley and Victor G63 1440 5 Hugo to that of Bayreuth. It could not really be fulfilled. G63 1450 3 The conventions into which the romantics tried to breath G63 1460 1 life no longer corresponded to the realities of thought G63 1460 10 and feeling. But the attempt itself produced a number G63 1470 8 of brilliant works, and these form a transition from G63 1480 6 the early romantic period to the new age of Ibsen and G63 1490 4 Chekhov. G63 1490 5 ## G63 1490 6 The wedding of the Hellenic to the northern genius G63 1500 2 was one of the dominant motifs in Goethe's thought. G63 1500 11 His Italian journey was a poet's version of those perennial G63 1510 10 thrusts across the Alps of the German emperors of the G63 1520 10 Middle Ages. The dream of a descent into the gardens G63 1530 7 of the south always drew German ambitions toward Rome G63 1540 3 and Sicily. Goethe asks in Wilhelm Meister whether G63 1550 2 we know the land where the lemon trees flower, and G63 1550 12 the light of the Mediterranean glows through Torquato G63 1560 7 Tasso and the Roman Elegies. Goethe believed that the G63 1570 6 Germanic spirit, with its grave strength but flagrant G63 1580 5 streaks of brutality and intolerance, should be tempered G63 1590 3 with the old sensuous wisdom and humanism of the Hellenic. G63 1600 1 On the narrower ground of poetic form, he felt that G63 1600 11 in the drama of the future the Greek conception of G63 1610 8 tragic fate should be joined to the Shakespearean vision G63 1620 4 of tragic will. The wager between God and Satan brings G63 1630 3 on the destiny of Faust, but Faust assumes his role G63 1640 1 voluntarily. G63 1640 2 The third Act of Faust /2, is a formal celebration G63 1650 1 of the union between the Germanic and the classic, G63 1650 10 between the spirit of Euripides and that of romantic G63 1660 9 drama. The motif of Faust's love for Helen of Troy G63 1670 6 goes back to the sources of the Faustian legend. It G63 1680 3 tells us of the ancient human desire to see the highest G63 1690 1 wisdom joined to the highest sensual beauty. There G63 1690 9 can be no greater magic than to wrest from death her G63 1700 8 in whom the flesh was all, in whom beauty was entirely G63 1710 4 pure because it was entirely corruptible. It is thus G63 1720 2 that the brightness of Helen passes through Marlowe's G63 1720 10 Faustus. Goethe used the fable to more elaborate ends. G63 1730 9 Faust rescuing Helen from Menelaus' vengeance is the G63 1740 7 genius of renaissance Europe restoring to life the G63 1750 5 classic tradition. The necromantic change from the G63 1760 2 palace at Sparta to Faust's Gothic castle directs us G63 1760 11 to the aesthetic meaning of the myth- the translation G63 1770 8 of antique drama into Shakespearean and romantic guise. G63 1780 5 This translation, or rather the fusion of the two G63 1790 6 ideals, creates the Gesamtkunstwerk, the "total art G63 1800 4 form". G64 0010 1 The Bishop of Gloucester described the elder Thomas G64 0010 9 in 1577 as the richest recusant in his diocese, worth G64 0020 7 five hundred pounds a year in lands and goods. When G64 0030 5 Quiney and William Parsons wrote to Greville in 1593 G64 0040 3 asking his consent in the election for bailiff, they G64 0040 12 sent the letter to Mr& William Sawnders, attendant G64 0050 7 on the worshipful Mr& Thomas Bushell at Marston. Mr& G64 0060 6 Bushell was mentioned in 1602 in the will of Joyce G64 0070 6 Hobday, widow of a Stratford glover. Thomas the elder G64 0080 3 married twice, had seventeen children, and died in G64 0080 11 1615. His daughter Elinor married Quiney's son Adrian G64 0090 7 in 1613, and his son Henry married Mary Lane of Stratford G64 0100 7 in 1609. His son Thomas, aged fifteen when he entered G64 0110 6 Oxford in 1582, married as his first wife Margaret, G64 0120 2 sister of Sir Edward Greville. Bridges, a son by his G64 0130 1 second wife, was christened at Pebworth in 1607, but G64 0130 10 Thomas the younger was living at Packwood two years G64 0140 7 later and sold Broad Marston manor in 1622. A third G64 0150 6 Thomas Bushell (1594-1674), "much loved" by Bacon, G64 0160 3 called himself "the Superlative Prodigall" in The First G64 0170 2 Part of Youths Errors (1628) and became an expert on G64 0170 12 silver mines and on the art of running into debt. G64 0180 10 Edward Greville, born about 1565, had inherited G64 0190 6 Milcote on the execution of his father Lodowick for G64 0200 3 murder in 1589. He refused his consent to the election G64 0210 1 of Quiney as bailiff in 1592, but gave it at the request G64 0210 13 of the recorder, his cousin Sir Fulke Greville. The G64 0220 8 corporation entertained him for dinner at Quiney's G64 0230 6 house in 1596/7, with wine and sugar sent by the bailiff, G64 0240 5 Sturley. At Milcote on November 3, 1597, the aldermen G64 0250 2 asked him to support their petition for a new charter. G64 0250 12 Sturley wrote to Quiney that Sir Edward "gave his allowance G64 0260 10 and liking thereof, and affied unto us his best endeavour, G64 0270 9 so that his rights be preserved", and that "Sir Edward G64 0280 6 saith we shall not be at any fault for money for prosecuting G64 0290 6 the cause, for himself will procure it and lay it down G64 0300 5 for us for the time". Greville proposed Quiney as the G64 0310 2 fittest man "for the following of the cause and to G64 0310 12 attend him in the matter", and at his suggestion the G64 0320 8 corporation allowed Quiney two shillings a day. "If G64 0330 6 you can firmly make the good knight sure to pleasure G64 0340 3 our Corporation", Sturley wrote, "besides that ordinary G64 0350 1 allowance for your diet you shall have @20 for recompence". G64 0350 11 In his letter mentioning Shakespeare on January G64 0360 8 24, 1597/8, Sturley asked Quiney especially that "theare G64 0370 6 might [be] bi Sir Ed& Grev& some meanes made to the G64 0380 7 Knightes of the Parliament for an ease and discharge G64 0390 5 of such taxes and subsedies wherewith our towne is G64 0400 2 like to be charged, and I assure u I am in great feare G64 0400 15 and doubte bi no meanes hable to paie. Sir Ed& Gre& G64 0410 10 is gonne to Brestowe and from thence to Lond& as I G64 0420 8 heare, who verie well knoweth our estates and wil be G64 0430 4 willinge to do us ani good". The knights for Warwickshire G64 0440 1 in this parliament, which ended its session on February G64 0440 10 9, were Fulke Greville (the poet) and William Combe G64 0450 9 of Warwick, as Fulke Greville and Edward Greville had G64 0460 6 been in 1593. The corporation voted on September 27, G64 0470 5 1598, that Quiney should ride to London about the suit G64 0480 3 to Sir John Fortescue, chancellor of the Exchequer, G64 0490 1 for discharging of the tax and subsidy. He had been G64 0490 11 in London for several weeks when he wrote to Shakespeare G64 0500 7 on October 25. Sturley on November 4 answered a letter G64 0510 6 from Quiney written on October 25 which imported, wrote G64 0520 3 Sturley, "that our countriman **f **f Shak& would procure G64 0530 2 us monei: which I will like of as I shall heare when G64 0530 14 wheare + howe: and I prai let not go that occasion G64 0540 11 if it mai sort to ani indifferent condicions. Allso G64 0550 5 that if monei might be had for 30 or **f a lease +c& G64 0560 6 might be procured". Sturley quoted Quiney as having G64 0570 2 written on November 1 that if he had "more monei presente G64 0570 13 much might be done to obtaine our Charter enlargd, G64 0580 9 ij& faires more, with tole of corne, bestes, and sheepe, G64 0590 7 and a matter of more valewe then all that". Sturley G64 0600 4 thought that this matter might be "the rest of the G64 0610 3 tithes and the College houses and landes in our towne". G64 0610 13 He suggested offering half to Sir Edward, fearing lest G64 0620 9 "he shall thinke it to good for us and procure it for G64 0630 10 himselfe, as he served us the last time". This refers G64 0640 5 to what had happened after the Earl of Warwick died G64 0650 2 in 1590, when the town petitioned Burghley for the G64 0650 11 right to name the vicar and schoolmaster and other G64 0660 8 privileges but Greville bought the lordship for himself. G64 0670 5 Sturley's allusion probably explains why Greville took G64 0680 4 out the patent in the names of Best and Wells, for G64 0690 2 Sir Anthony Ashley described Best as "a scrivener within G64 0690 11 Temple Bar, that deals in many matters for my L& Essex" G64 0700 11 through Sir Gelly Merrick, especially in "causes that G64 0710 7 he would not be known of". G64 0720 2 Adrian Quiney wrote to his son Richard on October G64 0730 1 29 and again perhaps the next day, since the bearer G64 0730 11 of the letter, the bailiff, was expected to reach London G64 0740 7 on November 1. In his second letter the old mercer G64 0750 5 advised his son "to bye some such warys as yow may G64 0760 2 selle presentlye with profet. yff yow bargen with **f G64 0760 11 sha **h [so in the ~MS] or Receave money ther or brynge G64 0770 11 your money home yow maye see howe knite stockynges G64 0780 7 be sold ther ys gret byinge of them at Aysshom **h. G64 0790 4 wherefore I thynke yow maye doo good yff yow can have G64 0800 1 money". This seems to refer, not to the loan Richard G64 0800 11 had asked for, but to a proposed bargain with Shakespeare. G64 0810 9 Richard Quiney the younger, a schoolboy of eleven, G64 0820 7 wrote a letter in Latin asking his father to buy copybooks G64 0830 6 ("chartaceos libellos") for him and his brother. His G64 0840 5 mother Bess, who could not write herself, reminded G64 0850 1 her husband through Sturley to buy the apron he had G64 0850 11 promised her and "a suite of hattes for 5 boies the G64 0860 10 yongst lined + trimmed with silke" (for John, only G64 0870 4 a year old). A letter signed "Isabell Bardall" entreated G64 0880 2 "Good Cozen" Quiney to find her stepson Adrian, son G64 0890 2 of George Bardell, a place in London with some handicraftsman. G64 0900 1 William Parsons and William Walford, drapers, asked G64 0900 8 Quiney to see to business matters in London. Daniel G64 0910 8 Baker deluged his "Unckle Quyne" with requests to pay G64 0920 6 money for him to drapers in Watling Street and at the G64 0930 5 Two Cats in Canning Street. His letter of October 26 G64 0940 3 named two of the men about whom Quiney had written G64 0940 13 to Shakespeare the day before. Baker wrote: "I tooke G64 0950 8 order with **f E& Grevile for the payment of Ceartaine G64 0960 7 monei beefore his going towardes London. + synce I G64 0970 5 did write unto him to dessier him to paie **f for mee G64 0980 3 which standeth mee greatly uppon to have paide. + **f G64 0980 13 more **f peeter Rowswell tooke order with his master G64 0990 6 to paie for mee". He asked Quiney to find out whether G64 1000 7 the money had been paid and, if not, to send to the G64 1010 5 lodging of Sir Edward and entreat him to pay what he G64 1020 2 owed. Baker added: "I pray you delivre these inclosed G64 1020 11 Letters And Comend mee to **f Rychard mytton whoe I G64 1030 10 know will ffreind mee for the payment of this monei". G64 1040 8 Further letters in November mention that Sir Edward G64 1050 4 paid forty pounds. G64 1050 7 Stratford's petition to the queen declared that G64 1060 6 two great fires had burnt two hundred houses in the G64 1070 4 town, with household goods, to the value of twelve G64 1070 13 thousand pounds. The chancellor of the Exchequer wrote G64 1080 8 on the petition: "in myn opinion it is very resonable G64 1090 8 and conscionable for hir maiestie to graunt in relief G64 1100 5 of this towne twise afflicted and almost wasted by G64 1110 2 fire". The queen agreed on December 17, a warrant was G64 1110 12 signed on January 27, and the Exchequer paid Quiney G64 1120 9 his expenses on February 27, 1598/9. He listed what G64 1130 6 he had spent for "My own diet in London eighteen weeks, G64 1140 4 in which I was sick a month; my mare at coming up 14 G64 1150 3 days; another I bought there to bring me home 7 weeks; G64 1160 1 and I was six days going thither and coming homewards; G64 1160 11 all which cost me at the least @20". He was allowed G64 1170 10 forty-four pounds in all, including fees to the masters G64 1180 6 of requests, Mr& Fanshawe of the Exchequer, the solicitor G64 1190 4 general, and other officials and their clerks. If he G64 1200 3 borrowed money from Shakespeare or with his help, he G64 1200 12 would now have been able to repay the loan. G64 1210 9 Since more is known about Quiney than about any G64 1220 5 other acquaintance of Shakespeare in Stratford, his G64 1230 2 career may be followed to its sudden end in 1602. During G64 1230 13 1598 and 1599 he made "manye Guiftes of myne owne provision G64 1240 11 bestowed uppon Cowrtiers + others for the better effectinge G64 1250 8 of our suites in hande". He was in London "searching G64 1260 6 records for our town's causes" in 1600 with young Henry G64 1270 6 Sturley, the assistant schoolmaster. When Sir Edward G64 1280 3 Greville enclosed the town commons on the Bancroft, G64 1290 1 Quiney and others leveled his hedges on January 21, G64 1290 10 1600/1, and were charged with riot by Sir Edward. He G64 1300 8 also sued them for taking toll of grain at their market. G64 1310 6 Accompanied by "Master Greene our solicitor" (Thomas G64 1320 2 Greene of the Middle Temple, Shakespeare's "cousin"), G64 1330 1 Quiney tried to consult Sir Edward Coke, attorney general, G64 1340 1 and gave money to a clerk and a doorkeeper "that we G64 1340 12 might have access to their master for his counsel **h G64 1350 9 butt colde nott have him att Leasure by the reason G64 1360 6 of thees trobles" (the Essex rising on February 8). G64 1370 2 He set down that "I gave **f Greene a pynte of muskadell G64 1380 1 and a roll of bread that last morning I went to have G64 1380 13 his company to Master Attorney". After returning to G64 1390 7 Stratford he drew up a defense of the town's right G64 1400 5 to toll corn and the office of collecting it, and his G64 1410 3 list of suggested witnesses included his father and G64 1410 11 Shakespeare's father. No one, he wrote, took any corn G64 1420 9 of Greville's, for his bailiff of husbandry "swore G64 1430 6 a greate oathe thatt who soe came to put hys hande G64 1440 5 into hys sackes for anye corne shuld leave hys hande G64 1450 1 be hynde hym". Quiney was in London again in June, G64 1450 11 1601, and in November, when he rode up, as Shakespeare G64 1460 8 must often have done, by way of Oxford, High Wycombe, G64 1470 5 and Uxbridge, and home through Aylesbury and Banbury. G64 1480 3 After Quiney was elected bailiff in September, 1601, G64 1490 2 without Greville's approval, Greene wrote him that G64 1490 9 Coke had promised to be of counsel for Stratford and G64 1500 10 had advised "that the office of bayly may be exercised G64 1510 8 as it is taken upon you, (**f Edwardes his consent G64 1520 3 not beinge hadd to the swearinge of you)". Asked by G64 1530 1 the townsmen to cease his suit, Greville had answered G64 1530 10 that "hytt shulde coste hym **f first + sayed it must G64 1540 10 be tried ether before my Lorde Anderson in the countrey G64 1550 5 or his uncle ffortescue in the exchequer with whom G64 1560 3 he colde more prevaile then we". The corporation proposed G64 1570 1 Chief Justice Anderson for an arbiter, sending him G64 1570 9 a gift of sack and claret. Lady Greville, daughter G64 1580 6 of the late Lord Chancellor Bromley and niece of Sir G64 1590 6 John Fortescue, was offered twenty pounds by the townsmen G64 1600 4 to make peace; she "labored + thought she shuld effecte" G64 1610 2 it but her husband said that "we shuld wynne it by G64 1610 13 the sworde". His servant Robin Whitney threatened Quiney, G64 1620 7 who had Whitney bound to "the good abaringe" to keep G64 1630 8 the peace. A report of **f Edw: Grevyles minaces to G64 1640 6 the Baileefe Aldermen + Burgesses of Stratforde" tells G64 1650 4 how Quiney was injured by Greville's men: "in the tyme G64 1660 4 **f Ryc' Quyney was bayleefe ther came some of them G64 1670 2 whoe beinge druncke fell to braweling in ther hosts G64 1670 11 howse wher thei druncke + drewe ther dagers uppon the G64 1680 9 hoste: att a faier tyme the Baileefe being late abroade G64 1690 5 to see the towne in order + comminge by in **f hurley G64 1700 3 Burley. came into the howse + commawnded the peace G64 1700 12 to be kept butt colde nott prevayle + in hys endevor G64 1710 10 to sticle the brawle had his heade grevouselye brooken G64 1720 5 by one of hys [Greville's] men whom nether hym selfe G64 1730 4 [Greville] punnished nor wolde suffer to be punnished G64 1740 1 but with a shewe to turne them awaye + enterteyned G64 1740 11 agayne". G65 0010 1 The fall of Rome, the discovery of precious metals, G65 0010 10 and the Protestant Reformation were all links and could G65 0020 7 only be explained and understood by comprehending the G65 0030 4 links that preceded and those that followed. G65 0040 1 Often the historian must consider the use of intuition G65 0040 10 or instinct by those individuals or nations which he G65 0050 8 is studying. Unconsciously, governments or races or G65 0060 5 institutions may enter into some undertaking without G65 0070 2 fully realizing why they are doing so. They react in G65 0070 12 obedience to an instinct or urge which has itself been G65 0080 10 impelled by natural law. A court may strike down a G65 0090 8 law on the basis of an intuitive feeling that the law G65 0100 4 is inimical to the numerical majority. A nation may G65 0110 1 go to war on some trifling pretext, when in reality G65 0110 11 it may have been guided by an unconscious instinct G65 0120 6 that its very life was at stake. When the historian G65 0130 3 encounters a situation in which he can perceive no G65 0130 12 visible cause and effect sequence, he should be alert G65 0140 9 to intuition and unconscious instinct as possible guides. G65 0150 5 Adams firmly contended that the historian must never G65 0160 6 underrate the impact of the geographical environment G65 0170 2 on history. Here was another indispensable tool. Indeed, G65 0180 1 he concluded that "geographical conditions have exercised G65 0180 8 a great, possibly a preponderating, influence over G65 0190 6 man's destiny". The failure of Greece to reach the G65 0200 6 imperial destiny that Periclean Athens had seemed to G65 0210 4 promise was almost directly attributable to her physical G65 0220 1 conformation. All areas of history were either favorably G65 0220 9 or adversely affected by the geographical environment, G65 0230 6 and no respectable historian could pursue the study G65 0240 5 of history without a thorough knowledge of geography. G65 0250 2 Brooks Adams was consistent in his admonishments G65 0260 1 to historians about the necessary tools or insights G65 0260 9 they needed to possess. However, as a practicing historian, G65 0270 6 he, himself, has left few clues to the amount of professional G65 0280 6 scholarship that he used when writing history. In fact, G65 0290 4 if judgments are to be rendered upon the soundness G65 0300 1 of his historicism, they must be based on scanty evidence. G65 0300 11 What evidence is available would seem to indicate that G65 0310 8 Brooks, unlike his older brother Henry, had most of G65 0320 6 the methodological vices usually found in the amateur. G65 0330 4 A credulousness, a distaste for documentation, an uncritical G65 0340 1 reliance on contemporary accounts, and a proneness G65 0340 8 to assume a theory as true before adequate proof was G65 0350 9 provided were all evidences of his failure to comprehend G65 0360 6 the use of the scientific method or to evaluate the G65 0370 2 responsibilities of the historian to his reading public. G65 0370 10 This is not to assume that his work was without merit, G65 0380 11 but the validity of his assumptions concerning the G65 0390 6 meaning of history must always be considered against G65 0400 3 this background of an unprofessional approach. G65 0410 1 His credulity is perhaps best illustrated in his G65 0410 9 introduction to The Emancipation of Massachusetts, G65 0420 4 which purports to examine the trials of Moses and to G65 0430 6 draw a parallel between the leader of the Israelite G65 0440 1 exodus from Egypt and the leadership of the Puritan G65 0440 10 clergy in colonial New England. Much criticism has G65 0450 7 been leveled at this rather forced analogy, but what G65 0460 5 is equally significant is Adams' complete acceptance G65 0470 2 of the Biblical record as "good and trustworthy history". G65 0480 1 In light of the scholarly reappraisals engendered by G65 0480 9 the higher criticism this is a most remarkable statement, G65 0490 8 particularly coming from one who was well known for G65 0500 8 his antifundamentalist views. The desire to substantiate G65 0510 3 a thesis at the expense of sound research technique G65 0520 1 smacks more of the propagandist than the historian. G65 0530 6 A similar amateurish characteristic is revealed G65 0540 4 in Adams' failure to check the accuracy and authenticity G65 0550 4 of his informational sources. If he found data that G65 0560 2 fitted his general plan, he used it and counted his G65 0560 12 sources trustworthy. Conversely, if statistics were G65 0570 5 uncovered which contradicted a cherished theory, the G65 0580 5 sources were denounced as faulty. Such manipulations G65 0590 1 are frequently encountered in his essay on the suppression G65 0600 1 of the monasteries during the English reformation. G65 0600 8 Adams depended largely on the dispatches of foreign G65 0610 6 ambassadors and observers in England, claiming that G65 0620 3 the reports of such agents had to be accurate because G65 0630 1 there were no newspapers. This is certainly an irrational G65 0630 10 dogmatism, in which the modern mind attempts to understand G65 0640 9 the spirit of the sixteenth century on twentieth-century G65 0650 5 terms. Moreover, he rejects the contemporary accounts G65 0660 3 of Englishmen, casually adjudging them to be distorted G65 0670 1 by prejudice because "the opinions of Englishmen are G65 0670 9 of no great value". What is exposited by this observation G65 0680 9 is not the inherent prejudices of Englishmen but the G65 0690 6 Anglophobia of Brooks Adams. G65 0700 1 In all fairness it must be admitted that Adams made G65 0700 11 no pretense at being an impartial historian. Impartiality G65 0710 7 to him meant an unwillingness to generalize and to G65 0720 5 search for a synthesis. He deplored the impact of German G65 0730 4 historiography on the writing of history, terming it G65 0740 2 a "dismal monster". Ranke and his disciples had reduced G65 0740 11 history to a profession of dullness; Brooks Adams preferred G65 0750 9 the chronicles of Froissart or the style and theorizing G65 0760 8 of Edward Gibbon, for at least they took a stand on G65 0770 8 the issues about which they wrote. He wrote eloquently G65 0780 2 to William James that impartial history was not only G65 0790 1 impossible but undesirable. If the historian was convinced G65 0790 9 of his own correctness, then he should not allow his G65 0800 8 vision to become fogged by disturbing facts. It was G65 0810 5 history that must be in error, not the historian. It G65 0820 2 was this basic trait that separated Adams from the G65 0820 11 ranks of professional historians and led him to commit G65 0830 9 time and time again what was his most serious offense G65 0840 6 against the historical method- namely, the tendency G65 0850 3 to assume the truth of an hypothesis before submitting G65 0860 1 it to the test of facts. G65 0860 7 All of Adams' work reflects this dogmatic characteristic. G65 0870 3 No page seems to be complete without the statement G65 0880 1 of at least one unproved generalization. One example G65 0880 9 of this was his assertion that "**h all servile revolts G65 0890 9 must be dealt with by physical force". There is no G65 0900 6 explanation of terms nor a qualification that most G65 0910 3 such revolts have been dealt with by force- only a G65 0910 13 bald dogmatism that they must, because of some undefined G65 0920 9 compulsion, be so repelled. On matters of race he was G65 0930 9 similarly inflexible: "Most of the modern Latin races G65 0940 6 seem to have inherited **h the rigidity of the Roman G65 0950 4 mind". He cites the French Revolution as typifying G65 0960 1 this rigidity but makes no mention of the Italians, G65 0960 10 who have been able to adapt to all types of circumstances. G65 0980 7 He pontificates that "one of the first signs of advancing G65 0990 7 civilization is the fall in the value of women in men's G65 1000 5 eyes". It made no difference that most evidence points G65 1010 2 to an opposite conclusion. For Adams had made up his G65 1010 12 mind before all the facts were available. G65 1020 6 All critics of Adams and his methods have observed G65 1030 5 this particular deficiency. J& T& Shotwell was appalled G65 1040 3 by such spurious history as that which attributed the G65 1050 1 fall of the Carolingian empire to the woolen trade, G65 1050 10 and he urged Adams to "transform his essay into a real G65 1060 8 history, embodying not merely those facts which fit G65 1070 5 into his theory, but also the modifications and exceptions". G65 1080 3 A& M& Wergeland called the Adams method literally antihistorical, G65 1090 2 while Clive Day maintained that the assumptions were G65 1100 2 not confined to theories alone but were also applicable G65 1100 11 to straight factual evidence. Moreover, stated Day, G65 1110 6 "He always omits facts which tend to disprove his hypothesis". G65 1120 8 Even D& A& Wasson, who compared The Emancipation of G65 1130 6 Massachusetts to the lifting of a fog from ancient G65 1140 6 landscapes, was also forced to admit the methodological G65 1150 1 deficiencies of the author. G65 1150 5 In summary, Brooks Adams felt that the nature of G65 1160 6 history was order and that the order so discovered G65 1170 1 was as much subject to historical laws as the forces G65 1170 11 of nature. Moreover, he believed that most professional G65 1180 7 historians lacked some of the essential instruments G65 1190 5 for a proper study of history. However, despite the G65 1200 3 insight of many of his observations, his own conclusions G65 1210 1 are open to suspicion because of his failure to employ G65 1210 11 at all times the correct research methods. This should G65 1220 6 not prejudice an evaluation of his findings, but they G65 1230 5 were not the findings of a completely impartial investigator. G65 1240 2 What was perhaps more important than his concept of G65 1250 1 the nature of history and the historical method were G65 1250 10 those forces which shaped the direction of his thought. G65 1260 7 In the final analysis his contribution to American G65 1270 3 historiography was founded on almost intuitive insights G65 1280 1 into religion, economics, and Darwinism, the three G65 1280 8 factors which conditioned his search for a law of history. G65 1290 9 #RELIGION WITHOUT SUPERNATURALISM# G65 1300 1 Brooks Adams considered religion as an extremely significant G65 1310 1 manifestation of man's fear of the unknown. But it G65 1310 10 was nothing more than that. Religion and the churches G65 1320 8 were institutions which had been created by man, not G65 1330 7 God. He did not deny God; he simply did not believe G65 1340 4 that a Creator intervened or interfered in human affairs. G65 1350 2 The historian need not be concerned with the philosophical G65 1350 11 problems suggested by religion. There was no evidence, G65 1360 8 either of a positive or negative type, of the actions G65 1370 7 of a Divine Being in this world; and, since the historian G65 1380 5 should only be interested in strictly terrestrial activity, G65 1390 2 his research should eliminate the supernatural. Furthermore, G65 1400 1 he must regard religion as the expression of human G65 1400 10 forces. Certainly, he must recognize its power and G65 1410 8 attempt to ascertain its influence on the flow of history, G65 1420 7 but he must not confuse the natural and the mundane G65 1430 4 with the divine. G65 1430 7 Adams was not breaking new ground when he claimed G65 1440 4 that the worship of an unseen power was in reality G65 1450 1 a reflection of man's inability to cope with his environment. G65 1450 11 Students of anthropology and comparative religion had G65 1460 7 long been aware that there was, indeed, a direct connection. G65 1470 7 But Adams was one of the first to suggest that this G65 1480 5 human incompetence was the only motivating factor behind G65 1490 2 religion. It was this fear which explained the development G65 1500 1 of a priestly caste whose function in society was to G65 1500 11 mollify and appease the angry deities. To keep themselves G65 1510 7 entrenched in power, the priests were forced to demonstrate G65 1520 6 their unique status through the miracle. It was the G65 1530 4 use of the supernatural that kept them in business. G65 1540 1 The German barbarians of the fourth century offered G65 1540 9 an excellent example: G65 1550 1 "The Germans in the fourth century were a very simple G65 1560 1 race, who comprehended little of natural laws, and G65 1560 9 who therefore referred phenomena they did not understand G65 1570 6 to supernatural intervention. This intervention could G65 1580 4 only be controlled by priests, and thus the invasions G65 1590 2 caused a rapid rise in the influence of the sacred G65 1590 12 class. The power of every ecclesiastical organization G65 1600 6 has always rested on the miracle, and the clergy have G65 1610 6 always proved their divine commission as did Elijah". G65 1620 3 Adams contended that once such a special class had G65 1630 2 been created it became a vested interest and sought G65 1630 11 to maintain itself by assuming exclusive control over G65 1640 7 the relationships between God and man. Thus, the Church G65 1650 7 was born and because of its intrinsic character was G65 1660 3 soon identified as a conservative institution, determined G65 1670 1 to resist the forces of change, to identify itself G65 1670 10 with the political rulers, and to maintain a kind of G65 1680 8 splendid isolation from the masses. Doctrine was not G65 1690 4 only mysterious; it was also sacred, "and no believer G65 1700 2 in an inspired church could tolerate having her canons G65 1700 11 examined as we should examine human laws". These basic G65 1710 9 ideas concerning the nature of religion were, Adams G65 1720 6 believed, some of the major keys to the understanding G65 1730 3 of history and the movement of society. The dark views G65 1740 1 about the Puritans found in The Emancipation of Massachusetts G65 1750 1 were never altered. G65 1750 4 Despite their adherence to the status quo, the forces G65 1760 4 of organized religion were compelled to make adjustments G65 1770 1 as increasing civilization augmented human knowledge. G65 1770 7 In The Law of Civilization and Decay Brooks Adams traced G65 1780 9 this evolution, always pointing to the fact that although G65 1790 8 the forms became more rational, the substance remained G65 1800 5 unchanged. The relic worship and monasticism of the G65 1810 3 Middle Ages were more advanced forms than were primitive G65 1820 1 fetish worship and nature myths. Yet, the idea imbedded G65 1820 10 in each was identical: to surround the unknown with G65 1830 8 mystery and to isolate that class which had been given G65 1840 6 special dominion over the secrets of God. To Adams G65 1850 3 that age in which religion exercised power over the G65 1850 12 entire culture of the race was one of imagination, G65 1860 9 and it is largely the admiration he so obviously held G65 1870 6 for such eras that betrays a peculiar religiosity- G65 1880 1 a sentiment he would have probably denied. G66 0010 1 Stephens had written his classic "incidents of travel" G66 0010 9 about these regions a hundred years before, and Catherwood, G66 0020 8 who had studied Piranesi in London and the great ruins G66 0030 7 of Egypt and Greece, had drawn the splendid illustrations G66 0040 4 that accompanied the text. Catherwood, an architect G66 0050 2 in New York, had been forgotten, like Stephens, and G66 0050 11 Victor reconstructed their lives as one reconstructs, G66 0060 7 for a museum, a dinosaur from two or three petrified G66 0070 6 bones. He had unearthed Stephens's letters in a New G66 0080 5 Jersey farmhouse and he discovered Stephens's unmarked G66 0090 2 grave in an old cemetery on the east side of New York, G66 0090 14 where the great traveller had been hastily buried during G66 0100 9 a cholera epidemic. Victor had been stirred by my account G66 0110 8 of him in Makers and Finders, for Stephens was one G66 0120 5 of the lost writers whom Melville had seen in his childhood G66 0130 4 and whom I was bent on resurrecting. G66 0130 11 Victor had led an adventurous life. His metier was G66 0140 9 the American tropics, and he had lived all over Latin G66 0150 8 America and among the primitive tribes on the Amazon G66 0160 5 river. Well he knew the sleepless nights, the howling G66 0170 1 sore-ridden dogs and the biting insects in the villages G66 0170 11 of the Kofanes and Huitotoes. He had not yet undertaken G66 0180 9 the great exploit of his later years, the rediscovery G66 0190 7 of the ancient Inca highway, the route of Pizarro in G66 0200 5 Peru, but he had climbed to the original El Dorado, G66 0210 1 the Andean lake of Guatemala, and he had scaled the G66 0210 11 southern Sierra Nevada with its Tibetan-like people G66 0220 7 and looked into the emerald mines of Muzo. As a naturalist G66 0230 7 living for two years at the headwaters of the Amazon, G66 0240 4 he had collected specimens for Mexican museums, and G66 0250 2 he had taken to the London zoo a live quetzal, the G66 0250 13 sacred bird of the old Mayans. In fact, he had raised G66 0260 9 quetzal birds in his camp in the forest of Ecuador. G66 0270 5 Moreover, he had spent six months on the Galapagos G66 0280 1 islands, among the great turtles that Captain Cook G66 0280 9 had found there, and now and then he would disappear G66 0290 9 into some small island of the West Indies. Victor's G66 0300 5 book on John Lloyd Stephens was largely written in G66 0310 3 my study in the house at Weston. G66 0310 10 I had had my name taken out of the telephone book, G66 0320 8 and this was partly because of a convict who had been G66 0330 6 discharged from Sing Sing and who called me night after G66 0340 2 night. He said he was a friend of Heywood Broun who G66 0340 13 had run a free employment bureau for several months G66 0350 9 during the depression, but the generous Broun to whom G66 0360 7 I wrote did not know his name and I somehow conceived G66 0370 3 the morbid notion that the man in question was prowling G66 0380 1 round the house. But one day came the voice of a man G66 0380 13 I had known when he was a boy, and I later remembered G66 0390 10 that this boy, thirty years before, had struck me as G66 0400 6 coming to no good. There had been something sinister G66 0410 2 about him that warned me against him,- I had never G66 0410 12 felt that way about any other boy,- but when he uttered G66 0420 11 his name on the telephone I had forgotten this and G66 0430 7 I was glad to do what he asked of me. He was a captain, G66 0440 6 he said, in the army, and on the train to New York G66 0450 2 his purse and all his money had been stolen, and would G66 0450 13 I lend him twenty-five dollars to be given him at the G66 0460 11 General Delivery window? Never hearing from him again, G66 0470 6 I remembered the little boy of whom I had had such G66 0480 5 doubts when he was ten years old. We lived for a while G66 0490 2 in a movie melodrama with a German cook and her son G66 0490 13 who turned out to be Nazis. Finally we got them out G66 0500 10 of the house, after the boy had run away four times G66 0510 6 looking for other Nazis, threatening to murder village G66 0520 2 schoolchildren and bragging that he was to be the next G66 0520 12 Fu^hrer. Then he began to have epileptic fits. We found G66 0530 10 that a charitable society in New York had a long case-history G66 0540 10 of the two; and they agreed to see that the tragic G66 0550 8 pair would not put poison in anybody else's soup. G66 0560 3 To the Weston house came once William Allen Neilson, G66 0570 2 the president of Smith College who had been one of G66 0570 12 my old professors and who still called me "Boy" when G66 0580 9 I was sixty. It reminded me of my other professor, G66 0590 7 Edward Kennard Rand, of whom I had been so fond when G66 0600 6 I was at Harvard, the great mediaevalist and classical G66 0610 2 scholar who had asked me to call him "Ken", saying, G66 0610 12 "Age counts for nothing among those who have learned G66 0620 9 to know life sub specie aeternitatis". I had always G66 0630 6 thought of that lovable man as many years older than G66 0640 6 myself, although he was perhaps only twenty years older, G66 0650 3 and he confirmed my feeling, along with the feeling G66 0650 12 of both my sons, that teachers of the classics are G66 0660 9 invariably endearing. I must have written to say how G66 0670 7 much I had enjoyed his fine book The Building of Eternal G66 0690 3 Rome, and I found he had not regretted giving me the G66 0700 3 highest mark in his old course on the later Latin poets, G66 0700 14 although in my final examination I had ignored the G66 0720 9 questions and filled the bluebook with a comparison G66 0730 5 of Propertius and Coleridge. He had written to me about G66 0740 4 a dinner he had had with the Benedictine monks at St& G66 0750 1 Anselm's Priory in Washington. There had been reading G66 0750 9 at table, especially from two books, Pope Gregory the G66 0760 8 Great's account of St& Scholastica in his Dialogues G66 0770 7 and my own The World of Washington Irving. He said, G66 0780 6 "Some have criticized your book as being neither literary G66 0800 4 criticism nor history. Of course it was not meant to G66 0810 3 be. Some have felt that Washington Irving comes out G66 0810 12 rather slimly, but let them look at the title of the G66 0820 11 book". He felt as I felt about this best of all my G66 0830 9 books, that it was "really tops". G66 0840 1 Two or three times, C& C& Burlingham came to lunch G66 0840 11 with us in Weston, that wonderful man who lived to G66 0850 10 be more than a hundred years old and whose birthplace G66 0860 6 had been my Wall Street suburb. His reading ranged G66 0870 3 from Agatha Christie to the Book of Job and he had G66 0880 1 an insatiable interest in his fellow-creatures, while G66 0880 9 his letters were full of gossip about new politicians G66 0890 7 and old men of letters with whom he had been intimately G66 0900 5 thrown six decades before. I could never forget the G66 0910 2 gaiety with which, when he was both blind and deaf, G66 0910 12 he let me lead him around his rooms to look at some G66 0920 10 of the pictures; and once when he came to see us in G66 0930 8 New York he walked away in a rainstorm, unwilling to G66 0940 3 hear of a taxi or even an umbrella, although he was G66 0940 14 at the time ninety years old. There were several men G66 0950 9 of ninety or more whom I knew first or last, all of G66 0960 8 whom were still productive and most of whom knew one G66 0970 4 another as if they had naturally come together at the G66 0970 14 apex of their lives. I never met John Dewey, whose G66 0980 10 style was a sort of verbal fog and who had written G66 0990 8 asking me to go to Mexico with him when he was investigating G66 1000 5 the cause of Trotsky; but I liked to think of him at G66 1010 4 ninety swimming and working at Key West long after G66 1010 13 Hemingway had moved to Cuba. At Lee Simonson's house, G66 1020 9 I had dined with Edith Hamilton, the nonogenarian rationalist G66 1030 7 and the charming scholar who had a great popular success G66 1040 7 with The Greek Way. Then there was Mark Howe and there G66 1050 7 was Henry Dwight Sedgwick, an accomplished man of letters G66 1060 4 who wrote in the spirit of Montaigne and produced in G66 1070 2 the end a formidable body of work. I saw Sedgwick often G66 1070 13 before his death at ninety-five,- he had remarried G66 1080 9 at the age of ninety,- and he asked me, when once I G66 1090 10 returned from Rome, if I knew the Cavallinis in the G66 1100 4 church of St& Cecilia in Trastevere. I had to confess G66 1110 2 that I had missed these frescoes, recently discovered, G66 1110 10 that he had studied in his eighties. Sedgwick had chosen G66 1120 10 to follow the philosophy of Epicurus whom, with his G66 1130 6 followers, Dante put in hell; but he defended the doctrine G66 1140 5 in The Art of Happiness, and what indeed could be said G66 1150 4 against the Epicurean virtues, health, frugality, privacy, G66 1160 2 culture and friendship? Of Mark Antony De Wolfe Howe G66 1170 1 the philosopher Whitehead said the Earth's first visitors G66 1170 9 to Mars should be persons likely to make a good impression, G66 1180 10 and when he was asked, "Whom would you send"? he replied, G66 1200 8 "My first choice would be Mark Howe". This friend of G66 1210 8 many years came once to visit us in the house at Weston. G66 1220 7 Then I spoke at the ninetieth birthday party of W& G66 1230 4 E& Burghardt Du Bois, who embarked on a fictional trilogy G66 1240 2 at eighty-nine and who, with The Crisis, had created G66 1240 12 a Negro intelligentsia that had never existed in America G66 1250 9 before him. As their interpreter and guide, he had G66 1260 7 broken with Tuskegee and become a spokesman of the G66 1270 5 coloured people of the world. G66 1270 10 Mr& Burlingham,- "C&C&B&"- wrote to me once about G66 1280 9 an old friend of mine, S& K& Ratcliffe, whom I had G66 1290 9 first met in London in 1914 and who also came out for G66 1300 8 a week-end in Weston. "Did you ever know a man with G66 1310 5 greater zest for information? And his memory, like G66 1320 1 an elephant's, stored with precise knowledge of men G66 1320 9 and things and happenings". His wife, Katie, "as gay G66 1330 7 as a lark and as lively as a gazelle",- she was then G66 1340 7 seventy-six,- had a "a sense of humour that has been G66 1350 4 denied S&K&, but neither has any aesthetic perceptions. G66 1360 1 People and books are enough for them". S&K& was visiting G66 1370 1 C&C&B& and, not waiting for breakfast, he was off to G66 1380 1 the University Club, where he spent hours writing obituaries G66 1380 10 of living Americans for the Manchester guardian or G66 1390 7 the Glasgow Herald. Later, rising ninety, he was beset G66 1400 7 by publishers for the story of his life and miracles, G66 1410 6 as he put it, but, calling himself the Needy Knife-grinder, G66 1420 3 he had spent his time writing short articles and long G66 1430 1 letters and could not get even a small popular book G66 1430 11 done. Then, all but blind, he said there was nothing G66 1440 8 in Back to Methuselah,- "G&B&S& ought to have known G66 1450 6 that",- and "I look at my bookshelves despairingly, G66 1460 3 knowing that I can have nothing more to do with them". G66 1470 3 However, at eighty-five, he had still been busy writing G66 1480 1 articles, reviewing and speaking, and I had never before G66 1480 10 known an Englishman who had visited and lectured in G66 1490 8 three quarters of the United States. Finally, colleges G66 1500 4 and clubs took the line that speakers from England G66 1510 3 were not wanted any longer, even speakers like S&K&, G66 1520 1 so unlike the novelists and poets who had patronized G66 1520 10 the Americans for many years. With their facile generalizations G66 1530 8 about the United States, these mediocrities, as they G66 1540 6 often were, had been great successes. While S&K& did G66 1550 4 not like Dylan Thomas, I liked his poems very much, G66 1560 3 but I made the mistake of telling Dylan Thomas so, G66 1560 13 whereupon he said to me, "I suppose you think you know G66 1570 11 all about me". I should have replied, "I probably know G66 1580 8 something about the best part of you". But I only thought G66 1590 8 of that in the middle of the night. G66 1600 1 Many years later I went to see S&K& in England, G66 1600 11 where he was living at Whiteleaf, near Aylesbury, and G66 1620 9 he showed me beside his cottage there the remains of G66 1630 7 the road on which Boadicea is supposed to have travelled. G66 1640 4 He was convinced that George Orwell's 1984 was nearly G66 1650 3 all wrong as it applied to England, which was "driving G66 1660 1 forward into uncharted waters", with the danger of G66 1660 9 a new tyranny ahead. "But however we go, whatever our G66 1670 8 doom, it will not take the Orwellian shape". With facts G66 1680 5 mainly in his mind, he was often acute in the matter G66 1690 4 of style, and he said, "The young who have as yet nothing G66 1700 2 to say will try larks with initial letters and broken G66 1700 12 lines. But put them before a situation which they are G66 1710 10 forced to depict",- he was speaking of the Spanish G66 1720 9 civil war,- "and they have no hesitation; they merely G66 1730 3 do their best to make it real for others". G67 0010 1 He looked at her as she spoke, then got up as she was G67 0010 14 speaking still, and, simply and wordlessly, walked G67 0020 6 out. And that was the end. Or nearly. G67 0030 1 He went to the Hotel Mayflower and telegraphed Mencken. G67 0040 1 Would he meet him in Baltimore in Drawing Room ~A, G67 0040 11 Car Three on the train leaving Washington at nine o'clock G67 0050 9 next morning? They would go to New York together, where G67 0060 9 parties would be piled on weariness and on misery. G67 0070 5 But not for long. Both Alfred Harcourt and Donald Brace G67 0080 3 had written him enthusiastic praise of Elmer Gantry G67 0090 1 (any changes could be made in proof, which was already G67 0090 11 coming from the printer) and they had ordered 140,000 G67 0100 8 copies- the largest first printing of any book in history. G67 0110 7 But none of this could soothe the exacerbated nerves. G67 0120 3 On New Year's Eve, Alfred Harcourt drove him up the G67 0130 4 Hudson to Bill Brown's Training Camp, a well-known G67 0130 13 establishment for the speedy if temporary rehabilitation G67 0140 7 of drunkards who could no longer help themselves. But, G67 0150 7 in departing, Lewis begged Breasted that there be no G67 0160 6 liquor in the apartment at the Grosvenor on his return, G67 0170 3 and he took with him the first thirty galleys of Elmer G67 0180 1 Gantry. G67 0180 2 On January 4, with the boys back at school and college, G67 0190 1 Mrs& Lewis wrote Harcourt to say that she was "thro, G67 0190 11 quite thro". "This whole Washington venture was my G67 0200 8 last gesture, and it has failed. Physically as well G67 0210 8 as mentally I have reached the limit of my endurance. G67 0220 5 My last gift to him is complete silence until the book G67 0230 3 is out and the first heated discussion dies down. For G67 0230 13 him to divorce God and wife simultaneously would be G67 0240 8 bad publicity. I am really ill at the present moment, G67 0250 7 and I will go to some sort of a sanitarium to normalize G67 0260 3 myself". And she withdrew then to Cromwell Hall, in G67 0270 3 Cromwell, Connecticut. G67 0270 5 Harcourt replied: "I do really hope you can achieve G67 0280 6 serenity in the course of time. Of course I hope Hal G67 0290 4 can also, but those hopes are much more faint". G67 0300 1 #8# G67 0300 1 ON JANUARY 8, 1927, he returned to the Grosvenor in G67 0300 11 high spirits, and looking fit. He had been, he wrote G67 0310 10 Mencken at once, "in the country", a euphemism for G67 0320 6 an experience that had not greatly changed him. Charles G67 0330 4 Breasted remembers that, before unpacking his bag, G67 0340 1 he telephoned his bootlegger with a generous order, G67 0340 9 and almost at once "the familiar procession of people G67 0350 7 began milling through our living room at any hour between G67 0360 6 two P&M& and three A&M&". They were strays of every G67 0370 6 kind- university students and journalists, Village G67 0380 2 hangers-on and barflies, taxi drivers and editors and G67 0380 11 unknown poets, as well as friends like Elinor Wylie G67 0390 9 and William Rose Benet, the Van Dorens and Nathan, G67 0400 6 Rebecca West and Hugh Walpole and Osbert Sitwell, Laurence G67 0410 5 Stallings, Lewis Browne, William Seabrook, Arthur Hopkins, G67 0420 3 the Woodwards. When he came home from his office at G67 0430 3 the end of the afternoon, Breasted never knew what G67 0430 12 gathering he should expect to find, but there almost G67 0440 9 always was one. G67 0450 1 He did not neglect his wife in Cromwell Hall, but G67 0450 11 telephoned her and wrote her with assurances of his G67 0460 7 continuing interest and of his wish to "stand behind" G67 0470 4 her in their separation and of his hope that there G67 0480 1 would be no bitterness between them. She was occupying G67 0480 10 herself in an attempt to write an article about the G67 0490 9 variety of houses that they had rented abroad. He was G67 0500 6 of unsettled mind as to whether he should go abroad G67 0510 2 when the Gantry galleys were finished. For a time, G67 0510 11 urging Breasted to give up his public relations work G67 0520 9 and take up writing instead, he hoped to persuade him G67 0530 7 to become his assistant in research for the labor novel; G67 0540 5 if Breasted agreed, they would get a car and tour the G67 0550 2 country, visiting every kind of industrial center. G67 0550 9 When Breasted insisted that this was impossible for G67 0560 7 him, Lewis decided to go abroad. G67 0570 1 He telephoned L& M& Birkhead and asked him and his G67 0580 1 wife to come to Europe as his guests, but Birkhead G67 0580 11 declined on the grounds that one of them must be in G67 0590 9 the United States when Elmer Gantry was published. G67 0600 4 Lewis was spending his mornings, with the help of two G67 0610 4 secretaries, on the galleys of that long novel, making G67 0610 13 considerable revisions, and the combination of hard G67 0620 7 work and hard frivolity exhausted him once more, so G67 0630 6 that he was compelled to spend three days in the Harbor G67 0640 4 Sanatorium in the last week of January. Before he made G67 0650 2 that retreat, he telephoned Earl Blackman in Kansas G67 0650 10 City and asked him to come to Europe with him. Blackman G67 0660 10 was to be in New York by February 2, because they were G67 0670 7 sailing at 12:01 next morning. Lewis told him what G67 0680 5 clothes he should bring along, and enjoined him not G67 0690 2 to buy anything that he did not already own, they would G67 0690 13 do that in New York. Blackman arrived a day or two G67 0700 10 early, and Lewis took him to a department store immediately G67 0710 6 and outfitted him, luggage and all, and then he took G67 0720 5 him to a party at the Woodwards that went on until G67 0730 1 four in the morning. G67 0730 5 On the evening that they were to sail, Lewis himself G67 0740 3 gave a party, but he was too indisposed to appear at G67 0740 14 it. Woodward took occasion to warn Blackman about Lewis's G67 0750 9 drinking and urged him to "try to keep him sober". G67 0760 10 After a dinner party for which she had come down to G67 0770 7 New York, Mrs& Lewis and Casanova arrived to see them G67 0780 5 off, and Elinor Wylie made tart observations that indicated G67 0790 2 that Lewis had been less discreet than he had promised G67 0790 12 to be about the real nature of their separation. Nevertheless, G67 0800 10 Mrs& Lewis was still solicitous of his condition: let G67 0810 9 him do as he wished, let him sleep with chambermaids G67 0820 6 if he must, but, she begged Blackman, try to keep him G67 0830 5 from drinking a great deal and bring him back in good G67 0840 2 health. As they stood at the first-class rail, waving G67 0840 12 down to his wife and Casanova below, Lewis said, "Earl, G67 0850 8 there is Gracie's future husband". And when questioned G67 0860 6 by ship's reporters about the separation, she said, G67 0870 5 "I adore him, and he adores me". G67 0880 1 Blackman had brought news from Kansas City. Before G67 0880 8 his departure, a group of his friends, the Reverend G67 0890 8 Stidger among them, had given him a luncheon, and Stidger G67 0900 6 had seen advance sheets of Elmer Gantry. He was outraged G67 0910 4 by the book and announced that he had discovered fifty G67 0920 2 technical errors in its account of church practices. G67 0920 10 L& M& Birkhead challenged him to name one and he was G67 0930 10 silent. But his rancor did not cease, and presently, G67 0940 6 on March 13, when he preached a sermon on the text, G67 0950 4 "And Ben-hadad Was Drunk", he told his congregation G67 0960 1 how disappointed he was in Mr& Lewis, how he regretted G67 0960 11 having had him in his house, and how he should have G67 0970 11 been warned by the fact that the novelist was drunk G67 0980 6 all the time that he was working on the book. But that G67 0990 4 sermon, like those of hundreds of other ministers, G67 0990 12 was yet to be delivered. G67 1000 5 In London Lewis took the usual suite in Bury Street. G67 1010 4 To the newspapers he talked about his unquiet life, G67 1020 1 about his wish to be a newspaperman once more, about G67 1020 11 the prevalence of American slang in British speech, G67 1030 6 about the loquacity of the English and the impossibility G67 1040 4 of finding quiet in a railway carriage, about his plans G67 1050 3 to wander for two years "unless stopped and made to G67 1050 13 write another book". The Manchester Guardian wondered G67 1060 7 how anyone in a railway carriage would have an opportunity G67 1070 9 to talk to Mr& Lewis, since it was well known that G67 1080 7 Mr& Lewis always did all of the talking. His English G67 1090 3 friends, it said, had gone into training to keep up G67 1100 2 with him vocally and with his "allegro movements around G67 1100 11 the luncheon table". The New York Times editorialist G67 1110 7 wondered just who would stop Mr& Lewis and make him G67 1120 8 write a book. G67 1120 11 Lewis's remarks about his marriage were suggestive G67 1130 7 enough to induce American reporters to invade the offices G67 1140 6 of Harcourt, Brace + Company for information, to pursue G67 1150 4 Mrs& Lewis to Cromwell Hall, and, after she had returned G67 1160 4 to New York, to ferret her out at the Stanhope on upper G67 1170 2 Fifth Avenue where she had taken an apartment. There, G67 1170 11 to the Evening Post, she emphatically denied the divorce G67 1180 8 rumors and explained that she had stayed behind because G67 1190 7 of the schooling of their son, which henceforth would G67 1200 4 be strictly American. These rumors of permanent separation G67 1210 2 started up a whole crop of stories about her. One had G67 1220 1 it that a friend, protesting her snobbery, said, "But, G67 1220 10 Gracie, you are an American, aren't you"? and she replied, G67 1230 10 "I was born in America, but I was conceived in Vienna". G67 1240 9 Lewis himself furthered these tales. He is said to G67 1250 9 have reported that once, when she went to a hospital G67 1260 7 to call on a friend after a serious operation, and G67 1270 2 the friend protested that it had been "nothing", she G67 1270 11 replied, "Well, it was your healthy American peasant G67 1280 8 blood that pulled you through". With these and similar G67 1290 7 tales he was entertaining his English friends, all G67 1300 4 of whom he was seeing when he was not showing Blackman G67 1310 2 the sights of London and its environs. G67 1310 9 At once upon his arrival, he telephoned Lady Sybil G67 1320 7 Colefax who invited them to tea, and then Lewis decided G67 1330 6 to give a party as a quick way of rounding up his friends. G67 1340 4 He invited Lady Sybil, Lord Thomson, Bechhofer Roberts, G67 1350 2 and a half dozen others. It was a dinner party, Lewis G67 1350 13 had been drinking during the afternoon, and long before G67 1360 9 the party really got under way, he was quite drunk, G67 1370 8 with the result that the party broke up even before G67 1380 4 dinner was over. Lewis, at the head of the table, would G67 1390 1 leap up and move around behind the chairs of his guests G67 1390 12 making remarks that, when not highly offensive, were G67 1400 7 at least highly inappropriate, and then presently he G67 1410 5 collapsed and was put to bed. G67 1410 11 When Blackman emerged from the bedroom, everyone G67 1420 7 was gone except the tolerant Lord Thomson, who stayed G67 1430 5 and chatted with him for half an hour, and then Blackman G67 1440 4 lay awake most of that night, despairing of what he G67 1450 1 must expect on the Continent. Finally, at dawn, he G67 1450 10 fell asleep, and when he awoke and came into the living G67 1460 9 room, he found Lewis in his pajamas before the fire, G67 1470 4 smoking a cigarette. Blackman said that he wanted to G67 1480 2 apologize for not having prevented Lewis from making G67 1480 10 that horrible spectacle of himself, that he should G67 1490 7 have seized him by the neck at once and forcibly hauled G67 1500 6 him into his bedroom. Lewis warned him never to lay G67 1510 3 a hand on him, and then Blackman asked for his fare G67 1510 14 back to the United States. Lewis looked at him and G67 1520 10 began to cry, and then, saying that he was going to G67 1530 7 make a promise, he asked Blackman to call the porter G67 1540 3 and to tell him to take out all the liquor that he G67 1540 15 did not want. "And from now on, for the rest of this G67 1550 12 trip, I will only drink what you agree that I should G67 1560 8 drink". Blackman called the porter and had him remove G67 1570 5 everything but one bottle of brandy, and after that G67 1580 2 they would have a cocktail or two before dinner, or, G67 1580 12 on one of their walking trips, beer, or, in France G67 1590 7 and Italy, wine in moderation. G67 1600 1 Lewis gave him a guidebook tour of London and, motoring G67 1600 11 and walking, took him to Stratford, but the London G67 1610 9 stay was for only ten days, and on the twentieth they G67 1620 7 took the train for Southampton, where they spent the G67 1630 4 night for an early morning Channel crossing. Near Southampton, G67 1640 2 in a considerable establishment, lived Homer Vachell, G67 1650 1 a well-known pulp writer, and his brother, Horace- G67 1650 10 both friends of Lewis's. He suggested that they call G67 1660 7 on these brothers, who received them pleasantly. Then G67 1670 4 they returned to their hotel and got ready for bed. G67 1680 3 It was late, and Blackman was ready to go to sleep, G67 1680 14 but Lewis was not. He said, "We had a good time tonight, G67 1690 11 didn't we, Earl"? Earl agreed, and Lewis said that G67 1700 7 it would have been very different if his wife had been G67 1710 6 with him. Then he kept Blackman awake for more than G67 1720 4 an hour while he did an imaginary dialogue between G67 1720 13 his wife and himself in which, discussing the evening, G67 1730 8 he was continually berated. He began the dialogue by G67 1740 6 having his wife announce that one does not invade people's G67 1750 4 homes without warning them that one is coming, and G67 1760 2 went on from that with the entire catalogue of his G67 1760 12 social gaucheries. G68 0010 1 From 1613 on, if the lists exist, they contain between G68 0010 11 twenty to thirty names. As the total number of incepting G68 0020 8 bachelors in 1629 was, according to Masson (Life, 1:218 G68 0030 5 and ~n), two hundred fifty-nine, the twenty-four names G68 0040 5 listed in the ordo senioritatis for that year constitute G68 0050 3 slightly less than one tenth of the total number of G68 0050 13 bachelors who then incepted. There were four from St& G68 0060 9 John's and four from Christ's, three from Pembroke, G68 0070 7 and two from each of the colleges, Jesus, Peterhouse, G68 0080 4 Queens', and Trinity, with Caius, Clare, King's, Magdalene, G68 0090 4 and Sidney supplying one each in the ordo senioritatis. G68 0100 2 The list was headed by [Henry] Hutton of St& John's G68 0110 2 who was matriculated from St& John's at Easter, 1625. G68 0120 2 He became a fellow of Jesus in 1629, proceeded M&A& G68 0120 12 from Jesus in 1632, and was proctor in 1639-40. The G68 0130 11 second name was [Edward] Kempe, matriculated from Queens' G68 0140 5 College at Easter, 1625. He proceeded M&A& in 1632, G68 0150 6 and B&D& in 1639, being made fellow in 1632. He was G68 0160 6 ordained deacon 16 June and priest 22 December 1633. G68 0170 2 The third name was [John] Ravencroft, who was admitted G68 0180 1 to the Inner Temple in November 1631. The fourth name G68 0180 11 was [John] Milton of Christ's College, followed by G68 0190 7 [Richard] Manningham of Peterhouse, who matriculated G68 0200 5 16 October 1624. Venn gave his B&A& as 1624, a mistake G68 0210 5 for 1629. Manningham also proceeded M&A& in 1632 and G68 0220 4 became a fellow of his college in that year. [John] G68 0230 1 Boutflower of Christ's was twelfth in the list, coming G68 0230 10 from Perse School under Mr& Lovering as pensioner 20 G68 0240 8 April 1625 under Mr& Alsop. The fourteenth name was G68 0250 6 [Richard] Buckenham, written Buckman, admitted to Christ's G68 0260 5 College under Scott 2 July 1625. The fifteenth name G68 0270 4 was [Thomas] Baldwin, admitted to Christ's 4 March G68 0280 3 1625 under Alsop. Christ's College was well represented G68 0290 1 that year in the ordo, and the name highest on the G68 0290 12 list from that college was Milton's, fourth in the G68 0300 7 entire university. Small wonder that Milton later boasted G68 0310 5 of how well his work had been received there, since G68 0320 3 he attained a rank in the order of commencing bachelors G68 0320 13 higher than that of any other inceptor from Christ's G68 0330 9 of that year. G68 0350 1 It is not possible to reconstruct fully the arrangements G68 0350 10 whereby these honors lists were then made up or even G68 0360 10 how the names that they contained assumed the order G68 0370 5 in which we find them. The process usually began with G68 0380 3 a tutor boasting about a boy, as Chappell had boasted G68 0380 13 about Lightfoot, to the higher officers of the college G68 0390 9 and university. Then the various officers of the college G68 0400 8 might take up the case. It would, however, reach the G68 0410 5 proctors and other officers in charge of the public-school G68 0420 3 performances of the incepting bachelors, and the place G68 0430 1 that any individual obtained in the lists depended G68 0430 9 greatly on how he comported himself in the public schools G68 0440 6 during his acts therein as he was incepting. Of course G68 0450 4 the higher officials could add or place a name on the G68 0460 3 list wherever they wished. Milton's name being fourth G68 0460 11 is neither too high nor too low to be assigned to the G68 0470 11 arbitrary action of vice-chancellor, proctor, master, G68 0480 5 or other mighty hand. He evidently earned the place G68 0490 4 assigned him. G68 0490 6 #RECAPITULATION OF MILTON'S UNDERGRADUATE CAREER# G68 0500 2 Looking back from the spring of 1629 over the four G68 0500 12 years of Milton's undergraduate days, certain phases G68 0510 7 of his college career stand out as of permanent consequence G68 0520 8 to him and hence to us. Of course the principal factor G68 0530 5 in the whole experience was the kind of education he G68 0540 3 received. It differed from what an undergraduate receives G68 0550 1 today from any American college or university mainly G68 0550 9 in the certainty of what he was forced to learn compared G68 0560 9 with the loose and widely scattered information obtained G68 0570 4 today by most of our undergraduates. Milton was required G68 0580 3 to absorb and display an intensive and accurate knowledge G68 0590 1 of Latin grammar, logic-rhetoric, ethics, physics or G68 0590 9 natural philosophy, metaphysics, and Latin, Greek, G68 0600 5 and Hebrew. He had also sampled various special fields G68 0610 5 of learning, being unable to miss some study of divinity, G68 0620 4 Justinian (law), and Galen (medicine). Above all, he G68 0630 2 had learned to write formal Latin prose and verse to G68 0630 12 a remarkable degree of artistry. He had learned to G68 0640 8 dispute devastatingly, both formally and informally G68 0650 3 in Latin, and according to the rules on any topic, G68 0660 1 pro or con, drawn from almost any subject, more especially G68 0660 11 from Aristotle's works. He could produce carefully G68 0670 6 constructed orations, set and formal speeches, artfully G68 0680 6 and prayerfully made by writing and rewriting with G68 0690 3 all the aid his tutor and others could provide, and G68 0690 13 then delivered verbatim from memory. He had also learned G68 0700 9 to dispute extempore remarkably well, the main evidence G68 0710 6 for which of course is the presence of his name in G68 0720 5 the honors list of 1628/29. He also displayed the ability G68 0730 3 to write Latin verse on almost any topic of dispute, G68 0730 13 the verses, of course, to be delivered from memory. G68 0740 9 Then we have surviving at least one instance of a poem G68 0750 8 prepared for another in Naturam non Pati Senium, and G68 0760 4 perhaps also the De Idea Platonica. But his greatest G68 0770 3 achievement, in his own eyes and in the eyes of his G68 0770 14 colleagues and teachers, was his amazing ability to G68 0780 8 produce literary Latin pieces, and he was often called G68 0790 7 on to do so. These were his public academic activities, G68 0800 3 domi forisque, in the college and in the university. G68 0810 1 And his performances attracted much attention, as the G68 0810 9 frequency of his surviving pieces in any calendar that G68 0820 9 may be set up for his undergraduate activities testifies. G68 0830 4 His other activities are not so easily recovered. G68 0840 5 His statements about sports and exercises of a physical G68 0850 3 nature are suggestive, but inconclusive. His later G68 0850 10 boastings of his skill with the small sword are indicative G68 0860 10 of much time and practice devoted to the use of that G68 0870 8 weapon. Venn and others have dealt with sports and G68 0880 4 pastimes at Cambridge in Milton's day with not very G68 0890 1 specific results. Milton himself, uncommunicative as G68 0890 7 he is about his lesser and nonliterary activities, G68 0900 6 at least gives us some evidence that he was a great G68 0910 6 walker, under any and all conditions. His early poems G68 0920 2 and some of his prose prolusions speak of wanderings G68 0920 11 in the city and the neighboring country that may be G68 0930 8 extended to Cambridge and its surrounding countryside. G68 0940 3 The town itself and the "reedy Cam" he often visited, G68 0950 3 as did all in the university. The churches, the taverns, G68 0960 1 and the various other places of the town must have G68 0960 11 known his figure well as he roved to and about them. G68 0970 9 The tiny hamlet of Chesterton to the north, with the G68 0980 6 fens and marshes lying on down the Ouse River, may G68 0990 2 have attracted him often, as it did many other youths G68 0990 12 of the time. The Gog Magog Hills to the southeast afforded G68 1000 9 him and all other students a vantage point from which G68 1010 7 to view the town and university of their dwelling. G68 1020 4 The country about Cambridge is flat and not particularly G68 1030 1 spectacular in its scenery, though it offers easy going G68 1030 10 to the foot traveler. Ball games, especially football, G68 1040 7 required some attention, and other organized sports G68 1050 5 may have attracted him as participant or spectator. G68 1060 3 He smoked, as did everybody, and imbibed the various G68 1060 12 alcoholic beverages of that day, although his protestations G68 1070 8 while at Cambridge and after that he was no drunkard G68 1080 8 point to reasonable abstinence from the wild drinking G68 1090 5 bouts of some of the undergraduates and, we must add, G68 1100 3 of some of their elders including many of the regents G68 1100 13 or teachers. G68 1110 1 What manner of person does Milton appear to have G68 1110 10 been when as an undergraduate he resided at Christ's G68 1120 9 College? He was then a slightly built young man of G68 1130 8 pleasing appearance, medium stature, and handsome face. G68 1140 4 Graceful as his fencing and dancing lessons had taught G68 1150 2 him to be in addition to the natural grace of his slight, G68 1150 14 wiry frame, he cut enough of a figure to have evoked G68 1160 11 a nickname in the college, to which he himself referred G68 1170 6 in Prolusion /6,: A quibusdam, audivi nuper Domina. G68 1180 4 That is, if we can trust that most specious of prolusions, G68 1190 3 packed as it is with wit and persiflage. The Domina G68 1200 1 sounds real enough, if we could only trust the conditions G68 1200 11 under which we learn of its use; but anyone who would G68 1210 11 put much trust in any phase of Prolusion /6, except G68 1220 6 its illusive allusiveness deserves whatever fate may G68 1230 4 be meted out to him by virtue of the egregiously stilted G68 1240 2 banter. In short, the traditional epithet for Milton G68 1240 10 of 'Lady of Christ's', while eminently fitting, rests G68 1250 7 only on this baffling passage in the midst of the most G68 1260 9 treacherous piece of writing Milton left us. Aubrey's G68 1270 5 mention of it (2:67, and Bodleian ~MS Aubr& 8, f& 63) G68 1280 5 comes from this prolusion, through Christopher Milton G68 1290 2 or Edward Phillips. It is not a question of truth or G68 1290 13 falsity; the prolusion in which the autobiographic G68 1300 7 statement about the epithet occurs is such a mass of G68 1310 8 intentionally buried allusions that almost nothing G68 1320 3 in it can be accepted as true- or discarded as false. G68 1330 1 The entire exercise, Latin and English, is most suggestive G68 1330 10 of the kind of person Milton had become at Christ's G68 1340 9 during his undergraduate career; the mere fact that G68 1350 6 he was selected, though as a substitute, to act as G68 1360 4 interlocutor or moderator for it, or perhaps we should G68 1360 13 say with Buck as 'father of the act', is in itself G68 1370 11 a difficult phase of his development to grasp. Milton G68 1380 7 was to act as the archfool, the supreme wit, the lightly G68 1390 5 bantering pater, Pater Liber, who could at once trip G68 1400 4 lightly over that which deserved such treatment, or G68 1400 12 could at will annihilate the common enemies of the G68 1410 9 college gathering, and with words alone. From an exercise G68 1420 7 involving merely raucous, rough-and-tumble comedy, G68 1430 2 in his hands the performance turned into a revel of G68 1440 1 wit and word play, indecent at times, but always learned, G68 1440 11 pointed, and carefully aimed at some individuals present, G68 1450 7 and at the whole assembly. To do this successfully G68 1460 5 required great skill and a special talent for both G68 1470 3 solemn and ribald raillery, a talent not bestowed on G68 1470 12 many persons, but one with which Milton was marked G68 1480 8 as being endowed and in which, at least in this performance, G68 1490 6 he obviously reveled. It may be thought unfortunate G68 1500 2 that he was called on entirely by accident to perform, G68 1510 1 if again we may trust the opening of the oratio, for G68 1510 12 it marks the beginning for us of his use of his peculiar G68 1520 11 form of witty word play that even in this Latin banter G68 1530 7 has in it the unmistakable element of viciousness and G68 1540 3 an almost sadistic delight in verbally tormenting an G68 1550 1 adversary. But the real beginnings of this development G68 1550 9 in him go back to the opposing of grammar school, and G68 1560 8 probably if it had not been this occasion and these G68 1570 4 Latin lines it would have been some others, such as G68 1580 2 the first prolusion, that set off this streak in him G68 1580 12 of unbridled and scathing verbal attack on an enemy. G68 1590 8 All western Europe would hear and listen to him in G68 1600 6 this same vein about the middle of the century. G68 1610 1 But these prolusions that we have surviving from G68 1610 9 the Christ's College days are only one phase of his G68 1620 9 existence then. Perhaps his most important private G68 1630 5 activity was the combination of reading, discussion G68 1640 2 with a few- if we can trust his writings to Diodati G68 1640 13 and the younger Gill, very few- congenial companions. G68 1650 8 Lines 23-36 of Lycidas later point to a friendship G68 1660 6 with Edward King, who entered Christ's College 9 June G68 1670 5 1626. No other names among the young men in residence G68 1680 3 at the time seem to have been even suggested by Milton G68 1690 1 as those of persons with whom he in any way consorted. G68 1690 12 But that scarcely means that he was the aloof, forbidding G68 1700 8 type of student who shared few if any activities with G68 1710 6 his fellows, the banter of the surviving prolusions G68 1720 2 providing enough evidence to deny this. Apparently G68 1720 9 he was not a participant in the college or university G68 1730 9 theatricals, which he once attacked as utterly unworthy G68 1740 6 performances (see Apology, 3:300); but even in that G68 1750 5 famous passage, Milton was aiming not at the theatricals G68 1760 2 as such but at their performance by 'persons either G68 1760 11 enter'd, or presently to enter into the ministry'. G68 1770 8 The fact that he nowhere mentioned theatrical performances G68 1780 5 as part of the activities of the boys later in his G68 1790 6 hypothetical academy (1644) should not be taken too G68 1800 2 seriously as evidence that he desired them to eschew G68 1800 11 such performances. Perhaps, in that short piece or G68 1810 7 letter written to Hartlib in which he sketched his G68 1820 5 scheme for educating young men, he merely overlooked G68 1830 1 that phase of their exercises. G69 0010 1 Writers of this class of science fiction have clearly G69 0010 10 in mind the assumptions that man can master the principles G69 0020 7 of this cause-and-effect universe and that such mastery G69 0030 5 will necessarily better the human lot. On the other G69 0040 3 hand, the bright vision of the future has been directly G69 0040 13 stated in science fiction concerned with projecting G69 0060 7 ideal societies- science fiction, of course, is related, G69 0070 6 if sometimes distantly, to that utopian literature G69 0080 3 optimistic about science, literature whose period of G69 0090 2 greatest vigor in the late nineteenth and early twentieth G69 0090 11 centuries produced Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward G69 0100 6 and H& G& Wells's A Modern Utopia. In Arthur Clarke's G69 0110 8 Childhood's End (1953), though written after the present G69 0120 8 flood of dystopias began, we can see the bright vision G69 0130 8 of science fiction clearly defined. G69 0140 2 Childhood's End- apparently indebted to Kurd Lasswitz's G69 0150 2 utopian romance, Auf Zwei Planeten (1897), and also G69 0160 2 to Wells's histories of the future, especially The G69 0160 10 World Set Free (1914) and The Shape of Things to Come G69 0170 10 (1933)- describes the bloodless conquest of earth by G69 0190 7 the Overlords, vastly superior creatures who come to G69 0200 5 our world in order to prepare the human race for its G69 0210 2 next stage of development, an eventual merging with G69 0210 10 the composite mind of the universe. Arriving just in G69 0220 8 time to stop men from turning their planet into a radioactive G69 0230 6 wasteland, the Overlords unite earth into one world G69 0240 4 in which justice, order, and benevolence prevail and G69 0250 1 ignorance, poverty, and fear have ceased to exist. G69 0250 9 Under their rule, earth becomes a technological utopia. G69 0260 6 Both abolition of war and new techniques of production, G69 0270 4 particularly robot factories, greatly increase the G69 0280 2 world's wealth, a situation described in the following G69 0280 10 passage, which has the true utopian ring: "Everything G69 0290 8 was so cheap that the necessities of life were free, G69 0300 7 provided as a public service by the community, as roads, G69 0310 5 water, street lighting and drainage had once been. G69 0320 2 A man could travel anywhere he pleased, eat whatever G69 0320 11 he fancied- without handing over any money". With destructive G69 0330 10 tensions and pressures removed men have the vigor and G69 0340 8 energy to construct a new human life- rebuilding entire G69 0350 3 cities, expanding facilities for entertainment, providing G69 0360 2 unlimited opportunities for education- indeed, for G69 0370 1 the first time giving everyone the chance to employ G69 0370 10 his talents to the fullest. Mankind, as a result, attains G69 0380 7 previously undreamed of levels of civilization and G69 0390 4 culture, a golden age which the Overlords, a very evident G69 0400 2 symbol of science, have helped produce by introducing G69 0400 10 reason and the scientific method into human activities. G69 0410 8 Thus science is the savior of mankind, and in this G69 0420 7 respect Childhood's End only blueprints in greater G69 0430 4 detail the vision of the future which, though not always G69 0435 2 so directly stated, has nevertheless been present in G69 0440 6 the minds of most science-fiction writers. G69 0450 6 Considering then the optimism which has permeated G69 0460 4 science fiction for so long, what is really remarkable G69 0470 1 is that during the last twelve years many science-fiction G69 0470 11 writers have turned about and attacked their own cherished G69 0480 9 vision of the future, have attacked the Childhood's G69 0490 5 End kind of faith that science and technology will G69 0500 4 inevitably better the human condition. And they have G69 0510 2 done this on a very large scale, with a veritable flood G69 0510 13 of novels and stories which are either dystopias or G69 0520 8 narratives of adventure with dystopian elements. Because G69 0530 5 of the means of publication- science-fiction magazines G69 0540 2 and cheap paperbacks- and because dystopian science G69 0550 1 fiction is still appearing in quantity the full range G69 0550 10 and extent of this phenomenon can hardly be known, G69 0560 8 though one fact is evident: the science-fiction imagination G69 0570 5 has been immensely fertile in its extrapolations. Among G69 0580 2 the dystopias, for example, Isaac Asimov's The Caves G69 0590 2 of Steel (1954) portrays the deadly effects on human G69 0590 11 life of the super-city of the future; James Blish's G69 0600 10 A Case of Conscience (1958) describes a world hiding G69 0610 6 from its own weapons of destruction in underground G69 0620 3 shelters; Ray Bradbury's Fahrenheit 451 (1954) presents G69 0630 4 a book-burning society in which wall television and G69 0640 2 hearing-aid radios enslave men's minds; Walter M& Miller, G69 0650 1 Jr&'s, A Canticle for Leibowitz (1959) finds men, after G69 0660 1 the great atomic disaster, stumbling back to their G69 0660 9 previous level of civilization and another catastrophe; G69 0670 5 Frederick Pohl's "The Midas Touch" (1954) predicts G69 0680 4 an economy of abundance which, in order to remain prosperous, G69 0690 4 must set its robots to consuming surplus production; G69 0700 1 Clifford D& Simak's "How-2" (1954) tells of a future G69 0710 1 when robots have taken over, leaving men nothing to G69 0710 10 do; and Robert Sheckley's The Status Civilization (1960) G69 0720 6 describes a world which, frightened by the powers of G69 0730 7 destruction science has given it, becomes static and G69 0740 4 conformist. A more complete list would also include G69 0750 1 Bradbury's "The Pedestrian" (1951), Philip K& Dick's G69 0760 1 Solar Lottery (1955), David Karp's One (1953), Wilson G69 0770 1 Tucker's The Long Loud Silence (1952), Jack Vance's G69 0780 1 To Live Forever (1956), Gore Vidal's Messiah (1954), G69 0790 6 and Bernard Wolfe's Limbo (1952), as well as the three G69 0800 10 perhaps most outstanding dystopias, Frederik Pohl and G69 0810 6 C& M& Kornbluth's The Space Merchants (1953), Kurt G69 0820 6 Vonnegut's Player Piano (1952), and John Wyndham's G69 0830 6 Re-Birth (1953), works which we will later examine G69 0840 5 in detail. The novels and stories like Pohl's Drunkard's G69 0850 2 Walk (1960), with the focus on adventure and with the G69 0860 3 dystopian elements only a dim background- in this case G69 0860 12 an uneasy, overpopulated world in which the mass of G69 0870 9 people do uninteresting routine jobs while a carefully G69 0880 6 selected, university-trained elite runs everything- G69 0890 3 are in all likelihood as numerous as dystopias. G69 0900 1 There is, of course, nothing new about dystopias, G69 0900 9 for they belong to a literary tradition which, including G69 0910 7 also the closely related satiric utopias, stretches G69 0920 3 from at least as far back as the eighteenth century G69 0930 1 and Swift's Gulliver's Travels to the twentieth century G69 0940 1 and Zamiatin's We, Capek's War with the Newts, Huxley's G69 0950 1 Brave New World, E& M& Forster's "The Machine Stops", G69 0960 2 C& S& Lewis's That Hideous Strength, and Orwell's Nineteen G69 0970 4 Eighty-Four, and which in science fiction is represented G69 0980 1 before the present deluge as early as Wells's trilogy, G69 0980 10 The Time Machine, "A Story of the Days to Come", and G69 0990 11 When the Sleeper Wakes, and as recently as Jack Williamson's G69 1000 10 "With Folded Hands" (1947), the classic story of men G69 1010 9 replaced by their own robots. What makes the current G69 1020 7 phenomenon unique is that so many science-fiction writers G69 1030 5 have reversed a trend and turned to writing works critical G69 1040 3 of the impact of science and technology on human life. G69 1050 1 Since the great flood of these dystopias has appeared G69 1050 10 only in the last twelve years, it seems fairly reasonable G69 1060 8 to assume that the chief impetus was the 1949 publication G69 1070 6 of Nineteen Eighty-Four, an assumption which is supported G69 1080 4 by the frequent echoes of such details as Room 101, G69 1090 3 along with education by conditioning from Brave New G69 1090 11 World, a book to which science-fiction writers may G69 1100 9 well have returned with new interest after reading G69 1110 6 the more powerful Orwell dystopia. G69 1120 1 Not all recent science fiction, however, is dystopian, G69 1120 9 for the optimistic strain is still very much alive G69 1130 8 in Mission of Gravity and Childhood's End, as we have G69 1140 7 seen, as well as in many other recent popular novels G69 1150 4 and stories like Fred Hoyle's The Black Cloud (1957); G69 1160 3 and among works of dystopian science fiction, not all G69 1170 2 provide intelligent criticism and very few have much G69 1170 10 merit as literature- but then real quality has always G69 1180 9 been scarce in science fiction. In addition, there G69 1190 4 are many areas of the human situation besides the impact G69 1200 3 of science and technology which are examined, for science-fiction G69 1210 1 dystopias often extrapolate political, social, economic G69 1210 7 tendencies only indirectly related to science and technology. G69 1220 8 Nevertheless, with all these qualifications and exceptions, G69 1230 7 the current dystopian phenomenon remains impressive G69 1240 4 for its criticism that science and technology, instead G69 1250 2 of bringing utopia, may well enslave, dehumanize, and G69 1250 10 even destroy men. How effectively these warnings can G69 1260 8 be presented is seen in Pohl and Kornbluth's The Space G69 1270 7 Merchants, Vonnegut's Player Piano and Wyndham's Re-Birth. G69 1280 7 Easily the best known of these three novels is The G69 1290 10 Space Merchants, a good example of a science-fiction G69 1300 7 dystopia which extrapolates much more than the impact G69 1310 4 of science on human life, though its most important G69 1320 1 warning is in this area, namely as to the use to which G69 1320 13 discoveries in the behavioral sciences may be put. G69 1330 7 The novel, which is not merely dystopian but also brilliantly G69 1340 4 satiric, describes a future America where one-sixteenth G69 1350 3 of the population, the men who run advertising agencies G69 1360 1 and big corporations, control the rest of the people, G69 1360 10 the submerged fifteen-sixteenths who are the workers G69 1370 7 and consumers, with the government being no more than G69 1380 5 "a clearing house for pressures". Like ours, the economy G69 1390 4 of the space merchants must constantly expand in order G69 1400 1 to survive, and, like ours, it is based on the principle G69 1400 12 of "ever increasing everybody's work and profits in G69 1410 7 the circle of consumption". The consequences, of course, G69 1420 5 have been dreadful: reckless expansion has led to overpopulation, G69 1430 5 pollution of the earth and depletion of its natural G69 1440 4 resources. For example, even the most successful executive G69 1450 1 lives in a two-room apartment while ordinary people G69 1450 10 rent space in the stairwells of office buildings in G69 1460 7 which to sleep at night; soyaburgers have replaced G69 1470 3 meat, and wood has become so precious that it is saved G69 1480 2 for expensive jewelry; and the atmosphere is so befouled G69 1480 11 that no one dares walk in the open without respirators G69 1490 10 or soot plugs. G69 1500 1 While The Space Merchants indicates, as Kingsley G69 1500 8 Amis has correctly observed, some of the "impending G69 1510 7 consequences of the growth of industrial and commercial G69 1520 5 power" and satirizes "existing habits in the advertising G69 1530 4 profession", its warning and analysis penetrate much G69 1540 2 deeper. What is wrong with advertising is not only G69 1540 11 that it is an "outrage, an assault on people's mental G69 1550 8 privacy" or that it is a major cause for a wasteful G69 1560 8 economy of abundance or that it contains a coercive G69 1570 3 tendency (which is closer to the point). Rather what G69 1570 12 Kornbluth and Pohl are really doing is warning against G69 1580 9 the dangers inherent in perfecting "a science of man G69 1590 7 and his motives". The Space Merchants, like such humanist G69 1600 5 documents as Joseph Wood Krutch's The Measure of Man G69 1610 5 and C& S& Lewis's The Abolition of Man, considers what G69 1620 5 may result from the scientific study of human nature. G69 1630 4 If man is actually the product of his environment and G69 1640 2 if science can discover the laws of human nature and G69 1640 12 the ways in which environment determines what people G69 1650 5 do, then someone- a someone probably standing outside G69 1660 4 traditional systems of values- can turn around and G69 1670 2 develop completely efficient means for controlling G69 1670 8 people. Thus we will have a society consisting of the G69 1680 9 planners or conditioners, and the controlled. And this, G69 1690 6 of course, is exactly what Madison Avenue has been G69 1700 3 accused of doing albeit in a primitive way, with its G69 1700 13 "hidden persuaders" and what the space merchants accomplish G69 1710 8 with much greater sophistication and precision. G69 1720 5 Pohl and Kornbluth's ad men have long since thrown G69 1730 7 out appeals to reason and developed techniques of advertising G69 1740 3 which tie in with "every basic trauma and neurosis G69 1750 1 in American life", which work on the libido of consumers, G69 1750 11 which are linked to the "great prime motivations of G69 1760 9 the human spirit". As the hero, Mitchell Courtenay, G69 1770 6 explains before his conversion, the job of advertising G69 1780 5 is "to convince people without letting them know that G69 1790 3 they're being convinced". And to do this requires first G69 1800 1 of all the kind of information about people which is G69 1800 11 provided by the scientists in industrial anthropology G69 1810 5 and consumer research, who, for example, tell Courtenay G69 1820 4 that three days is the "optimum priming period for G69 1830 2 a closed social circuit to be triggered with a catalytic G69 1830 12 cue-phrase"- which means that an effective propaganda G69 1840 9 technique is to send an idea into circulation and then G69 1850 7 three days later reinforce or undermine it. And the G69 1860 4 second requirement for convincing people without their G69 1870 2 knowledge is artistic talent to prepare the words and G69 1870 11 pictures which persuade by using the principles which G69 1880 7 the scientists have discovered. Thus the copywriter G69 1890 4 in the world of the space merchants is the person who G69 1900 3 in earlier ages might have been a lyric poet, the person G69 1900 14 "capable of putting together words that stir and move G69 1910 9 and sing". As Courtenay explains, "Here in this profession G69 1920 7 we reach into the souls of men and women. And we do G69 1930 8 it by taking talent- and redirecting it". G69 1940 2 Now the basic question to be asked in this situation G69 1950 1 is what motivates the manipulators, that is, what are G69 1950 10 their values?- since, as Courtenay says, "Nobody should G69 1960 9 play with lives the way we do unless he's motivated G69 1970 6 by the highest ideals". But the only ideal he can think G69 1980 5 of is "Sales"! Indeed, again and again, the space merchants G69 1990 3 confirm the prediction of the humanists that the conditioners G69 2000 1 and behavioral scientists, once they have seen through G69 2000 9 human nature, will have nothing except their impulses G69 2010 8 and desires to guide them. G70 0010 1 ## G70 0010 2 We often say of a person that he "looks young for his G70 0010 14 age" or "old for his age". Yet even in the more extreme G70 0020 12 of such cases we seldom go very far astray in guessing G70 0030 9 what his age actually is. And this means, I suppose, G70 0040 5 that almost invariably age reveals itself by easily G70 0050 2 recognizable signs engraved on both the body and the G70 0050 11 mind. "Young for his age" means only the presence of G70 0060 9 some minor characteristic not quite usual. Stigmata G70 0070 5 quite sufficient for diagnosis are nevertheless there. G70 0080 2 An assumption of youth, or the presence of a few youthful G70 0090 1 characteristics, deceives no more successfully than G70 0090 7 rouge or dyed hair. "Looking young for your age" means G70 0110 8 "for your age" and it means no more. G70 0120 5 A mind expressing itself in words may reveal itself G70 0130 2 a little less obviously as old or young. Its surface G70 0130 12 loses its bloom and submits to its wrinkles in ways G70 0140 9 less immediately obvious than the body does. Youth G70 0150 6 may be, and often is, skeptical, cynical or despairing; G70 0160 2 age may be idealistic, believing and much given to G70 0160 11 professions of optimism. But there is, nevertheless, G70 0170 7 always a subtle difference in the way in which supposedly G70 0180 7 similar opinions are held. The pessimism of the young G70 0190 5 is defiant, anxious to confess or even exaggerate its G70 0200 2 ostensible gloom, and so exuberant as to reveal the G70 0200 11 fact that it regards its ability to face up to the G70 0210 8 awful truth as more than enough to compensate for the G70 0220 3 awfulness of that truth. Similarly the optimism of G70 0220 11 age protests too much. If it proclaims that the best G70 0230 10 is yet to be, it always arouses, at least in the young, G70 0240 7 either a suspicious question or perhaps the exclamation G70 0250 3 of the Negro youth who saw on a tombstone the inscription, G70 0260 2 "I am not dead but sleeping". "Boy, you ain't fooling G70 0270 1 nobody but yourself". G70 0270 4 We may say of some unfortunates that they were never G70 0280 5 young. We cannot truthfully say of anyone who has succeeded G70 0290 2 in entering deep into his sixties that he was never G70 0290 12 old. Those famous lines of the Greek Anthology with G70 0300 9 which a fading beauty dedicates her mirror at the shrine G70 0310 7 of a goddess reveal a wise attitude: "Venus take my G70 0320 4 votive glass, Since I am not what I was, What from G70 0330 2 this day I shall be, Venus, let me never see". G70 0330 12 No good can come of contemplating the sad, inevitable G70 0340 9 fact that once youth has passed "a worse and worse G70 0350 7 time still succeeds the former". But there are at least G70 0360 6 two reasons for contemplating one's mind in even a G70 0370 4 cracked mirror. One is that there sometimes are real G70 0370 13 although inadequate compensations in growing old. Serenity, G70 0380 7 if one is fortunate enough to achieve it, is not so G70 0390 8 good as joy, but it is something. Even to be "from G70 0400 5 hope and fear set free" is at least better than to G70 0410 2 have lost the first without having got rid of the second. G70 0410 13 The other reason (and the one with which I am here G70 0420 10 concerned) is that one thus becomes inclined to inquire G70 0430 5 of any opinion, or change of opinion, whether it represents G70 0440 4 the wisdom of experience or is only the result of the G70 0450 2 difference between youth and age which is as inevitable G70 0450 11 as the all too obvious physical differences. One may G70 0460 7 be exasperatingly aware that if the answer is favorable G70 0470 7 it will be judged such only by those of one's own age. G70 0480 4 But at least the question has been raised. Many readers G70 0490 1 of this department no doubt discount certain of my G70 0490 10 opinions for the simple reason that they can guess G70 0500 8 pretty accurately, even if they have never actually G70 0510 4 been told, what my age is. At least I should like them G70 0520 2 to know that I know these discounts are being made. G70 0520 12 ## G70 0520 13 Let me then (and in public) glance into the mirror. G70 0530 10 I have known some men and women who said that the selves G70 0540 9 they are told about or even remember seem utter strangers G70 0550 4 to them now; that their remote past is as discontinuous G70 0560 2 with their present selves, as lacking in any conscious G70 0570 1 likeness to their mature personality, as the self of G70 0570 10 a butterfly may be imagined discontinuous with that G70 0580 5 of the caterpillar it once was. For my part I find G70 0590 5 it difficult to conceive such a state of affairs. I G70 0600 1 have changed and I have reversed opinions; but I am G70 0600 11 so aware of an uninterrupted continuity of the persona G70 0610 6 or ego that I see only as absurd the tendency of some G70 0620 5 psychologists from Heraclitus to Pirandello and Proust G70 0630 3 to regard consciousness as no more than a flux amid G70 0630 13 which nothing remains unchanged. So far as I am concerned, G70 0640 10 the child is unmistakably father to the man, despite G70 0650 7 the obvious fact that child and father differ greatly- G70 0660 4 sometimes for the better and sometimes for the worse. G70 0670 3 Fundamental values, temperament and the way in which G70 0680 1 one approaches a conviction change less, of course, G70 0680 9 than specific opinions. That fact is very clearly illustrated G70 0690 7 in the case of the many present-day intellectuals who G70 0700 5 were Communists or near-Communists in their youth and G70 0710 4 are now so extremely conservative (or reactionary, G70 0710 11 as many would say) that they can define no important G70 0720 10 political conviction that does not seem so far from G70 0730 8 even a centrist position as to make the distinction G70 0740 3 between Mr& Nixon and Mr& Khrushchev for them hardly G70 0750 2 worth noting. But in ways more fundamental than specific G70 0750 11 political opinions they are still what they always G70 0760 8 were: passionate, sure without a shadow of doubt of G70 0770 7 whatever it is that they are sure of, capable of seeing G70 0780 3 black and white only and, therefore, committed to the G70 0790 1 logical extreme of whatever it is they are temporarily G70 0790 10 committed to. G70 0800 1 To those of my readers who find many of my opinions G70 0800 12 morally, or politically, or sociologically antiquated G70 0810 5 (and I have reason to know that there are some such), G70 0820 6 I would like to say what I have already hinted, namely, G70 0830 3 that some of my opinions may indeed be subject to some G70 0840 1 discount on the simple ground that I am no longer young G70 0840 12 and therefore incapable of being youthful of mind. G70 0850 7 But I will also remind them that I have always been G70 0860 5 inclined to skepticism, to a kind of Laodicean lack G70 0870 2 of commitment so far as public affairs are concerned; G70 0870 11 so that, although not as eager as I once was to be G70 0880 11 disapproved of, I can still resist prevailing opinions. G70 0900 4 At about the age of twelve I became a Spencerian G70 0910 3 liberal, and I have always considered myself a liberal G70 0920 1 of some kind even though the definition has changed G70 0920 10 repeatedly since Spencer became a reactionary. Several G70 0930 6 times in my youth I voted the Socialist ticket, but G70 0940 5 less because I was Socialist than because I was not G70 0950 4 either a Republican or a Democrat, and I voted for G70 0960 1 Franklin Roosevelt every time he was a candidate. Yet G70 0960 10 during the years when I was on the staff of the Nation, G70 0970 10 I tried to the limit the patience of the editors on G70 0980 7 almost every occasion when I was permitted to write G70 0990 3 an editorial having a bearing on a political or social G70 1000 1 question. G70 1000 2 Never once during the trying thirties did I come G70 1000 11 so close to succumbing to the private climate of opinion G70 1010 10 as to grant Russian communism even that most weasel-worded G70 1020 7 of encomiums "an interesting experiment". There are G70 1030 4 few things of which I am prouder than of that unblemished G70 1040 4 record. Many of my friends at the time thought that G70 1050 1 I had received a well-deserved condemnation when Lincoln G70 1050 10 Steffens denounced me in a review of one of my books G70 1060 11 as a perfect example of the obsolete man who could G70 1070 6 understand and sympathize only with the dead past. G70 1080 2 But he, as I can now retort, was the man who could G70 1080 14 see so short a distance ahead that after a visit to G70 1090 10 Russia he gave voice to the famous exclamation: "I G70 1100 5 have seen the future and it works". G70 1110 1 The favorite excuse of those who have now recanted G70 1110 10 their approval of communism is that they did not know G70 1120 9 how things would develop. With this excuse I have never G70 1130 6 been much impressed. There was, it seems to me, enough G70 1140 4 in the openly declared principles and intentions of G70 1140 12 Russian leaders to alienate honorable men without their G70 1150 8 having to wait to see how it would turn out. G70 1160 8 Once many years ago I sat at dinner next to Arthur G70 1170 4 Train, and the subject of the Nation came up. He asked G70 1180 4 me suddenly, "What are your political opinions"? "Well", G70 1190 2 I replied, "some of my colleagues on the paper regard G70 1200 1 me as a rank reactionary". After a moment's thought G70 1200 10 he replied, "That still leaves you a lot of latitude". G70 1210 9 And I suppose it did. G70 1220 2 I never have been, and am not now, any kind of utopian. G70 1220 14 When I first came across Samuel Johnson's pronouncement, G70 1230 8 "the remedy for the ills of life is palliative rather G70 1240 9 than radical", it seemed to me to sum up the profoundest G70 1250 8 of political and social truths. It will probably explain G70 1260 4 more of my attitudes toward society than any other G70 1270 2 phrase or principle could. G70 1270 6 ## G70 1270 7 Why did I choose to fill these pages in this particular G70 1280 5 issue with this mixture of rather tenuous reflections G70 1290 2 and autobiography? The reason is, I think, my awareness G70 1300 1 that my remarks last quarter on pacifism may well have G70 1300 11 served to confirm the opinion of some that my tendency G70 1310 8 to skepticism and dissent gets us nowhere, and that G70 1320 5 I am simply too old to hope. I would, however, like G70 1330 2 to suggest that, wrong though I may be, the tendency G70 1330 12 to see dilemmas rather than solutions is one of which G70 1340 9 I have been a victim ever since I can remember, and G70 1350 6 therefore not merely a senile phenomenon. I know that G70 1360 4 one must act. But one need not always be sure that G70 1360 15 the action is either wise or conclusive. G70 1370 7 Apropos of what some would call cynicism, I remember G70 1380 5 an anecdote the source of which I forget. It concerns G70 1390 3 a small-town minister who staged an impressive object G70 1400 1 lesson by confining a lion and a lamb together in the G70 1400 12 same cage outside his church door. Not only his parishioners, G70 1410 8 but the whole town and, ultimately, the whole county G70 1420 5 were enormously impressed by this object lesson. One G70 1430 3 day he was visited by a delegation of would-be imitators G70 1440 1 who wanted to know his secret. "How on earth do you G70 1440 12 manage it? What is the trick"? "Why", he replied, "it G70 1450 9 is perfectly simple; there is no trick involved. All G70 1460 7 you have to do is put in a fresh lamb from time to G70 1470 5 time". Cynical? Blasphemous? Not really, it seems to G70 1480 4 me. The promise that the lion and the lamb will lie G70 1480 15 down together was given in the future tense. It is G70 1490 10 not something that can be expected to happen now. G70 1500 6 ## G70 1500 7 Without really changing the general subject, I take G70 1510 4 this opportunity to confess that I am troubled by doubts, G70 1520 2 not only about pacifism, but also when asked to join G70 1520 12 in the protest against a law that most of those who G70 1530 9 consider themselves humane and liberal seem to regard G70 1540 6 as obviously barbarous; namely, the law that prescribes G70 1550 3 the death penalty for murder when there seem to be G70 1550 13 no extenuating circumstances. It is not that I am unaware G70 1560 10 of the force of their strongest contention. Life, they G70 1570 7 say, should be regarded as sacred and, therefore, as G70 1580 5 something that neither an individual nor his society G70 1590 2 has a right to take away. In fact I cannot imagine G70 1590 13 myself condemning a man to the noose or the electric G70 1600 10 chair if I had to take, as an individual, the responsibility G70 1610 6 for his death. Just as I know I would make a bad soldier G70 1620 7 even though I cannot sincerely call myself a pacifist, G70 1630 3 so too I would not be either a hangman by profession G70 1630 14 or, if I could avoid it, even a member of a hanging G70 1640 12 jury. Despite these facts the question "Should no murderer G70 1650 7 ever be executed"? seems to me to create a dilemma G70 1660 7 not to be satisfactorily disposed of by a simple negative G70 1670 3 answer. G70 1670 4 Punishment of the wrongdoer, so liberals are inclined G70 1680 3 to say, can have only three possible justifications: G70 1690 1 revenge, reformation or deterrent example. G71 0010 1 For here if anywhere in contemporary literature is G71 0010 9 a major effort to counterbalance Existentialism and G71 0020 4 restore some of its former lustre to the tarnished G71 0030 3 image of the species Man, or, as Malraux himself puts G71 0040 1 it, "to make men conscious of the grandeur they ignore G71 0040 11 in themselves". G71 0050 1 #/1,# G71 0050 2 Andre Malraux's The Walnut Trees of Altenburg was written G71 0060 3 in the early years of the second World War, during G71 0070 1 a period of enforced leisure when he was taken prisoner G71 0070 11 by the Germans after the fall of France. The manuscript, G71 0080 8 presumably after being smuggled out of the country, G71 0090 6 was published in Switzerland in 1943. The work as it G71 0100 5 stands is not the entire book that Malraux wrote at G71 0100 15 that time- it is only the first section of a three-part G71 0110 11 novel called La Lutte avec l'Ange; and this first section G71 0120 9 was somehow preserved (there are always these annoying G71 0130 6 little mysteries about the actual facts of Malraux's G71 0140 4 life) when the Gestapo destroyed the rest. If we are G71 0150 4 to believe the list of titles printed in Malraux's G71 0150 13 latest book, La Metamorphose des Dieux, Vol& /1, (1957), G71 0160 9 he is still engaged in writing a large novel under G71 0180 8 his original title. But as he remarks in his preface G71 0190 5 to The Walnut Trees, "a novel can hardly ever be rewritten", G71 0200 4 and "when this one appears in its final form, the form G71 0210 3 of the first part **h will no doubt be radically changed". G71 0220 1 Malraux pretends, perhaps with a trifle too self-conscious G71 0220 10 a modesty, that his fragmentary work will accordingly G71 0230 7 "appeal only to the curiosity of bibliophiles" and G71 0250 2 "to connoisseurs of what might have been". Even in G71 0260 4 its present form, however, the first part of Malraux's G71 0270 1 unrecoverable novel is among the greatest works of G71 0270 9 mid-twentieth century literature; and it should be G71 0280 7 far better known than it is. G71 0290 1 The theme of The Walnut Trees of Altenburg is most G71 0290 11 closely related to its immediate predecessor in Malraux's G71 0300 8 array of novels: Man's Hope (1937). This magnificent G71 0310 6 but greatly underestimated book, which bodies forth G71 0320 5 the very form and pressure of its time as no other G71 0330 4 comparable creation, has suffered severely from having G71 0340 1 been written about an historical event- the Spanish G71 0340 9 Civil War- that is still capable of fanning the smoldering G71 0350 9 fires of old political feuds. Even so apparently impartial G71 0360 6 a critic as W& H& Frohock has taken for granted that G71 0370 6 the book was originally intended as a piece of Loyalist G71 0380 3 propaganda; and has then gone on to argue, with unimpeachable G71 0390 1 consistency, that all the obviously non-propagandistic G71 0390 8 aspects of the book are simply inadvertent "contradictions". G71 0400 8 Nothing, however, could be farther from the truth. G71 0410 8 The whole purpose of Man's Hope is to portray the tragic G71 0420 8 dialectic between means and ends inherent in all organized G71 0430 6 political violence- and even when such violence is G71 0440 3 a necessary and legitimate self-defense of liberty, G71 0440 11 justice and human dignity. Nowhere before in Malraux's G71 0450 8 pages have we met such impassioned defenders of a "quality G71 0460 8 of man" which transcends the realm of politics and G71 0470 6 even the realm of action altogether- both the action G71 0480 4 of Malraux's early anarchist-adventurers like Perken G71 0490 1 and Garine, and the self-sacrificing action of dedicated G71 0490 10 Communists like Kyo Gisors and Katow in Man's Fate. G71 0500 9 "Man engages only a small part of himself in an action" G71 0510 10 says old Alvear the art-historian; "and the more the G71 0520 5 action claims to be total, the smaller is the part G71 0530 4 of man engaged". These lines never cease to haunt the G71 0540 2 book amidst all the exaltations of combat, and to make G71 0540 12 an appeal for a larger and more elemental human community G71 0550 8 than one based on the brutal necessities of war. G71 0560 4 It is this larger theme of the "quality of man", G71 0570 3 a quality that transcends the ideological and flows G71 0570 11 into "the human", which now forms the pulsating heart G71 0580 9 of Malraux's artistic universe. Malraux, to be sure, G71 0590 7 does not abandon the world of violence, combat and G71 0600 5 sudden death which has become his hallmark as a creative G71 0610 3 artist, and which is the only world, apparently, in G71 0610 12 which his imagination can flame into life. The Walnut G71 0620 9 Trees of Altenburg includes not one war but two, and G71 0630 8 throws in a Turkish revolution along with some guerrilla G71 0640 5 fighting in the desert for good measure. But while G71 0650 2 war still serves as a catalyst for the values that G71 0650 12 Malraux wishes to express, these values are no longer G71 0660 8 linked with the triumph or defeat of any cause- whether G71 0670 6 that of an individual assertion of the will-to-power, G71 0680 4 or a collective attempt to escape from the humiliation G71 0690 1 of oppression- as their necessary condition. On the G71 0690 9 contrary, the frenzy and furor of combat is only the G71 0700 9 sombre foil against which the sudden illuminations G71 0710 3 of the human flash forth with the piercing radiance G71 0720 1 of a Caravaggio. G71 0720 4 #/2,# G71 0720 5 The Walnut Trees of Altenburg is composed in the form G71 0730 6 of a triptych, with the two small side panels framing G71 0740 2 and enclosing the main central episode of the novel. G71 0740 11 This central episode consists of a series of staccato G71 0750 9 scenes set in the period from the beginning of the G71 0760 6 present century up to the first World War. The framing G71 0770 3 scenes, on the other hand, both take place in the late G71 0780 1 Spring of 1940, just at the moment of the defeat of G71 0780 12 France in the second great world conflict. The narrator G71 0790 7 is an Alsatian serving with the French Army, and he G71 0800 6 has the same name (Berger) that Malraux himself was G71 0810 3 later to use in the Resistance; like Malraux he was G71 0810 13 also serving in the tank corps before being captured, G71 0820 9 and we learn as well that in civilian life he had been G71 0830 8 a writer. These biographical analogies are obvious, G71 0840 3 and far too much time has been spent speculating on G71 0850 2 their possible implications. G71 0850 5 Much more important is to grasp the feelings of G71 0860 4 the narrator (whose full name is never given) as he G71 0870 1 becomes aware of the disorganized and bewildered mass G71 0870 9 of French prisoners clustered together in a temporary G71 0880 6 prison camp in and around the cathedral of Chartres. G71 0890 3 For as his companions gradually dissolve back into G71 0900 2 a state of primitive confrontation with elemental necessity, G71 0900 10 as they lose all the appanage of their acquired culture, G71 0910 9 he is overcome by the feeling that he is at last being G71 0920 9 confronted with the essence of mankind. "As a writer, G71 0930 4 by what have I been obsessed these last ten years, G71 0940 2 if not by mankind? Here I am face to face with the G71 0940 14 primeval stuff". G71 0950 2 The intuition about mankind conveyed in these opening G71 0960 1 pages is of crucial importance for understanding the G71 0960 9 remainder of the text; and we must attend to it more G71 0970 10 closely than has usually been done. What does the narrator G71 0980 6 see and what does he feel? A good many pages of the G71 0990 4 first section are taken up with an account of the dogged G71 1000 1 determination of the prisoners to write to their wives G71 1000 10 and families- even when it becomes clear that the Germans G71 1010 11 are simply allowing the letters to blow away in the G71 1020 8 wind. Awkwardly and laboriously, in stiff, unemotional G71 1030 2 phrases, the soldiers continue to bridge the distance G71 1040 1 between themselves and those they love; they instinctively G71 1040 9 struggle to keep open a road to the future in their G71 1050 11 hearts. And by a skillful and unobtrusive use of imagery G71 1060 6 (the enclosure is called a "Roman-camp stockade", the G71 1070 3 hastily erected lean-to is a "Babylonian hovel", the G71 1080 2 men begin to look like "Peruvian mummies" and to acquire G71 1090 1 "Gothic faces"), Malraux projects a fresco of human G71 1090 9 endurance- which is also the endurance of the human- G71 1100 11 stretching backward into the dark abyss of time. The G71 1110 7 narrator feels himself catching a glimpse of pre-history, G71 1120 4 learning of man's "age-old familiarity with misfortune", G71 1130 1 as well as his "equally age-old ingenuity, his secret G71 1140 1 faith in endurance, however crammed with catastrophes, G71 1140 8 the same faith perhaps as the cave-men used to have G71 1150 9 in the face of famine". G71 1160 1 This new vision of man that the narrator acquires G71 1160 10 is also accompanied by a re-vision of his previous G71 1170 8 view. "I thought I knew more than my education had G71 1180 4 taught me" notes the narrator, "because I had encountered G71 1190 1 the militant mobs of a political or religious faith". G71 1190 10 Is this not Malraux himself alluding to his own earlier G71 1200 10 infatuation with the ideological? But now he knows G71 1210 7 "that an intellectual is not only a man to whom books G71 1220 6 are necessary, he is any man whose reasoning, however G71 1230 2 elementary it may be, affects and directs his life". G71 1230 11 From this point of view the "militant mobs" of the G71 1240 9 past, stirred into action by one ideology or another, G71 1250 6 were all composed of "intellectuals"- and this is not G71 1260 7 the level on which the essence of mankind can be discovered. G71 1270 2 The men around him, observes the narrator, "have been G71 1280 1 living from day to day for thousands of years". The G71 1280 11 human is deeper than a mass ideology, certainly deeper G71 1290 7 than the isolated individual; and the narrator recalls G71 1300 5 the words of his father, Vincent Berger: "It is not G71 1310 4 by any amount of scratching at the individual that G71 1310 13 one finally comes down to mankind". G71 1320 6 The entire middle section of The Walnut Trees is G71 1330 6 taken up with the life of Vincent Berger himself, whose G71 1340 3 fragmentary notes on his "encounters with mankind" G71 1350 1 are now conveyed by his son. "He was not much older G71 1350 12 than myself" writes the narrator, "when he began to G71 1360 8 feel the impact of that human mystery which now obsesses G71 1370 5 me, and which makes me begin, perhaps, to understand G71 1380 3 him". For the figure of Vincent Berger Malraux has G71 1390 1 obviously drawn on his studies of T& E& Lawrence (though G71 1390 11 Berger fights on the side of the Turks instead of against G71 1400 11 them), and like both Lawrence and Malraux himself he G71 1410 7 is a fervent admirer of Nietzsche. A professor at the G71 1420 5 University of Constantinople, where his first course G71 1430 2 of lectures was on Nietzsche and the "philosophy of G71 1430 11 action", Vincent Berger becomes head of the propaganda G71 1440 8 department of the German Embassy in Turkey. As an Alsatian G71 1450 8 before the first World War he was of course of German G71 1460 8 nationality; but he quickly involves himself in the G71 1470 4 Young Turk revolutionary movement to such an extent G71 1480 1 that his own country begins to doubt his patriotism. G71 1480 10 And, after becoming the right-hand man of Enver Pasha, G71 1490 8 he is sent by the latter to pave the way for a new G71 1500 8 Turkish Empire embracing "the union of all Turks throughout G71 1510 3 Central Asia from Adrianople to the Chinese oases on G71 1520 2 the Silk Trade Route". G71 1520 6 Vincent Berger's mission is a failure because the G71 1530 6 Ottoman nationalism on which Enver Pasha counted does G71 1540 3 not exist. Central Asia is sunk in a somnolence from G71 1540 13 which nothing can awaken it; and amid a dusty desolation G71 1550 10 in which nothing human any longer seemed to survive, G71 1560 7 Vincent Berger begins to dream of the Occident. "Oh G71 1570 5 for the green of Europe! Trains whistling in the night, G71 1580 4 the rattle and clatter of cabs **h". Finally, after G71 1590 1 almost being beaten to death by a madman- he could G71 1590 11 not fight back because madmen are sacred to Islam- G71 1600 7 he throws up his mission and returns to Europe. This G71 1610 5 has been his first encounter with mankind, and, although G71 1620 2 he has now become a legendary figure in the popular G71 1620 12 European press, it leaves him profoundly dissatisfied. G71 1630 7 Despite Berger's report, Enver Pasha refuses to surrender G71 1640 7 his dream of a Turkish Blood Alliance; and Vincent G71 1650 4 Berger learns that political ambition is more apt to G71 1660 5 hide than to reveal the truth about men. But as he G71 1660 16 discovers shortly, on returning among intellectuals G71 1670 6 obsessed by le culte du moi, his experience of action G71 1680 7 had also taught him a more positive lesson. "For six G71 1690 4 years my father had had to do too much commanding and G71 1700 2 convincing" writes the narrator, "not to understand G71 1700 9 that man begins with 'the other'". G71 1710 5 And when Vincent Berger returns to Europe, this G71 1720 4 first result of his encounters with mankind is considerably G71 1730 2 enriched and deepened by a crucial revelation. For G71 1730 10 a dawning sense of illumination occurs in consequence G71 1740 7 of two events which, as so often in Malraux, suddenly G71 1750 7 confront a character with the existential question G71 1760 2 of the nature and value of human life. One such event G71 1770 1 is the landing in Europe itself, when the mingled familiarity G71 1770 11 and strangeness of the Occident, after the blank immensities G71 1780 8 of Asia, shocks the returning traveller into a realization G71 1790 7 of the infinite possibilities of human life. G72 0010 1 In a pessimistic assessment of the cold war, Eden declared: G72 0010 11 "There must be much closer unity within the West before G72 0020 10 there can be effective negotiation with the East". G72 0030 5 Ordinary methods of diplomacy within the free world G72 0040 4 are inadequate, said the former Prime Minister. "Something G72 0050 2 much more thorough is required". Citing the experience G72 0060 1 of the Combined Chiefs of Staff in World War /2,, Eden G72 0060 12 said that all would have been confusion and disarray G72 0070 9 without them. "This", he said, "is exactly what has G72 0080 7 been happening between the politically free nations G72 0090 3 in the postwar world. We need joint chiefs of a political G72 0100 1 general staff". Citing the advances of Communist power G72 0100 9 in recent years, Sir Anthony observed: "This very grave G72 0110 9 state of affairs will continue until the free nations G72 0120 8 accept together the reality of the danger that confronts G72 0130 6 them and unite their policies and resources to meet G72 0140 3 it". G72 0140 4 While I fully agree with Sir Anthony's contention, G72 0150 2 I think that we must carry the analysis farther, bearing G72 0160 1 in mind that while common peril may be the measure G72 0160 11 of our need, the existence or absence of a positive G72 0170 8 sense of community must be the measure of our capacity. G72 0180 5 While it is hazardous to project the trend of history, G72 0190 5 it seems clear that a genuine community is painfully G72 0200 1 emerging in the Western world, particularly among the G72 0200 9 countries of Western Europe. At the end of World War G72 0210 10 /2,, free Europe was ready for a new beginning. The G72 0220 7 excesses of nationalism had brought down upon Europe G72 0230 4 a generation of tyranny and war, and a return to the G72 0240 1 old order of things seemed unthinkable. Under these G72 0240 9 conditions a new generation of Europeans began to discover G72 0250 7 the bonds of long association and shared values that G72 0260 5 for so long had been subordinated to nationalist xenophobia. G72 0270 2 A slow and painful trend toward unification has taken G72 0280 1 hold, a trend which may at any time be arrested and G72 0280 12 reversed but which may also lead to a binding federation G72 0290 8 of Europe. It may well be that the unification of Europe G72 0300 6 will prove inadequate, that the survival of free society G72 0310 4 will require nothing less than the confederation of G72 0320 1 the entire Western world. G72 0320 5 The movement toward European unity has been expressed G72 0330 4 in two currents: federalism and functionalism, one G72 0340 2 looking to the constitution of a United States of Europe, G72 0340 12 the other building on wartime precedents of practical G72 0350 8 coo^peration for the solution of specific problems. G72 0360 5 Thus far the advances made have been almost entirely G72 0370 3 along functional lines. G72 0370 6 Many factors contributed to the growth of the European G72 0380 7 movement. In 1946 Sir Winston Churchill, who had spoken G72 0390 4 often of European union during the war, advocated the G72 0400 2 formation of "a kind of United States of Europe". Had G72 0410 1 Churchill been returned to office in 1945, it is just G72 0410 11 possible that Britain, instead of standing fearfully G72 0420 6 aloof, would have led Europe toward union. G72 0430 3 In 1947 and 1948 the necessity of massive coo^rdinated G72 0440 2 efforts to achieve economic recovery led to the formation G72 0450 1 of the Organization for European Economic Coo^peration G72 0450 8 to supervise and coo^rdinate the uses of American aid G72 0460 8 under the Marshall Plan. The United States might well G72 0470 7 have exploited the opportunity provided by the European G72 0480 5 Recovery Program to push the hesitant European nations G72 0490 2 toward political federation as well as economic coo^peration, G72 0500 1 but all proposals to this effect were rejected by the G72 0500 11 United States Government at the time. G72 0510 6 Another powerful factor in the European movement G72 0520 4 was the threat of Soviet aggression. The Communist G72 0530 1 coup in Czechoslovakia in 1948 was followed immediately G72 0530 9 by the conclusion of the Brussels Treaty, a 50-year G72 0540 9 alliance among Britain, France and the Benelux countries. G72 0550 6 And of course the Soviet threat was responsible for G72 0560 4 ~NATO, the grand alliance of the Atlantic nations. G72 0570 2 New organs of unification proliferated in the decade G72 0580 1 following the conclusion of the ~NATO alliance. In G72 0580 9 1949 the Council of Europe came into existence, a purely G72 0590 8 consultative parliamentary body but the first organ G72 0600 6 of political rather than functional unity. In 1952, G72 0610 3 the European Coal and Steel Community was launched, G72 0620 1 placing the coal and steel production of France, West G72 0620 10 Germany, Italy and Benelux under a supranational High G72 0630 7 Authority. For a time it appeared that a common European G72 0640 6 army might be created, but the project for a European G72 0650 4 Defense Community was rejected by the French National G72 0660 1 Assembly in 1954. In 1957 the social-economic approach G72 0660 10 to European integration was capped by the formation G72 0670 7 among "the Six" of a tariff-free European Common Market, G72 0680 7 and Euratom for coo^peration in the development of G72 0690 5 atomic energy. G72 0690 7 The "overseas" democracies have generally encouraged G72 0700 4 the European unification movement without seriously G72 0710 3 considering the wisdom of their own full participation G72 0720 1 in a broader Atlantic community. The United States G72 0720 9 and Canada belong only to ~NATO and the new O&E&C&D&. G72 0730 9 Britain until recently went along in some areas with G72 0740 9 all of the enthusiasm of the groom at a shotgun wedding. G72 0750 7 In other areas it held back, pleading its Commonwealth G72 0760 3 bonds. Now Britain has decided to seek admission to G72 0770 2 the European Economic Community and it seems certain G72 0770 10 that she will be joined by some of her partners in G72 0780 9 the loose Free Trade Area of the "Outer Seven". Besides G72 0790 6 its historical significance as a break with the centuries-old G72 0800 6 tradition of British insularity, Britain's move, if G72 0810 3 successful, will constitute an historic landmark of G72 0810 10 the first importance in the movement toward the unification G72 0820 9 of Europe and the Western world. G72 0830 4 If a broader Atlantic community is to be formed- G72 0840 3 and my own judgment is that it lies within the realm G72 0840 14 of both our needs and our capacity- a ready nucleus G72 0850 9 of machinery is at hand in the ~NATO alliance. The G72 0860 6 time is now ripe, indeed overdue, for the vigorous G72 0870 4 development of its non-military potentialities, for G72 0880 1 its development as an instrument of Atlantic community. G72 0880 9 What is required is the full implementation of Article G72 0890 7 2 of the Treaty, which provides: "The Parties will G72 0900 5 contribute toward the further development of peaceful G72 0910 3 and friendly international relations by strengthening G72 0920 1 their free institutions, by bringing about a better G72 0920 9 understanding of the principles upon which these institutions G72 0930 7 are founded, and by promoting conditions of stability G72 0940 4 and well-being. They will seek to eliminate conflict G72 0950 2 in their international economic policies and will encourage G72 0960 1 economic collaboration between any and all of them". G72 0960 9 As Lester Pearson wrote in 1955: "~NATO cannot live G72 0970 8 on fear alone. It cannot become the source of a real G72 0980 8 Atlantic community if it remains organized to deal G72 0990 4 only with the military threat which first brought it G72 1000 2 into being". G72 1000 4 The problem of ~NATO is not one of machinery, of G72 1010 2 which there is an abundance, but of the will to use G72 1010 13 it. The ~NATO Council is available as an executive G72 1020 8 agency, the Standing Group as a high military authority. G72 1030 7 The unofficial Conference of Parliamentarians is available G72 1040 4 as a potential legislative authority. This machinery G72 1050 3 will not become the instrument of an Atlantic community G72 1060 1 by fiat, but only when that community evolves from G72 1060 10 potentiality to reality. The existence of a community G72 1070 7 is a state of mind- a conviction that goals and values G72 1080 5 are widely shared, that effective communication is G72 1090 2 possible, that mutual trust is reasonably assured. G72 1090 9 An equally promising avenue toward Atlantic community G72 1100 7 may lie through the development and expansion of the G72 1110 6 O&E&C&D& Conceived as an organ of economic coo^peration, G72 1120 6 there is no reason why O&E&C&D& cannot evolve into G72 1130 4 a broader instrument of union if its members so desire. G72 1140 3 Indeed it might be a more appropriate vehicle than G72 1140 12 ~NATO for the development of a parliamentary organ G72 1150 8 of the Atlantic nations, because it could encompass G72 1160 6 all of the members of the Atlantic community including G72 1170 3 those, like Sweden and Switzerland, who are unwilling G72 1180 3 to be associated with an essentially military alliance G72 1180 11 like ~NATO. G72 1190 2 Underlying these hopes and prescriptions is a conviction G72 1200 2 that the nations of the North Atlantic area do indeed G72 1200 12 form a community, at least a potential community. There G72 1210 9 is nothing new in this; what is new and compelling G72 1220 8 is that the West is now but one of several powerful G72 1230 4 civilizations, or "systems", and that one or more of G72 1240 3 the others may pose a mortal danger to the West. For G72 1240 14 centuries the North Atlantic nations dominated the G72 1250 7 world and as long as they did they could afford the G72 1260 6 luxury of fighting each other. That time is now past G72 1270 4 and the Atlantic nations, if they are to survive, must G72 1270 14 develop a full-fledged community, and they must also G72 1280 9 look beyond the frontiers of "Western civilization" G72 1290 4 toward a world-wide "concert of free nations". G72 1300 3 #/6,# G72 1300 4 The burden of these reflections is that a broader unity G72 1310 4 among the free nations is at the core of our needs. G72 1320 1 And if we do not aspire to too much, it is also within G72 1320 14 our capacity. A realistic balancing of the need for G72 1330 8 new forms of international organization on the one G72 1340 4 hand, and our capacity to achieve them on the other, G72 1350 1 must be approached through the concept of "community". G72 1350 9 History has demonstrated many times that concerts of G72 1360 8 nations based solely on the negative spur of common G72 1370 6 danger are unlikely to survive when the external danger G72 1380 2 ceases to be dramatically urgent. Only when a concert G72 1380 11 of nations rests on the positive foundations of shared G72 1390 9 goals and values is it likely to form a viable instrument G72 1400 9 of long-range policy. It follows that the solution G72 1410 4 to the current disunity of the free nations is only G72 1420 2 to a very limited extent a matter of devising new machinery G72 1420 13 of consultation and coo^rdination. It is very much G72 1430 7 a matter of building the foundations of community. G72 1440 5 It is for these reasons that proposals for a "new G72 1450 4 world order", through radical overhaul of the United G72 1460 1 Nations or through some sort of world federation, are G72 1460 10 utterly fatuous. In a recent book called "World Peace G72 1470 9 Through World Law", two distinguished lawyers, Grenville G72 1480 5 Clark and Louis Sohn, call for just such an overhaul G72 1490 6 of the U&N&, basing their case on the world-wide fear G72 1500 5 of a nuclear holocaust. I believe that these proposals, G72 1510 1 however meritorious in terms of world needs, go far G72 1510 10 beyond our capacity to realize them. Such proposals G72 1520 7 look to an apocalyptic act, a kind of Lockian "social G72 1530 6 contract" on a world-wide scale. The defect of these G72 1540 4 proposals is in their attempt to outrun history and G72 1540 13 their assumption that because something may be desirable G72 1550 8 it is also possible. G72 1560 1 A working concept of the organic evolution of community G72 1570 1 must lead us in a different direction. The failures G72 1570 10 of the U&N& and of other international organs suggest G72 1580 7 that we have already gone beyond what was internationally G72 1590 4 feasible. Our problem, therefore, is to devise processes G72 1600 3 more modest in their aspirations, adjusted to the real G72 1610 1 world of sovereign nation states and diverse and hostile G72 1610 10 communities. The history of the U&N& demonstrates that G72 1620 8 in a pluralistic world we must develop processes of G72 1630 7 influence and persuasion rather than coercion. It is G72 1640 4 possible that international organization will ultimately G72 1650 1 supplant the multi-state system, but its proper function G72 1650 10 for the immediate future is to reform and supplement G72 1660 8 that system in order to render pluralism more compatible G72 1670 5 with an interdependent world. G72 1680 1 New machinery of coo^rdination should not be our G72 1680 9 primary objective in the foreseeable future- though G72 1700 5 perhaps the "political general staff" of Western leaders G72 1710 4 proposed by Sir Anthony Eden would serve a useful purpose. G72 1720 4 Generally, however, there is an abundance of available G72 1730 1 machinery of coo^rdination- in ~NATO, in O&E&C&D&, G72 1750 1 in the U&N& and elsewhere. The trouble with this machinery G72 1760 1 is that it is not used and the reason that it is not G72 1760 14 used is the absence of a conscious sense of community G72 1770 7 among the free nations. G72 1780 1 Our proper objective, then, is the development of G72 1780 9 a new spirit, the realization of a potential community. G72 1790 6 A "concert of free nations" should take its inspiration G72 1800 5 from the traditions of the nineteenth century Concert G72 1810 2 of Europe with its common values and accepted "rules G72 1820 1 of the game". Constitutions of and by themselves mean G72 1820 10 little; the history of both the League of Nations and G72 1830 9 the United Nations demonstrates that. But a powerful G72 1840 5 sense of community, even with little or no machinery, G72 1850 4 means a great deal. That is the lesson of the nineteenth G72 1860 1 century. G72 1860 2 A realistic "concert of free nations" might be expected G72 1870 3 to consist of an "inner community" of the North Atlantic G72 1880 1 nations and an "outer community" embracing much or G72 1880 9 all of the non-Communist world. G73 0010 1 THE recent experiments in the new poetry-and-jazz G73 0010 10 movement seen by some as part of the "San Francisco G73 0020 10 Renaissance" have been as popular as they are notorious. G73 0030 8 "It might well start a craze like swallowing goldfish G73 0050 4 or pee wee golf", wrote Kenneth Rexroth in an explanatory G73 0060 4 note in the Evergreen Review, and he may have been G73 0070 2 right. G73 0070 3 Under the general heading "poetry-and-jazz" widely G73 0080 1 divergent experiments have been carried out. Lawrence G73 0080 8 Ferlenghetti and Bruce Lippincott have concentrated G73 0090 6 on writing a new poetry for reading with jazz that G73 0100 6 is very closely related to both the musical forms of G73 0110 3 jazz, and the vocabulary of the musician. Even musicians G73 0110 12 themselves have taken to writing poetry. (Judy Tristano G73 0120 8 now has poems as well as ballads written for her.) G73 0130 8 But the best known exploiters of the new medium G73 0140 5 are Kenneth Rexroth and Kenneth Patchen. Rexroth and G73 0150 2 Patchen are far apart musically and poetically in their G73 0150 11 experiments. Rexroth is a longtime jazz buff, a name-dropper G73 0160 10 of jazz heroes, and a student of traditional as well G73 0170 8 as modern jazz. In San Francisco he has worked with G73 0180 5 Brew Moore, Charlie Mingus, and other "swinging" musicians G73 0190 3 of secure reputation, thus placing himself within established G73 0200 2 jazz traditions, in addition to being a part of the G73 0210 1 San Francisco "School". G73 0210 4 Although Patchen has given previous evidence of G73 0220 3 an interest in jazz, the musical group that he works G73 0230 1 with, the Chamber Jazz Sextet, is often ignored by G73 0230 10 jazz critics. (Downbeat did not mention the Los Angeles G73 0240 7 appearance of Patchen and the Sextet, although the G73 0250 6 engagement lasted over two months.) The stated goal G73 0260 3 of the ~CJS is the synthesis of jazz and "serious" G73 0270 1 music. Patchen's musicians are outsiders in established G73 0270 8 jazz circles, and Patchen himself has remained outside G73 0280 7 the San Francisco poetry group, maintaining a self-imposed G73 0290 6 isolation, even though his conversion to poetry-and-jazz G73 0300 5 is not as extreme or as sudden as it may first appear. G73 0310 2 He had read his poetry with musicians as early as 1951, G73 0310 13 and his entire career has been characterized by radical G73 0320 9 experiments with the form and presentation of his poetry. G73 0330 8 However, his subject matter and basic themes have remained G73 0340 6 surprisingly consistent, and these, together with certain G73 0350 3 key poetic images, may be traced through all his work, G73 0360 2 including the new jazz experiments. G73 0360 7 From the beginning of his career, Patchen has adopted G73 0370 6 an anti-intellectual approach to poetry. His first G73 0380 3 book, Before the Brave (1936), is a collection of poems G73 0390 3 that are almost all Communistic, but after publication G73 0390 11 of this book he rejected Communism, and advocated a G73 0410 5 pacifistic anarchy, though retaining his revolutionary G73 0420 4 idiom. He spoke for a "proletariat" that included "all G73 0430 4 the lost and sick and hunted of the earth". Patchen G73 0440 1 believes that the world is being destroyed by power-hungry G73 0440 11 and money-hungry people. Running counter to the destroying G73 0450 9 forces in the world are all the virtues that are innate G73 0460 9 in man, the capacity for love and brotherhood, the G73 0470 4 ability to appreciate beauty. Beauty as well as love G73 0480 3 is redemptive, and Patchen preaches a kind of moral G73 0480 12 salvation. This salvation does not take the form of G73 0490 9 a Christian Heaven. In Patchen's eyes, organized churches G73 0500 5 are as odious as organized governments, and Christian G73 0510 3 symbols, having been taken over by the moneyed classes, G73 0520 2 are now agents of corruption. Patchen envisions a Dark G73 0520 11 Kingdom which "stands above the waters as a sentinel G73 0530 9 warning man of danger from his own kind". The Dark G73 0540 7 Kingdom sends Angels of Death and other fateful messengers G73 0550 5 down to us with stern tenderness. Actually Heaven and G73 0560 3 the Dark Kingdom overlap; they form two aspects of G73 0570 1 heavenly life after death. G73 0570 5 Patchen has almost never used strict poetic forms; G73 0580 3 he has experimented instead with personal myth-making. G73 0590 1 Much of his earlier work was conceived in terms of G73 0590 11 a "pseudo-anthropological" myth reference, which is G73 0600 5 concerned with imaginary places and beings described G73 0610 4 in grandiloquent and travelogue-like language. G73 0620 1 These early experiments were evidently not altogether G73 0620 8 satisfying to Patchen. Beginning in Cloth of the Tempest G73 0630 9 (1943) he experimented in merging poetry and visual G73 0640 6 art, using drawings to carry long narrative segments G73 0650 3 of a story, as in Sleepers Awake, and constructing G73 0660 1 elaborate "poems-in-drawing-and-type" in which it is G73 0660 11 impossible to distinguish between the "art" and the G73 0670 5 poetry. Art "makings" or pseudo-anthropological myths G73 0680 5 did not meet all of Patchen's requirements for a poetic G73 0690 4 frame of reference. Many of his poems purported to G73 0700 2 be exactly contemporary and political; so during the G73 0700 10 period approximately from 1941 to 1946, Patchen often G73 0710 7 used private detective stories as a myth reference, G73 0720 5 and the "private eye" as a myth hero. Speaking in terms G73 0730 3 of sociological stereotype, the "private eye" might G73 0740 1 appeal to the poet in search of a myth for many reasons. G73 0740 13 The private detective (at least in the minds of listeners G73 0750 9 and readers all over the country) is an individual G73 0760 6 hero fighting injustice. He is usually something of G73 0770 3 an underdog, he must battle the organized police force G73 0770 12 as well as recognized criminals. The private detective G73 0780 8 must rely, as the Youngest Son or Trickster Hero does G73 0790 7 in primitive myth, on his wits. The private detective G73 0800 4 is militant against injustice, a humorous and ironic G73 0810 3 explorer of the underworld; most important to Patchen, G73 0810 11 he was a non-literary hero, and very contemporary. G73 0820 9 In 1945, probably almost every American not only knew G73 0830 6 who Sam Spade was, but had some kind of emotional feeling G73 0840 5 about him. In The Memoirs of a Shy Pornographer (1945) G73 0850 2 Patchen exploited this national sentiment by making G73 0860 1 his hero, Albert Budd, a private detective. G73 0860 8 But since 1945, Sam Spade has undergone a metamorphosis; G73 0870 7 he has become Friday on Dragnet, a mouthpiece of arbitrary G73 0880 7 police authority. He has, like so many other secular G73 0890 6 and religious culture symbols, gone over to the side G73 0900 3 of the ruling classes. Obviously, the "private eye" G73 0900 11 can have no more appeal for Patchen. To fill the job G73 0910 11 of contemporary hero in 1955, Patchen needed someone G73 0920 6 else. G73 0920 7 It was logical that he would come up with the figure G73 0930 8 of the modern jazz musician. The revolution in jazz G73 0940 3 that took place around 1949, the evolution from the G73 0940 12 "bebop" school of Dizzy Gillespie to the "cool" sound G73 0950 9 of Miles Davis and Lennie Tristano, Lee Konitz, and G73 0960 8 the whole legend of Charlie Parker, had made an impression G73 0970 7 on many academic and literary men. The differentiation G73 0980 4 between the East Coast and West Coast schools of jazz, G73 0990 3 the differences between the "hard bop" school of Rollins, G73 1000 1 and the "cerebral" experiments of Tristano, Konitz G73 1000 8 and Marsh, the general differences in the mores of G73 1010 9 white and negro musicians, all had become fairly well G73 1020 6 known to certain segments of the public. The immense G73 1030 3 amount of interest that the new jazz had for the younger G73 1040 1 generation must have impressed him, and he began working G73 1040 10 toward the merger of jazz and poetry, as he had previously G73 1050 10 attempted the union of graphic art and poetry. In addition G73 1060 8 to his experiments in reading poetry to jazz, Patchen G73 1070 5 is beginning to use the figure of the modern jazz musician G73 1080 3 as a myth hero in the same way he used the figure of G73 1080 16 the private detective a decade ago. In this respect, G73 1090 9 his approach to poetry-and-jazz is in marked contrast G73 1100 5 to Kenneth Rexroth's. Rexroth uses many of his early G73 1110 6 poems when he reads to jazz, including many of his G73 1120 2 Chinese and Japanese translations; he usually draws G73 1120 9 some kind of comparison with the jazz tradition and G73 1130 8 the poem he is reading- for instance, he draws the G73 1140 6 parallel between a poem he reads about an Oriental G73 1150 1 courtesan waiting for the man she loves, and who never G73 1150 11 comes, and the old blues chants of Ma Rainy and other G73 1160 11 Negro singers- but usually the comparison is specious. G73 1170 6 Rexroth may sometimes achieve an effective juxtaposition, G73 1180 3 but he rarely makes any effort to capture any jazz G73 1190 2 "feeling" in the text of his poems, relying on his G73 1190 12 very competent musicians to supply this feeling. G73 1200 6 Patchen does read some of his earlier works to music, G73 1210 7 but he has written an entire book of short poems which G73 1220 4 seem to be especially suited for reading with jazz. G73 1230 1 These new poems have only a few direct references to G73 1230 11 jazz and jazz musicians, but they show changes in Patchen's G73 1240 7 approach to his poetry, for he has tried to enter into G73 1250 8 and understand the emotional attitude of the jazz musician. G73 1260 5 It is difficult to draw the line between stereotype G73 1270 2 and the reality of the jazz musician. Everyone knows G73 1270 11 that private detectives in real life are not like Sam G73 1280 10 Spade and Pat Novak, but the real and the imaginary G73 1290 7 musician are closely linked. Seen by the public, the G73 1300 5 musician is the underdog par excellence. He is forced G73 1310 3 to play for little money, and must often take another G73 1310 13 job to live. His approach to music is highly individualistic; G73 1320 9 the accent is on improvisation rather than arrangements. G73 1330 7 While he is worldly, the musician often cultivates G73 1340 4 public attitudes of childlike astonishment and naivete. G73 1350 3 The musician is non-intellectual and non-verbal; he G73 1360 1 is far from being a literary hero, yet is a creative G73 1360 12 artist. Many of these aspects will be seen as comparable G73 1370 8 to those of the ideal detective, but where the detective G73 1380 5 is active and militant, the jazz musician is passive, G73 1390 3 almost a victim of society. In order to write with G73 1390 13 authority either about musicians, or as a musician, G73 1400 8 Patchen would have to soft pedal his characteristically G73 1410 4 outspoken anger, and change (at least for the purposes G73 1420 4 of this poetry) from a revolutionary to a victim. He G73 1430 1 must become one who knows all about the injustice in G73 1430 11 the world, but who declines doing anything about it. G73 1440 7 This involves a shift in Patchen's attitude and G73 1450 4 it is a first step toward writing a new jazz poetry. G73 1460 2 He has shown considerable ingenuity in adapting his G73 1460 10 earliest symbols and devices to the new work, and the G73 1470 10 fact that he has kept a body of constant symbols through G73 1480 6 all of his experiments gives an unexpected continuity G73 1490 2 to his poetry. Perhaps tracing some of these more important G73 1500 1 symbols through the body of his work will show that G73 1500 11 Patchen's new poetry is well thought out, and remains G73 1510 9 within the mainstream of his work, while being suited G73 1520 7 to a new form. G73 1520 11 Henry Miller characterized Patchen as a "man of G73 1530 6 anger and light". His revolutionary anger is apparent G73 1540 4 in most of his early poems. The following passage from G73 1550 2 "The Hangman's Great Hands" illustrates the directness G73 1560 1 of this anger. "Anger won't help. I was born angry. G73 1560 11 Angry that my father was being burnt alive in the mills; G73 1570 11 Angry that none of us knew anything but filth and poverty. G73 1580 9 Angry because I was that very one somebody was supposed G73 1590 6 To be fighting for". G73 1590 10 This angry and exasperated stance which Patchen G73 1600 7 has maintained in his poetry for almost fifteen years G73 1610 5 has been successfully modulated into a kind of woe G73 1620 3 that is as effective as anger and still expresses his G73 1620 13 disapproval of the modern world. In his recent book, G73 1630 9 Hurray for Anything (1957), one of the most important G73 1640 7 short poems- and it is the title poem for one of the G73 1650 6 long jazz arrangements- is written for recital with G73 1660 2 jazz. Although it does not follow the metrical rules G73 1660 11 for a blues to be sung, the phrases themselves carry G73 1670 8 a blues feeling. "I WENT TO THE CITY And there I did G73 1680 9 Weep, Men a-crowing likes asses, And living like sheep. G73 1690 5 Oh, can't hold the han' of my love! Can't hold her G73 1700 4 little white han! Yes, I went to the city, And there G73 1710 2 I did bitterly cry, Men out of touch with the earth, G73 1710 13 And with never a glance at the sky. Oh, can't hold G73 1720 11 the han' of my love! Can't hold her pure little han'!" G73 1730 7 Patchen is still the rebel, but he writes in a doleful, G73 1740 9 mournful tone. Neither of these poems is an aberration; G73 1750 5 each is so typical that it represents a prominent trend G73 1760 2 in the poet's development. G73 1760 6 Patchen is repeatedly preoccupied with death. In G73 1770 5 many of his poems, death comes by train: a strongly G73 1780 3 evocative visual image. Perhaps Patchen was once involved G73 1790 1 in a train accident, and this passage from First Will G73 1790 11 and Testament may have been how the accident appeared G73 1800 8 to the poet when he first saw it- if he did: " G73 1810 7 Lord love us, look at all the disconnected limbs G73 1820 3 floating hereabouts, like bloody feathers at that- G73 1830 3 and all the eyes are talking and all the hair are moving G73 1830 15 and all the tongue are in all the cheek **h". G74 0010 1 Let us see just how typical Krim is. He is New York-born G74 0020 1 and Jewish. He spent one year at the University of G74 0020 11 North Carolina because Thomas Wolfe went there. He G74 0030 7 returned to New York to work for The New Yorker, to G74 0040 6 edit a Western pulp, to "duck the war in the ~OWI", G74 0050 4 to write publicity for Paramount Pictures and commentary G74 0060 2 for a newsreel, then he began his career as critic G74 0060 12 for various magazines. Now he has abandoned all that G74 0070 8 to be A Writer. I do not want to quibble about typicality; G74 0080 7 in a certain sense, one manner of experience will be G74 0090 5 typical of any given group while another will not. G74 0100 1 But I've got news for Krim: he's not typical, he's G74 0100 11 pretty special. His may typify a certain kind of postwar G74 0110 9 New York experience, but his experience is certainly G74 0120 6 not typical of his "generation's". In any case, who G74 0130 5 ever thought that New York is typical of anything? G74 0140 1 Men of Krim's age, aspirations, and level of sophistication G74 0150 1 were typically involved in politics before the war. G74 0150 9 They did not "duck the war" but they fought in it, G74 0160 10 however reluctantly; they sweated out some kind of G74 0170 7 formal education; they read widely and eclectically; G74 0180 1 they did not fall into pseudo-glamorous jobs on pseudo-glamorous G74 0200 1 magazines, but they did whatever nasty thing they could G74 0200 10 get in order to eat; they found out who they were and G74 0210 12 what they could do, then within the limits of their G74 0220 7 talent they did it. They did not worry about "experience", G74 0230 3 because experience thrust itself upon them. And they G74 0240 3 traveled out of New York. Only a native New Yorker G74 0240 13 could believe that New York is now or ever was a literary G74 0250 12 center. It is a publishing and public relations center, G74 0260 8 but these very facts prevent it from being a literary G74 0270 6 center because writers dislike provincialism and untruth. G74 0280 3 Krim's typicality consists only in his New Yorker's G74 0290 1 view that New York is the world; he displays what outlanders G74 0300 1 call the New York mind, a state that the subject is G74 0300 12 necessarily unable to perceive in himself. The New G74 0310 7 York mind is two parts abstraction and one part misinformation G74 0320 5 about the rest of the country and in fact the world. G74 0330 3 In his fulminating against the literary world, Krim G74 0330 11 is really struggling with the New Yorker in himself, G74 0340 9 but it's a losing battle. G74 0350 2 Closely related to his illusions about his typicality G74 0360 1 is Krim's complicated feeling about his Jewishness. G74 0360 8 He writes, "Most of my friends and I were Jewish; we G74 0370 10 were also literary; the combination of the Jewish intellectual G74 0380 7 tradition and the sensibility needed to be a writer G74 0390 6 created in my circle the most potent and incredible G74 0400 2 intellectual-literary ambition I have ever seen or G74 0400 10 could ever have imagined. Within themselves, just as G74 0410 7 people, my friends were often tortured and unappeasably G74 0420 5 bitter about being the offspring of this unhappily G74 0430 2 unique-ingrown-screwedup breed; their reading and thinking G74 0440 1 gave an extension to their normal blushes about appearing G74 0450 9 'Jewish' in subway, bus, racetrack, movie house, any G74 0460 8 of the public places that used to make the Jew of my G74 0470 8 generation self-conscious (heavy thinkers walking across G74 0480 3 Seventh Avenue without their glasses on, willing to G74 0490 1 dare the trucks as long as they didn't look like the G74 0490 12 ikey-kikey caricature of the Yiddish intellectual) G74 0500 5 **h". At other points in his narrative, Krim associates G74 0510 4 Jewishness with unappeasable literary ambition, with G74 0520 2 abstraction, with his personal turning aside from the G74 0520 10 good, the true, and the beautiful of fiction in the G74 0530 10 manner of James T& Farrell to the international, the G74 0540 6 false, and the inflated. G74 0550 1 Krim says, in short, that he is a suffering Jew. G74 0550 10 The only possible answer to that is, I am a suffering G74 0560 9 Franco-Irishman. We all love to suffer, but some of G74 0570 6 us love to suffer more than others. Had Krim gone farther G74 0580 2 from New York than Chapel Hill, he might have discovered G74 0590 1 that large numbers of American Jews do not find his G74 0590 11 New York version of the Jews' lot remotely recognizable. G74 0600 7 More important is the simple human point that all men G74 0610 7 suffer, and that it is a kind of anthropological-religious G74 0620 1 pride on the part of the Jew to believe that his suffering G74 0630 1 is more poignant than mine or anyone else's. This is G74 0630 11 not to deny the existence of pogroms and ghettos, but G74 0640 9 only to assert that these horrors have had an effect G74 0660 5 on the nerves of people who did not experience them, G74 0670 2 that among the various side effects is the local hysteria G74 0680 1 of Jewish writers and intellectuals who cry out from G74 0680 10 confusion, which they call oppression and pain. In G74 0690 7 their stupidity and arrogance they believe they are G74 0700 4 called upon to remind the gentile continually of pogroms G74 0710 1 and ghettos. Some of us have imagination and sensibility G74 0710 10 too. Finally, there is the undeniable fact that some G74 0720 9 of the finest American fiction is being written by G74 0730 6 Jews, but it is not Jewish fiction; Saul Bellow and G74 0740 4 Bernard Malamud, through intellectual toughness, perception, G74 0750 2 through experience in fact, have obviously liberated G74 0760 1 themselves from any sentimental Krim self-indulgence G74 0760 8 they might have been tempted to. G74 0770 4 Krim's main attack is upon the aesthetic and the G74 0780 2 publishing apparatus of American literary culture in G74 0780 9 our day. Krim was able to get an advance for a novel, G74 0790 11 and time and opportunity to write at Yaddo, but it G74 0800 7 was no good. "I had natural sock", he says, 'as a storyteller G74 0810 5 and was precociously good at description, dialogue, G74 0820 1 and most of the other staples of the fiction-writer's G74 0820 11 trade but I was bugged by a mammoth complex of thoughts G74 0830 11 and feelings that prevented me from doing more than G74 0840 7 just diddling the surface of sustained fiction-writing". G74 0850 3 And again, "how can you write when you haven't yet G74 0860 2 read 'Bartleby the Scrivener'"? Krim came to believe G74 0870 1 that "the novel as a form had outlived its vital meaning". G74 0870 12 His "articulate Jewish friends" convinced him that G74 0880 7 education (read "reading") was "a must". He moved in G74 0890 7 a "highly intellectual" group in Greenwich Village G74 0900 5 in the late forties, becoming "internationalized" overnight. G74 0910 2 Then followed a period in which he wrote reviews for G74 0920 2 The New York Times Book Review, The Commonweal, Commentary, G74 0930 1 had a small piece in Partisan Review, and moved on G74 0940 1 to Hudson, The Village Voice, and Exodus. The work G74 0940 10 for Commonweal was more satisfying than work for Commentary G74 0960 8 "because of the staff's tiptoeing fear of making a G74 0970 9 booboo". Commentary was a mere suburb of Partisan Review, G74 0980 8 the arch-enemy. Both magazines were "rigid with reactionary G74 0990 6 what-will-T& S& Eliot-or-Martin Buber-think? fear **h". G74 1000 5 Partisan has failed, Krim says, for being "snob-clannish, G74 1010 7 overcerebral, Europeanish, aristocratically alienated" G74 1020 2 from the U&S&. It was "the creation of a monstrous G74 1030 4 historical period wherein it thought it had to synthesize G74 1040 1 literature and politics and avant-garde art of every G74 1040 10 kind with its writers crazily trying to outdo each G74 1050 8 other in Spenglerian inclusiveness **h". Kenyon, Sewanee, G74 1060 4 and Hudson operated in an "Anglo-Protestant New Critical G74 1070 3 chill"; their example caused Krim and his friends to G74 1080 5 put on "Englishy airs, affect all sorts of impressive G74 1090 1 scholarship and social-register unnaturalness **h in G74 1090 8 order to slip through their narrow transoms and get G74 1100 8 into their pages". Qui s'excuse s'accuse, as the French G74 1110 6 Jewish intellectuals used to say. G74 1120 3 Through all this raving, Krim is performing a traditional G74 1130 1 and by now boring rite, the attack on intelligence, G74 1130 10 upon the largely successful attempt of the magazines G74 1140 6 he castigates to liberate American writing from local G74 1150 4 color and other varieties of romantic corn. God knows G74 1160 2 that Partisan and the rest often were, and remain, G74 1160 11 guilty of intellectual flatulence. Sociological jargon, G74 1170 6 Germano-Slavic approximations to English, third-rate G74 1180 6 but modish fiction, and outrages to common sense have G74 1190 5 often disfigured Partisan, and in lesser degree, the G74 1200 2 other magazines on the list. What Krim ignores, in G74 1200 11 his contempt for history and for accuracy, is that G74 1210 8 these magazines, Partisan foremost, brought about a G74 1220 5 genuine revolution in the American mind from the mid-thirties G74 1230 5 to approximately 1950. The most obvious characteristic G74 1240 1 of contemporary American writing, apart from the beat G74 1240 9 nonsense, is its cosmopolitanism. G74 1250 4 The process of cosmopolitanism had begun in earnest G74 1260 5 about 1912, but the First War and the depression virtually G74 1270 2 stalled that process in its tracks. Without the good G74 1270 11 magazines, without their book reviews, their hospitality G74 1280 7 to European writers, without above all their awareness G74 1290 6 of literary standards, we might very well have had G74 1300 5 a generation of Krim's heroes- Wolfes, Farrells, Dreisers, G74 1310 2 and I might add, Sandburgs and Frosts and MacLeishes G74 1320 1 in verse- and then where would we be? Screwed, stewed, G74 1320 11 and tattooed, as Krim might say after reading a book G74 1330 9 about sailors. When Partisan and Kenyon set up shop, G74 1340 7 Mencken was still accepted as an arbiter of taste (remember G74 1350 7 Hergesheimer?), George Jean Nathan and Alexander Woollcott G74 1360 4 were honored in odd quarters, and the whole Booth Tarkington, G74 1370 3 Willa Catheter (sic), Pearl Buck, Amy Lowell, William G74 1380 3 Lyon Phelps atmosphere lay thick as Los Angeles smog G74 1390 2 over the country. G74 1390 5 Politics, economics, sociology- the entire area G74 1400 3 of life that lies between literature and what Krim G74 1400 12 calls "experience"- urgently needed to be dug into. G74 1410 7 The universities certainly were not doing it, nor were G74 1420 8 the popular magazines of the day. This Partisan above G74 1430 4 all did; if it had never printed a word of literature G74 1440 3 its contribution to the politico-sociological area G74 1440 10 would still be historic. But it did print good verse G74 1450 10 and good fiction. If the editors sometimes dozed and G74 1460 6 printed pretentious, New York-mind dross, they also G74 1470 4 printed Malraux, Silone, Chiaromonte, Gide, Bellow, G74 1480 1 Robert Lowell, Francis Fergusson, Mary McCarthy, Delmore G74 1490 1 Schwartz, Mailer, Elizabeth Hardwick, Eleanor Clark, G74 1490 7 and a host of other good writers. Partisan Review and G74 1500 8 the other literary magazines helped to educate, in G74 1510 5 the best sense, an entire generation. That these magazines G74 1520 3 also deluded the Krims of the world is unfortunate G74 1530 1 but inevitable. It is a fact of life that magazines G74 1530 11 are edited by groups: they have to be or they wouldn't G74 1540 9 be published at all. And it is also a fact of life G74 1550 8 that there will always be youngish half-educated people G74 1560 2 around who will be dazzled by the glitter of what looks G74 1560 13 like a literary movement. (There are no literary movements, G74 1570 9 there are only writers doing their work. Literary movements G74 1580 8 are the creation of pimps who live off writers.) When G74 1590 7 Krim says "mine was as severe a critical-intellectual G74 1600 3 environment as can be imagined", he is off his rocker. G74 1610 2 He indicates that he has none of the disciplines that G74 1610 12 criticism requires, including education; the result G74 1620 6 was his inevitable bedazzlement through ignorance. G74 1630 3 He wasn't being educated in those Village bull-sessions, G74 1640 3 as he claims. No one was ever educated through bull-sessions G74 1650 1 in anything other than, to quote him again, "perfumed G74 1650 10 bullshit". Only a New York hick would expect to find G74 1660 10 the literary life in Greenwich Village at any point G74 1670 8 later than Walt Whitman's day. The "highly intellectual G74 1680 5 **h minds" that Krim says he encountered in the Village G74 1690 4 did their work in spite of, not because of, any Village G74 1700 2 atmosphere. But Krim's complaint is important because G74 1700 9 not only in New York, but in other cities and in universities G74 1710 12 throughout this country, young and not so young men G74 1720 9 at this moment are being bedazzled by half-digested G74 1730 5 ideas. Those who have quality will outgrow the experience; G74 1740 3 the rest will turn beat, or into dentists, or into G74 1750 1 beat dentists. G74 1750 3 For the sad truth is that while one might write G74 1760 1 well without having read "Bartleby the Scrivener", G74 1760 8 one is more likely to write well if one has read it, G74 1770 10 and much else. The most appalling aspect of Krim's G74 1780 4 piece is his reflection of the beat aesthetic. He mentions G74 1790 3 the beats only once, when he refers to their having G74 1790 13 "revived through mere power and abandonment and the G74 1800 8 unwillingness to commit death in life some idea of G74 1810 7 a decent equivalent between verbal expression and actual G74 1820 3 experience **h", but the entire narrative is written G74 1830 1 in the tiresome vocabulary of that lost and dying cause, G74 1830 11 and in the sprung syntax that is supposed to supplant G74 1840 8 our mother tongue. Krim's aesthetic combines G74 1850 3 anti-intellectualism, G74 1850 5 conscious and unconscious nai^vete, and a winsome reliance G74 1860 6 upon the "natural" and upon "experience". Ideas are G74 1870 3 the "thruway to nowhere". "My touchstones **h had been G74 1880 4 strictly literature and, humanly enough, American literature G74 1890 2 (because that was what I wanted to write)". He alludes G74 1900 1 to something called "direct writing", and he finds G74 1900 9 that criticism gets in the way of his "truer, realer, G74 1910 9 imaginative bounce". G75 0010 1 There had been signs and portents like the regular G75 0010 10 toppling over and defacing of the bust of Lauro di G75 0020 8 Bosis near the Villa Lante and in the Gianicolo. G75 0030 3 Something was happening all right, slowly it is G75 0040 2 true, but you could feel it. The Italians felt it. G75 0040 12 Little things. An Italian poet had noticed plainclothes G75 0050 7 policemen lounging around the area of Quirinal Palace, G75 0060 6 the first time since the war. At least they hadn't G75 0070 3 stepped up and asked to see papers in the hated, flat, G75 0080 1 dialect mispronunciation of Mussolini's home district- G75 0080 7 Dogumenti, per favore. But, who knew, that might be G75 0090 9 coming one of these days. There were other Italians G75 0100 5 who still bore scars they had earned in police station G75 0110 4 basements, resisting. They laughed and, true to national G75 0120 1 form and manners, never talked long or solemnly on G75 0120 10 any subject at all, but some of them worried out loud G75 0140 9 about short memories and ghosts. G75 0150 1 We saw Giuseppe Berto at a party once in a while, G75 0150 12 tall, lean, nervous and handsome, and, in our opinion, G75 0170 8 the best novelist of them all except Pavese, and Pavese G75 0180 6 is dead. Berto's The Sky Is Red had been a small masterpiece G75 0190 7 and in its special way the best book to come out of G75 0200 5 the war. Now he was married to a beautiful girl, had G75 0210 1 a small son, and lived in an expensive apartment and G75 0210 11 worked for the movies. On his desk was a slowly accumulating G75 0220 9 treatment and script of The Count of Monte Cristo. G75 0230 6 On his bookshelves were some of the latest American G75 0240 4 novels, including Bellow's Seize the Day, but he hadn't G75 0250 4 read them (they were sent by American publishers) and G75 0260 1 wasn't especially interested in what the American writers G75 0260 9 were up to. He was interested in Robert Musil's The G75 0270 9 Man without Qualities. So were a lot of other people. G75 0280 8 He was interested in Italo Svevo. He was thinking his G75 0290 6 way into a new novel, a big one, one that people had G75 0300 3 been waiting for. It was going to be hard going all G75 0300 14 the way because he hadn't written seriously for a while, G75 0310 10 except for a few stories, was tired of the old method G75 0320 8 of realismo he had so successfully used in The Sky G75 0330 5 Is Red. This one was going to be different. He had G75 0340 3 bought a little piece of property down along the coast G75 0350 1 of the hard country of Calabria that he knew so well. G75 0350 12 He was going to do one or two more films for cash and G75 0360 11 then chuck it all, leave Rome and its intellectual G75 0370 4 cliques and money-fed life, go back to Calabria. G75 0380 1 Berto seemed worried, too. He knew all about it G75 0380 10 and had put it down in journal form in The War in a G75 0390 11 Black Shirt, a wonderful book not, for some strange G75 0400 6 reason, published in the U&S&. He knew all about the G75 0410 5 appeal of a black shirt and jackboots to a poor, southern, G75 0420 2 peasant boy. He knew all about the infection and the G75 0420 12 fever, and, too, the moment of realization when he G75 0430 9 saw for himself, threw up his hands and quit, ended G75 0440 6 the war as a prisoner in Texas. Berto knew all about G75 0450 3 Fascism. So did his friend, the young novelist Rimanelli. G75 0460 1 Rimanelli is tough and square-built and adventurous, G75 0460 9 says what he thinks. He had put it down in a war novel, G75 0470 11 The Day of the Lion. These people were not talking G75 0480 6 much about it, but you, a foreigner, sensed their apprehension G75 0490 4 and disappointment. G75 0490 6 So there we were talking around and about it. The G75 0500 7 English lady said she had to go to Vienna for a while. G75 0510 6 It was a pity because she had planned to lay a wreath G75 0520 3 at the foot of the Garibaldi statue, towering over G75 0520 12 Rome in spectacular benediction from the highpoint G75 0530 6 of the Gianicolo. Around that statue in the green park G75 0540 7 where children play and lovers walk in twos and there G75 0550 3 is a glowing view of the whole city, in that park are G75 0550 15 the rows of marble busts of Garibaldi's fallen men, G75 0560 9 the ones who one day rushed out of the Porta San Pancrazio G75 0570 9 and, under fire all the way, up the long, straight G75 0580 5 narrow lane to take, then lose the high ground of the G75 0590 3 Villa Doria Pamphili. When they lost it, the French G75 0590 12 artillery moved in, and that was the end for Garibaldi G75 0600 10 that time, on 30 April 1849. Once out of the gate they G75 0610 9 had charged straight up the narrow lane. We had walked G75 0620 5 it many times and shivered, figuring what a fish barrel G75 0630 3 it had been for the French. Now the park is filled G75 0630 14 with marble busts and all the streets in the immediate G75 0640 10 area have the full and proper names of the men who G75 0650 7 fell. G75 0650 8 We were at a party once and heard an idealistic G75 0660 4 young European call that awful charge glorious. Our G75 0670 2 companion was a huge, plain-spoken American sculptor G75 0670 10 who had been a sixteen-year-old rifleman all across G75 0680 9 France in 1944. He said it was stupid butchery to order G75 0690 7 men to make a charge like that, no matter who gave G75 0700 4 the order and what for. G75 0700 9 "Oh, it would be butchery all right", the European G75 0720 3 said. "We would see it that way, but it was glorious G75 0730 4 then. It was the last time in history anybody could G75 0740 1 do something gloriously like that". G75 0740 6 I thought: Who is older now? Old world and new world. G75 0750 8 The sculptor looked at him, bugeyed and amazed, G75 0760 5 angry. He had made an assault once with 180 men. It G75 0770 3 was a picked assault company. They went up against G75 0770 12 an ~SS unit of comparable size, over a little rise G75 0780 9 of ground, over an open field. Object- a village crossroads. G75 0790 6 They made it, killed every last one of the Krauts, G75 0800 5 took the village on schedule. When it was over, eight G75 0810 2 of his company were still alive and all eight were G75 0810 12 wounded. The whole thing, from the moment when they G75 0820 8 jumped heavily off the trucks, spread out and moved G75 0830 5 into position just behind the cover of that slight G75 0840 1 rise of ground and then jumped off, took maybe between G75 0840 11 twenty and thirty minutes. The sculptor looked at him, G75 0850 8 let the color drain out of his face, grinned, and looked G75 0860 7 down into his drink, a bad Martini made with raw Italian G75 0870 5 gin. G75 0870 6 "Bullshit", he said softly. G75 0880 1 "Excuse me", the European said. "I am not familiar G75 0880 10 with the expression". G75 0890 3 The apartment where we were talking that afternoon G75 0900 1 in March faced onto the street Garibaldi's men had G75 0900 10 charged up and along. Across the way from the apartment G75 0910 10 building is a ruined house, shot to hell that day in G75 0920 8 1849, and left that way as a memorial. There is a bronze G75 0930 5 wreath on the wall. Like everything else in Rome, ruins G75 0940 2 and monuments alike, that house is lived in. I have G75 0940 12 seen diapers strung across the ruined roof. G75 0950 6 The English lady really wanted to put a wreath on G75 0960 7 the Garibaldi monument on the 30th of April. She had G75 0970 3 her reasons for this. For one thing, there wasn't going G75 0980 1 to be any ceremony at all this year. There were a few G75 0980 13 reasons for that, too: Garibaldi had been taken up G75 0990 7 and exploited by the Communists nowadays. Therefore G75 1000 3 the government wanted no part of him. (It is sort of G75 1010 3 as if our government should decide to disown Washington G75 1010 12 or Lincoln for the same reason.) And then there were G75 1020 9 ecclesiastical matters, the matter of Garibaldi's G75 1030 5 anti-clericalism. G75 1030 7 There was a new Pope and the Vatican was making itself G75 1040 7 heard and felt these days. As it happens the English G75 1050 5 lady is a good Catholic herself, but of more liberal G75 1060 2 political persuasion. Nothing was going to be done G75 1060 10 this year to celebrate Garibaldi's bold and unsuccessful G75 1080 7 defense of Rome. All that the English lady wanted to G75 1090 7 do was to walk up to the monument and lay a wreath G75 1100 5 at its base. This would show that somebody, even a G75 1100 15 foreigner living in Rome, cared. And then there were G75 1110 9 other things. Some of the marble busts in the park G75 1120 8 are of young Englishmen who fought and died for Garibaldi. G75 1130 5 She also mentioned leaving a little bunch of flowers G75 1140 3 at the bust of Lauro di Bosis. G75 1140 10 It is hard for me to know how I feel about Lauro G75 1150 8 di Bosis. I suffer from mixed feelings. He was a well-to-do, G75 1160 7 handsome, and sensitive young poet. His bust shows G75 1170 2 an intense, mustached, fine-featured face. He flew G75 1170 10 over Rome one day during the early days of Mussolini G75 1180 9 and scattered leaflets over the city, denouncing the G75 1190 5 Fascists. He was never heard of again. He is thought G75 1200 4 either to have been killed by the Fascists as soon G75 1200 14 as he landed or to have killed himself by flying out G75 1210 11 to sea and crashing his plane. He was, thus, an early G75 1220 8 and spectacular victim. And there is something so wonderfully G75 1230 5 romantic about it all. He really didn't know how to G75 1240 4 fly. He had crashed on take off once before. Gossip G75 1240 14 had it (for gossip is the soul of Rome) that a famous G75 1250 12 American dancer of the time had paid for both the planes. G75 1260 10 It was absurd and dramatic. It is remembered and has G75 1270 6 been commemorated by a bust in a park and a square G75 1280 2 in the city which was renamed Piazzo Lauro di Bosis G75 1280 12 after the war. Most Romans, even some postmen, know G75 1290 8 it by the old name. G75 1300 1 Faced with a gesture like Di Bosis', I find usually G75 1300 11 that my sentiments are closer to those of my sculptor G75 1310 9 friend. The things that happened in police station G75 1320 5 basements were dirty, grubby, and most often anonymous. G75 1330 2 No poetry, no airplanes, no dancers. That is how the G75 1330 12 real routine of resistance goes on, and its strength G75 1340 9 is directly proportionate to the number of insignificant G75 1350 6 people who can let themselves be taken to pieces, piece G75 1360 5 by piece, without quitting. It is an ugly business G75 1370 1 and there are few, if any, wreaths for them. I keep G75 1370 12 thinking of a young woman I knew during the Occupation G75 1380 10 in Austria. She was from Prague. She had been picked G75 1390 7 up by the Russians, questioned in connection with some G75 1400 4 pamphlets, sentenced to life imprisonment for espionage. G75 1410 1 She escaped, crawled through the usual mine fields, G75 1410 9 under barbed wire, was shot at, swam a river, and we G75 1420 10 finally picked her up in Linz. She showed us what had G75 1430 6 happened to her. No airplanes, no Nathan Hale statements. G75 1440 3 Just no spot, not even a dimesize spot, on her whole G75 1450 1 body that wasn't bruised, bruise on top of bruise, G75 1450 10 from beatings. I understand very well about Lauro di G75 1460 8 Bosis and how his action is symbolic. The trouble is G75 1470 6 that like many symbols it doesn't seem a very realistic G75 1480 4 one. G75 1480 5 The English lady wanted to pay tribute to Garibaldi G75 1490 3 and to Lauro di Bosis, but she wasn't going to be here G75 1500 1 to do it. Were any of us interested enough in the idea G75 1500 13 to do it for her, by proxy so to speak? There was a G75 1510 10 pretty thorough silence at that point. My spoon stirring G75 1520 6 coffee, banging against the side of the cup, sounded G75 1530 3 as loud as a bell. I thought: What the hell? Why not? G75 1540 2 I said I would do it for her. G75 1540 10 I had some reasons, too. I admire the English lady. G75 1550 6 I hate embarrassing silences and have been known to G75 1560 4 make a fool out of myself just to prevent one. I also G75 1570 1 had and have feelings about Garibaldi. Like every Southerner G75 1570 10 I can't escape the romantic tradition of brave defeats, G75 1580 8 forlorn lost causes. Though Garibaldi's fight was small G75 1590 6 shakes compared to Pickett's Charge- which, like all G75 1600 4 Southerners, I view in almost Miltonic terms, fallen G75 1610 3 angels, etc&- I associated the two. And to top it all G75 1620 3 I am often sentimental on purpose, trying to prove G75 1620 12 to myself that I am not afraid of sentiment. So much G75 1630 10 for all that. G75 1640 1 The English lady was pleased and enthusiastic. She G75 1640 9 gave me the names of some people who would surely help G75 1650 8 pay for the flowers and might even march up to the G75 1660 5 monument with me. The idea of the march pleased her. G75 1670 1 Maybe twenty, thirty, fifty. **h Maybe I could call G75 1670 10 Rimanelli at the magazine Rottosei where he worked.