W2A001T
<I> ... Mr Dourado tries to further fortify his argument by asserting that one of the signatories of the Articles, the late Mr. Karume, had a federation in mind when he signed the Articles.
Those who have propounded the thesis of two governments, and for whom the consolidation of the union has meant eventual creation of a unitary state, also proceed from the assumption that the arrangement in the original agreement was a temporary expedient to allay the fears of Zanzibar. Thus Tanganyika, being the bigger and stronger partner, was prepared to surrender totally its sovereignty to the common government right away while Zanzibar needed to keep it, or was allowed to keep it. But it was envisaged that eventually the two governments would fuse just as eventually the two ruling parties merged. This argument is implied in the proposals made in 1984 by the National Executive Committee of Chama cha Mapinduzi to amend the 1977 Constitution. The proposals describe, the arrangement of two governments as an 'intermediate method' What then, in the Party's view, was supposed to be permanent or final? Here is the answer. In paragraph 56 of its proposals the NEC argued that 'the essence of having a list of union matters in the Constitution is to indicate the powers of the Zanzibar Government which were surrendered to the Union Government; and the essence of adding more matters, on to the list of union matters, as has been done from to time, is to transfer more of the powers of the Zanzibar Government to the Union Government'. The proposals go on to suggest the establishment of Commission which, among other things, would 'review from time to time and make recommendations regarding non-Union matters which if made union matters would help to consolidate the Union.'
It needs hardly to be emphasised that the essence of these proposals is to see a complete fusion eventually and the creation of a unitary state. That is the only meaning that can be attached to the expansion of the list of union matters. As I will show later, nothing of the kind was envisaged by the original agreement.
What is common to both these positions, to repeat, is the assumption that the arrangement in the Acts of Union (Articles of Union) was 'intermediate', as CCM asserts; or 'interim', as Dourado argues; or a 'temporary expedient' as Professor Srivastava implies and Kabudi explicitly repeats; or 'provisional' and 'transitional', as Seaton and Maliti profess. The proponents from both sides seem to arrive at this assumption, which incidentally they put forward as a conclusion, from one or more of the following positions and propositions: (1) literal reading of the Acts in which the term 'interim' is used at several places, (2) that each jurisdiction or set of functions necessarily entails a corresponding government, and (3) the alleged intention of the original framers of the Articles of Union. A careful examination of the Acts and Articles of Union, it is submitted, does not support any of these propositions.
Let me take the last point, about the alleged intention of the, framers, first. It is a well-known canon of statutory construction that if the words used in an instrument are clear and unambiguous, the courts will not go behind them to ascertain the intention of the framers. That even if the words are ambiguous, the intention should be gathered from the instrument itself by analysing its basic scheme and framework. This is what is implied by the term 'intendment' of the legislation. One must not therefore confuse the necessary intendment, which is essentially a legal inference, with the actual intention of the framers, which refers to the state of mind,' and if it can be ascertained at all, is a question of fact and not law.
Dourado's assertion therefore that one of the signatories thought that the agreement he was signing provided for a federation is in law irrelevant, besides being virtually impossible to ascertain in fact. After all, there is no single conception of what is a federation. Both signatories could have believed that they were creating a federation and yet differed on the meaning to be attached to the term. What is less controversial and legally ascertainable, though, are the actual structures created by the Acts - in terms of what the provisions expressly, and by necessary implication, provide. That brings us to the first proposition which seems to suggest that the necessary implication of the Articles is that the arrangement, and the structures created thereby, was 'interim' or 'intermediate'.
It is suggested that the position that the arrangement in the Acts of Union was 'interim' is derived from the use of that phrase at various places in the Acts. In the Acts the term 'interim' is consistently used in the phrase 'interim constitution', i.e. in the context of characterising the constitution. Section 2 defines 'the interim constitution' to mean the constitution declared by section 5 to be the Constitution by which the United Republic is to be governed during the interim period, as from time to time modified or amended.
The interim constitution referred to in section 5 is the Republican Constitution of Tanganyika as modified in accordance with the provisions of that section. Section 5 also makes clear that the said interim Constitution may be altered from time to time by Acts of Parliament in the usual manner, subject to the provisions of the section.
Section 2 defines the term 'interim period' to mean 'the period commencing on the Union Day and expiring immediately before the commencement of a Constitution adopted by a Constituent Assembly in accordance with section 9' and the Union Day is the day after the enactment of the Acts of Union, i.e. 26th April, 1964.
It is plain therefore that what was considered to be 'interim' was the constitution by which the Union was supposed to be governed until such time as the adoption of a permanent constitution in accordance with the Articles. But this is not to say that the arrangement, structures and division of powers stipulated in section 5 were considered, explicitly or <-/impliedly>, as 'interim', 'intermediate' or 'provisional'. That arrangement was supposed to endure. It gave the basic scheme and the essential features of the Union. Indeed, as I will argue later, the provisions of section 5 are made unalterable by virtue of the opening words of the section which are controlling.
During the 'interim period', the Parliament as a matter of fact revoked the Republican Constitution and adopted the one-party constitution in 1965. But the later continued to be an 'interim constitution' ultimately governed by the provisions of the Acts of Union so far as the Union was concerned. (The Acts of Union incidentally were made entrenched provisions in the Interim Constitution of 1965). To the extent therefore that the two, three or one government controversy is based on the assumption of the alleged 'interim' nature of the arrangement in the Articles of Union, it finds no support in the Acts or Articles of Union themselves.
The second proposition proceeds as follows. (1) Three separate jurisdictions necessarily entail three separate governments; (2) the Articles stipulate three jurisdictions, therefore (3) they create three governments, therefore (4) the merging of two governments in one under the Articles was only a 'temporary expedient'. I have already shown that the conclusion in (4) is not borne out by the Article and the Acts. Once (4) is not true, the basis of (3) is partly knocked off. It is, in my view, incontestable that the Articles or the Acts do not create three governments as separate organs. That one body may perform two separate sets of functions does not mean, either in law or in fact, that it is two bodies. In this regard the ridicule by Mwalimu Nyerere that for lawyers 1 + 1 = 3 has a lot of force in it. But, with respect, it does not follow that 1 + 1 = 2 either. It depends on what you are adding. If you add 1 orange with 1 banana you do not get 2 bananas or 2 oranges. Similarly, 1 Zanzibar government + 1 union legislature and executive do not add up to 2 governments! This shows how the debate in terms of numbers of governments is not helpful in comprehending the actual structures of the association created by the Acts.
There is indeed another underlying flaw in the arguments which equate federalism necessarily with separate, in this case three, governments. That proposition, too, in my view, is a confusion between an ideal-type and its practical operationalisation. In practice, federal structures have taken very different forms as we shall see in the next section. And that brings me to the question of how to classify the Acts of Union; i.e. whether they constitute a federal or a unitary constitution.
By all accounts, it is clear that the Acts of Union is not a unitary constitution. The Zanzibar Legislature is not subordinate to the Union Parliament. Its powers are not devolved or delegated. Its powers are plenary in all respects bound only by the instrument that creates it, in this case the Acts of Union and the relevant Zanzibar's Constitution. Comparison with Northern Ireland, which seems to have been first proposed by Mr. Pius Msekwa, is not only politically offensive to the Zanzibari sentiments, as alleged by one commentator, but, in law, grossly inaccurate.
The Government of Ireland Act, 1920 expressly declared the United Kingdom Parliament to be supreme. Even though it gave law-making powers to the Northern Ireland Legislature in specified matters, the United Kingdom Acts of Parliament extended to Northern Ireland were to prevail in case of conflict with the Irish Acts. Clearly therefore the Northern Ireland situation is one of devolution, and not distribution, of power. The 1920 Act therefore smugly fits in the definition of a unitary constitution given by Wheare in which 'the legislature of the whole country is the supreme law-making body in the country. It may permit other legislatures to exist and to exercise their powers, but it has the right, in law, to overrule them; they are subordinate to it.'
Seaton and Maliti in advancing their thesis that the structures created by the Acts of Union were 'provisional' or 'transitional', have found similarity with the United Arab Republic established in 1958 between Egypt and Syria. It is suggested that this comparison too is misleading. In the case of the United Arab Republic, it is very clear from the Proclamation and the Provisional Constitution of the United Arab Republic, that one single government - including all three branches, executive, legislative, and judicial - was created, with Egypt and Syria as regions, whose affairs were to be overseen by respective Executive Councils during the interim period. Clearly a total fusion was envisaged and there is nothing in the instruments which set up the United Arab Republic about division of legislative and executive powers. This is a far cry from the Acts of Union under discussion.
It is also beyond controversy that the Acts of Union are not a confederal constitution either. The distinguishing characteristic of a confederal constitution is that the central government does not operate directly upon the people but through regional governments. This is not the case with the Acts of Union. The Acts of Union are therefore some form of a federal constitution. The question is what form?
It is widely acknowledged that examples of existing federal constitutions do not fit into any one neat definition of, what Wheare calls, 'the federal principle'. Various tests have been applied, among which the following may be mentioned: -
	(1)a clearly defined distribution of powers between general and regional governments all which are at the same or co-ordinate level;
	(2) defined and limited powers to the general government while the residue is vested in the regional governments;
	(3) that both the general and regional governments act directly upon the people, as opposed to a confederation, where the regional government alone operates directly upon the people.

</I>
W2A002T
<I> <h> THE LIMITS OF THE SINGLE PARTY DEMOCRATIC PRACTICE </h>
<h> The Concept of Democracy and the Party Systems </h>
To quote Jennings (1963) 'democracy is one of those pleasure giving words' which every state system seek to be identified with. Often, however, the concept of democracy conceals the reality of power exercised by some group of persons who try to maintain themselves in power. In this regard democracy is not just the right to vote in a government or merely secure legal provisions in state constitutions or the right to speech, freedom to associate etc. Democracy is about a whole set of concerns which afford the citizenry the capacity to control their destiny.
Since 18th Century Western Europe, Early 20th Century Africa and present Eastern Europe, democracy has been advanced by a combination of leaders of revolutions and popular movements. These institutions have fought for the right to be consulted in decision making, have pressed for the removal of barriers to their progress and have demanded for a central place in the governance process.
As Clarck (1991) suggests, "the driving force for these movements is the voluntary coming together of men and women in a common purpose to improve the society in which they live by demanding change from their rulers.
In the countries of the North, that is Western Europe and North America the vehicles for demanding change and participation in the governance process have for a long time been interest groups that eventually aggregated into political parties which in turn contested for political power. Thus as time went by, political parties have been one of the major instruments of the citizenry in their bid to effect democracy in their societies.
But while the political party remains such an important pillar for democracy in the countries of the North, increasingly, organizations formed around single issues have in contemporary times evolved into significant political players in the struggle for democracy in those countries. Such organizations include the environmental movements, Peace movements, Ethnic organizations and the wide range of Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs). In other words, there are three issues surrounding the concept of democracy in the mentioned context. First, democracy is the incessant demand by a people for the right to secure a central place in the governance process. Secondly is the transparent character of the context within which such demands are organized, that is, the development of a multiplicity and plurality of organizations and issues that form the basis of democratic practice. But also there is the third factor that political parties are not the only and <-/infact> they may not be the major vehicles for democracy in the face of the growing importance of the other nonparty organizations.
In the countries of the South, Africa in particular, the colonial experience has been a double faced phenomenon in relation to the subject of democracy. Colonialism was an authoritarian and totalitarian system that clamped down on individual initiative, freedom and liberty. It was a non competitive anti party system; it was against the evolution of free and autonomous labour and cooperative unions or individual associations.
On the other hand, towards its final days, colonialism attempted at a programme of institutional transfer into the emerging independent states so that the actual power transfer process was affected through multiparty competitive elections supported by independence constitutions that provided for a free press, free labour unions etc. With independence, however, the nationalist parties that came to power reverted to the very system they fought to destroy but which to them provided a living though undemocratic form of governance. Monopolistic politics evolved under single party regimes.
Tordoff (1984) tracing the post independence politics in Africa discusses four important tendencies in African politics: (i) the trend towards single partism derived from the centralising traditions of colonial rule, (ii) the trend towards firmer ideological basis of party politics ostensibly with the objective of giving their followers a new sense of direction and purpose, (iii) the trend towards personalization of power whereby the party leader becomes the head of state with essential executive powers vested on him, and (iv) the trend towards the subordination of the party to the state whereby the party and its various elements are subsumed into the state bureaucracy and assigned with the public relations function to explain and justify decisions taken elsewhere by the state.
A marked feature within these tendencies was the process towards clamping down on opposition and the attempt to integrate within its system otherwise free and autonomous organizations such as labour organizations, interest groups and associations. Also, there was the process of eroding the popular and broad based support which political institutions gained from the Nationalists.
So, conditions in the countries of the South, Africa in particular, did not lead themselves to the development of democratic processes along the lines of the countries of the North. In fact, the general channels for democracy such as free association through interest groups or political parties were suppressed. It is evidently clear, however, that even in the countries of the North, democracy was not an overnight development. Nor was the party system an immediate component of the <-/democractic> organizational forms. It took decades for democracy to emerge and develop to the form one observes today.
In Africa, the movement towards democracy has always been there since the Nationalist Struggles of the 1950's to the present <-/resistances> against post independence monopolistic single party rule. In recent times <-/resistances> to monopolistic politics have centred around the demand for individual citizen rights and freedoms; desire to participate in the governance process and the need to remove all inhibitions to individual freedoms such as detention without trial and the like.
Several institutions have participated in the presentation of these demands. They include, religious organizations such as Churches, Civil Rights Movements, Local level social groups, academics and professionals etc. The emergence of these groups suggests two points. First, is that the single party system is an inadequate institution for the articulation of these democratic demands. Secondly, and related to the first point is the factor that these groups became the budding institutions of multiparty politics. It is from these organizations that the emerging political parties are now growing. The developments obviously indicate that the association of democracy and plural party politics is inevitable and probably natural. The major question now in Africa is whether or not the emerging opposition parties will evolve into viable democratic opposition. In other words, to what extent will the emerging party system become a vehicle towards the realization of democracy?
From the aforegoing it is <-/abudantly> clear that the multiparty system seems to afford greater opportunity towards the realization of democracy in so far as it provides the context for more transparent political processes and the plural organizational form accords with the potential for independence, multiple initiative, individual freedom, accountability of rulers etc. But that may not always be the case as current trends in the countries of the north demonstrate. The party system has its own limits and society may opt for more grassroot organizations around specific subjects as a more meaningful means of participating in the governance process. This is not only the trend in the countries of the north but also in the countries of the south where multipartism had been long introduced, for example in Bangladesh, 5 where the people have been disenchanted with mainstream political parties. Successive governments have neglected their election manifestos about resolving the peoples problems. The people themselves have therefore decided to direct their efforts and commitment to new more grassroot organizations through which they hope to effectively participate in the governance process. What the statement suggests is that the creation of the multiparty framework is not the final leg to democracy but may lead towards it.
<h> The Practice of Democracy and the Party System in Tanzania </h>
The structure of politics and its organization in Tanzania has essentially been shaped by the dominant party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and its predecessors the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) and Afro Shirazi Party (ASP)6 In 1963 the National Executive Committee of TANU passed a resolution to make Tanganyika (Mainland Tanzania) a one party democratic state and this was subsequently endorsed in the state constitution in 1965. The same applied to Zanzibar after the Revolution which overthrew the Arab oligarchy in January 1964. Following this step, in 1975 the two parties were declared supreme organs of power under which all political activities were to operate. In 1977 TANU and ASP merged into CCM as the only party in charge of political and policy issues in Tanzania.
Prior to the Arusha Declaration on Ujamaa and Self Reliance in 1967, the major reasons which went into the establishment of the one party system were essentially related to efforts towards maintaining national integration and unity in an otherwise fragmented society: fragmented in terms of ethnic, religious, regional and racial differences. With the Arusha Declaration in 1967 the reasons to justify the one party system found anchorage in <-/ideolgoical> considerations that the one party system was the ideal organizational form to realize Ujamaa. This aspect featured prominently in the title given to the new party in 1977, Chama cha Mapinduzi or the Party for (Socialist) Revolution. Whatever the reasons that have been used to justify the one party system, the point at this stage is that as from 1965 Tanzania was a single party political system.
Within this monolithic system democracy was conceived and was expected to operate. Among the essential elements of democracy within the single party system included:
(1)	A Republican Constitution which provided for the existence of a parliament; separation of powers, an independent Judiciary, Bill of Rights and an ombudsman as an additional institution which would safeguard the rights of the individuals.
(2)	Regular elections at national and local levels as a means of citizens' political participation.
(3)	Officially sponsored organs of peoples interest articulation, for example, a National Workers Union; a National Cooperative Union, the Youths organization etc.
(4)	Officially sponsored rallies and meetings.
(5)	Officially controlled radio and daily papers.
These aspects, and other efforts such as the creation of the workers' councils in places of work, monthly party and non party member meetings served as channels of democratic participation.
<h> The Limits of the Single party Democratic Practice in Tanzania </h>
It has been observed by a number of analysts of the presently existing political system in Tanzania that unlike many other single party regimes elsewhere in the Third World, the Tanzanian single party system provided some opportunity for democracy. Among the cases usually cited include first, the regular elections. There is evidence that since the inception of the one party system in 1965, elections have regularly been conducted every five years. Elsewhere, elections have either been irregular or at times completely and <-/indefinetly> postponed. It has also been observed that even under this single party framework, the elections have been seriously contested resulting in significant changes in the previous leadership groups and personalities. In this regard too, the courts have played a significant role when elections results were contested before the law.
Certainly, the regular elections and the opportunity which the citizens secured to even oust leaders they did not want <-/confered> a large measure of legitimacy for the system and its leaders, an important aspect which has assisted Tanzania to sustain its stability even under crisis situations.
A second point often regarded as positive in the Tanzania's single Party System is the large measure of personal freedoms which its citizens have been seen to enjoy, especially when compared to countries under similar conditions. It has been observed that even in the officially sponsored organizations, meetings, rallies and papers, it has been possible for some of the citizens to air their complaints and that the leadership has often <-/exercized> some tolerance and restraint to public criticism. However, the single party system in Tanzania has a number of limitations endemic to a monolithic political system. These limitations have been acknowledged even by the leaders themselves, presently and even before it.
At a general level, the single party political system in Tanzania as elsewhere is accused of stifling initiative because of the numerous controls it imposed upon its citizens. </I>
W2A003T
<I> <h> INTRODUCTION </h>
This book is an attempt to offer an analysis of the process of social and economic change in Nampula Province in Northern-Central Mozambique, an area which is throughout the study referred to as Makuani a locative term meaning "the land of the Makua." Despite the term however an ethno-centric focus has been avoided and preference given to a regional focus for several reasons. First, the dearth of evidence on the formative years of Makua society makes an ethno-centred focus a near impossibility. Secondly, and perhaps more important, is the fact that such an ethnic focus would have inevitably relegated to a secondary plane other nonMakua groups with whom the Makua were in constant interaction; and yet, it was indeed through such cross-cultural interaction between the various groups that the societies in northern Mozambique generally, and within Makuani in particular were shaped and nurtured.
The study has mainly centred on the development of commodity production at the local level, and how this led to changes in the organization of Makua society. Political and ideological changes resulting in the integration of Makuani into the international economic system through the medium of trade are considered in so far as the evidence at our disposal can allow. As more research needs to be done in the area before any definite conclusions can be made, conclusions drawn in this study can only be treated as tentative, serving as guides for future investigation.
Social change has been broadly treated as a complex process of transformation and adjustment in response to a number of causal factors. In various places, I have tried to show how both internal and external factors were instrumental in shaping the societies in the hinterland of Mozambique island, as well as the relationship between them. Regional trade brought together different communities into a relationship of mutual interdependence, while long distance trade linked these societies with the outside world. But the struggle for control of resources and markets also drew these societies into conflicts which lasted until the end of the nineteenth century.
Although trade was a very fundamental factor in bringing the different societies together, it is argued that in order to explain the changes in relationships between and within communities, and indeed the whole process of social change within Makuani, it is imperative to show the structure of production and the mode of appropriating surplus in that society. This poses serious problems with respect to verification of the historical processes being described because of the dearth of evidence. An attempt is made therefore, to overcome this limitation by the use of inference within the context of a theoretically tenable model.
The study is based on primary and secondary sources consulted in New York, Lisbon, Maputo and Dar es Salaam, between 1977 and 1979. Many of the archival materials on Mozambique have been published in one form or another, and are available in many libraries and some have been translated into English. The best known of these published primary sources is Theal's nine volume collection on the Portuguese period in South-East Africa. While these collections are an >-/indespensable> introduction to the history of Portuguese expansion in the Indian Ocean, they are not a substitute for archival research as the collections are selective in their choice of documents, depending on the author's interests.
Theal's collections have recently been supplemented by a more comprehensive source book by Eric Exelson which covers the early Portuguese period in the area to about 1700. His extensive footnotes and bibliography have been used as an additional guide to other sources on the history of northern Mozambique between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This has posed no problem as these additional sources have been published either by individuals or by the Concelho Ultramarino. Santana's Documentaçao Avulsa Sobre os Portuguese em Moçambique for example, is a summary of documents available in the first twenty file boxes in the Arquivo Historico Ultramarino.
Apart from these published documents, the study has also relied heavily on archival sources from the Arquivo Historico de Mozambique, especially as concerns the second half of the <-/ninenteenth> century. The Mozambique archives are therefore richer in nineteenth century material than on earlier periods because in 1895, Antonio Enes, then Royal Commissioner in Mozambique sent to Lisbon's Public Library many of the earlier documents. It is hoped that the Mozambique government will in one way or another, recover some of these documents which can be obtained either in Biblioteca Nacional de Lisbon or the Arquivo National de Torre de Tombo.
Whereas both the archives in Lisbon and Maputo are fairly rich in materials on the Portuguese presence in the Mozambican coastland, they are extremely <-/dificient> in materials on the peoples and societies that live in the hinterland of Mozambique. Attempts to reconstruct the social and economic history of Makuani on the basis of <-/pre-ninenteenth> century official sources have therefore ended up in failure and for this purpose, the study has relied on material published by contemporary observers, some of which are extremely biased and impressionistic. Due to their inherent shortcomings, the various ethnographic monographs which have been written on the Makua should therefore be carefully scrutinized and cross-checked with other sources as their scholarly value is uneven; ranging from the biased views and prejudices of Santos Batista, to the carefully reasoned descriptive work of Antonio Rita-Ferreita.
The best historical studies on the region remain those by Alpers and Nancy Hafkin. Alpers' book on the ivory and slave trade in the area developed from his thesis on the role of the Yao in the development and expansion of the long distance trade that served as a link between the Coast of East-Central Africa and its hinterland. Alpers' reluctance to utilize the ethnographic material is partly responsible for the glaring weakness in those sections of the book which attempt to reconstruct Makua society and economy during the eighteenth century. He thus presents the Makua as an undifferentiated mass of anonymous groups constantly at war with the Portuguese, interrupting the flow of commodities between the Coast and Yaoland. Because of this, one is left to speculate about the possible causes of tensions between the Portuguese and the Makua chiefs in Uticulo and Cambira in central Makuani, and their relationships with the Yao and Maravi frontier.
Despite its title, Hafkin's study is essentially a history of the Sultanate of Angoche and the Sheikhdoms of Ouitangonha, Sancul and Sangage. The economic base which gave rise to their political and military ascendancy during the eighteenth century together with their relationship with the Makua littoral prior to the eighteenth century are left out of her analysis, despite evidence of acculturation and intermarriage between the matrilineal Makua women and the patrilineal Muslim communities in these coastal enclaves. And yet it was these earlier relationships which were to fulfil a significant political and economic function during the latter part of the eighteenth century, and throughout the nineteenth century. Alpers' study, like that of Hafkin's therefore leaves us in the dark about Makua society at its critical period of transition to commodity production and its integration into the international economic system. In both cases, the authors acknowledge their failure, but explain the nature of the problem in terms of lack of evidence. However, by reading Hafkin's well researched study, one realizes how rich it is in terms of empirical data that could have been used in reconstructing the history of Makuani. While the problem of lack of sufficient evidence cannot be denied, it is equally true that this problem was compounded by the limited empiricist framework which formed the basis of her interpretation and analysis of the available facts.
A work on the political conjunctures and alignments in Northern Mozambique during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries cannot be fully comprehended when analysed outside the context of the development of international trade, and the class structure fostered by the penetration of merchant capital into the social formations of Northern Mozambique. The politics of survival, collaboration and co-option of the  swahili comprador class into a class of merchants, symbolically expressed as <foreign/>homens <foreign/>do <foreign/>chapeu (gentlemen of the hat) were expressions of political struggles at the periphery of the world economy. These struggles were neither caused by religious nor racial antagonisms, but were expressions of fundamental contradictions within the merchant community along the shores of Makuani. Without this conceptual framework it is easy to be carried away by the colonial Portuguese documentation which projected them as acts of rebellion fomented by religious or racial differences. Rarely did the Portuguese authorities realize that such conflicts transcended religious and racial boundaries, and that they arose out of the contradictions within the economic system that was evolving in Northern Mozambique during the second half of the eighteenth century.
The fragile political alliances in the region reflected the unstable class structures that were still in a state of evolution. A study of the relationship between the swahili sheikdoms of Sancul, Sangage and Quitangonha and the Makua chiefs in the interior on the one hand and the Portuguese on the other, reveals that in certain instances of conflict, the racial, cultural or the foreign/local polarity did not in the main constitute an antagonistic relation. Where this was the case, collaboration by either side became a preferred response.
A fuller understanding of these changing relationships requires a concerted effort in the study of the history of Northern Mozambique societies during the eighteenth century at least to fill in the gaps that appear in the studies that have so far been attempted by Lobato and Exelson for the earlier period and by Alpers and Hafkin on the nineteenth century.
The only scholar who has so far addressed himself to the study of northern Mozambique during the eighteenth century is Fritz Hoppe. His book remains the only serious attempt to examine the impact of Portuguese colonial economic policies on the pre-capitalist economic formations of South-Eastern Africa. In addition to providing us with detailed information on the evolution of a colonial economic structure that embraced the Portuguese colonies in the Indian Ocean and Brazil, Hoppe also discusses the importance of internal trade mainly in foodstuffs between Mozambique island and the subordinate ports of Ibo, Sofala, Inhambame and the Rivers of Sena-the Zambezi Valley. More attention on Makuani would have been welcome, however, to enable one to determine the magnitude of trade in foodstuffs that was carried out between the Makua and the Portuguese before the development of the ivory and slave trade during the second half of the eighteenth century.
These criticisms of the existing literature are not meant to belittle the efforts of those who have initiated the study of the history of Northern Mozambique. They are intended to point out areas which require more research before definite conclusions can be made. Until such researches are carried out, these pioneering studies will remain the main sources of information on societies in Northern Mozambique and in this way continue influence the historiography of Mozambique for many years to come.
It is for this reason, therefore, that an interdisciplinary approach has been advocated. By using concepts in political economy as analytical categories it has been possible to explain the causal factors underlying the changing roles of social and political institutions, and the process of articulation and subordination of a mode of production by another within Makuani over a period of about 300 years.
The existing extensive literature on the Portuguese colonial policies and its domestic political and economic problems has also made possible the situating of the present study on northern Mozambique within a wider context that would have otherwise been impossible. Though not addressed specifically to Mozambique, Sideri's book on Anglo-Portuguese relations since the seventeenth century for example, has enabled us to look at Portugal's problems as a colonial power during the nineteenth century more objectively than has been the case with English authors. Statistical information on the Portuguese economy and trade with her colonies is available in a number of books published by the Portuguese as well as by foreigners.
As one moves into the second half of the nineteenth century, sources of information on various aspects of the colonial society in Mozambique also increase. Apart from British <_-travelers><+_travellers'> accounts, there are also consular reports of British and US representatives resident in Mozambique beginning in 1854.  </I>W2A004T
<I> <h> GAZETTEMENT OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN TANZANIA </h>
<h> Introduction </h>
The gazettement of geographical names for use on maps in Tanzania is not a new phenomenon. Already a British East Africa Gazetteer for Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika and Zanzibar was published in 1956. The gazetteer for Tanzania was produced thirteen years later. The names for the Tanzania gazetteer (1969) were supplied by the United States Geographic Names Bureau by transferring geographical names from old edition maps. The surveys and Mapping Division of the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development was approving the geographical names for <-/adoptation> and printing on the new edition maps of Tanzania.
The density of geographical names in an area increases with the intensity of socio-economic change. Changes in development generate new names and lead to revision of old editions of existing maps. The density of geographical names is also associated with the amount of detail and scale of the map. While all named features in a desert area can be adequately displayed at a scale of 1:250,000, thinly populated and relatively undeveloped areas require maps at a scale of 1:100,000. Areas of medium population density and levels of development require maps at a scale of 1:50,000. Area of high population density and relatively high levels of socio-economic development require maps at a scale of 1:25,000. Map for urban areas must be large enough to show individual streets and other land uses. Map scales of 1:10,000 and 1:2,500 are the most appropriate. It is, however, generally accepted that, the basic map scales for field work in collecting geographical names in rural areas be 1:50,000 and 1:10,000 or 1:2,500 in urban areas.
The transfer of geographical names from old maps onto new edition ones is unsatisfactory. It pleads to, not only names being applied to wrong features, but also leads to new names being <-/ommitted> completely. The longer a name remains in use incorrectly the more difficult it becomes to change. These problems are particularly true for a country like Tanzania at a formative stage of development, lacking complete coverage of basic topographical mapping and having many indigenous languages without text books of grammar or dictionaries. The National Geographical Names standardisation Committee was established by the Geographical Names Standardisation act No. 23 of 1982, to <-/advice> the Ministry for Lands, Housing land Urban Development (or the appropriate Minister), on the correct geographical names and names spellings, to be adopted and published on maps in Tanzania, having due regard to their historical, <-/orthographical> and ethnic considerations. The tasks of the Committee range from determination of orthography, variations of forms of names in use in areas occupied by minority linguistic groups, commemorative names, names with same meaning but written in local and foreign languages, description of features and compilation of glossaries to a determination of names designations.
This paper is an initial attempt to propose a procedure for the collection of geographical names in the field, preparation of place names lists for checking by consultants, principles for accepting the spelling of place names on maps by the National Geographical Names Standardisation Committee of Tanzania and finally to recommend final stages of work in documenting geographical names for gazettement in Tanzania.
<h> Collection and Preparation of Geographical Names in the Field </h>
<h> Collection of Geographical Names in the field </h>
The task of collecting geographical names in the field, processing through to printing on new edition maps and maintaining records should be presided over by the Ministry of Lands, Water, Housing and Urban Development.
The supporting workforce for the collection of geographical names in the field should be undertaken by the surveys and Mapping Division, as part of the normal mapping and map-updating schedule, of the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development. Now that mapping and map-updating are done by photogrammetric and remote sensing techniques collection of geographical names in the field should be a separate exercise.
The optimum personnel requirements for successful collection of geographical names in the field include a land surveyor, local guide and resident inhabitants. The initial collection and preparation of geographical names in the field should be done by a land surveyor or topographer. The land surveyor requires some mechanical means of transportation to speed up his work in the field. The land surveyor will require the assistance of a local guide who knows the geography and language of the area being surveyed. The land surveyor must collect the geographical names by local inquiry. A National Geographical Names Documentation Form (NGNDF) has been prepared. The Topographer should make entries in the appropriate columns on the form. In order to facilitate consistency the following procedure should be followed:
(a)	If the local written forms of geographical names in the area are available he should copy them. If the written forms of geographical names in an area are not available, the topographer should record what he hears, using Kiswahili orthography. The land surveyor's spellings should be checked by local resident inhabitants whose recommendations, together with information on language, meaning and alternative names, should be recorded. By questioning a sufficient number of local resident inhabitants the land surveyor will be able to insert the geographical names in their correct position on the map. Current usage of geographical names for features in an area should <-/outweight> historical evidence. Where there is doubt, on the correct name of geographical features, alternative names should be recorded on the map in parenthesis, after the name commanding the most support.
(b)	In making the entries on the NGNDF the topographer should start in the north-west corner of the map and work east across the top row of grid squares listing all names in each grid square in turn.
(c)	The topographer should work west to east along all the rows of grid squares of the field map until the whole map is covered.
(d)	Features names extending over several grid squares should be entered in the square in which the initial letter of the name occurs.
(e)	Entries may be made in columns 5, 6 and 7 if known.
(f)	Columns 4 and 8 must be left blank.
(g)	About half an inch should be left between each entry on the form to allow room for comments later, if required.
(h)	The topographer should hand in their data to the National Cartographic Office for onward transmission to the draughtsmen.
<h> Preparation of Geographical Names Lists for Checking by Consultants. </h>
A list of geographical names, <-/induplicate>, should be prepared for each 1:50,000 1:10,000; 1:2,500 topographical sheet, using data collected by local topographical inquiry, by two draughtsmen working independently. In order to facilitate check  the following procedure should be followed:
(a)	The draughtsman should start listing geographical names in the north-west corner of the map.
(b)	Then the draughtsman should work east across the top row of grid squares listing all names in each grid square in turn.
(c)	The draughtsman should work west to east along all the rows of grid squares until the whole map is covered.
(d)	Features names extending over several grid squares should be listed against the square in which the initial latter of the name occurs.
(e)	Map reference should be given using four figures only.
(f)	Occupiers of areas should not be entered on the lists.
(g)	Descriptions of unnamed features like Dams, Boreholes, Cattle Dips and Factories should not be entered on the lists.
(h)	If a name refers to more than one feature at one place all features should be mentioned in one entry.
(i)	If the same name appears for several features in several places then each should be listed in separate lines.
(j)	If a feature in one square ends its name in another, the name should be listed in the square in which the feature is located.
(k)	In the event that a topographical map sheet has more than one administrative division, then, the list must deal with one administrative division first. A new form must be used for names in the other administrative division.
(l)	The lists drawn up by two draughtsmen, working independently, should be compared and corrected. After comparison and correction the two lists should be passed on to the Secretariat of the National Geographical Names Standardisation Committee of Tanzania. The Secretary of the National Geographical Names Standardisation Committee will then convene a meeting of the National Geographical Names Standardisation Committee members, to discuss the names for <-/adoptation> on the maps of Tanzania.
<h> Principles Guiding the Geographical Names Standardisation Committee in Accepting Place Names Spellings on the Maps of Tanzania </h>
1.	The Kiswahili Orthography, in the latin alphabet as set out in standard grammars and dictionaries, should be primarily used to name geographical features on the maps of Tanzania.
2.	Tanzanian vernacular names may be accepted, but the names should be so written, that when pronounced according to <+_the> rules of Kiswahili <-/pronounciation>, they sound as nearly as possible correct.
3.	Where the spelling of a geographical name in local orthography has become established by usage, it should be adopted. The correct spelling of the name in vernacular must be given and recorded by the National Geographical Names Standardisation Committee secretariat. The NGNSC Secretariat must seek the international phonetic symbols for the name accepted.
4.	Foreign imported names into the country shall be written as originally spelt.
5.	Private names shall be written as originally spelt.
6.	Established wrong spellings for certain names in the country for towns, railway stations and other features, which have been in use for a long time, should not be corrected, but where there is a major difference, the correct spelling should be given in parenthesis on the map.
7.	Consonants should not be doubled unless there is a special stress: <-/eg.> Serengetti should be written Serengeti.
8.	Descriptions of rivers and other features should not be recorded as part of the name.
9.	Diacritical marks, apostrophes and hyphens, which may be confused with topographical detail, should not be printed on maps.
10.	Alternative names of features, which occur in more than one vernacular, should be recognised and recorded.
11.	Wherever they are known, the language, derivation and meaning of all names adopted, should be recorded.

<-h> Final Stages of Work in Gazettement of Geographical Names for Printing on Maps of Tanzania </h>
The final stages of work in the gazettement of geographical names include the recommendations of the NGNSC to the Minister for Lands, Water, Housing and Urban Development; publication of names lists in the government gazette; entry of place names in a card index for storage and printing of place names on maps.
The National Geographical Names Standardisation Committee shall advice the Minister for Lands, Water, Housing and Urban Development (or the appropriate Minister) on the spelling of all geographical names on maps of Tanzania having due regard to their historical, <-/orthographical> and ethnic considerations. The NGNSC <-_had><+_has> advisory powers only. It can recommend names and spellings to be published on maps, but it cannot enforce their <-/adoptation> in other spheres of activities.
All names approved by the NGNSC shall be sent to the Minister for Lands, Water  Housing and Urban Development for approval and publication. Sufficient time should be set aside to deal with objections and recommendations from the public and other interested parties. These observations must be dealt with adequately by the NGNSC members.
A card must be created for each approved name by the committee. The cards must be sorted and stored alphabetically. An alphabetic list for publication in the Gazettee must be made stating the map sheet, district, name and feature to which it refers.
Copies of approved names lists should be supplied to the government Cartographic office, to enter changes on the revision copies of maps. Copies of the maps and approved names lists, should be sent to the Gazetteer for printing of maps in Tanzania. The cards must then be put away alphabetically in index cabinets.
<h> Some Organisational and Technical Problems Needing Attention by the NGNSC </h>
<h> Organisational Problems </h>
The National Geographical Names Standardisation Committee cannot encompass among its membership sufficient geographical and linguistic knowledge to decide on the correctness of position and spelling of all the names on national maps. </I>
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</I> <h> THE INTELLECTUAL AND DEMOCRATIC STRUGGLES AGAINST THE IDEOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENTALISM IN TANZANIA </h>
THIS paper is intended to analyse the role of the Tanzanian intellectual in the process of struggles for democracy in the context of struggles against the ideology of developmentalism. Special focus will be made on the struggle of the intellectual in the form of production of theories and knowledge on democracy and democratization processes. The paper shows three stages or phases of the struggle. The first is the struggle for "nationalist" democracy during which the intellectual is contradictorily involved in the development and consolidation of the ideology of developmentalism. The second is the state of struggle against the ideology of developmentalism through theories of underdevelopment, materialism and liberalism. The third constitutes the present stage of struggle in which an explicit intellectual debate on democracy and the democratization process is being carried out.
The central argument of the paper entails two scenarios. One scenario constitutes the argument that the changing forms of intellectual democratic struggles during the three phases is a product of contradictions inherent within the ideology of developmentalism. The other scenario provides a critique to the nature and character of struggles during the current phase by pointing out the weaknesses and shortcomings of the theoretical framework of the struggle, and hence providing suggestions for its further development.
<h> Struggles for "Nationalist Democracy" </h>
In essence struggles for "nationalist" democracy were anti-colonial and anti-neocolonial struggles. As anti-colonial struggles they began with the rise of African nationalism after the Second World War when African people in the colonies decided to struggle for national independence by dismantling colonial states and establishing independent nation states. In Tanzania the rise of nationalist consciousness and struggle came to be crystalized through the formation of nationalist political parties such as TANU in Tanganyika and ASP in Zanzibar, leading to the attainment of independence in December 1961 and the Zanzibar Revolution in January 1964 respectively.
After independence nationalist struggles took the form of anti-neocolonial struggles. First, nationalist consciousness became an instrument of eradicating colonial legacy politically, economically, socially and culturally, thus the concept of cultural decolonization. Second, nationalist consciousness was also supposed to play the role of an instrument of struggle against tendencies of the ex-colonial and other imperialist powers of extending neocolonial domination and exploitation.
However, both phases of struggle are characterized as struggles for "nationalist" democracy because of the following reasons. First, that the colonial system was an autocratic, oppressive and exploitative system imposed on the people of African colonies. It was therefore an undemocratic system. Thus nationalist anticolonial struggles that were waged through the unity of all classes were in essence nationalist struggles for a democratic system. Second, that the process of eradicating colonial legacy and struggles against tendencies of neocolonial practices were also forms of nationalist democratic struggles as they were an extension of anti-colonial struggles. Since both phases of the struggle were guided by consciousness and ideology of nationalism, we therefore characterize the democratic struggle as a struggle for "nationalist" democracy, a form of democracy to be achieved through national independence (including political, economic, social and cultural independence) and national unity.
As a theory, nationalist democracy was first developed by political intellectuals who provided leadership in the nationalist struggle for independence and who became leaders of the independent nation states in Africa. Mwl. J.K. Nyerere was very instrumental in that development as he was the architect of the theory of "African democracy" (Nyerere 1964). In his conception of African democracy Nyerere argued that that form of democracy was different from the Western form of democracy based on the multi-party system. African democracy was to be based on the traditional African past characterized by participation and unity, and therefore absence of political competition.
Nyerere saw that implementation of the theory of African democracy could best be carried out through the institution of African socialism. Like African democracy the theory of African Socialism was based on the way of life of the traditional African Society based on communal relations of production. The link between African democracy and African socialism was conceived to be such that democracy could not be achieved without socialism and vice versa (Nyerere 1962). It was also conceived that African democracy and African socialism would facilitate the development of national unity, thus the slogan, "freedom and unity". The one-party system was therefore seen as a necessary condition for the achievement of African democracy, African socialism and national unity.
Thus the theory of nationalist democracy evolved within the context of the complex of the ideology of African nationalism incorporating the various aspects discussed earlier. It has to be noted that the theory of nationalist democracy did not only develop in Tanzania but elsewhere in Africa thus giving rise to the spread of the adoption of one-party system in most African countries soon or later after the attainment of national independence. It came to be articulated through different ideological contexts such as African Socialism in Kenya, Humanism in Zambia, consciencism in Ghana and Common Man's Charter in Uganda.
Given the mood of independence intellectuals, particularly some academicians in the University of Dar es Salaam (commonly referred to as "The Hill") played a significant role in the development and consolidation of the theory of nationalist democracy. For instance the Department of History and the Historical Association of Tanzania carried out a series of research and studies related to nationalist democracy explicitly or implicitly. Research and studies were carried out on nationalist and other forms of anti-colonial struggles such as the Maji Maji uprising, and on precolonial African political institutions in order to discover forms of African democracy.
Such research and studies gave rise to an intellectual debate which came to be regarded as the Dar es Salaam School (Kimambo 1992. Shivji 1993). The main content of the debate was to show that Africans were capable of establishing and developing their own political, economic and social institutions without the need for colonialism. This was therefore regarded as an aspect of African initiative (Kimambo ibid).
The nationalist intellectual debate at the Hill culminating into a number of publications in the 1960s made considerable contribution to the development and consolidation of the theory of nationalist democracy. This means that both politicians and intellectuals formed a common front in the struggle for such democracy. But by the late 60s and early 70s contradictions began to develop within the common front.
What happened was that while the intellectuals were carrying out their studies and debates in order to develop and consolidate democracy among Tanzanian people so as to realize the achievements of independence, the ruling class was busy transforming nationalist consciousness into an ideology of "developmentalism". The ideology of "developmentalism" therefore became a ruling class ideology used to consolidate the political and economic position of national leaders and thus advance their interests.
We could therefore regard the ideology of "developmentalism" as an ideology of African nationalism transformed to serve the interests of the ruling class rather than advance the interests of the masses who had joined hands with the nationalist leaders in a democratic struggle for independence. Thus, instead of emancipating the people nationalism now became a tool of alienation, domination and exploitation.
Through the ideology of "developmentalism" the theory of nationalist democracy could not be developed into an instrument of achieving democracy but rather it became an instrument of stifling democracy. Elsewhere in Africa it became an instrument of establishing authoritarian one-party regimes that negated the very objectives of the struggle for independence.
The ideology of developmentalism has been emphasizing socio and economic development and national unity at the expense of democracy. It has therefore been argued that through the ideology of developmentalism African states have neglected to provide a linkage between democracy and economic development by asserting that political order and stability, and not democracy, were a precondition for economic development, growth and prosperity (Mandaza and Sachikonye 1991). In other words according to African politicians development and national unity should come first before democracy (ibid). As a result there has been close correlation between lack of democracy and deteriorating economic conditions in Africa (Anyang Nyong'o, 1987).
Given such contradictions the nationalist debate at the Hill and elsewhere in Africa could not continue. Some intellectuals began to criticise the nationalist school as well as policies of African states. Such a critique became more and more rigorous with the penetration of the theory of dependency or underdevelopment by late 1960s and early 1970s. Thus intellectual struggles for democracy entered the second phase, the phase of democratic struggles against the ideology of developmentalism through theories of underdevelopment, materialism and liberalism.
<h> Intellectual Struggles Through Theories of Underdevelopment </h>
<h> Materialism and Liberalism: </h>
The period between 1970 and mid-1980s experienced three phases of intellectual struggles for democracy through the three types of theoretical framework, notably underdevelopment, materialism and liberalism. The theory of underdevelopment dominated intellectual studies and debates during the first half of the 70s. The adoption of the theory of underdevelopment or dependency theory was a product of a crisis of the nationalist theory which, as we have observed had dominated studies and debates at the Hill in the 1960s. The crisis was a product of two main factors. One was the collapse of the alliance between intellectuals and politicians at the level of nationalist theory and ideology. The collapse of the alliance was due to divergence of interests, with the politicians and the growing administrative bureaucracy getting more and more involved in the process of personal accumulation and thus diverting the nationalist ideology to their own advantage thus transforming it into an ideology of developmentalism. Thus intellectuals began to view the ruling class as growing into a nationalist bourgeoisie, and the nationalist theory as a bourgeois nationalist theory (Slater 1970). Worse still the intellectual also viewed the emerging nationalist bourgeoisie as too weak and dependent to carry out a national bourgeois transformation.
The other factor was the Arusha Declaration which officially declared the policy of socialism and self-reliance. The intellectuals found the nationalist theory, particularly given its bourgeois character, as unsuitable for carrying out socialist transformation. Thus the Arusha Declaration facilitated the growth of greater critique on nationalist theory (Kimambo op. cit.).
The underdevelopment theory was mainly concerned with explaining the dependence relationship between international capitalism and periphery capitalism in the Third World. Development of underdevelopment was viewed as the main feature of relationship between periphery capitalism and international capitalism. Thus the solution was seen to be the process of disengagement or delinking on the part of Third World countries from international capitalism. Developing socialism was viewed as an important strategy for the process of delinking.
However, during the second half of the 1970s the underdevelopment theory came to be challenged by the materialist school which criticized the underdevelopment theory on the basis of neglecting class dynamics within the Third World countries by merely emphasizing the relationship between the centre and the periphery. Among the factors which facilitated the emergence of intellectual debates in Tanzania on the basis of materialist theory were contradictions arising out of class formation and growing social differentiation and contradictions arising out of the implementation of the Arusha Declaration. Thus it is not surprising that studies and debates based on this theory were mainly characterized by class analysis and advocating the adoption of scientific socialism as a solution to the growing socio-economic problems of the society.
With the growing economic crisis particularly from late 1970s through the first half of the 1980s liberalization theory began to gain strength among some Tanzanian intellectuals. Rightist intellectuals who had occupied a weak position during the 70s began to come to the fore and gained strength during the 80s partly due to the growing influence of the World Bank and the IMF. Socialism was looked upon as the main cause of the economic crisis and adoption of the Structural Adjustment policies of the WB and the IMF was taken as the solution to the crisis. An alliance developed between the liberal intellectuals and liberal politicians, thus facilitating the adoption of IMF and WB programmes from mid-1980s.
However, in terms of democratic struggles intellectual studies and debates on underdevelopment, materialism and liberalism were characterized by three main weaknesses or shortcomings. </I>
W2A006T
<I> <h> 3.0. A PREDICTIVE MODEL OF CHARISMATIC LEADERSHIP </h>
Models are abstractions of complex situations, distilling the essential factors, ingredients, and their interrelationships. As for charismatic leadership, there is lack of the understanding of predictors or factors with which to predict whether one is charismatic in leadership or not. Hence there is a need to build a predictive model of charismatic leadership.
Unfortunately at the present our attempts to build a reliable model of charismatic leadership face very tough difficulties, chiefly because of the paucity of empirical data available for guidance. Therefore the model set forth here is more on the exploratory level than otherwise. It is hoped that the resulting experience from testing will allow future researchers to build a more substantive model of charismatic leadership.
Note that predictors may be or may not be causes! Therefore the development of a predictive model of predictors is just a step towards causal modelling.
The model proposed here consists of two parts (see Figure 1):
1) antecedents of charismatic leadership, and 2) outcomes of charismatic leadership. When the available literature is "read between the lines" it becomes apparent that predictors of charismatic leadership can be found throughout the organization’s work environment influenced by leadership. For the sake of parsimony, these influences are grouped into three main categories: personal demographics of the leader, task related‑behavioural patterns of the leader and organizational climate created by the leader.
<h> 3.1 Personal Demographic Characteristics </h>
Personal demographic characteristics are background parameters that constitute what a person has become.
Personal demographics consists of those directly measurable/overt variables which define the individual (leader). For instance, charismatic leadership is likely to be positively related or associated with: age, education, poor family background, tenure in the organization, and one's need for affiliation and achievement (see Table 5.3 (a)).
<h> 3.1.1 Age </h>
Advancing age makes the leader more objective in decision making. Because of the long life experience gained over the years he tends to make wiser decisions generalizing from particular incidents. As age advances it becomes easier to learn from his subordinates and superiors because of the experience gained. Therefore if he has been working with charismatic leaders in the organization, for a long period of time, then he is likely to assume charismatic characteristics because organizations, to some extent, "brainwash" their people, trying to develop common attitudes that simplify managing and because of the long life experience gained over the years . Gordon Allport defined the word attitude as:<quote_>
 <quote/>Older leaders seem to be more satisfied with many of the working conditions and surroundings than young leaders. They also seem to be more committed to their daily activities in the organization and loyal to the organization than the younger ones . With this satisfaction, and commitment and loyalty to the organization, they are likely to devote extra energy and time on the organization's activities. Devotion of extra energy and time beyond the normal requirements of the organization is likely to be seen as sacrifice by the subordinates. Devotion to work is a good indicator of sacrifice. Therefore, it is hypothesized that the older an individual gets, the more charismatic he becomes.
<h> 3.1.2 Education </h>
Education, usually, is a tool for an individual which helps him to critically analyse his surroundings. Education normally changes an individual's priority rating of his needs . More educated leaders will tend to have so many demands at the expense of the subordinates, that is to say, the more educated leaders will tend to be selfish. This is because of the investment they think they have made in education in terms of funds and time spent. Because of their good education they would like to be treated as a special elite group in the organization.
The process of treating educated leaders as a special elite goes with a lot of fringe benefits so as to maintain and retain their status even at the expense of the interests of their subordinates. This makes them feared or distrusted by their subordinates. Therefore <-/personal-interaction> with subordinates becomes minimal, which leads to the leader being isolated.
On the other hand, less educated leaders are likely to have a substantial <-/personal-interaction> with subordinates because they don't isolate themselves as a special elite group and in most cases, they come from the "common roots" and therefore they are likely to have common problems with their subordinates. They are likely to have closer communication with their subordinates because of the good personal-interaction. Because of all these, less educated leaders are likely to spend more time and extra energy in solving their subordinates' problems. This will be perceived as sacrifice by their subordinates. Hence it is hypothesized here that the less educated leaders are, the more charismatic they would be perceived.
<h> 3.1.3 Family Background </h>
The family has the most significant impact on the development of a person. Parents play a unique role in the identification process which is responsible for an individual's early development . The high needs for achievement in an individual would be exhibited more in children from poor families than those from rich families. This is because they would like to make their lives as good as those of children from well-off families.
There is research evidence which indicates that <-/first borns> are likely to be more serious in their jobs, and less carefree in their jobs . Therefore, <-/first borns> are more likely to be men of principles, <-/hard working> and are more likely to have high needs for achievements in their jobs. The high needs for achievements will lead to patience, tolerance and job commitment, so that they perform their jobs to high levels of excellence and efficiency.
In big families the socialization process starts at infancy. Socialization starts with mother, father, sisters, brothers and other close relatives . This helps the child to have close interaction with others from early stage. Therefore, it is hypothesized that an individual from a poor and big family, of senior birth order in his family, and/or from a religious family is likely to be perceived as being charismatic in leadership. This is because he has the culture of sharing the little the family has, and is used to communal society. He will try not to be selfish so as to adhere to the religious teachings .
<h> 3.1.4 Tenure </h>
Tenure of office is the period in which an individual occupies a certain position in the organization.
Tenure of office accumulates experience. With experience a person is able to generalize from particular problems and he is likely to learn how to interact with others for better productivity .
If an individual has been working under or with charismatic leaders in the organization he is likely to assume charismatic characteristics because to some extent, organizations/leaders "brainwash" their people. This is done by indoctrinating in new relationships. The new relationships help to change attitudes of individuals so that they can fit into the organization's norms and culture .
Therefore, it is hypothesized that, the longer the person stays in an organization the more likely he will assume/acquire charismatic leadership characteristics.
<h> 3.1.5 Affiliation </h>
Affiliation plays a very complex but vital role in human patterns of <-/behavior>. Affiliation establishes and maintains  friendly, warm, and close relationship between the leader and subordinates . Individuals with a high need of affiliation usually get pleasure from being liked and tend to avoid any pain of being rejected by their group. Therefore, they would normally be concerned with the <-/maintainance> of warm and friendly relationships. They are ready to console others in trouble and try to enjoy friendly interaction with others . Affiliation often leads to <-/enthuastic> and unquestioning trust, compliance, and loyalty. Subordinates would like to identify with the leader. They would like to identify with a successful and friendly leader . A charismatic leader is therefore likely to be a person who maintains friendly and warm relations with his group of subordinates. The amount/level of affiliation of the leader with his subordinates can be a good indicator of the extent to which the leader is charismatic.
<h> 3.1.6 Achievement </h>
Achievement is defined as the extent to which one accomplishes a target set by someone else, e.g., a supervisor. The specific characteristics of a high achiever are as follows : A person who takes risks in his activities; a person who provides an immediate and precise feedback to his subordinates; a person who accomplishes his assigned activities in time; a person who would be totally preoccupied with the task until it is efficiently and successfully completed. Hall and his colleagues reported in their research that achievement oriented managers tend to be very open in their interactions and communications with others (both superiors and subordinates) and they tend to be concerned for both subordinates and production because this enables them (leaders) to know the subordinates problems and that of the organizations easily.
Achievement‑oriented leaders take risks in their duties so as to attain the set standards and levels of performance; they provide immediate and precise feedback to their groups of subordinates so that the necessary corrections of errors can be done immediately for the betterment of the subordinates and the organization. Achievement oriented leaders, normally would like to see that jobs assigned to them are accomplished in the set time, that is to say, they are totally committed to the assignments and tirelessly work on the job until successfully completed to the required or beyond the required set level. The above characteristics are likely to be perceived as charismatic elements for the leader leading to be perceived as charismatic in leadership.
Leaders with a high need for achievement like to work long hours, tend to be restless for unaccomplished assignments, and do not worry for a failure if it does occur during the process of executing their duties .
Thinking of a charismatic leader like Dr. Nyerere, of what he has done for Tanzania would serve as a good example of the argument that achievement oriented leaders are likely to be perceived as charismatic. Dr. Nyerere has contributed a lot to the <-/well being> of Tanzania, Africa, the third world, and indeed the whole world. In their <-/congulatory> message to Mwalimu Nyerere for being awarded the International Simon Bolivar Prize, 1992, the Institution of Engineers Tanzania said: <quote_>
 <quote/>Therefore, such achievements are more likely to be attributed to charismatic leadership.
<h> 3.2 Task-Related Behaviour Patterns </h>
The model further suggests that certain job/task-related patterns of behaviour of the leader will be strongly related to charismatic leadership. In particular, based on the scant recent literature , charismatic leadership would be related to: perceived capability in handling challenging job situations, required high degree of social interactions, amount of job-related feedback, the task variety in leaders job , the autonomy with which the leader has to do things, and level of the leader's job in the organization.
<h> 3.2.1 Job Challenge </h>
Challenging job situations are those which are difficult, tricky and need devotion of extra energy, skills and time in tackling them. During handling these situations various skills, knowledge tactics and patience are needed. An individual who is capable in solving hard, challenging job situations, on behalf of the organization, to an acceptable/required level of workmanship will be perceived as a charismatic leader by the subordinates. He is likely to be perceived as charismatic in leadership because, in the process of solving hard, challenging job situations, he is likely to spend extra efforts, time, skills, patience and wisdom. That is to say, he must be dedicated and committed. These are indicators or characteristics for sacrifice. In Tanzania, we have the case of Mr.Augustine L. Mrema who is considered very capable of handling challenging job situations.
<h> 3.2.2. Social Interactions </h>
Social interactions start at infancy  and socialization is defined as the process in which the organization tries to influence the person to acquire its norms , and values . If the leader has a high degree of social interaction with subordinates, the subordinates and the leader will feel as if they are peers even if they have different <-_status><+_statuses>. He (leader) will easily understand each individual and subordinates will feel less restricted to see their leader and discuss problems affecting the running of the organizational setting, hence improving the production or service of the organization. </I>
W2A007T<I> <h> INTRODUCTION </h>
<h> The Problem and Central Argument. </h>
This is a dissertation about the origins, historical developments and current status of belief and practices of witchcraft and related phenomenon in Tanzania. 
The main argument is that witchcraft is a socially constructed reality which baffles many of the ruling elites in Africa. Witchcraft presents paradoxes and dilemmas. By paradox here I mean the contradictions arising from the reality of witchcraft and its consequences. For example a country is faced with the widespread killing of suspected witches when it is an avowed adherent to the principles of the "Rule of Law". The dilemmas arise from the limited and sometimes difficult choices available in dealing with the phenomenon. A central dilemma is that, by denying witchcraft, ruling elites lose their ability to control witchcraft or indeed help citizens in effectively dealing with the problem. Yet by confronting it directly they admit that it exists thereby reinforcing popular beliefs about it, and challenge their (elites') definition of being modern. This plays itself out in policy deliberations and decisions. For example, deporting alleged witches and crusading against witchcraft can each be informed by recognition of the same dilemma. Does such an exercise prove the nonexistence of witchcraft, or does it confirm its prevalence and hence seek ways to counter it on its own terms? These paradoxes and dilemmas confront the ruling elites as they are engaged in processes of nation and state building.
	The paradox is that witchcraft blocks development, while development activities provide some of the conditions which facilitate witchcraft. The ensuing dilemma is that the development activities necessary to remove some causes of witchcraft, such as poverty and illness, generate other causes as well, such as the erosion of traditional local authority and envy of those who benefit more through development measures. The promotion of development efforts reduces some causes but also generates other causes of witchcraft. Thus, some women in central‑eastern Tanzania failed to reap the benefits of a children's day care <AmE/>center <-AmE/>program because they feared certain members of their group were "bewitching" some of the children. On the other hand, cases abound [in Africa] of how the conspicuous success of farmers, businessmen or politicians have been ascribed to the diabolic machinations of witchcraft. In general witchcraft challenges the judicial and cultural practices of the ruling elites, and with this, the ability of state authority. This dissertation explicates the paradoxes and demonstrates the dilemmas surrounding witchcraft.
	The dissertation expounds on the paradoxes and describes the dilemmas, arguing that witchcraft confounds ruling elites and not only frustrates their ability to govern but also challenges their identification with modernization. Indeed the more I think about it, the more I recognize that this is in part a problem of identity - the cultural definition of being modern, secularism, socialism, authenticity etc.
	There are three convincing reasons for considering witchcraft as a factor in relations between many of the African states and their populations. First, as Geschiere has remarked, since independence, witchcraft has acquired an important public position in a considerable number of post‑colonial African states. He writes, <quote_>
 <quote/>Witchcraft beliefs and practices are pervasive and resilient elements with important implications for ruling elites as they struggle to create authentic nation‑state identities.
	Secondly, because of the elusive nature and embeddedness of such beliefs and practices, the challenges posed to the new nations are enormous. The less structured these popular modes are, the more they can remain invisible. Therefore, it is more difficult for the state machinery to deal with these practices. Witchcraft appears to be a concealed and deliberately diffuse mode of action. As such, it raises a number of analytical problems. On the one hand, witchcraft has traditionally been viewed with pejorative connotations. It's status as an ostensibly "backward" social custom encourages most African leaders to pass over its existence without pronouncement . For that matter, no concrete development projects have been undertaken expressly to eradicate it. Development projects are said to be affected in varying degrees by the alleged craft of witches. Witchcraft seems to be intricately linked with developmental and social change in Africa because it is essentially part of evolving but contradictory forms of progress, the dialectics of which are yet to be interpreted by conventional western anthropological analysis . The new states find themselves caught between avowed modernization goals and cultural revival inclinations found in some sectors of society. Is witchcraft then, a superstitious form of ignorance or does cultural pride turn some people to witchcraft? The place of witchcraft and attempts at its control pose some dilemmas. For example, some leaders hesitate to explicitly condemn or countenance such beliefs and practices, as they are themselves at times involved in such practices. As a result, there is no consistency in dealing with the problem as official policy is generally restrained and, at the same time, there seems to be a tacit acceptance of these presumably traditional customs.
	Thirdly, contradictions arising from the canons of the received law on witchcraft continue to arise in many countries whereas the tenacity of beliefs become greater as economic and social crises offer fertile grounds for such beliefs and practices. Part of the problem appears to rest upon a persistent lack of understanding or appreciation of the intensity and genuineness of beliefs in witchcraft which are ingrained in pre-scientific societies. On the other hand, there are those who deliberately take advantage of witchcraft fears for economic and political advantage.
Christian missionaries have recognized the seriousness of witchcraft/sorcery and related phenomena as they impinge on efforts to evangelize the masses and pose legitimate concerns to potential converts. Since the 1970s missionaries have taken action, in the form of meetings and publications. They have focused their attention on these issues and the related implications for their mission. For example, a conference on Faith and Healing, was held in Yaounde, Cameroon on September 10‑13, 1972 and another Episcopal conference on Africa and Madagascar (SECAM) was convened in Rome in 1975. The gathering drew the attention of all bishops to the need for research and surveys on witchcraft matters. A publication titled "Who is Who in African Witchcraft" (Pro Mundi, Africa Dossier 12, 1980) resulted from that meeting. Furthermore, a colloquium was organized by the World Council of Churches, in Cameroon in 1978. This assembly, "...recommended the churches to study with objectivity and seriousness the beliefs and practices of witchcraft" ( p.32).
	I will pursue my argument as follows: First I survey witchcraft events across a range of African countries. Then I describe my own encounters with witchcraft beliefs and practices in Tanzania, and indicate how this affected me in my role as a leader in my village and as University lecturer. I continue by focusing on witchcraft as a socially constructed system of meaning and action in Tanzania, the locus of my research. In chapter three, I describe the political, economic, and social conditions in Tanzania which both nourish and contradict witchcraft, hence posing paradox. In chapter four, I make a distinction between witchcraft, sorcery, and magic and establish witchcraft in historical perspective. I look at the evolution of witchcraft in pre-colonial African societies and the role it played in pre-colonial settings. I identify and challenge myths about the essence of witchcraft in these societies. I continue with a chapter on the British colonial efforts to suppress witchcraft, show how this crusade astounded the officials in much the same type of dilemma which confronts post‑colonial elites today. I follow this with three chapters describing and explaining traditional means of dealing with witchcraft. These means included the use of traditional witch eradicators and the mobilization of people in movements to cleanse communities of witchcraft. I argue that these traditional means continued in spite of colonial efforts to outlaw them, and show how officials became ambivalent in their interpretation of such tradition. These accounts give background to my examination in chapter nine of the presence, relevance and significance of witchcraft in today's Tanzania. Chapter ten deals with the implications and consequences of the practices of witchcraft in the country. The background to the Sukumaland witch‑killings is provided in chapter eleven, and chapter twelve is a detailed account of the phenomenon of witch‑homicides among the Sukuma people. My conclusions are contained in chapter thirteen.
<h> Objectives </h>
Through this examination of witchcraft, I pursue the following objectives:
i) examine how witchcraft confronts Tanzanian and other African elites and state authorities with dilemma and paradox.
ii) to probe and evaluate the methods employed by the British colonial administration in repressing witchcraft during the colonial period.
iii) to examine the administrative and legal efforts of the independent government of Tanzania in containing witchcraft and the intricate obstacles inhibiting these efforts.
iv) to assess the prevailing situation with regard to witchcraft in Tanzania.
v) to explain the phenomenon of witch‑killing in Sukumaland since the early 1970s.
<h> Critical Questions </h>
I will accomplish the above objectives by asking and seeking answers to the following questions:
‑What was the perceived role of witchcraft in pre‑colonial Tanzanian societies?
‑how and with what results did colonial authorities handle witchcraft?
‑how did the post‑colonial government carry out or diverge from colonial methods of combating witchcraft, and what were the ramifications thereof?
‑what is the current status of witchcraft in Tanzania? To what extent is witchcraft "institutionalized" as some commentators claim?; How is it viewed by ordinary people and how do the elites perceive it?
‑is there a connection between witchcraft and development efforts in the country?
‑why and what are the nature, characteristics and implications of the Sukumaland witch‑killings?
<h> Significance </h>
The above questions reflect the fact that witchcraft is a highly contentious issue in Tanzania and elsewhere in Africa. Witchcraft is a culturally constructed reality. It is a system of cultural meaning and social action, woven into the fabric of life. Following D'Andrade (1984:96), I understand cultural meaning systems to perform four main functions:
(i) they represent the world, (ii) create cultural entities,  (ii) direct people to do certain things and (iv) evokes certain feelings. The cultural meaning system of witchcraft in Africa does just that. In spite of efforts to deny or eliminate it, it exists, and people act accordingly. This culturally constructed reality affects the lives of Tanzanians and other Africans and calls for explanation and understanding. Resorting to witchcraft means that there is a serious lack of legitimate methods of social control and moral bonds.
	Tanzanians refer to witchcraft as <ea/>uchawi (or <ea/>ulozi in other vernaculars). Today, <ea/>uchawi (witchcraft) remains a prominent feature of society. It is debated in the mass media, politicians and administrators condemn it, it manifests in courts of law and forms a regular segment of public discourse in Tanzania. In some instances witchcraft may be taken lightly, but in most cases, witchcraft accusation is feared as its consequences are grim. Thus, in the case of Sukuma people, imputation of witchcraft could lead to death by machete (<ea/>panga), whereas in the coastal area of Rufiji, ritual murders are traditional prerequisites for the elevation of candidates in the hierarchy of secret witchcraft societies. In Tanzanian soccer, lucrative sums of money find their way into the coffers of presumed witch-experts who use divination, ritual acts and powerful medicines to hex rival teams in order to win. Many parents take measures in protecting their children by having them wear "loads" of talismans and fetishes to ward off witchcraft. Even members of the educated elite are not inimical to occult practices as I will later demonstrate.
	There are both similarities and contrasts in witchcraft as Tanzania society is diverse. Not all are equally convincing. Yet, such claims cannot be dismissed simply because they are not scientifically verifiable. The treatment of the subject of witchcraft in Tanzania has been an eclectic one, comprised of occasional references and piecemeal studies. My aim in this work is to present a more comprehensive account of the phenomenon based on a systematic historico‑cultural analysis.
<h> Methodology and Study at the University of Minnesota </h>
	In the Fall of 1986 I embarked on a course of study at the University of Minnesota, to equip myself with the necessary tools of tackling such baffling social issues as witchcraft.</I>
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<I> <h> INTRODUCTION <h>
Literary criticism has emerged 'to be an essential element in the understanding of a work of art. Consequently a critic has enjoyed a status in the society which he previously did not have. The major task of a critic is to analyse and interpret works of art. One approach through which this task is being accomplished is stylistics.
Stylistics is used here to mean the study of literary discourse from a linguistic orientation. It should not be taken as an autonomous domain, but an essential means of linking literary criticism on one hand and linguistics on the other. Stylistics therefore “involves both literary criticism and linguistics.” In poetry such an assertion is clear if we consider poetry as both language and art.
Most Kiswahili poetry analysts and critics have hitherto been focusing on what is communicated. The interpretation and artistic effect is thus focused on the content and they pay little attention, or no attention at all on how the message is communicated. Such critics are concerned with such questions like: what has a work of art to offer to society?
What is its contribution towards the development of man? etc. Whereas such questions are very valid, they are however,  not exhaustive.
Both what and how (of poetry) are vital, the latter being basic. In other words, to communicate something to the society is one thing and to understand how it is communicated is another. Although these two compliment each other, the latter determined the impact of the former on the society.
In this research we are rather interested in looking into how the message is conveyed in Kiswahili poetry, and indeed what is the relationship between form and content; and look into what is the message of a poem in order to make the research worthwhile.
To understand better how message in poetry can be conveyed one has to study and analyse features which constitute the linguistic code in poetic language. These features (henceforth called artistic devices) will be considered as an organic part of form of any Kiswahili poetry.
Artistic devices in poetry are many. We have only selected a few of them for the purpose of this study. These shall fall under two categories: the category of sound which include assonance and consonance and the category of intonation, which includes pitch, stress and rhythm. Each of these devices is described under the glossary section. All these artistic devices fall under one broad area of study called phonology. Thus, this study focusses on the phonological aspects of foregrounding as they appear in Kiswahili poetry. We shall occasionally be using semantic aspects to clarify a particular argument when discussing the utility of a particular poem in society. Semantic aspects will also be used in <-/conjuction> with phonological ones in interpreting a literary work and when we will be discussing the relationship between form and meaning in poetry.
This study takes a random selection of Kiswahili poems. The selection includes poems which strictly follow such aspects like rhyme, metre, alliteration etc. and other which do not follow such strictness.
<h> 1.0	THE RESEARCH PROBLEM </h>
<h> 1.1	Background to the problem </h>
Kiswahili poetry teaching and learning in secondary schools in Tanzania still poses a problem. Students and teachers alike, find Kiswahili literature difficult because of one section poetry. consequently interest towards Kiswahili literature and linguistics at large keeps on dropping.
Way back in the 1970’s, there were initiatives to narrow down the problem. Abdu Bashir thought that an ideal attempt to solve the problem should start with junior secondary classes. He proposed a guideline on how to teach Kiswahili poetry. Two of his <-/suggesstions> are worth mentioning. One, that students should first be trained to receive poems through hearing. Two, that teachers should select short memorable poems.
Following Bashir’s suggestions however, today one finds theoretical and practical problems. For instance, what criteria should be used to determine a "memorable" poem? How short should a poem be? Is memorising a poem of that much importance? Can this way prepare a pupil to be inquisitive to the extent of unfolding the meaning embedded in a poem? Such problems remain unanswered. Another problem is that Bashir’s proposed guideline is based on the assumption that the problem in Kiswahili poetry teaching and learning is <-/one sided> the student side. It is argued that students find it difficult to learn Kiswahili poetry, and not their teachers.
We do not intend to answer all questions raised out of Bashir’s suggestions. Instead we shall attempt to find out where the problem lies and try to look for a solution.
Unlike Bashir, Mwangomango observed that the problem in Kiswahili poetry teaching is teacher - centred. Lack of self-confidence among Kiswahili literature teachers was found to affect the teaching of Kiswahili poetry. The absence of a clear and detailed guideline is said to be the reason for this lack of self-confidence. Proposing what he calls a detailed Kiswahili poetry guideline, Mwangomango starts by saying that poetry is a talent, and poets are talented people. This brings in,  the sense of 'god' given inspiration, By so claiming Mwangomango puts a cloud of despair and fear over Kiswahili poetry. That is, if you fail to understand a poem, there is no any other way you can do, because `god’ has not given you that inspiration; that those who are not talented can never write a poem and their effort to understand what <-_other><+_others> have written will always be difficult.
Another problem with Mwangomango’s guideline is that it seems the problem in Kiswahili poetry teaching and learning is caused by teachers’ failure to teach. Equally <-/one sided> Mwangomango is of the opinion that, the problem lies mainly on teachers. Mwangomango’s attempt to solve the problem got stuck simply because of his unrealistic analytical framework. Mwangomango is supported by Mayoka who claims that poetry is not only a talent, but also, fear is its basic characteristic.
On the other hand, Senkoro considers the problem in a wider perspective. He writes: <quote_>
 <quote/>Senkoro defines the problem as caused by both teachers’ and students’ failure to understand Kiswahili poetry. However, he does not say why the two groups find poetry difficult. Neither does he show why both teachers and students are afraid of poetry. Nevertheless, he goes on giving a guideline on how to analyse Kiswahili poetry based on the semantic approach.
To those who follow a semantic approach, what matters and determines their interpretation of a poem is its content and not its form. Following this approach, the analysis focusses not only on lexical meaning, but also on their contextual meaning. It is out of such an analysis, that a particular theme of a specific poem is derived. One analyst who follows such an approach is Sengo. Analysing one of Shaaban Robert’s poems in Pamba la Lugha, Sengo takes only two words “Raha” and “Akili” as the core of the theme of the poem. The analysis which focuses on the content of a poem can be said to use a semantic deviation. By this we mean the process of transference of meaning. This is also called metaphor. Senkoro’s interpretation and analysis of Kiswahili poems for instance focusses on metaphor. He comments: <quote_>
<quote/>The interpretation of metaphors alone leaves much to be desired. How can one justify that a metaphor X carries meaning Y and not meaning Z? If we analyse figures of speech in a poem in purely semantic approach, how can we justify that our analysis is more objective than the <-_other><+_others> which follow say lexical and syntactical approaches? Such questions are left unanswered. In chapter four we shall show the rationale of such questions, and attempt to propose an additional approach.
Nowottny says that usually 'metaphor' is used to mean something like "speaking of X as though it were Y. Leach extends this idea and gives a general formula which he says fits all rules of transference: <quote_>
 <quote/>Being a structuralist, Leech focuses on relationship as the basis of meaning. Hence the relationship between F and L. Following Leech’s formula above we ask whether this structuralist approach is the only “such and such a way” to justify the relationship between F and L. This structuralist approach is based on semantics and as we shall see later (chapter 4) there are other approaches which can be used to analyse the relationship between two items say for example F and L. Turuka argues from the author’s (Poet’s) viewpoint that: <quote_>
<quote/>Turuka takes us to the argument concerning the mind of a poet; he observes that there is a relationship between what the poet thinks and what he writes in a poem. This relationship so states Turuka, is seen from the choice of the words a poet makes in his poem. This is again, a semantically based opinion. Is there any possibility of finding the role of say, sound and its segments, marks etc. in the creation of meaning? Although chapter four will attempt to answer such questions, it suffices to say here that the poet’s mind can <-/influecne> his intention which is then revealed through sound and marks. Concerning this Searle discusses the `meaning of intention’. He says: <quote_>
<quote/>The point that Searle is making is that, meaning being an affair of consciousness should only be justifiable from its author. He is against the theory of semantic autonomy which is followed by scholars like Eliot, Pound etc.
This study shall not deal with the philosophical arguments of meaning neither will it deal with the philosophy of language as such. It shall however use some of the arguments in these domains in an attempt to challenge the semantic approach in analysing poetry and thereby push forward the idea that phonology through a stylistic approach can have a role to play in the interpretation of a Kiswahili poem.
Coming back to the content based analysis, (or semantic deviation approach) we find that analysts such as Msokile, Sengo, Tandika, King’ei, Khatib, Senkoro, Mvungi and the like give us only the end results. They do not give us the procedure they had followed to those end results. We ask for instance how did Msokile get the themes of E. Kezilahabi’s Karibu Ndani? How did Kezilahabi for example come to the conclusion that the poem he was analysing was just '<ea/>mchezo <ea/>wa <ea/>maneno' and has nothing to contribute to the life of man?.
Let us have one more example which is relevant to our study. Chacha’s analytical book: Sauti ya Utetezi, is so far the only book that has <-/delt> extensively on Abdilatif Abdalla’s poetry, focusing on both form and content. Using a Marxist theoretical framework, Chacha summarises themes of Abdalla’s poetry as follows: <quote_>
<quote/>Like other analysts who follow semantics and contextual approaches, Chacha sees the meaning of Abdalla’s poetry through image, allegory, figures of speech and metaphor. Unfortunately however, the analysis does not include Abdalla’s free-verse poetry such as Kibarua. We are thus back to our question: can this approach have the same results if used to analyse Kiswahili free-verse poetry?
Again Chacha rightly argues that in Sauti ya Dhiki the author fights for poor man’s justice; also that the anthology shows agony. He hits the point of our interest when he comments: <quote_>
<quote/>Now the question is: Can we "perceive" this voice of agony through the metaphor, allegory and image or through the sounds which make up the poem? How can we experience the agony the author went through when reading Sauti ya Dhiki?
In chapter four, we shall attempt to answer these questions by using a phono-stylistical approach to the selected poems. Throughout this study, our main argument is that semantic and contextual approaches should go hand in hand with a phono-stylistical approach in order to have an ideal analytical framework of Kiswahili poetry.
We have seen on page 7 that by clinging to semantic approach alone, one is bound to have some problems with Kiswahili free-verse poetry. There are moreover two implicated lexical problems: First, by providing themes just from looking at the meaning of words at a surface level, an analyst claims to find out what a poem as a whole is about. </I>

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<I> <h> 2.7 ELEMENTS OF THE PROCESS OF HANGING AND PROCESSING VIEWS AMONG MEMBERS OF A DECISION PROCESS <h> 
Exchanging and processing views raised by members is the main activity of a decision process of an interacting small decision group . It is also called discussion or verbal interaction among members.
The main roles of exchanging and processing views are: to analyse views, to evaluate , to compare issues emerging from the analysis, and to decide on the basis of the analysis and comparisons made. Analysis is achieved by altering and exploring the given views. Therefore, the success or failure of the decision process in dealing with the decision task depends strongly on how the exchanging and processing views has been conducted. This is similar to what Phillips et al (1970) believe in.
Exchanging and processing views raised by members has several characteristics. According to Applbaum et al (1974) and Irle (1982), exchanging and processing views has the following characteristics:
(1)	 It is dynamic in nature. That is, it changes as the decision process develops over time.
(2)	 It can be broken down into components which are interconnected . As a result of this, it develops through its components.
(3)	 It is complex in nature . This is influenced by (1), (2), variety and apparent disorder that defies neat analysis , and the conditions that make the decision process of an interacting small decision group complex were discussed in section 2.1.
(4)	Views that its members raise have the following characteristics:
Views tend to be brief, fragmented and impromptu in nature;
Views are developed from the preceding ones;
Some of the views are repeated frequently;
Some of the views disagree or oppose frequently.
These characteristics are reflected in the views of Applbaum et al (1974).
(5)	It generates information which consists of ideas which are accumulated bit by bit, episodically, as it develops. These ideas are sorted out through frequent digressions and repetition of views. This is developed from the ideas of <-/Applaum> et al (1974).
(6)	 At any time of its development, members may be classified into two categories, namely: a speaker, and listeners. A speaker is a member who gives a view at that time. Listeners are members who listen and watch the speaker at the same time. There is usually one speaker and two or more listeners at a given time. But there can be two or more speakers in some stages of the development of the process of exchanging and processing views. Different members become speakers and listeners at different times of exchanging and processing views. But the frequencies in which members become listeners or speakers differ.
(7)	It uses a language which is understood and spoken by all its members. The language is used as a medium for expressing views, thinking about them, and developing new ones. Speakers think first and then raise their views. On the other hand, listeners watch the speakers, hear their views, and then think about them. But thinking about a given view generates more possible meanings, and a great number of links among the meanings . So different listeners may reveal different meanings from one view. These meanings are developed from the words or concepts that are used to express that view. Some of those meanings may be the same or similar to that the speaker intended to convey while others may be different and unique. As a result, different listeners may give different reactions or comments to the same view.
(8)	It promotes the growth of social influences. This is because it affects the judgements, choices and views that its members raise ; it affects and it is affected by several social and psychological factors which emerge in it . The type and degree to which those members change their views depends on:
whether the views are directed at the goal of the decision process or not.
levels of persuasion and subjective novelty of the views;
the degree to which the views are consistent with their cognitive styles. The conditions that may make members change their original views are:
Learning and understanding the views of other members, the ideas they convey, their relevancy and reasons for or against them. This helps members to clear doubts on views of others.
Comparing their views against those of other members in terms of relevancy and logical reasoning and being convinced that the views of other members are stronger than their views.
Discovering that their views are not consistent with their cognitive styles. People prefer views that are consistent with their beliefs, attitudes, values, and wishes .
Discovering that their views are strongly questioned or get less support than those of other members and their efforts to convince them fail. These are influenced by the ideas of Teger and Pruitt (1967); and Irle (1982).
There are also many types of elements which emerge when the process of exchanging and processing of views takes place. The main ones are: activities of members in exchanging and processing views, participation of members; conflicts; interpersonal relations, cohesion or team spirit; movement and direction of the decision process; style of management the leader adopts; satisfaction of members with the decision process; decisions and rules used to make them; decision time. We consider these issues one by one in the subsections below.
<h> 2.7.1 ACTIVITIES OF MEMBERS IN THE PROCESS OF EXCHANGING
AND PROCESSING VIEWS </h>
Exchanging and processing views has activities. This is drawn from findings of several types of studies carried out in psychology, sociology, communication. These studies are indicated in the references in the sections below. They use the procedures below to identify the activities of members:
(1)	Direct discovery of activities;
(2)	Discovery of main structures and their dominant routines;
(3)	Discovering roles of members and their associated activities.
These are carried out as discussed below:
<h> Direct discovery of activities of exchanging and processing views </h>
Several studies discovered the activities of members by observing their processes of exchanging and processing views. Johnson (1955) shows that exchanging and processing views consists of: goal setting; considering proposals of the decision task; seeking for information; information giving; proposing alternatives or solutions; seeking for development or progress; giving development; opposing; supporting; seeking for summary; giving summary; and giving direction to issues that are not related to the decision task considered. Fisher (1970) shows that exchanging and processing views involves: resolving ambiguities in alternative interpretations; resolving conflicts emerging from different interpretations; giving favourable comments; substantiating given comments; giving interpretations followed by other interpretations of comments and other information. Applbaum et al (1974) show that activities of exchanging and processing views may be: gestures; commands; comments or remarks; opinions; questions; answers; threatening verbal cues or signals; tension release (eg jokes, laughter, etc.); tension <-/build up> (eg anger, abuses, etc.). Belbin (1981) shows that exchanging and processing views involves: asking; informing; proposing; opposing; delegating; and commenting. The activities which these studies show are similar. However, these studies do not show how they discovered their activities. Friend et al (1987) show three types of queries which are raised when exchanging and processing views about a complex decision task, namely:
Seeking for more or additional information;
Seeking for clear objectives or goals;
Seeking for coordination.
<h> Discovery of structures and their main routines of exchanging and processing views </h>
Discovering structures of exchanging and processing views and their dominant routines has been a dominant pre-occupation of researchers over the past few years. This is reflected by the variety of studies conducted by: <names/> and so on. These studies also used observations to identify the structures and routines of their processes of exchanging and processing views. We only discuss some of these by reflecting the structures and dominant routines that they identified. Bales (1953, 1970) shows that exchanging and processing views may be structured into: orientation; evaluation; control; and then classifies the activities of those elements into: positive-emotional acts; attempted answers; questions asked; and negative-emotional acts. Positive socio-emotional acts consist of: seeming friendly, dramatizing, agreeing with. Dramatizing is a routine that is associated with promoting warmth, solidarity, and friendliness.
Attempted answers consists of: giving suggestions or advice, giving opinions, and giving information. Questions asked consists of: asking for information, asking for opinions, and asking for suggestions. Negative socio-emotional acts consists of: disagreeing, showing tension, and seeming unfriendly. Bales (1950, 1954) shows that on average, 50% of all activities of exchanging and processing views are answers and the rest are questions and reactions or comments; that answers reveal suggestions, opinions, and ideas: that tension build up emerges whenever there is not sufficient time for asking questions and giving reactions.
Scheidel (1964) and Kowitz et al (1980) show that exchanging and processing of views may be structured into: orientation; formation of roles and a strategy; coordination of views; formulation of a group decision. Orientation is characterized by activities that develop acceptable interpersonal behaviour, that explore parameters and requirements of the decision task, that aim at assessing the characteristics of each of the members including the leader (eg friendly, talkative, quiet, etc.), defining the decision task in terms of the concepts and cognitive styles of the members (Hackman 1969). So it consists of: giving tentative and ambiguous comments, seeking clarifications on given comments, agreeing with or supporting given comments, suggesting and reinforcing the given suggestions, giving tentative opinions. Formation of roles and a strategy is identified by acts which set objectives and specify what ought to be done and how in order to resolve the decision task. Therefore, it consists of: asking questions, answering questions, setting specific objectives, identifying procedures and acts to be carried out. It also develops some conflict when identifying procedures to be used to achieve the objectives set. Coordination of views is characterized by increased generation of information by giving more views and reviewing issues emerging from previous stages, and by suggesting different alternatives. So it consists of: searching for meanings of different views as well as links between meanings , resolving ambiguities and conflicts which emerge in meanings, giving suggestions, giving favourable comments, substantiating the comments, interpreting several comments one after another. Formulation of the group decision consists of: choosing one alternative which is both suitable and acceptable to all or the majority of the members, agreeing with the form and content of the group decision, congratulating each other for making the group decision. The act of agreeing with the group decision as well as its form and content is satisfying to all or the majority of the members.
Tuckman (1965) structures exchanging and processing views into: forming; storming; norming; and performing. Forming consists of: determining the parameters of the decision task, exploring how to go about dealing with the decision task, deciding what information to seek, and what resources to be utilized to resolve the decision task. It is used to develop and set the appropriate interpersonal behaviour as well as for examining the leadership abilities of all members. Storming is characterized by the emergence of internal conflict with polarization around key interpersonal issues. It emerges because members express their personal views and to resist social influence, and emotional reactions emerge as members find their orientations differ from what the decision task demands. Norming is characterized by the development of cohesion or team spirit as members see themselves as part and parcel of the decision process. As a result, it leads to the refinement and development of acceptable standards and roles, to the avoidance of unnecessary conflicts, to open exchanges of views with increased willingness to listen, consider and accept other views. That is, it is used for sorting out most interpersonal issues and for developing a more flexible and practical framework of roles of members. Performing is characterized by the increase in effort and desire for resolving the decision task. So it consists of activities that develop alternatives, and that lead to choosing an alternative which is both suitable and acceptable to members. These elements and their activities are described in details in Tuckman (1965).
<-/Applbaum> et al (1974) argue that exchanging and processing views involves giving and receiving (ie listening to) views and that it can be structured into: communicators (ie. members); messages (ie views); interactions; and situational context. The contents of each of those elements are described in <-/Applbaum> et al (1974). </I>
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<I> <h> 1.0 english and kiswahili in advertisements </h>
<h> 1.1 preamble </h>
The study focuses on advertisements in our local newspapers in Kiswahili and on the recently opened Independent Television station (ITV). The area of interest is on the advertisements which are in Kiswahili and in English.
The study seeks to find out whether having some advertisements in Kiswahili and others in English symbolizes anything. IT further looks into reasons for such an occurrence.
<h> 1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM </h>
It is our assumption that our local newspapers in Kiswahili are meant for people who know Kiswahili. Even if they know other languages like French, English, Portuguese, and so on, they must know Kiswahili.
Being a Kiswahili newspaper, we assume also that tit will have everything in Kiswahili. Likewise in newspapers written in English we assume everything will be in English. For people who know Kiswahili but do not know English, we expect them to buy Kiswahili papers. Similarly for those who do not know Kiswahili, we do not expect them to buy newspapers written in Kiswahili. We do not expect people to buy newspapers in a language they do not know. That is why an English newspaper like the Daily News does not have a column special for those who do not know English. The same applies to our Kiswahili newspaper, they too have no column special for those who do not know Kiswahili. In both Uhuru and Majira newspapers for instance there is no special column for English speakers.
The problem occurs in the newspapers predominantly in Kiswahili as well as in ITV where there are some advertisements in Kiswahili and others in English. We want to know whether that mixture is done randomly or deliberately.
If the latter is the case, then, what are the reasons behind having some advertisement of English in newspapers predominantly in Kiswahili? Similarly, what are the reasons behind having a mixture of advertisements in English in a television whose programmes are mainly in Kiswahili?
Is there any group meant for these advertisements in English which appear in newspapers and television programmes predominantly in Kiswahili?
Therefore our concern here is not the communicative value of English as a language but rather the symbolic value of English in a country like Tanzania where English is regarded as prestigious and international.
<h> 1.3 HYPOTHESES </h>
The occurrence of English advertisements in predominantly Kiswahili newspapers, and television programmes is not by coincidence but rather it is planned and there are reasons for it.
The advertisements in Kiswahili, for example, those of revola, sheladol, home <-_equipments><+_equipment>, local bank services, postal services, insurance and so on are meant for all Tanzanians. That is why they are in Kiswahili. However those on expensive and luxurious alcoholic drinks like whisky or brandy, luxurious cars, bureau de changes, international banks and hotels are not meant for everybody. That is why they are in English.
The nature of the product, does not only determine the customers, but also, the kind of language to be used in advertisements.
The occurrence of some advertisements in Kiswahili and others in English symbolizes, especially to the group meant, the ideas of modernity, eliticism and social advance in general.
Therefore the use of languages in advertisements consciously or unconsciously emerges as a powerful mechanism in showing social stratification among Tanzanians. That is the <-_elites><+_elite> who use English and the rest who do not use English.
<h> 1.4 SCOPE OF THE STUDY </h>
The study concentrates on the advertisements in our Kiswahili newspapers of Uhuru, Majira and Nipashe and or the ITV television programmes.
It is expected that some advertisements will be taken as a sample to represent other advertisements which appear in the news media.
The study restricts itself to commercial consumer advertisements. That is, those advertisements directed towards a mass audience with the aim of promoting sales of a commercial product or service . This is done in recognition of wide range of meaning which advertisement covers to include the advertisements done by government departments and non-profit making bodies such as charities. Also we exclude public announcements, public relations and public polemics. Our focus is on commercial advertising which is the kind which uses money, professional skills and advertising space in the country.
<h> 1.5 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK </h>
The study is on the use of English and Kiswahili for advertising in the mass media. The area of concentration centres around the factors governing the selection of languages to be used in advertisements.
We are trying to find out the social motives and specific reasons for the occurrence of advertisements of English in Kiswahili newspapers or the television programmes which are predominately in Kiswahili.
Such reasons will help us to highlight the symbolic use of English in Tanzania. We are going to deal with a language as it is used not in order to communicate linguistically, but to lay claims to the attributes associated symbolically with speakers of that language.
What happens when there is a mixture of English advertisements in Kiswahili newspapers which are read by majority who are not speakers of English? We focus our attention to the picture associated with those who are meant in such advertisements. This picture is linked with the association of English with ideas of modernity and social advancement, thus creating a gap between English speakers and non-English speakers.
<h> 2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW </h>
<h> 2.1 POSITION AND RELATION OF ENGLISH AND KISWAHILI </h>
<h> 2.1.1 COLONIAL PERIOD </h>
Before independence, English was regarded as a language of the colonizers. With an exception of lower primary school, it was a medium of instruction in other levels of education. Very few Africans spoke English because very few went to school. English was very much valued and every available effort was made to promote it. In Kenya, for example, where the situation was quite similar to Tanganyika Ngugi (1986: 11-12) states;<quote_>
<quote/><h> 2.1.2 POST-INDEPENDENCE ERA UP TO 1970s </h>
During this time Kiswahili was declared a national language and a medium of instruction in primary schools. In 1962 it was made a language of the Parliament. In that year, for the first time President J.K. Nyerere addressed the Parliament in Kiswahili.
English was considered a colonial language and its users were accused of having a `colonial hangover. There were negative attitudes towards English. However, English remained the official language, and a medium of instruction in higher education, the language of the judiciary, and the language of international trade and diplomacy.
<h> 2.1.3 FROM 1980'S TO THE PRESENT </h>
In this period English began to acquire a higher status. It was regarded as a technological language and the language necessary for our development. It is in this period when the government rejected a recommendation by the Presidential Commission on education to change the medium of instruction at secondary and tertiary levels of education from English to Kiswahili. Schimed J.J. (198: 106) quoted the then minister of education as saying: <quote_>
 <quote/>Therefore, it was announced by the Minister of Education, that, English would continue to be used as the medium of instruction in secondary schools and higher learning institutions.
<h> 2.2 LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN TANZANIA </h>
Language attitudes in a country are a very important and central element in influencing language policy language learning and language use.
The expression of positive or negative feelings towards a language reflects the degree of importance or status the language has in the community or even the importance of people who use it as first or second language.
In Tanzania English is considered as a prestigious language compared to Kiswahili. it is taken as more beautiful and precise, and more appropriate in formal situations. However these characteristics do not relate to phonological morphological or semantic features of a language.
On the study carried out by Abdulazis Mkilifi (1972) it was revealed that most educated Tanzanians preferred books, journals and the like in English to those of Kiswahili.
English language is associated with civilization modernity and education. A speaker of English is considered educated and civilized. This makes people code-switch English and Kiswahili to show that they are educated. People think third it is impossible to pursue education without English. Some people believe that University academics are impossible without English .
<h> 2.3 ENGLISH AS A CULTURAL SYMBOL </h>
English language, as it is used, evokes connotations not only related to stereotyped notions and impression and status it has in the society, but also evokes connotations relating to stereotypes of the countries where it is spoken as a native language. For example U.S.A. and Britain.
Hudson R.A. says linguistic items which are learnt from other people are one part of the culture as a whole and as such are likely to be closely associated with other aspects of culture that are learned from the same people . So, there is an association between languages and different sets of cultural beliefs and values and they activate such beliefs and values as it is used.
J. Cheshire and L.M. Moser (1994) dealt with this study of association of language and cultural symbols. They dealt specifically with English. They confined their study on the case of advertisements in French Speaking Switzerland. On their study, they made use of Haarmen (1989) whose research focused on the same aspect of language and culture, showing how English is used symbolically in Japanese television advertisements with no expectations that viewers will understand what they see or hear .
Haarman (1989) reveals that English has been used in this way in advertisements in Russia and other countries of the former Soviet Union. In Tanzania where the majority are not speakers of English, like Russian viewers are expected to associate English language with a particular set of connotations rather than understanding the words or phrases they see. This is what Easteren and Stein (1993) call `language display' where a language is used not in order to communicate linguistically, across linguistic boundaries, but to lay claims to the attributes associates symbolically with speakers of that language. Here fluency and understanding are unnecessary for a language to be successfully used as display.
Haarman's analysis of advertisements on Japanese television reveals that when English was used in a visual setting that was clearly British or American, it might evoke a stereotype of that country in association with ideas of modernity and social advance. To Japanese the use of English in TV commercials, makes them feel that they are members of a modern, `cosmopolitan' society .
In Japan, TV viewers did not understand English that is why they associated its use with certain connotations.
In French speaking Switzerland, J. Cheshire and L.M. Moser (1994: 459) say that even when the English words are understood, the fact that English has been chosen in advertisement may still have a symbolic meaning in itself over and above the literal meaning of the English words.
Leech, G. (1966: 58) commenting on the selection of languages in advertisement in Britain said that some variations in advertising language can be attributed to the nature of the envisaged audience, how they differ as regards to age, sex, social status or geographical area.
On the type of products being advertised, J. Cheshire and L.M. Moser revealed that local services such as chatlines insurance and banks medicines and so on, tend to be advertised mainly or exclusively in French. On the other hand, products like camera, expensive radio etc. were advertised in English. With such an observation, they concluded that it is the nature of products that determines whether English is used rather than the intended readership of the magazines in which it appear.
This can be linked with Leech's observation that advertising different kinds of products, obviously means making different choices in language .
J. <-/Chishire> et. al. observed that English occurs more frequently in advertisements for cigarette, cigar, shoes, watches, cars and alcohol then it does in advertisements for more '<-/mundame>' every day necessities such as household <-_equipments><+_equipment> and food. Here English was associated with fashions and luxurious mode of life (1994: 460). They suggested that English is used for display as discussed by Eastmon and Stein (1993). The use of English in advertisements for hifi equipment reflect association of English with science and technology.
<h> 3.0 RESEARCH SIGNIFICANCE AND METHODOLOGIES </h>
<h> 3.1 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY </h>
Many scholars have studies English as a language which is not only one of the most widely spoken in the world, but also the main medium of international communication. </I>