W2B031T
<I> <h> Setting a place for science and technology in Tanzania </h>
THE report of the South Commission dwelt at length on the role of Science and Technology in advancing human development. It cited as examples the decline in infant mortality in many countries of the South brought about by advances in biomedical sciences and technologies and improvements in human nutrition and agriculture.
While this is generally true it makes one wonder to find that many countries of the South, especially those on the African continent, have been unable or slow in adopting or adapting technologies that are appropriate for their socio-economic development.
In this regard the Harare Commonwealth Declaration of October 1991, observed that many countries of the South, including African members of the Commonwealth, "are poor and face acute problems such as food shortages, excessive population growth, crushing poverty, debt burdens and environment degradation".
For the growth of applied science and technology a strong foundation in basic science is crucial. Only when there is such a strong basic science base can meaningful transfer of technology take place. During the past ten years the government has established a number of sectoral research and development institutions and strengthened those which have been in existence before independence. As a result we now have <-/fourty> four <-/reseatch> and development institutions and organisations distributed across various disciplines and sectors of the economy. The number of technical staff and scientists employed in these institutions and ministries is over four hundred thousand. This includes scientists and technicians in the Ministry of Agriculture numbering more than twelve thousand, at the Sokoine University of Agriculture where they exceed one thousand and Muhimbili with over one thousand. The University of Dar es Salaam also has over five thousand technicians and scientists, the social sciences has over three thousand and the engineering sciences faculty has about the same. The Tanzania Commission for Science and Technology has slightly over a hundred scientists and technicians.
This is evidence that a scientific and technological infrastructure does exist. As in other developing countries, technological development in Tanzania has been the by-product of economic development. Both its agricultural and industrial sectors have been drawn into the world technology system through equipment purchases, sale of products, natural resources exploitation, joint ventures and the like. These contacts have been more powerful than domestic institutions in deterring the technological development of the Tanzanian economy.
There are many reasons for this. One of the main reasons is the critical shortage of qualified and experienced personnel for the planning and management of technology. <-/Thre> is also the poor development of information systems forcing the country to place reliance upon technology suppliers for information and often associated consultancy services for advice.
There is also a lack of an integrated guidance and control mechanism for technology decision-making, the establishment of industries which are large, capital-intensive and dependent upon imported raw materials, decline in the small-scale industrial sector with the exit of expatriate entrepreneurs -and the adverse impact of large projects in certain fields such as the bread, clothing, sugar, oil and flour milling where small scale industry would have been both economically viable and <-/sociall> <-/preferrable>.
The greater emphasis placed on the acquisition of foreign technology than on the development of technologies appropriate to the rural areas where ninety per cent of Tanzania's population live, inadequate perception of what technology is technological development of Tanzania .
It is worth noting that in spite of these reasons considerable attention has been devoted in the past thirty years to the development of a scientific and technological system in the agricultural and industrial sector.
The Uyole Agricultural Centre, Sokoine University of Agriculture, Tanzania Bureau of Standards, National Environmental Management Council, Tanzania Engineering and Manufacturing Design Organisation, Tanzania Industrial Studies and Consultancy Organisation, Tanzania Industrial Research and Development Organisation, the Centre for Agricultural Mechanisation and Rural Technology and the Institute of Production Innovation, are all examples of new institutions <-_reated><+_created> to strengthen the capabilities in the areas of scientific research, technological development <-/adaption> and production.
Tanzania's science and technology system has thus a big number of <-_a> elements and components, perhaps more than many other developing countries at a similar level of development and with broadly comparable economic problems. This apparent proliferation of Research and Development (R & D) or Science and Technology (S&T) institutions came about as a result of the country's attempts to gain control of the economy to promote self-reliance.
As yet, however, the system does not function as a system; but more as a scientific research technological services network. In this regard it is worth noting that the report of the South Commission points out that the success of the S and T system depends largely on the close inter-connections among the different areas of S and T and the management of the various sectors of R and D institutions. For Tanzania's S and T (T and D) <-/instituions> to begin to function as part of a system, they would need integrated guidance and control mechanism unified by a sense of purpose. The system could then be mobilised for national development. Networks generally cannot. 
The absence of interconnection between the different R and D institutions has resulted in a situation where linkages between science and technology, production and education are weak. While private industry is responsible for more than one half of Tanzania's Gross Domestic Product, it lies outside the government's R and D <-/instituions>, perhaps by believing it has little need for them. Industry has been generally reluctant to involve itself in the development and commercialisation of ideas developed in Tanzania's research laboratories and workshops.
Take the example of the Institute of Production Innovation, IPI, an institute of the University of Dar es Salaam affiliated to the Faculty of Engineering. During the past five or six years the institute has succeeded to develop a number of technologies, some of which have diffused into the local market.
These include village oil processing technology, corn mills and hullers, feed mills and mixers, block-making and improvised industrial maintenance.
In spite of <-_there><+_their> efforts, IPI had problems in having some of its products readily accepted. Hence <-/difusion> has been rather poor. However, a number of IPI original designs and products have been copied and successfully manufactured and marketed by small private enterprises. IPI also has a number of financial constraints.
Technological self-reliance can be defined as the development of a national technological capacity to identify national technological needs and to select and use both foreign and domestic technologies in a manner consistent with national goals. For Tanzania to move away from its overwhelming external orientation and towards self-reliance in technology it would involve the adoption of an appropriate development and mobilization of its technological system.
Taking Japan as an example the social economic circumstances which existed in 1984 there were (and are still) very different from those existing today anywhere in the South. That not withstanding, there are, however, still lessons to be learnt from the unique experience of that country in respect of scientific, and technological development, technology acquisition and technological innovation.
In a variety of ways the Japanese deliberately adapted Western technology to preserve scarce capital resources and use abundant labour. In textiles, for example they purchased older, secondhand machines often discarded as obsolete by the Lancashire mills. Once installed, the machines were operated at high speed and for longer hours than was the prevailing practice in the United Kingdom or the United States. Greater quantities of labour were lavished in servicing the machines and maintaining them in a decent state of repair. When the Japanese eventually reached the point of building their own textile machines, they substituted wood for iron wherever possible.
They also introduced cheaper raw materials into production as in the case of cotton spinning and added more labour to each spinning machine to handle the increased frequency of broken threads.
They also employed ring-spinning technology when virtually every other textile giant apart from the United States and Brazil, was using mulespinning machines.
With continued improvements in ring-spinning technology and changes in global prices and ring spinning becoming the dominant technology in the world, Japan was well positioned to increase its market share.
The United States’ earlier adaptation of technology in the nineteenth century was very different from that of Japan, but just as successful. Endowed with an abundance of natural resources, but with a scarcity of labour, the United States adopted its technology accordingly. Technology imported from Britain was adapted whenever possible, for the extensive exploitation of natural resources, for example, although the United States had a <-/leter> industrial start than Britain, it quickly established a worldwide leadership in the design, production, and use of woodworking machinery.
It was characteristic of these machines that they were wasteful of wood, which was abundant in the United States. These examples show that, ultimately, "appropriate" technology is what a country creates for itself, using all the means available to it including "inappropriate" foreign technology efficiently - and effectively. </I>
<I> <h> Science and sustainable technology for development </h>
CAN Third World countries improve faster by simply importing appropriate technology? If so, is it, therefore, no longer necessary for the developing world to embark on intensive research and development investments because they can just transfer what has already been discovered? Read this write-up based on what Prof. G. K. Munishi recently told the Third Annual Scientific Seminar organised by the Tanzania Commission for Science and technology.
TECHNOLOGY is the aspect of applying scientific discoveries to increase quantity and improve quality. A system is a dynamic, organic whole which is composed of interdependent parts or subsystems.
Educational systems are closely-related to demands in industry, agriculture and other sectors of the economy. A system approach applied in the global management of Science (S) and Technology (T) intends to examine the processes and stumbling blocks in the transfer of S & T for development.
A working basis assumption exists that claims that development processes necessarily need science and technology as inputs. If S & T could be regarded as universal goods, things would be easier for a country such as Tanzania. Arguments on the use of S & T assume that principle but not so in reality. S & T transfer is much a function of or is dependent upon the overall freedom or autonomy on the part of those operating within the S & T systems universally.
Those who first discover scientific knowledge that can be put into practice for solving problems tend to exercise autonomy and ownership rights. Possibly countries which own Science and technological packages tend to politically manipulate that the transfers meet the political and economic objectives of the owning countries... sometimes at the expense of the country to which the technology packages are being transferred.
Thus contrary to the assumed ,systems' free input-output flows, in the transfer of S & T, the systems themselves are constrained domestically and internationally.
There is an argument that developing countries can improve faster by way of importing appropriate technology. But this is in reality very difficult to achieve. Imported technology is not free of ties precisely because of the expense and interests involved at the initial and subsequent interplay of Research and Development sub-systems.
To argue that countries like Ghana and Tanzania need not embark on intensive R & D investments because they can transfer what has already been discovered is to under-rate the initial investments on the part of the discoverers to maintain some technological hegemony. 
Worse still, that amounts to the assumption that the R & D system in, say, Britain will easily and freely relate to R & D system in countries like Tanzania and that the output and input will be smooth.
Western developed countries are now at a stage of computer-aided designs or CADS, which produce integrated technological systems. The CADS have managed to increase the efficiency of the products as well as being so integrated that no moving wheel or parts are seen, as was in the old technology. Patent protection now becomes less necessary, as it is already very difficult for less developed countries like Tanzania to imitate these "black boxes."
</I>
W2B032T
<I> <h> Handicrafts: The rural skill export </h>
Governments all over the world have long recognised the importance of successful promotion of a more diversified range of exports in order to improve the economies of developing countries.
Many of these countries face chronic balance of payments problems resulting from low commodity prices and rising cost of imports essential to their development.
Handicrafts are one such product whose potential in the export market has yet to be fully exploited despite Tanzania's wealth of talented craftsmen and women.
The country's exports of handicrafts were running at about 340,000 United States dollars in 1990. There is no question that the figure is rather low and denotes how relatively undeveloped the handicrafts export trade is in Tanzania.
However, the sub-sector has not by-passed the Board of External Trade (BET), a parastatal body established in the late 1970's to, among other things, identify exportable products and services and devise appropriate promotional strategies.
Way back in 1989, with the assistance of NORIMPED of Sweden, BET co-organised a five-day workshop in Dar es Salaam on costume jewellery whereby quite a number of exporters in the trade participated.
In 1989 the BET also organised a 30-day solo exhibition in Tokyo, Japan, with the assistance of Japanese External Trade Organisation (JETRO). At least four companies in the handicrafts trade attended the exhibition which acted as an eye-opener to the lucrative Japanese market.
Ever since the BET has continued to support a national participation at the Tokyo and Osaka international fairs interchangeably in efforts to have a grip on those potential markets.
In fact over the last four years, ten local handicrafts exporting firms have continued to feature at Japanese exhibitions, according to BET Acting Director of Export Promotion, Emmanuel Buliki.
The board has also, with the assistance of GTZ of Germany, been sponsoring the participation of local handicrafts exporters at the Munich Fair since 1989. Six firms have <-/benefitted> from the programme so far.
With increased costs of staging and sending official representatives overseas, the BET also felt the need of carrying out the promotional activities at the home base.
In 1991, therefore, it negotiated with the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Co-operation (CFTC) for a secondment of a handicrafts expert who could assist promote the sub-sector.
The expert, Ms Carolyn Heath, has for the last two years been travelling all over the country collecting samples of new products for development and for promotional support.
According to her, handicrafts production among the traditional African communities has played a positive role.
It generates the much needed income for the rural communities and hence provides part-time occupation for men, women and children thus curbing the migration to the cities.
The <-/activitity> was more than income-generating. The practice of traditional handicraft skills is valuable in human terms as well.
One great advantage for its revival now is that the skills in handicrafts making are skill traditional  and therefore raises  no question of training.
To cap it all, the raw materials are locally available which means there is no need to import foreign materials or learn new techniques.
The repetition of well-known techniques, shapes, symbols, designs and colours re-inforces the cultural identity of the artisan group, ensuring skills are passed on to the future generations as a living tradition.
Ms. Heath does not paint a bright picture of Tanzania's performance in handicrafts export trade despite what she calls the great potential. But she has a piece of advice on the improvement of the sector.
She says basic strategy for increasing handicrafts export potential must begin on the demand side. Demand must be generated through crafts displays at art galleries and exhibitions co-ordinated by Tanzanian embassies or trade missions abroad.
Handicrafts from Tanzania include works of art like the world famous "<ea/>makonde" carvings, basketware, costume jewellery, textiles, "<ea_>Tinga Tinga<ea/> paintings and others.
In order to get a share of the international markets, however, Tanzanian handicrafts exporters must improve the quality of their products and sell them at competitive prices, she says. For instance, Tanzania-made basketware is over-priced by a factor of three when compared with baskets from Asia, she gave an example.
Similarly Tanzanian-printed textiles and batiks are up to four times more expensive than their equivalents from India and Indonesia.
The European markets where most of the country's <-_jewelleries><+_jewellry> are sold <-_is><+_are> dominated by silver, turquoise and other <-_jewelleries><+_jewellry> from Mexico, Brazil, <-/Phillipines>, India, Thailand and Indonesia.
According to her, some handicrafts importers who are prepared to enter into joint ventures with the local people have been identified. It is now the turn of Tanzanian exporters to seize the opportunity and expand their markets.</I>
<I> <h> Exports vital for economic growth </h>
Sound Export strategies for Tanzania for both traditional and non-traditional products need not be over-emphasized given the present world economic system and the country's economic performance.
The magnitude and importance of export trade to the country's economy and national survival can be gauged from the following trade figures.
Tanzania's annual imports are estimated at about 1.5 billion dollars while her annual export earnings are about 500 million dollars - about a third of imports value.
With the export earnings only a third of the value of the country's total annual imports, the remaining two thirds of imports has to be paid for by loans or grants.
On the long term basis, this situation is not sustainable. Economic experts are, therefore, arguing that some sort of sustainability can be achieved only if the country exported products worth about one billion dollars annually.
To achieve such export targets even in the medium term is a challenge not only to the nation, the government and export trade institutions, but also to the exporters themselves.
The task is for everybody or institution involved in export industry. Such institutions or individuals must sit down, identify problems and find solutions to them.
One of the principal actors in this endeavour is the government which must not only give policy guidelines but also make institutional arrangements to promote export trade.
For some years now, the government has initiated a number of incentives to exporters, especially after the liberalisation of the country's economy in the mid-1980's.
These have included the introduction of export incentive schemes such as export proceeds retention scheme, presidential export award, export credit guarantee scheme, and simplification and harmonisation of export documentation and procedures, to mention just a few.
These incentives have, in fact, motivated exporters to export more for the benefit of the country despite the problems afflicting the sub-sector.
A measurement to that is that over time exports have increased. For instance, exports of non-traditional products have increased from 65 million United States dollars in 1986 to 250 million dollars last year.
Export documents and procedures, which have been aligned and simplified, have enabled exporters to speed up the movement of consignments.
These measures have created an enabling environment to businessmen in Tanzania as more people ventured into new export business areas, especially with the non-traditional products ranging from horticultural produce to wood carvings.
In addition the government, through the Board of External Trade (BET) has undertaken a number of export promotional activities including Tanzania's participation in trade fairs abroad and organising the Dar es Salaam International Trade fair (DITF).
According to government officials, more export incentives will be introduced, export documentation and procedures simplified and more markets abroad sought.
For instance, the PTA and SADC markets alone can consume a lot of Tanzania's products like cement, coffee, aluminium products, marine products, canvas, garments, cashewnuts, sisal twines and many others.
One advantage here is that under the PTA arrangements, tariffs have gradually been reduced. The ultimate aim is to eliminate them by the year 2000.
The Middle East is another important market very close to Tanzania fortunately with substantial purchasing power. Tanzania has a capacity for partial supply to this market's demand for foodstuffs, building materials and tourism.
Developed countries like the EEC, Japan, United States and Canada give least developed countries like Tanzania some preferential treatment in giving some level of free access to their markets without payment of duties and taxes. This is an area that needs full exploitation.
But exploit these potential markets to the maximum exporters must be given full government support. They must be given the information they need and in time. </I>
<I> <h> The costs and benefits of live animal exports </h>
GIVEN its large population of wild animals, birds, reptiles and other animal species, Tanzania has devised various policies and strategies to make its great natural resource base endowment contribute to economic development.
One area in which the country has <-_strived><+_striven> to earn the hard currency revenues from wildlife is the tourism sector, which though not yet maximized has shown its potential in contributing to the growth of the economy.
Despite stringent conservation policies existing, one would not wonder learn that Tanzania is among the leading exporters of live animals like birds and reptiles.
Although data is scarce at home, according to EEC, Tanzania was second to Senegal as the supplier of African tropical birds to the world. The country earned about one million United States Dollars a year from live bird exports from 1987 to 1989.
It is estimated that other markets outside the EEC such as the Gulf, United States and Japan, together are importing birds worth around 150,000 dollars each year from Tanzania.
In principle, there is nothing wrong for a country to trade in wild animals such as birds to earn foreign exchange for her economic development.
The irony, however, is that such country should carry on such exports of wild animal harvesting through the <-/paradism> of sustainable development.
The animals being exported alive should not only be from those outside the endangered list but should be numerous enough to allow continuous harvesting on sustainable basis.
Sustainability would be beneficial to the species themselves in regard to their existence, the general environment, other animal and plant species and people dependent on the trade.
Although Tanzania could have benefited a lot from such kind of business (export of live animals) given its potential in the area and with proper planning and strategies, trade in live birds and animals is, unfortunately, unpopular in the world at the moment.
Many conservation and environmental agencies, individuals and Non-Governmental Organisations have been campaigning against the trade. They have in fact, already declared their intention to continue such campaigns until the trade is stopped.
The Wildlife Conservation Society of Tanzania (WCST), for instance, alleged in 1989 that exporters of birds cheated the government by under-invoicing export shipments.
The report was, however, challenged by the pet industry association (PTIA) of United Kingdom which argued that total ban on bird exports would render them valueless to poor Third World economies.
It is a genuine concern, nevertheless, that trade in wild animals - if not properly regulated - may lead to some animal species becoming extinct.
Tanzania is a party to the "Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of wild fauna and flora (CITES) which seeks to regulate trade in wild animals. The body imposes various strict regulations.
Although Tanzania could have justification for being one of the leading African countries in live bird exports because of having many species of birds in its vast wilderness, her position in the business is in bad repute.
The main reason behind this is that most shipments of live birds and animals from the country are badly packed resulting in a high in transit mortality rate.
According to data obtained from PTIA, Tanzania exported about 47,000 live birds to the UK in 1989. Only 41,000 of total imported birds reached the final consumer, registering an average of a 12 per cent mortality rate.
About 2,000 birds were declared dead on arrival and another approximate figure of 4,000 birds died while in quarantine.
The PTIA data-base suggests that live birds from Tanzania which were already dead on arrival were actually 6 per cent or about half of the total mortalities, estimated at about 12 per cent.
Tanzanian exporters, have, therefore, been advised to give greater attention to the pre-export care and especially the feeding of those types of birds that feed on insects, fruit and nectar.
Tanzania risked being squeezed out of live bird export business or face a total ban from international trade regulatory bodies such as CITES if proper packaging was not adhered to.
"It is necessary that urgent remedial measures are taken especially training exporters on proper packaging and instituting certain control measures at exit points" insisted a trade promotion officer with the Board of External Trade. </I>
W2B033T
<I> <h> Tabora scans for dairy calves </h>
Tabora, like many <-_others><+_other> regions in the country, undertakes both agriculture and livestock farming. Cattle tops the list of animals reared in the region followed by goats and sheep and then pigs; that is, if poultry is to be categorised as birds. Otherwise chicken keeping comes second.
<-/Accordig> to the Regional Agricultural and Livestock Development Officer, <ea/>Ndugu Gassiano Mruma, the 1984 animal <-/sensus> showed the region to have 981,506 head of cattle, 254,100 goats, 183,569 sheep, 1,882 pigs and 896,358 chicken.
<ea/>Ndugu Mruma said the livestock was concentrated in Igunga and Nzega Districts while Urambo and Tabora Districts have fewer animals because the big forests in these districts are infested with <-/tse tse> flies.
So a total of 410,568 head of cattle are found in Igunga District and 311,254 in Nzega District. The census showed that Tabora District had 184,474 heads of cattle while Urambo had only 75,210.
Again, the highest concentration of goats and sheep is in Igunga and Nzega Districts with Igunga having 76,396 goats and 91,453 sheep. Nzega has 99,083 goats and 61,879 sheep. Tabora District has 53,294 goats and 26,228 sheep while in Urambo there are only 25,327 goats and 4,009 sheep.
Most often the problem with livestock keepers, especially in the developing countries, is that they are reluctant to sell their animals - not even when the animals are faced with an eminent catastrophe. The keepers simply love to bask in the number of animals they have, regardless of whether they benefit from them or not.
This problem is not prominent in Tabora Region. According to livestock officials in the region, recorded sales of animals and their products - milk, skins and hides, eggs, - during the 1988/89 season earned the keepers 422,087,449/-.
Cattle, goats and sheep sales brought to the farmers 375,750,073/- while their products - hides and skins and milk fetched 70,629,375/95. Poultry farmers earned a total of 33,341,959/- during the year of which 19,803,399/- were from eggs. 
But the figures represent mostly sales made at the auction markets, considering that it is normally not easy to record every sale of an egg, or a goat made individually by the farmers. Therefore the figures may not represent a real picture of keepers’ income. 
Livestock officials said the livestock department was doing commendably on animal disease prevention and curing. The biggest problem was lack of dips. Either the dips were damaged or they had no chemicals, they said. 
They said this was because district councils had little resources to run the dips. In 1988/89 only 25 dips were operative out of the 69 dips in the region. 
Due to inadequate dipping facilities, tick-borne diseases were responsible for the death of 2.554 head of cattle during the year under review (1988/89).
There is another problem facing the livestock in the region: lack of pastures, particularly in Igunga District - and that is where there is the highest concentration of animals. There are an average of 72 animals per square kilometre in Igunga and 52 animals per square kilometre in Nzega District against a recommended figure of 25 animals per square kilometre. 
When the situation worsens in Igunga District the animals are shifted to Tabora and Urambo Districts where water and pastures are adequate. But these areas are infested with <-/tse tse> flies, posing another danger to the animals.
Scarcity of pasture in Igunga district was more <-/promounced> in 1988/89 when more than 20,089 head of cattle, 1,265 goats, 743 sheep and 38 donkeys died of hunger.
According to the livestock officials in the region, absence of operating facilities like holding grounds and stock routes has negatively affected the livestock industry in Tabora.
Despite problems the region has undertaken a livestock improvement programme aimed at modernising the livestock industry. According to <ea/>Ndugu Mruma the region has raised or bought 1,750 dairy cattle within five years (from 1982/84 to 1988/89).
He said the demand for dairy calves in the region was very high. In order to meet the demand, the region has established a dairy cattle multiplication centre at Kakola in Tambora District where there are already 300 cows and six hybrid bulls.
In order to improve beef cattle, the region has also established a centre for the multiplication of boran bulls also at Kakola, in Tabora District. Since the establishment of the centre in 1985/86, some 84 hybrid boran bulls have been sold to local farmers. 
The local farmers are supposed to cross-breed the boran bulls with the local cows in order to get a hybrid product. According to the livestock officials, the response from the farmers was not encouraging at first. "But as they see a better product after cross breeding, the demand has shot up tremendously", they said. </I>
<I> <h> Crop output in Tabora going up, save tobacco </h>
Tanzania is a very rich very poor country, or vice versa. That is a tongue twister, a double statement. Yet it is a statement often repeated - in the same breath - by our politicians and economists alike. What it means is that the country is poor, but it has <-/ernomous> resources which, when properly and fully utilised, could turn the country into an economic giant. That also sounds like a far-fetched hypothesis. 
But go to Mwanza, Mbeya, Ruvuma, Iringa, Tanga ... name it - even Lindi, Singida, Dodoma - the same story is told: that this such-and-such region has the potential to, for example, feed the whole country and have surplus to bring in foreign exchange.
That is the rich part of it. But if you ask why it doesn't happen like this, there are many answers ready - lack of this, lack of that including lack of seriousness and commitment on the part of both the leaders and the led. That is the poor part of it.
Tabora is one of the regions in the country that is rich and has the potential to become richer, if we take the aspect of agriculture and livestock alone.
One way of telling whether a commodity is in big supply or not is to look at the market price. Most visitors to Tabora - like those who went to celebrate the end of the Uhuru Torch race - went back home with huge purchases of rice in particular. The common remark was: "Rice is much cheaper here." 
Rice, or paddy, is one of the region's major food crop. But since it is produced in surplus, it is also a cash crop. At the Tabora municipal market rice was selling at between 55/- and 65/-, which means it was cheaper elsewhere. 
And according to the Regional <-/Agriculutural> and Livestock Development Officer (RALDO) <ea/>Ndugu Gassiano Mruma, rice reserve at the National Milling Corporation (NMC) stood at 4,130.66 tonnes by the middle of September. 
<ea/>Ndugu Mruma said the region harvested 38,844 tonnes of rice during the 1988/89 season from 36,612 hectares. Last season (1989/90) paddy production rose to 43,441 tonnes from a lesser acreage of 36,041 hectares. 
Rice is cultivated in Tabora rural, Nzega and Igunga districts. As usual the region is endowed with vast valleys which could be turned into huge paddy farms - especially in the Tabora rural district. Other crops cultivated in the region include maize, millet, cassava, sweet potatoes, legumes groundnuts, sunflower, cotton and tobacco. The last two are the only purely cash crops although sunflower and groundnuts are also listed as cash crops. 
Except for maize and tobacco, production of all the other crops has shown an upward trend taking the last two seasons. Maize production fell from 128,705 tonnes during the 1988/89 season to 89,900 tonnes in the 1989/90 season. 
The result of the fall in maize production last season (1989/90) in Tabora is the rise in price of the commodity. The market price of maize stood at 500/- per <ea/>debe by the end of last month (September) and <-_resident><+_residents> feared the price would rise further between now and the next crop harvest. 
The regional agricultural and livestock development officer attributed the fall in maize production to bad weather. The rain came too little or too late for maize production. 
Such shortfalls are normally filled in with maize from Mpanda in Rukwa Region. But as the Tanzania Railways Corporation began trial operations to Mpanda end of September after a long suspension, the first signals, according to the residents, showed little encouragement. 
But other major food crops showed increased production within the two seasons. Millet yield rose from 33,931 tonnes in 1988/89 to 42,444 in 1989/90. Cassava rose from 46,869 tonnes to 64,114 tonnes while sweet potatoes production were more than doubled from 12,139 to 31,975 tonnes within the period under review.
Cash crops too - cotton, groundnuts and sunflower - showed slight production increase, except, as noted earlier, for tobacco whose production fell from 6,300 tonnes in 1988/89 to about 5,000 tonnes last season.
Generally, tobacco production has been falling steadily in Tabora Region in recent years. Reasons advanced include non-availability of essential inputs - fertilizers and insecticides - and the low prices offered to the farmers considering the labour involved in the production.
Tobacco production is both scientific and labour intensive. It follows a strict production timetable and correct appliance of chemicals. If the Chemicals and other inputs arrive late or in inadequate supplies - as has been the case in recent years in Tabora - production is bound to be discouraging to the farmer. 
But other leaders in the region maintain that lack of hired labourers has greatly contributed towards the decline of tobacco production. The <-/arguement> is that most of the tobacco farmers use hired labourers mainly from Kigoma, Singida, and Mbeya Regions. 
In recent years, however, there has been the tendency of the labourers moving out and going back to their homes to engage in other business, or look for less <-/streneous> jobs. 
The Regional Agricultural and Livestock Development Officer said although this was true, it was not a major factor for the decline of tobacco production in the region. 
Urambo District leads tobacco production in the region followed by Tabora rural district. While groundnuts and sunflower are grown throughout the region, cotton <-_in><+_is> cultivated mostly in Igunga District. </I>
<I> <h> Off-season cultivation </h>
Normally cultivation of crops takes place during the rain season whether be it short or long rains. 
For many years, since our grandfathers started cultivating crops, the practice has been depending on rains to a larger extent except in lowlands where carry-over moisture could sustain crop growth. 
Today things have changed. Crop cultivation can be carried out at any time of the year, that is, even during the dry season so long as irrigation is applied to supplement or supply the needed soil moisture for plant growth. 
Crop growing by irrigation is relatively an expensive method of producing crops especially its initial cost be it surface, subsurface or overhead irrigation. But this method can be profitable in the long run especially when higher value crops are grown. 
Even though many less developed countries fail to develop this method of cultivation due to their poor economy and thus suffer very much when poor rains occur either be late falling, bad distribution, very short rains or higher intensities accompanied by hail storms, the result is the farmer losing his crop (cash or food crop). 
Consequently the nation loses foreign exchange as well as the needed food to feed its people. This disaster leads to poorly fed people who are weak and malnourished and who are very prone to disease infection. 
As the nation lacks foreign exchange it cannot acquire the essential commodities like medicines to treat these diseases nor import additional food to supplement <-_to><+_the> deficit. This leads to a weak population unable to work to their full potential. At last the nation becomes dependent.
Off-season cultivation is the practice of growing crops during the dry season but, in those places with the required factors needed to sustain crop growth. 
The very prime factor in this case is soil moisture (water). This usually occurs in lowlands where ground water in a form of stored soil moisture is enough to cause the crop to grow till maturity. Therefore, as rains, become unpredictable, unreliable and erratic while our <-_countrys' ><+_country’s> economy does not yet to allow  <-_our><+_or> fully involve itself in irrigation agriculture, we should all those in areas where off-season cultivation can be undertaken, take full use of these plains, river basins and other valleys where there is enough soil moisture to sustain crop growth. If well <-_utilise><+_utilised> our nation will end food shortage and thus increasing food sufficiency as well as safe guarding our foreign exchange used to import foodstuffs. </I>
W2B034T
<I> <h> Ever heard of Soil Service project? </h>
Have you ever heard about the National Soil Service which is ready to help the farmer on better soil use, literally on which part of a given land area is suitable for which kinds of crops; and how to avoid soil fertility depreciation and make land sustainable?
The National Soil Service (NSS), part of the Agricultural Research and Training institute at Mlingano near Tanga, advises farmers, private companies and government institutions, including district councils, which part of a land area such as a district should be used for farming.
It also advises on the whole range of soil management issues in general so as to achieve sustainable cultivated areas without the use of irrigation schemes, for instance, which are costly investments.
"The National Soil Service serves people and institutions engaged in agriculture on how to guard their land against depreciation, both in chemical aspects such as plant nutrients as well as in physical aspects to prevent land from becoming bare and eroded", the Dutch soil fertility and Soil Management Advisor, Jacob Floor, told me recently at Mlingano.
In pursuance of its policy towards better use of the country's land resources for increased food, cash crop and livestock production, the Tanzania government has assigned high priority to improved agricultural research in the field of soil science.
Approximately, 90 per cent of the Tanzanian population is, either directly or indirectly, engaged in agricultural activities, while about 50 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and more than 75 per cent of the foreign exchange earnings accrue from the country's agricultural sector. As agriculture, literally is based on soil, comprehensive knowledge of soil and land resources in Tanzania is essential.
The National Soil Service project was established in 1984 following an agreement for technical co-operation between Tanzania and the Netherlands with the aim of strengthening Tanzania's National Soil Service.
This initiative was aimed at reviving earlier attempts begun in 1975 to "develop an institution at the national level to meet the needs of the country for soil survey, land evaluation, soil fertility and management studies and to train national staff to operate the services effectively."
The long-term objective of the project is the strengthening of the national research and service capability and capacity in applied soil science.
This is to be attained through the development of a sustainable national institution for soil and land resources surveys and land evaluation studies, soil fertility and soil and water management research and soil, plant and water analysis services. These disciplines in their coherence, form the essential tools for multi-purpose land use planning which, in turn, is the basis for sound agricultural and livestock development in the country, while safeguarding delicate ecological balances.
The National Soil Service comprises three sections: the Soil and Land Resources Survey Section, the Soil Fertility and Soil Management Research Section and the Soil, Plant and Water Analysis Laboratory.
In addition to the NSS headquarters at Mlingano, there are four NSS sub-centres. These are attached to the Agricultural Research Institutes in Naliendele, Ukiriguru, Tumbi and Ilonga.
The NSS has already conducted scores of soil and land resources surveys, land evaluation studies and soil fertility research in various parts of the country. A detailed soil survey of Rundugai village irrigation scheme, located about 15 kilometres southwest of Moshi town in Hai district conducted in March and April 1989, questioned whether financial investments are justified to rehabilitate and further develop Rundugai irrigation scheme.
"About half of the lands are currently unsuitable for irrigated rice cultivation and irrigated maize-based cropping systems. If it is decided to rehabilitate the scheme, emphasis should be on improving irrigation planning and water controls", the survey report issued last year stated.
At the request of the management of Kisangata Estate, an old sisal estate near Kilosa town, the NSS conducted a study in October 1989 aimed at obtaining a general impression on the fertility status of the dominant soils in the estate and their suitability for sisal, tobacco and maize.
The study determined that the best soils for sisal are the soils developed in colluvial material from the hills, followed by the soils at the middle, upper and ridge position on the upper terrace.
The research also found that the best soil for tobacco are the light textured soils of the recent alluvial plain, followed by the soils developed in colluvial material from the hills.
According to the study, maize would grow best on soils developed in colluvial material from the hills and soils occupying the mid slope position on the upper terrace.
At the request of Mbulu District Council, the National Soil Service carried out a <-/reconnaissence> soil survey of the entire Mbulu district. Ten villages, including Endamarariek village, were selected within the scope of the survey for more detailed study of their soils and agricultural potential.
The study revealed that 42 per cent of about 2,350 hectares of the total area of Endamarariek village is suitable or moderately suitable for mechanized cultivation and suitable for extensive grazing. Only 680 hectares, 12 percent of the village area is unsuitable for mechanized cultivation or extensive grazing.
The NSS has also conducted research on leguminous green manure and pasture crops as an alternative nitrogen source in the tropics. Green manuring is the practice of incorporating plant material while still green or soon after maturity for the purpose of improving soil fertility, as an alternative to expensive chemical fertilizers.
These research examples of work programmes undertaken by the NSS conform to the institution's motto "To provide answers to soil-related problems which confront agriculture."
Dutch government assistance to the Mlingano complex during the past decade has also included assistance in the establishment of a revised two-year diploma course in agro-mechanization at the Ministry of Agriculture Training Institute. The revised course content of the diploma programme is in accordance with new national agricultural policies and recent technological changes in the field of agro-mechanization. </I>
<I> <h> Tanga draught animal project </h>
The star attraction of the National Peasant Day celebrations and agricultural show which this year were held in Tanga, was an exhibition of the Korogwe-based Tanga Draught Animal Project. 
The project's goal is "to increase the productivity of farmers in Tanga region by encouraging them to use animals like <-/streers> and donkeys in farming and transportation in order to improve their economic well being and living conditions," according to official projects documents.
The animals are utilized for ploughing, weeding, and for transportation by pulling carts loaded with farm produce and other goods for a distance of up to 10 kilometres. 
President Ali Hassan Mwinyi is reported to have been so impressed with the animal project exhibition that he asked Project Manager Andrew Makwanda and his colleagues to look into the possibility of training as many farmers as possible in utilising the simple technology in agriculture. 
The Tanga Draught Animal Project began in 1981 at Mwanyumba village in Muheza District in order " to work for possibilities of introducing oxenization in Tanga Region, as there was no previous experience in using draught animals," Project Adviser Rene Fischer told me at Korogwe recently.
The pilot phase was successful in that "it was possible to train animals and farmers, although the hot climate in Tanga is not ideal for domestic animals," Rene said, adding that "there is considerable disease challenge to animals, such as tsetse flies and East Coast Fever." 
But it was felt that "under good management, it is possible to train animals to pull a plough and to pull a cart for five to 10 kilometres," the Project Advisor stated. 
The project headquarters were moved to Korogwe in 1984 because the Mwanyumba area was found to be unsuitable for mechanized cultivation due to the prevalence of tree crops such as coconuts and cashewnuts. 
In the same year project activities began in Korogwe, Muheza and Tanga districts; and the rest of the region. Pangani, Handeni and Lushoto districts were added to the project in 1988. 
The Draught Animals Project is a co-operation venture between the Tanzanian and German governments through the German Agency for Technical Co-operation, known in German as Gesellschaft fuer Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ). 
Formerly, project extension staff were used to advise and motivate farmers to take part in the project, "but now we are working through village extensionists who are agricultural officers; and in co-operation with district agricultural officers. We have quarterly district review and planning meetings where we basically discuss the co-operation with district field staff," Rene said. 
"We have trained 107 agricultural staff on how to use animals and how to advise farmers," he added. 
Project extension staff liase with village agricultural and livestock officers for training in the utilization of draft animals and in assisting farmers to obtain animals and farm implements such as carts, ploughs and cultivators.
They also organise campaigns and field days when they demonstrate proper use of animals and farm implements. For instance, last June and July, eight campaigns were conducted in selected villages throughout the region. 
Conditions which farmers must meet in order to qualify for project services include one that farmers should have their own animals or should be able to purchase them. 
Farmers who own cattle are advised to use steers in cultivation; while farmers who have no cows are told to use donkeys because donkeys are simpler to handle and have less health care problems compared to cows. They are also generally less risky to own than cattle. 
"Our losses of trained animals are less than five per cent per year," Rene said. 
Although during the early stages of the project, there was a big demand for donkeys among farmers, the project management had difficulties in buying donkeys from Masai pastoralists because the Masai simply were not interested in money. 
"But then, we found that the Masai were very interested in owning bicycles. So we bartered one Chinese-made bicycle for two Tanzanian donkeys," the Project Advisor said. 
The project utilizes 12 trainers in addition to five experienced farmers who have already trained fellow farmers in using animals for farming and transportation. 
A trainer is seconded to a farmer for one month to train him or her how to train his animals. The trainer is paid out of project funds, but the farmer provided food and accommodation for the trainer. 
Thereafter, the village agricultural officer takes over and continues to advise the farmer. 
At present the use of draught animals is being practised by 270 farmers in 120 villages. A total of 618 draught animals comprising of 427 steers and 191 donkeys are used in farming and transportation throughout the region. The farmers own a total of 260 ploughs, 150 carts and 31 cultivators, the latter for weeding. 
Carts are obtained locally except for axles and wheels which are imported from Germany. Ploughs are bought from Ubungo Farm Implements (UFI) factory in Dar es Salaam, and cultivators are imported directly from India. 
There are now 16 farmers clubs and 16 independent women farmers clubs in Tanga region. The price of a cart is now 50,000/- while a donkey sells for 30,000/-. 
Athumani Mgaya (35) is Secretary of Mombo Draught Animal Farmers Club, one of the most active in the region. He told me some of the benefits a farmer gets by becoming a club member:
In individual farming a farmer has to spend 2-3 weeks cultivating one acre using a hand hoe, but with the use of a plough which the club can obtain for him, the same one acre can be cultivated in not more than three days at most," he stressed. Mgaya owns two oxen which he has used to plough a two and half acre farm in Mombo. 
Another beneficiary of the Draught Animal Project is Mbwana Athumani Semdili (60)of Mgombezi village near Korogwe. Semdili owns eight oxen and donkey carts and uses them in a contract he has with Mgombezi Sisal Estate to transport seedlings from nurseries to sisal fields, a distance of four kilometres. 
German assistance to the Draught Animal Project is scheduled to be phased out next June, but may be extended to 1993. </I>
W2B035T
<I> <h> 13th CCM anniversary supplement: Musoma, Bunda districts turn to sorghum </h>
Suddenly plantations in areas surrounding Lake Victoria, Musoma Rural and Bunda Districts, are changing shape. The cassava farms have been reduced to thumb-size stumps bearing <-/shrinken> leaves. They look as if a bush fire had swept through them.
Adjacent to the <-/shrinken> cassava are sprouting sorghum and millet plantations - something very new to the "people of the lake". The mealybug scourge has forced the Wajita, Waruri and Wakwaya to <-/thave> interest in sorghum - a cereal that they had always despised as being too tough for the bowels.
Even Mafuru - a villagemate at Nyang'oma - brushed aside an old joke that after eating <ea/>ugali ma-de from sorghum flour one needed the support of a huge tree trunk in order to force out the excreta. "There is no choice between starvation and life," he told me.
With over 160,000 people facing starvation in the two districts, the matter of food choice does not make sense to the people there. They have instead taken steps to fight for survival. Sorghum is topping the crop acreage everywhere in Bunda and Musoma Rural Districts.
Chitare, Chimati, Makojo, Buraga, Bukumi and Busekera villages, for example, had until the end of December 1989, cultivated 518 hectares of sorghum, 158 hectares of millet and 374 hectares of sweet potatoes to fight the famine situation caused by the mealybugs. Musoma Rural District peasants had cultivated a total of 13,410 hectares of sorghum, millet and sweet potatoes by then as an anti-famine measure.
Mealybugs struck Mara Region in July last year and invaded Musoma Rural District with Majita as the first victim. For six months the people and the mealybugs fought for great control over cassava. The bugs were too strong to defeat. The mealybugs destroyed 11,250 hectares of the crop leaving 151,109 people in 48 villages without food.
The situation alarmed the government as well as the Catholic Relief Service - both extended a helping hand to the people. The government offered some 1,420 tons of relief food while the Catholic Relief service offered 936 tons to the victims.
But food shortage, which the Prime Minister and First Vice-President: Joseph Warioba described as a famine situation during his recent visit of Musoma Rural District, cannot solely he blamed on the mealybugs. "The famine situation" had existed in the area before and if steps were not taken the situation could worsen the Premier had warned.
According to district authorities, the district had an annual average rainfall of 900 mm, but unevenly distributed. The rains were <-/unrealiable> too. This was also true of Bunda District. For instance, the Kasuguti Village Chairman in Bunda District, <ea/>Ndugu Mkanjebe Malekela said rains this season had come very late, in November, making it difficult to attain farm targets.
The villagers had estimated to cultivate 2,970 hectares of cotton, millet, sweet potatoes and groundnuts but due to rain failure they managed 1,471 hectares only by December 15 last year.
In Musoma Rural District the peasants had projected a 100,200 hectares which would have produced 119,910 tonnes of food but ended up with 41,650 hectares that produced 34,700 tonnes. The district needs 79,079 tonnes of food a year.
The fact that people in Musoma Rural and Bunda Districts, have been concentrating on cassava growing year in and year out could have contributed to land infertility, given the bad farming methods employed.
Poor management of farm implements was another contributing factor. For instance, the Prime Minister was told last December that half of the 40 tractors available in the district were out of order. As a result the food shortage caused by the mealybugs attack on cassava had been amplified into a famine situation.
Despite the alarming situation, Musoma Rural and Bunda Districts' peasants are set to change the situation for the better.
Musoma district peasants need 30,530 tonnes of sorghum seed for their 6,106 hectare farms and 6,910 tonnes of millet seed for the 1,382 hectare farms. Some seed has already been provided by the government at regional and national level to support the people's efforts in fighting the famine situation.
But it will take time before the people in the famine hit areas of Majita in Musoma Rural District and other areas in Bunda District reap the fruits of the sorghum and millet farms cultivated. Meanwhile, they have to look for food in the neighbouring areas which are not yet attacked by the mealybugs.
On the day the Prime Minister and First Vice-President, <ea/>Ndugu Warioba visited Majita. The presidential motorcade was here and there interrupted by flocks of goats - mostly he-goats - and herds of cattle being taken to Mugango for auctioning. It was auction day at Mugango cattle market and domestic animals were to be auctioned to get money with which to buy <ea/>udaga - cassava flour - from the adjoining villages in Bukwaya and Kiabakari which have been `spared' by the mealybug.
The auctions may serve well as short-term measures to the famine problem in the affected areas in Musoma Rural and Bunda Districts. But the long-term solution lies in changing of farming methods and eating habits. The change from growing cassava to growing sorghum, millet beans, potatoes, bananas and even <ea/>serena and a change from a single food diet are the only deviations that will ultimately resolve the perpetual famine situation in the Lake Victoria districts of Bunda and Musoma Rural.
Incidentally, with a guaranteed supply of fish from the Lake, Musoma Rural and Bunda districts residents are lucky to have fish protein and for a change can turn to beans, potatoes, <ea/>ugali from sorghum flour or maize and bananas. But all pegs on changing farming and eating habits. </I>
<I> <h> Mbozi reap fruits' of specialised agricultural project </h>
In Sixteen  villages of Mbozi district, Mbeya region, poor farmers are out to prove that, given a chance, they can do much to pull themselves out of poverty's grip.
Through 'Comit' International De Liaison du Corps pour l'Alimentation (CILCA) the ivory tower that separates research, extension and farmers has been broken. A speedy flow of technology transfer from research sources to extension and hence to farmers is paying off handsomely.
CILCA, says Coordinator, Meshack Mbogoro, "wants farmers to be self-reliant in food, it ensures that farmers are close to supplies of seeds, fertilizers, chemicals as well as small farm <-_implement><+_implements> and wants them to improve their nutritional status".
Under CILCA, agricultural extension advisors provide on the spot guidance to animators who live in the villages with fellow farmers, take them to demonstration plots, discuss farming with them, and get to know what farmers know and what they do not know.
CILCA whose English translation is "International Liaison Committee for Food Corps Programmes" is based on the idea of encouraging self help in food production by low income groups. Its major emphasis is voluntary participation by villages and technicians in a mutually supportive network.
The CILCA assisted Mbozi project, says Mbogoro, is a sister project of the International Food Corps Programmes, a non profit making, Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) launched in 1981 with its head office in Puebla in Mexico. Its major objectives, according to Mbogoro, is to reduce hunger and poverty of the rural poor by promoting their participation in programmes designed to increase food projection and income.
In <-/additon>, CILCA works to improve the general welfare and develop an institutionalized capacity for self-sufficiency among the rural poor of the Third World. In so doing, it respects the customs, culture and independence of each country and its people.
The CILCA Mbozi project, like the rest of such programmes in Mali, Guinea, Zimbabwe, Sri Lanka, Peru and Mexico is geared towards increased food production from subsistence level to food surplus in the project areas. It also gears to ensure adequate food supplies at village level and to avoid possible food shortages, to raise living standards and human nutritional levels through improved farm income.
To achieve these objectives, the project which is being serviced by the Uyole Agricultural Centre, has been putting more emphasis on technological transfer by <-/intergrating> links from various institutions that provide agricultural techniques.
By <-/interracing> with these institutions, the project has achieved certain standards towards food production at most of the project villages. Yields of maize and beans which are staple foods have improved more than two-fold.
Farmers have attained a reasonable level of improved crop husbandry which involves proper use of improved seeds, timely planting, proper use and placement of fertilizers. Similarly, farmers are now more aware of the various methods of disease and pests control measures than ever before.
When the project took off in 1981/82, activities were initiated in eight villages of Songwe, Iyula, Idiwili, Nyimbili, Isanga, Kakozi, Wasa, and Itepule. Four others - Igunda, Mbimba, Chapwa and Halunga were added the following year. This first phase gave priority to the transfer of technology.
Agronomist Haule, says this was crucial because the aim was to transfer the technology for maize and beans production as lack of knowledge on the proper use of fertilizer, spacing, and weeding had caused these farmers' yields to remain extremely low.
In fact, adds, Haule, the relevance and importance of these activities were highlighted in the 1985 evaluation exercise when it was found that there was an overall increase of 12 per cent in maize in village demonstration plots in a matter of only one year.
With that achievement, phase two of the project centred around development of the rural community through improved agriculture, improved food production and nutritional standards. The phase which ends this year also focused on bringing about change in community attitudes towards self reliance and adoption of appropriate technology.
Despite a number of problems, project officials are happy with what has been achieved so far. Results from the 1988/89 project evaluation were very positive and encouraging, they contend, adding that the results established the basic approach for solving several problems that were otherwise holding back the farmers in their efforts to increase production.
Farmers are now eager to pursue their food production objectives by using the results achieved during the pilot project period and they have commended the need for continued advisory services of Uyole through CILCA-Tanzania.
Among the achievements during the 1981/82 to 1988/89 period also include the fact that the project laid out micro-research trials in all the project <-_village><+_villages> to identify the maize and beans varieties, nutrient level and planting dates. Likewise, <-_and><+_an> overall increase of production was registered in most of the villages. 
Sunday <I> <h> Towards attaining food self sufficiency </h>
Generally food production is aimed at obtaining food for family consumption and the surplus sold to those few in government, parastatals and others who are employed.
On the other hand cash crops are produced solely for cash earnings. <-_There><+_They> are all sold to the appropriate bodies who either re-sell them to further processing organs or export on behalf of the country to earn foreign exchange. 
But beware, cash crops can include food crop surpluses that are sold in local and foreign markets to obtain cash.
In this sense, food crops can be produced intensively for sale, that is, for export. These food crops include cereals, pulses, roots, tubers and bananas.
Production of crops as in any other businesses are in competition. Resources in any production are in great competition, with the very profitable enterprise enjoying the best of it.
The majority of people are in need of money and therefore <-/directily> forced to produce cash crops to cater their needs.
Production of cash crops diverts resources away< from food production and thus food production becoming  vulnerable year after year.
Food production then should be encouraged to ensure food security through self-sufficiency.
There is this theory of comparative advantage where it favours the growing of cash crops.
According to the theory, welfare is maximized if a nation specializes in the production of those goods and services which they can produce at relatively low cost.
They can then export these goods in the world market and use the foreign exchange earnings to import those goods which they do not produce as efficiently... </I>
W2B036T
<I> <h> Harnessing nuclear energy peacefully </h>
The development and expanded use of energy is part and parcel of the development process in any economy. In fact the relative development of countries can be measured by the quantity of energy consumed annually. The main development path has gone from firewood to charcoal, coal, petroleum products and now nuclear energy with some minor side routes branching off to solar energy, bio-gas and synthetic fuels.
The harnessing of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, particularly for energy generation is a product of the post World War II period. The major nuclear powers began the process but now the technology has spread to the developing countries also. Yet peaceful nuclear energy, just like its belligerent counterpart in nuclear weapons, has met with a lot of criticism particularly from environmentalists who are worried about the potential for accidents especially in densely populated areas.
Nuclear energy is the energy liberated by nuclear fission, that is by breaking up the <-/nucleaus>of radio-active elements such as Uranium. While there are several radio-active elements, Uranium is the best raw material for the process.
There has not been sufficient exploration undertaken to allow for a good estimate of Uranium reserves on the African continent. However, recent calculations estimate that there are some 390,000 tons of Uranium reserves on the continent which could be extracted and marketed at a price of USD 10 per pound. These reserves account for some 40 per cent of the world Uranium reserves.
In the developing countries like Tanzania a number of factors have precluded the widespread of <+_article> use of nuclear energy for the generation of electricity. Technology is one, cost is another.
The construction, running and maintenance of nuclear plants require a higher level of' technical sophistication than is normally available in the developing countries. This means that nuclear plants will greatly depend on technology as well as skills from the developed countries.
Secondly the cost of even the smaller nuclear plants is counted in billions of USD and thus constitutes a considerable outlay for any developing country. There are, in addition, considerations of the technology's appropriateness to the developing countries and the environmental factor.
For nuclear plants to be economically viable they have to have minimum demand levels which are normally higher than the usual power demand of many of the developing countries. Yet the near total reliance on nuclear power to supply the power needs of a country is dangerous as a sudden shut down could lead to collapse of the economy. Experts therefore recommend that your nuclear energy supply should not exceed 10 to 15 per cent the total energy demand at peak period.
These conflicting requirements, on the one hand for nuclear plants to supply large amounts of energy in order to be viable; on the other hand for the same units to supply only a small proportion of the energy requirements of a country in order to avoid serious disturbance in the case of plant malfunction makes nuclear power plants a problematic proposition for countries like Tanzania. In an International Atomic Energy Agency market survey of nuclear power in developing countries, it is reported that manufacturers indicated no interest in plant sizes below 400 to 600 mega-watts as this would be uneconomical. Taking into account the 10 to 15 per cent maximum permissible disturbance to the system as explained earlier, this would require a system with an installed energy capacity into the range of 2,667 to 6000 mega-watts. Few African countries have or will have installed power capacity in that range at the moment or in the foreseeable future.
The second factor hindering widespread nuclear energy use for electricity production is that few developing countries can afford to raise enough capital to cover the very high initial cost of building nuclear plants. The development of energy resources is capital intensive. Many of the developing countries, like Tanzania do not possess adequate financial resources to meet the requirements for energy development and would therefore have to borrow from the international capital markets. This at the time when there are many other pressing needs for such resources.
Thirdly, in considering the introduction of nuclear plants in the developing countries, very serious thought must be given to the hiring of operating, maintenance and supervising personnel and in the longer run, of the management and running of <-_he><+_the> plant installations. Lack of skilled personnel in these countries has been one of the bottlenecks for proper energy development even with respect to more conventional sources of energy such as fossil-fuel fired plants.
The above misgivings apart, nuclear energy has promise in Africa in the longer run, that is there is ample time scope for the introduction of nuclear plants into a number of African countries' power systems. For one thing, the hiking of prices of petroleum and petroleum products has dealt a stunning blow to the African economies, aggravating an already adverse economic situation.
At the same time in a number of African countries, installed capacity is growing at a fast enough pace so that in a few years it shall have grown to large enough levels to take full advantage of the economies of scale of the nuclear plants.
In addition, it is expected that with the industrial and economic development of these countries, the high initial costs of the nuclear plants will be within the reach of some of the African countries, which should at the same time have the capacity to train the needed personnel for the operation and maintenance, supervision and management of the installations. It is also reasonable to expect that advances in nuclear technology together with concerted efforts in the development of small scale units will bring nuclear plants within the reach of many African countries, Tanzania included.
It is however in the interest of individual African countries to undertake a systematic survey and inventory of their energy resources in order to enable them to plan the most suitable resource development strategy for their needs. Special emphasis should be placed on the need for the formulation of effective energy policy at the national, regional and sub-regional levels. The policies should have clearly defined objectives and should be able to reflect the special needs of each country.
It is also in the interest of individual African countries to formulate guidelines for, and implement energy conservation policies. This could result in substantial savings in energy use for countries that are already hard pressed financially. Better energy conservation as well as better utilisation of existing installed capacity should reduce waste and make available resources for further development. </I>
<I> <h> Textiles: The story of a plagued trade sector </h>
Tanzania's textile industry has great potential both for the domestic as well as the foreign market. Between 1986 and 1991, textile exports earned between US dollars 12 million and 18 million annually and accounted for three to four per cent of all export earnings. With the on-going rehabilitation programme and increasing liberalisation of trade and investment, prospects for a rapid growth in textile exports look quite good. But these are not without their challenges.
The once rapidly growing industry had deteriorated over the years due to neglect and socialist mismanagement. Among the main problems plaguing the industry are low capacity utilisation and poor quality control. Low capacity utilisation resulted from a variety of factors. The most important of these factors are the poor state of the machinery due to shortage of spare parts, and shortage of raw materials.
The shortage of spare parts resulted from the government system of foreign exchange controls and the shortage of raw materials, particularly cotton, was a result of shortage of working capital. Even the water department contributed to the industry's problems by failing to supply them with enough water.
A good number of these problems have or are being resolved: the import support programme has made available forex for importation of spare parts and other inputs: additional foreign exchange is now available on the market for Tanzania shillings and many of the factories have dug up their own wells to reduce the water problem. But the industry continues to operate under the inertia of the old system and is still faced with liquidity problems.
The programme of bringing the country's state industries under new operational philosophy and management principles through privatisation continues to be hesitant as the government does not seem to have either a good understanding of the principles of private enterprise or to be fully committed to the idea. Textile manufacturing in Tanzania therefore has yet to cross the road from state management to private hands and this lingering is not helping its rapid rehabilitation.
<h> The domestic and world market position </h>
Outside the factory itself, the industry is faced with a host of other problems. Its failure to satisfy the domestic demand for wearing apparel has led to the importation of cheap "<ea/>mitumba" which in turn have practically squeezed out the industry from the domestic market. Imports continue to fill the supply gap and are often cheaper than domestic manufactures. <-_These><+_There> is therefore great need for the industry to <-/revap> itself in <-/oder> to be able to produce quality products for the domestic market at competitive prices.
On the other hand, the variety and quality of its products remains below international standards and this adversely affects its competitive position in the world market. The textile industry in the developing countries has developed rapidly over the past three decades, taking advantage of its lower labour costs and high demand in the developed countries. Tanzania has so far not played a significant part in this competition.
<h> Competition for developed market opens up </h>
Twenty years ago, in 1973, a number of the developed countries signed the Multiple fibre Agreement to protect their national textile industries. Both North America and western Europe used quotas to restrict the quantity of textile imports from the developing countries.
However, the multiple fibre agreement expired last year and quotas have now been cancelled. This has opened up the North American and West European markets to freer competition thus creating great possibilities for the Tanzanian textile industry, if it can meet the challenge from the other developing countries.
While there is still a lot of room for developing country manufactures in the developed world, it is expected that in the 1990s the growth of the international textile market will be slow. During the 1980s fibre consumption grew by 3.5 per cent but FAO estimates that the growth of fibre consumption in the 1990s is expected to drop to about 2.7 per cent.
In the 1970s the annual growth rate of world textile exports was 11.6 per cent. This dropped to 9.3 per cent in 1980s and it is expected that the rate will hover between 6-8 per cent in the 1990s. This means that competition in the world market will be stiff during the remainder of this century and the industry in Tanzania had to brace itself for this intensified competition. The industry has to be more efficient and produce superior quality products. But above all, it has to diversify.
Up to now, the industry has been based on large scale, high volume establishments. However, most of the expansion in the textile market has been in finished goods made in small to medium scale garments manufacturing outfits. These work on orders from retail outlets both at home and in the <-/devleoped> countries and have to be very efficient in meeting time schedules without sacrificing quality. In Hong Kong, for example, suits are custom made "while you wait." We must be able to at least match that. </I>
W2B037T
<I> <h> Mtera, Kitera water level at its lowest </h>
Combined effects of prolonged drought in the Great Ruaha River catchment area and extravagant use of water upstream Mtera dam for irrigation purposes, have lowered water level in both Mtera and Kidatu dams, seriously cutting down power generation at the two major plants. <Name/> writing for JET summarises the situation ...
Tom Msisya, a prominent fisherman boasting of eight years experience at Chamdumbwi fishing village at Mtera dam put it all in a nutshell when he said: "The water situation here is alarming."
Msisya was talking to a group of journalists from the Journalists Environmental Association of Tanzania (JET), who recently visited the Kidatu and Mtera dams to assess whether the drop in water level at the two dams forcing Tanesco to ration power, was a result of environmental degradation or otherwise.
Indeed, there is no water at both dams-Kidatu and Mtera - or very little of it. Enough to operate almost at half capacity only two turbines at Kidatu and one turbine at Mtera. In fact the Mtera machine is operated mainly to allow water to operate the Kidatu turbines.
When the group of journalists visited the Kidatu dam whose highest level is 450 metres above sea level, the water level was 442 metres (as at November 10). The minimum level the water can godown before power generation is suspended is 433 metres above sea level.
The four machines at Kidatu can generate 50MW each, but the two turbines - number Two and Three - were generating an average of 3OMW each when the journalists toured the station.
At full blast, the two turbines at Mtera can each generate 4OMW, but the single turbine working was generating about 14MW.
Tanesco officials both at Kidatu and Mtera repeatedly assured the journalists that all the turbines at the power generating stations were in good working condition (except machine number one at Kidatu which was undergoing repairs).
While allaying fears of its customers of total suspension of power supply, the officials minced no words in warning power consumers of possible increase in load shedding (power rationing) until the rains come in December or January.
Tanesco's Deputy Managing Director for Corporate Services, <ea./>Ndugu Baruany Elijah Luhanga, told the journalists that although the water level at Mtera was only 73 centimetres above the minimum point (as of November 11), the company was going to use the water judiciously to sustain power generation for the next two months. 
During power rationing, added <ea/>Ndugu Luhanga, Tanesco was limiting electricity production by using only one centimetre of water per day and, on a few special occasions, two centimetres.
"This slow water draw down would necessitate intensified load shedding in the regions connected to the grid system, but in this way, we will avoid the possibility of closing down Kidatu and Mtera power stations," <ea/>Ndugu Luhanga said.
But Tanesco's sense of optimism seemed to lie in the expectations of the commissioning of its second generating sets at the new Pangani Falls Redevelopment Project in December which is expected to add some 30MW to the grid system.
The project has two generating sets with an installed capacity of 60MW. The first set was commissioned last month.
But all said, the bottom line is that there is very little water at Mtera and consequently Kidatu dam.
Mtera feeds Kidatu. The cause of the low water level at the two dams is common knowledge to many Tanzanians.
Tanzania has, for the last four years, experienced a series of dry spells which have severely reduced the generation capacity from the hydropower plants on the Great Ruaha River - Kidatu and Mtera - and those on the Pangani River - Nyumba ya Mungu, Hale and Pangani Falls.
The result of this  has been power rationing which has been going on throughout the country at various times of the year since 1992, and Tanesco officials say the situation this year has been the worst as far as hydropower generation is concerned. 
According to statistics issued by <ea/>Ndugu Luhanga, water level at Mtera was at its highest in March, 1990, when it reached 498.5 metres above sea level and the minimum that year was recorded in December at just above 496 metres.
Since then, the water level has been dropping. This year the highest level was recorded on May 29, when the water reached 493.6 and as at November 12, the level had dropped to 490.74.
If the weather trend does not improve, then next year, 1995, threatens to be critical.  Expressing his concern, <Ea/>Ndugu Luhanga asked, "What will happen if 1995 turns out to be a dry year?"
But Tanesco officials say load shedding this year may not have been so heavy had the government approved recommendations by a technical team it appointed in February this year to assess water use in the Ruaha River upstream of Mtera Dam. 
The relevant recommendation was that which asked Tanesco to start light load shedding in May which would have been maintained up to December when the rains are expected to start in the catchment areas of Iringa and Mbeya regions.
While drought could be the major cause for the low water level in the Great Ruaha, extravagant use of the water upstream the Mtera dam for small scale and large scale irrigation projects is responsible.
Despite assurances from politicians (understandably) that irrigation projects do not affect the
water level at the two dams downstream, the truth of the matter is that they do.
And according to the officials of the Rufiji Water Basin Office, irrigation canals takes away about 35 per cent of the water from the river - unnecessarily.
<Ea/>Ndugu George Kazimoto, a technician with the Rufiji Water Basin Office, said this percentage was derived from the number of irrigation canals they have physically inspected.  "We believe we have not seen all of them," he stressed.
The director of the office, <Ea/>Ndugu William Mwaluvanda, emphasised the fact that while nobody was against irrigation projects - whether state or small scale entities - the office was against wasteful canals.
<Ea/>Ndugu George Kazimoto showed JET journalists perennial river Ndembela which once used to pour its waters in the Great Ruaha but whose waters now ends up  at what used to be the Utengule swamps because, apart from the drought, too many canals draw its waters.
At Igomaa village on the way to Madibira, there is a canal which, according to Kazimoto, draws 700 litres of water per second, while the village requirement was only 40 litres per second. </I>
<I> <h> l992: Effects of drought on food, power production </h>
SEVERAL parts of Tanzania have been hit by drought that had adverse impact on the food situation. Thousands of people needed and still need relief food. The country is also experiencing unprecedented energy crisis. But, reports from Mtwara, writes Staff Writer <name/> have proved that cultivation of drought resistant crops like cassava can bail out the nation
THE weather was bad, climatic conditions characterised by long dry spells, late arrival of short and long rains have been unpredictable. This is a factor that ultimately led to the decimated harvests of food crops in several parts of the country.
In some places it was the continuation of drought that started either in 1990 or 1991. In others it was a new kind of misfortunes there was an outbreak of the crop disease like cassava mealybug or floods during the previous season.
Due to adverse weather conditions, Tanzania witnessed unprecedented energy crisis, as levels of water at Mtera and Kidatu dams - which feeds the country’s major hydro-power stations dropped to record low.
As early as January, signs were clear that Tanzanians were in for a bad year, in as far as the weather was concerned following the late arrival of short rains.
Taking note of the situation, the Prime Minister and First Vice-President, <EaEa/>Ndugu John Malecela, while addressing the national assembly last February, urged extensive cultivation of drought resistant crops, like millet, <-/sourghum> and cassava.
Areas which reported food shortage, included Morogoro, Mara, Arusha, Kagera, Dodoma, Mwanza, Singida, Coast Region, Kilimanjaro, Tabora, Mtwara and Lindi.
However, traditional food surplus regions - the so-called “big four - Ruvuma, Rukwa, Mbeya and Iringa, had normal rainfall pattern  and harvests were good.
Mara Region was among the hardest-hit areas in the country. Drought, which the region had been experiencing since 1989, affected 420,818 people in 273 villages which, according to regional authorities, needed more than 50,000 tonnes of relief food.
The drought was worsened by extensive destruction of cassava farms by the cassava mealybug during the previous two seasons, according to reports from the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development.
In February, the food situation in Gairo division, Kilosa District in Morogoro, which was bad since late 1991, become worse due to drought, the <-/severaly> hit villages, include Chakwale, Idibo, Nguyami, Madege, Leshata, Ndogoni, Kitaita and Kibedya. Cases of feeding on wild fruits were also reported from these villages.
Reports from the Kilimanjaro Region in October, had it that long dry spells had for the past three years affected food production in Rombo, Mwanga and Same districts.
According to the Kilimanjaro Regional Development Committee (RDC) report released last October about 350,000 people in several villages were affected.
However, some residents in the Rombo district, bordering Kenya were accused for making the situation worse by smuggling food into <-/heighbouring> Kenya.
Other pockets of famine were reported in Biharamulo and Ngara districts in Kagera Region; Magu, Kwimba and Mwanza Rural (Mwanza), Kiteto (Arusha) and some areas of Tabora Region.
Drought had a serious impact to the country’s power supply this year, sending the nation to a crisis which has no precedent. The Tanzania Electric Supply Company (TANESO) was forced to embark on power rationing exercise since September.
TANESCO authorities say the problem was mainly due to a serious drop of water level at, Mtera and Kidatu dams. They were at one point quoted as saying that only two of the four turbines at Kidatu were operating, generating 100 megawatts while at Mtera, there was one turbine, generating 30 megawatts.
Power generation was supplemented by recently revived thermal power plants at Mwanza, Dar es Salaam, Arusha and Dodoma, which generate 40 megawatts combined.
Professor Mark Mwandosya, then principal secretary in the Ministry of Water, Energy and Minerals, said in October that the national demand for electricity stands at about 350 megawatts.
The ministry authorities also said that water level at Mtera had dropped from 698.5 metres to 692.69 metres - only 2.69 metres above the minimum level of 690 metres.
In an attempt to solve the crisis, the government convened a donors’ conference in Dar es Salaam in early November. The donors pledged to give 10 million US dollars (3.3bn/-) to assist TANESCO buy two gas turbines with capacity of generating 36 megawatts.
TANESCO, according to company sources, is also looking on the possibility of exploiting the Songosongo gas and Kiwira coal extensively for electricity generation in the near future.
Since the rains have started and there are reports that the level of water is rising at Mtera and power supply is expected to return to normal by next March. But electric consumers are concerned that it is rather taking too long before the situation normalises.
<-/Todate>, there is no authoritative study on the impact of power shortage on the country’s economy. But, the industrial sector has been seriously hit as most of them are reported to be operating far below capacity.
Power rationing have affected production schedule at many factories, some of which were forced to revise shifts of their operations and send some of their work force on unpaid leave.
On food situation, perhaps as the Prime Minister and other national as well as regional leaders have frequently emphasised that the solution is to cultivate crops which are drought resistant.
Mtwara Region has reported some success stories on this, the region is now the exporter of cassava, following bumper harvests of the crop in Masasi district during 1991/92 and this season.
</I>
W2B038T
<I> <h> Concerted efforts to end environmental problems in Tanzania </h>
Land degradation which results from a mixture of natural and human processes such as deforestation, soil erosion, loss of soil, and overgrazing degradation of water resources and wetlands is perhaps the most common feature in many parts of this country.
After a series of droughts, years of overgrazing, and tree cutting, most parts of central regions - Tabora, Singida, Dodoma, Lake regions of Mwanza, Shinyanga and Mara as well as the once evergreen northern <-/circut> regions of Arusha and Kilimanjaro have reported serious drought threatening agriculture development.
While desertification and drought conditions are said to have been observed since the 1820s depletion of grasslands, woodlands and forests is rampant resulting <-_to><+_in> severe environmental problems.
Evergreen landscapes have turned grey, the threat of desertification is more real than ever before.
Urban Tanzanians have a vivid experience of power rationing exercise by Tanzania Electricity Supply Company (TANESCO) in recent years.
The reason - declining water levels at the Mtera Dam in Iringa which draws water from the now "naked" Usangu Valley in Mbeya. Deforestation has taken its toll.
In some areas deforestation has resulted in unprecedented floods and loss of life. According to official statistics, between 300,000 and 400,000 hectares of forests are being depleted yearly through bush fires as well as tree cutting.
The deforestation rate is unmistakably scaring, but relevant authorities seem to either not to note or simply could have a hidden agenda somewhere along the lines . A lot of rumour is circulating suggesting involvement of senior public officials in timber <-_exports><+_export> deals.
It was <-/dishearting> when the Minister for Tourism, Natural Resources and Environment, Mr. Juma Hamad Omar (misguidedly?) said in parliament recently that forests covering Africa's tallest peak Mount Kilimanjaro were not being threatened with tree felling practice.
It's an open secret that the thick forest covering Rufiji River Basin is on verge of <-/extintion> due to rampant and indiscriminate tree cutting in the area.
The Usangu Valley, Mtera Dam's main water catchment base as well as the formerly evergreen waterlands between Iringa and Makambaku, another important water source for the dam are reportedly in the process of drying up due to massive deforestation.
According to the National Environment Management Council (NEMC) 45 per cent of the <-_country><+_country‘> land has been affected by desertification problems while 35 per cent of the rest was under a continued threat.
Although Tanzania has abundant rangelands, the national herd is concentrated in semi arid areas where the effects of overstocking have resulted to serious land degradation in Shinyanga and Mbulu.
Alarmed by overgrazing problems, Dodoma regional authorities have been campaigning for destocking exercise under which farmers were being asked to sell their herd of cattle and remain with few  for zerograzing purposes.
In most central and northern parts livestock units have exceeded the carrying capacity by over 23 per cent, according to a survey by NEMC.
As much as the land is occupied by customary rights, source of frequent land disputes which, coupled with lack of conservation incentives, the problem of land degradation is largely aggravated .
Pastoral societies are particularly affected by land tenure uses as, unlike agriculturists, they do not <-/posses> tenurial rights hence subject to continued marginalisation .
The vast natural pasture land resources estimated  to cover over 60 per cent of the country's total land area but most livestock are concentrated in only 40 per cent of it - in semi arid  of central and northern Tanzania.
Also an estimated 99 per cent of the national herd is owned by small holders and the rest enclosed and managed by large scale farmers on commercial ranches, according to the survey.
Unlike <-/comercial> ranches, small holders mainly resort to free grazing system hence increasing land degradation process.
Environmental pollution is another area of concern as it is generally noted that industrial and urban pollution are increasingly causing concern to peoples' health. As few industries take effective environmental protection measures, existing effluent standards are not enforced.
"This results in a high level of pollution in, for example the Themi River in Arusha, Rau River in Kilimanjaro, Lake Victoria and Pangani River in Tanga region," a report by NEMC says.
Industrial wastes are haphazardly deposited on the land surface in dump sites. Environmentally sound disposal methods such as sanitary landfill, composting or incineration are not practised only subjected to crude dumping, adds the report.
Such crude dumping methods lead to serious environmental and health <-/haards> including the production of large leachates and runoffs which contaminate ground and surface waters. Scavenging also contributes to the spread of pollutants.
The rapid growth of urban areas which is estimated at two and a half times the population growth rate - 6.8 per cent per year - calls for the provision of adequate services and amenities but due to a heavy economic burden, the government cannot afford to provide the facilities rendering far reaching negative results to people .
Environmental pollution and degradation associated with mining activities, improper use of agrochemicals as well as aquatic pollution are also a threat calling for the attention.
Any remedial measures would require maximum public attention. A multi sectoral approach is what is required in tackling the problem with the general public's participation if success is to be guaranteed, according to environmental experts. </I>
<I> <h> Rural outlook: Cattle keeping in Dodoma </h>
In 1988, the cattle population in Tanzania Mainland stood at around 13 million.
The vast majority of Tanzania's cattle, well over, 90 per cent, are indigenous shorthorn Zebu with a few Boran and Ankole. There is, too, small percentage of exotic and hybrid grade cattle which are confined to government ranches and dairy farms and an increasing number of mostly dairy stock kept by the well-to-do persons in urban areas.
The vast majority of the indigenous cattle are kept by peasants and pastoralists. They are well adapted to the environment and need minimum care for their survival. The exotic and hybrid cattle need a lot of care.
But although the indigenous cattle do well under the climatic conditions of Tanzania, for years they have been kept by the rural people - mostly for a show of wealth. In this case it is the number which matters.
The sad fact is that, the peasant has actually been a slave of his animals, deriving almost nothing from them, except the assumed prestige. In view of this the government has been struggling to improve the animals and the lot of the cattle owners.
Experts say that livestock development in the country aims at increasing the quantity and quality of livestock and livestock products. This includes effective control of diseases, the dissemination of improved husbandry practices, land and pasture development.
Nearly all cattle in Dodoma Region belong to the traditional stock and are owned by smallholders and villages. Animals are kept for a range of financial reasons - but mostly for prestige.
But the livestock keeping tradition in Dodoma region is slowly changing slowly because keepers are now rearing of improved cattle <-/breads> 
But the region's weather is becoming a problem.
The story of Dodoma region is one of uncertainty. When the rains fall evenly and in plenty of food, including pasture, are abundant and life is good for both animals and people . When the rains fall, scarcity or even starvation may follow.
The most difficult time of the year, for cattle owners, is when the dry season advances into its sixth or seven month. During that period people keeping animals other than the traditional herd have to travel long distances to fetch green grass so as to get more milk.
But the problem is worse for owners the traditional herd who keep many head of cattle.
A livestock official in Dodoma noted recently that cattle destocking in the region had never reached the proposed target. In 1978, he said, about four per cent of the entire cattle population was disposed of while in 1987 it reached about 6.5 per cent. Dodoma region has 1.1 million head of cattle and a total of about 700,00 goats and sheep. But the milk supply has never been adequate for the building capital.
Fortunately urban dwellers who have decided to rear improved cattle breeding. The Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development and its institutions should help them.
One animal of the improved stock costs between 50,000/- and 65,000/- - excluding transportation charges. An ordinary worker would find the price <-/prohibitative>. There is need to consider this issue at state level. 
Improved cattle in Dodoma Region can supply between 10 and 15 litres of milk daily if properly looked after. </I>
<I> <h> Finnwater brings the precious liquid to Mtwara </h>
Mtwara region, once plagued with an acute shortage of portable water, especially in Newala district, is now making the precious liquid available to an increasing number of the population through a programme funded by Finland. Shihata Staff Writer <name/> details the implementation of the programme. 
As the world approaches the 21st Century, the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America are hopelessly facing a bleak economic future largely due to the resistance by the rich <-_nation><+_nations> to offer more generous financial assistance to promote those <-_countries><+_countries’> ailing economies.
But some progressive developed countries like Finland have come to the forefront in providing development assistance to Third World nations.
According to the Finnish Minister for Development Co-operation, Toimi Kankaanniemi, his country's annual bilateral aid flow to developing countries now stands at US Dollars 750 million.
The Minister who toured the country recently to inspect Finnish aided projects said however that amount of money offered to recipient counties could not possibly be enlarged in future because of 'very sever economic problem facing his country.'
Available data show that Tanzania is among sixteen developing countries enjoying Finnish financial support with 75 per cent of the fund channelled in the development of forestry, energy and water sectors. One of the areas which had <-/freatly> benefited Finnish aid is Mtwara region, especially in water development sources.
With a population now standing at 889,494 people according to the 1988 population census, current official figures show that about 69 per cent of the total population now have access to safe water.
This success story of proper utilisation of Finnish funding, <-/notebly> in rural water supply was lauded by Kankaanniemi himself. "When we talk about development co-operation between Tanzania and Finland, we cannot bypass Mtwara region. Our relations have lasted for two decades now and the co-operation continues', he told the region's leaders.
Regional authorities say that the success so far achieved from the Finnish funded water supply projects in the region is a model to be emulated by other regions.
According to the region's Development director Rajabu Kiravu the region now has a total of 1,090 handpumps serving between 200-300 people each. Also installed in the period <-_or><+_of> two decades are six piped schemes including the giant Kitangari Water Project in Newala district which is serving an estimated 250,000 people in the district as well as some parts of Mtwara Rural District.
Site engineers say that with a capacity to supply 7,200 cubic metres of water from six bore-holes per day the scheme is believed to be the largest single project ever funded by Finland in the country.
Launched wayback in 1972, the rural water supply project or <-/Finwater> project as it is commonly known here is now in the last phase of implementation until 1994, when Tanzanians will have to bear maintenance and running costs themselves.
The phasing out stage, according to authorities in Mtwara is merely supervisory phase which aims at among other things consolidating management procedures as well as development of managerial and operational skills by actively involving the people, especially in the rural areas where the schemes are situated.
Another notable Finnish contribution towards the development of the region is the implementation of several sub-projects under the Rural Integrated Development Programme Support or RIPS.
Launched in 1988, the RIPS programme focuses on implementation of <-_going><+_ongoing> activities such as rehabilitation of rural and trunk roads, improvement of agricultural extension services through the co-operative movement, assistance in manufacturing of animal protein and setting up of beekeeping farms to earn beeswax and honey. </I>
W2B039T
<I> <h> Shinyanga artisans gain support from Sido </h>
THE Small Industries Development Organisation (SIDO) has contributed significantly to the promotion and development of small scale industries. It has provided loans, advice, training and given aid in terms of tools to the less capable. Shinyanga SIDO branch has gone further than that. It has embarked on a campaign to popularise a saw-dust stove in order to help discourage tree cutting for fuelwood in a region already threatened by desertification. Staff Writer NAME reports...
THE general objectives of the Small Industries Development Organisation (SIDO) in Tanzania are to help establish and promote small industries, to provide technical advice to industrialists, to offer management training, to aid the less capable with tools and help promote alternative energy sources.
Shinyanga SIDO Branch has successfully pursued those goals - established in 1974, Shinyanga SIDO estate started with giving support to cooperatives and villages but today it has extended that support to individuals and groups of people.
Shinyanga SIDO industrial estate is still in its first phase with five sheds four of which have machines working. The foundry shed casts iron, aluminium and bronze. The common facility workshop undertakes fabrication of tools and the Shinyanga wood works - a private company - runs a carpentry workshop in one of SIDO sheds.
The farm implements project is another privately-run engineering project under SIDO shed while the printing works project is yet to take off.
The Shinyanga SIDO Regional Manager Suleiman Mtani, said the private industries operating under SIDO sheds were renting the premises.
Shinyanga SIDO branch is offering four types of loans to people who want to start or expand small industries. It also provides aid to the less capable who run small industries.
The four types of loans are given under the rural hire purchase programme, which is intended for the development of rural areas, the urban hire purchase programme - which supports projects mostly undertaken within the industrial estate area in Shinyanga town, the women projects programme for projects initiated by women and the micro-projects programme which supports the informal sector.
Loans provided under the rural hire purchase programme go to projects that start with an initial capital of 500,000/- outside the industrial area normally in the villages.
Last year 15m/- was set aside for Shinyanga SIDO branch for the rural hire purchase programme. According to <ea/>Ndugu Mtani, eight individuals and seven villages <-/benefitted> from this programme in 1990/91 bringing the number of beneficiaries of this SIDO facility to 24. Loans totalling 12.5m/- were provided in that year.
The loans had a 9.845m/- foreign component and 2.685m/- local component. The funds purchased mostly maize milling machines.
Villages which enjoyed the rural hire purchase programme facility include Lugulu in Bariadi District, Bulimba, Welezo Gimagi, Idukilo in Shinyanga District, the 770 group and Sumbigu in Kahama District.
The urban hire purchase programme supported four projects within the industrial estate area: file covers making nails production, carpentry and farm implements. The farm implements include spare parts for ginneries and oil mills.
Some 7.7m/- had been given out by the programme for the purchase of machinery since 1987. Individuals or groups which run industries in SIDO sheds under the urban hire purchase programme pay 25 per cent down payment for the loans which are charged 22 per cent interest.
The micro-projects programme - fully administered by the regional SIDO committee chaired by the regional development director (RDD) - supports the informal sector.
Some 42 people in the informal sector received support totalling 2.4m/- for the purchase of machinery last year. SIDO headquarters had allocated 2m/- to the programme.
Also some groups - cooperative groups of Lalago, Sangamwalugesha, Malampaka, Maswa, Ipililo, Budekwa and Seimumapi received loans.
How does SIDO ensure that the projects for which loans are taken succeed?
"We do follow-up of these projects by undertaking industrial visits at least once a month in the districts," said Shinyanga SIDO Regional Manager.
The tools or machinery given under the micro-projects programme do not exceed the value of 100,000/-.
The women projects programme has benefited <-_two><+_too> so far in Shinyanga Region. A down payment of 10 per cent of the loan value is required before the loan is granted.
Altogether, Shinyanga SIDO branch has provided loans totalling 25.5m/- in foreign currency to Shinyanga region residents.
But Shinyanga SIDO branch went farther than that. It has advised on alternative energy sources, which is a very significant role played by SIDO considering the environmental hazards facing the arid region.
SIDO Shinyanga has chosen to <-/pupularise> the saw-dust stove for the rural communities in order to stop further tree cutting. To promote the new appropriate technology in the rural areas, Shinyanga SIDO branch is coordinating efforts for four groups in Kahama District, five in Shinyanga District, two in Meatu, three in Maswa and two groups in Bariadi for the popularisation of the saw dust stove.
The stove would use rice husks or saw dust instead of coal, charcoal or briquettes made from cotton plants or bio-gas which are relatively more expensive.
<Ea/>Ndugu Mtani maintains that the saw-dust or rice-husks stove was more appropriate for Shinyanga rural communities than say the coal, bio-gas or briquettes from cotton plant remains.
Although preliminary studies have indicated that coal was appropriate for providing energy with which to cook, Mtani is of the opinion that it would be too expensive for most rural communities.
"The coal has to be transported all the way from Kiwira in Mbeya Region to Shinyanga Region probably by TAZARA and TRC. This will cause inconveniences of shortlanding, delays and most rural communities will not afford them," says Mtani.
Studies have also shown that cotton plants briquettes would not be viable for stoves as the smoke from the plants would contain some poisonous fumes from the pesticides used in the killing of worms which destroy cotton.
Furthermore, says <Ea/>Ndugu Mtani, the cost of the briquette making machine would be prohibitive. The cost of one briquette is 5/- (1990) and one tonne of coal can produce 1,428 briquettes at the minimum or 1,600 briquettes at the maximum. This would be expensive for the ordinary person in the village.
The bio-gas alternative is an appropriate energy source for Shinyanga rural communities who keep cattle. But would probably cost them a lot. According to Mtani, a small bio-gas plant would cost 60,000/- to establish.
Solar energy is obviously out of reach for the rural people and therefore leaves the rice husks or saw-dust alternative the only reasonable one for Shinyanga rural communities.
"Raw materials (rice husks saw dust) can be collected free of charge from the field," says Mtani, "We are giving this first priority in the villages," Mtani added.
The problem with the saw dust or rice husks stove is that one has to wait for at least 10 to 15 minutes to burn smoothly without too much smoke. But this problem could be overcome eventually.
"We have asked the Camartec in Arusha to undertake a feasibility study or research to see the possibility of reducing the smoke.
Mtani said that the rice husks or saw dust stove would be the cheapest energy source for Shinyanga rural communities since paddy is widely grown in the region.
SIDO Shinyanga is carrying out a popularising campaign for the use of the saw dust stove. The choice is a reasonable one to stop the cutting of trees for fuelwood in a region already threatened by desertification. </I>
<I> <h> New charcoal kiln wins supporters </h>
What is usually done with wood off-cuts which constitute yet another main end product in any saw mill operation?
To many saw mill owners, it is a waste material which has to be disposed of through burning, sold as firewood or merely thrown away.
Now the Ministry of Water, Energy and Minerals has come up with perhaps the best more economical way to dispose of these off-cuts which sometimes prove a burden and a litter around the mills.
A new kiln has been introduced in which these wood cuts are burned to produce charcoal. The brick-made kilns are being <-/contructed> within the saw mill premises with the help of the ministry experts but are owned and operated by the saw mill proprietors.
"Now we have the best way of utilising our waste wood" beamed the Managing Director of the Tanga-<-_base><+_based> Burhani Saw Mills, Fakhrudin Akberali, as he showed a team of experts the two kilns built at his premises at Duga on the outskirts of Tanga municipality.
Since the beginning of this year the two kilns have produced a total of 762 bags of charcoal; one kiln 404 bags and another 358 bags. The charcoal--one of the major <-_source><+_sources> of domestic energy in urban areas-was at 500/ - a bag earning the company some 381,000/ -.
It's not the money accrued from charcoal sales alone which has made the 60-year old Akberali enthused with the idea. Rather it is the efficient way in which the wood cuts are being turned into charcoal in a simple and economical way.
Previously, he had to sell the waste wood as firewood. However, the venture was not all that successful ... the items were not moving fast creating a "storage" problem. This could also be attributed to the preference for charcoal rather than firewood by urban dwellers.
More than 100 kilometres away at the Tanzania Wood Industries Corporation (TWICO)-owned Mkata Saw Mill in Handeni district, the officials are pressing for the construction of more such kilns in addition to the two already built.
At full capacity, the two kilns at Mkata,  can produce an average of 28 bags of <-/chrcoal> per month but according to the firm's production manager, John Ching'enya, the two kilns were not enough considering the accumulation of wood waste there from timber production.
The brain behind the new kilns, which symbolise a new and improved technology in charcoal making, is the Renewable Development Project Unit within the Ministry of water , Energy and Minerals.
The new kiln is technically known as "half-orange brick kiln" because of its dome shape and the usually red earth mud plastered on it during charcoal preparation.
According to one of the experts in the Ministry involved in the project, Pagama Silinge, the new kilns--said to have been copied from the Caribbean-are more efficient, produce better quality charcoal and have higher yields compared with the traditional earth-mound kilns.
It takes between three to four days for charcoal to be prepared i.e. from the day logs--systematically piled up--are put on fire inside the kiln until the time it is ready for packing into the gunny bags for sale.
They are being introduced, not only as a way to dispose of woodcuts at the saw mills, but also to sustain charcoal production with minimal stress on the dwindling natural forests since the raw materials are wood wastes and not forest logs as is the case with the traditional charcoal production.
After all, experts have warned that Tanzania's natural forests--now covering 38 million hectares of land (or 43 per cent of the country's total land area)-could cease to exist in the next 40 to 50 years given the current rate of exploitation.
The "half orange brick kiln" measures 2.7 metres in height and 3.6 metres in length at ground level. It has the capacity of 13 cubic metres and experts estimate that one kiln can produce an average of 35 to 40 charcoal bags in one shift or between 120 to 140 bags per month.
So far some 13 such kilns have been built throughout the country since the project, being supported by International Development Association (IDA) credit, took <-_of><+_off> last year. Six of these are in Tanga region, two in Kibaha, Coast region and five in Njombe district, Iringa region.
At least five more would be constructed in the next few months; two each at Mombo and Mkata and one more Mumbwi village in Handeni district. Meanwhile, a survey is on to see the possibility of introducing the facility in other saw mills elsewhere in the country.
</I>

W2B040T
<I> <h> Tanzania Telecommunications Company Ltd. </h>
<h> TELECOMMUNICATIONS DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA </h>
<h> "A Peep Into The Future" </h>
<h> INTRODUCTION </h>
Like other Third World countries, Tanzania has to tune herself to the new era in the sector of telecommunications. An era when significant changes are reshaping the world's telecommunications industry.
It is, indeed, an era where new technologies, new products, new services and diverse customer needs are quickening the pace of the communication revolution. Divestiture, privatization, and liberalization in many countries has created new, open markets and opportunities for competition.
Suppliers and service providers are rapidly entering the race for bigger market shares in the telecommunications sector. The Customers  are now demanding better facilities and services, while business customers are requiring customer - adapted, sophisticated solutions for their specific needs.
Tanzania cannot isolate herself from these changes which are taking place in this sector. That is why the Government has been taking measures to make sure that the country moves with the wind of change.
<h> RESTRUCTURING </h>
The Government of Tanzania took the decision to restructure the communications sector about three years ago. One major objective of the restructuring programme was, and still is
-to give the operating institutions greater autonomy in managing themselves. In this regard and as far as the telecommunications sector is concerned, a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was signed in early 1992 between the Government and the then Tanzania Posts and Telecommunications Corporation - TPTC. This Memorandum clearly spells out the Government's expectations and commits the TPTC (now TTCL and TPC) to an agreed standard of business performance in the sector. The MOU further specifies the responsibilities of the Ministry concerned, the Board of Directors and the Managements, giving more autonomy to the institutions in managing themselves.
The restructuring programme also allows the Government to divest from direct participation in the day to day economic activities of the sector. It will also reduce the Government's financial burden to support the public bodies by allowing the institutions operate purely on commercial basis. It will also enable the Government to concentrate on building infrastructure and improve social services.
Among the major steps taken in the restructuring programme, is the split of the Tanzania Telecommunications Corporation - TPTC. Three different entities were formed during 1993:-
(i) The Tanzania Communications Commission - TCC:
This is an independent regulatory agency under the Ministry of Works Communications and Transport. It will oversee the activities of the communications industry in the country. Among its main functions will be:-
-To promote the development of <-/telecoms> and postal systems and services;
-To exercise licensing and regulatory functions for those services;
-To regulate the rates chargeable for the services; and
-To represent the Government in all relevant international bodies.
(ii) The Tanzania Posts Corporation - TPC
This has been set up under a separate Act of Parliament and continues to be wholly Government owned. The main functions of the TPC are:-
-To provide national and international postal services;
-To meet the industrial commercial, social and household needs for comprehensive and efficient postal services, and
-To provide money remittance and counter services compatible with the above services.
(iii) The Tanzania Telecommunications Company Limited - TTCL
An Act of Parliament was passed in November, 1993 to permit the TTCL be incorporated under the Companies Ordinance. The TTCL was registered on 31.12.93 with the entire share capital owned by the Government of Tanzania.
The TTCL is required to operate purely as a business entity motivated by profit motives. Its main functions are:-
-To operate telecommunications services according to a licence issued by the TCC;
-To acquire or take over the business, assets and liabilities of the former TPTC relating to telecommunication systems and services; and
-To establish and develop telecommunications services within and outside the country.
Private Participation
Under the restructuring programme, the TTCL will no longer enjoy monopoly in the provision of the non-basic services as was hitherto enjoyed by the TPTC. Non-basic services have been liberalised, allowing free entry in the provision of value added services, subject to control by the TCC.
The TTCL will therefore operate in a market orientated climate. It will be able to command a larger share of the market not through protection by the law, but through <-_it's>>+_its> efficient command of the open market.
The liberalization process took effect since 1992 when a number of licences were issued to private companies to operate non-basic services. This move was taken to allow the then TPTC and now TTCL to concentrate on its core business.
Non-basic services now being operated by private companies include the Attended Telecommunications Call Offices - ATCOS, the Cardphone Services, Internal Wiring Services, the provision and maintenance of terminal customer equipment and other value added services.
Meanwhile, a foreign Company, M/S Millicom International Cellular S.A. of Luxembourg has entered into partnership with the TTCL and M/S Ultimate Security to form the Millicom Tanzania Ltd. This company has been licensed to establish and operate Cellular Mobile Telephone Services in Tanzania. It is expected that the service will be in operation before end of August, 1994 starting with Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar.
<h> THE NETWORK </h>
The TTCL operates a network with a telephone exchange capacity of 124,167 lines. These exchanges include four Step by Step Exchanges, eighteen Crossbar Exchanges, 28 Digital Exchanges and several Magneto exchanges.
As for the transmission facilities, the TTCL's network comprises of high capacity radio links, most of it being microwave. There are still a few land line trunk links, although these are now being phased out to be replaced by small capacity radio links.
The TTCL has one International Telephone Exchange situated at the Extelecoms House in Dar es Salaam. The system 12 Digital Exchange which was commissioned in 1991 has a total capacity of 2000 lines. The Company has two Earth Satellite Stations, one of the STD A category and the second of the STD B category.
The present network operated by the TTCL has for quite a long time now, being bogged  by a number of problems. The network is aged and congested with most of the cables (particularly in Dar es Salaam) having being  underground for more than 20 years. Most of the cables have been corroded, thus allowing rain water to sieve through and disrupt communication.
There is severe congestion both at the local exchange and trunk level due to the high demand for the services. The traffic handling capacity of the existing network is lower than the actual demand. There has been an acute shortage of spare parts and materials for maintenance of the aged network.
This state of the network makes it difficult for the TTCL to operate efficiently and satisfy the demand for services both in the urban and rural areas. The telephone density presently stands at a mere 0.3 Direct exchange Lines (DELS) per 100 people, giving a penetration factor of about 1.5%, which is among the lowest in the world. The satisfaction ratio of the service has also dropped from 70% of the 1970s to the present level of about 40%.
<h> THE TRP AND THE FUTURE </h<
In order to significantly improve the density and quality of the <-/Telecomms> Services in Tanzania, there is need to invest heavily in the sector. Obviously, Tanzania cannot achieve this alone, bearing in mind that the meagre development funds available have to cater for so many areas.
In 1991 the Government made a study with the assistance of the World Bank to identify problems and constraints affecting the Telecommunications Services in the country. The study revealed that measures needed to be taken immediately to effect the following:-
-Institutional development to ensure that maintenance of systems and efficient management of the business are instituted for realization of projects.
-Major rehabilitation and expansion of the telecommunications network.
-Provision of equipment to alleviate traffic congestion in heavily congested routes. A donors conference was subsequently convened by the Government to appraise them on the status which prevailed, hence the need for a special programme, the Telecommunications. Restructuring Programme - TRP. Donors assistance in terms of both financing and consultancy was solicited, and a total of US $ 220 Million was pledged at that time. The figure has now risen to around US $ 250 Million as more donors have acceded to the call for assistance.
The major projects to be implemented under the TRP and the donors concerned are as follows:-
(i) The World Bank (IDA 3)
Projects to be funded by the World Bank include:-
-Installation of Microwave Radio Systems for Dodoma/Dar es Salaam/Zanzibar/Pemba/Tanga/Moshi-/Arusha.
-Installation of Cable Network for Wageni and Pugu Road.
-Upgrading of Mwenge Earth Satellite into IDR.
-Purchasing of Spares for Telephone Exchanges, Local Line Plant, Transmission and Power facilities.
-Installation of Digital Exchanges at Morogoro, Arusha, Zanzibar and Pemba.
-Installation of Spur facilities on the main digital microwave route and associated exchanges.
(ii) The ADB
Projects to be funded by the African Development Bank will provide a total of 6000 trunks and 37,000 lines in the exchange areas of Dar es Salaam Central, Upanga, Magomeni, Kariakoo, Dodoma, Mwanza, Shinyanga and Musoma. The project under ADB will also provide a total of 51760 MDF pairs, three Optical Fibre Systems for Dar es Salaam and a digital microwave system for Dodoma/Mwanza. The purchase of motor vehicles and training equipment is also a component of the ADB project.
(iii) SIDA
Projects to be funded by the Swedish International Development Agency include:-
-The installation of telephone exchanges, external plant and transmission facilities for the North part of Dar es Salaam including Kijitonyama, Mbezi and Kimara.
-Installation of telephone exchanges, transmission and external plant for the western and southern part of Dar es Salaam, including Ubungo, Kurasini, Mbagala and Kibaha.
(iv) The EEC
The European Economic Community will finance the Southern Highlands project, which covers external line plant and transmission for Iringa, Mbeya, Songea, Sumbawanga, Tukuyu and Njombe. A total of 14,400 lines will be installed, while digital microwave radio systems will be installed to link Dodoma/Iringa, Iringa/Njombe and Iringa/Mafinga.
(v) DANIDA
The Danish International Development Agency funds will be used to procure external plant materials for Tanga and Moshi areas.
(vi) JICA
The Japanese International Co-operation Agency funds will be used to finance Phase 2 of the Dar es Salaam Telephone Network rehabilitation project. This covers rehabilitation of the external line plant network at the Port area and Pugu Road Industrial area.
(vii) Kuwait Fund
Has funded the Feasibility study of External Line plant for Pugu Road - Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar, Chake Chake, Wete and Mkoani. Is also expected to fund this project.
(viii) Belgium
To finance a new exchange for public telephone network in Zanzibar.
<h> CONCLUSION </h>
Implementation of the projects under the TRP has started. The Programme is aimed at the realization of significant efficiency gains in the administration, operation and maintenance of the network. When completed the TRP will obviously <-/enhancce> Tanzania's efforts towards economic recovery.
On its part, the TTCL's Vision is geared towards facing the growing challenges in the open market environment. The TTCL envisages to be market oriented and provide better quality, adequate and reliable services. The TTCL of the future will be one which is more responsive to customer needs and more market driven.
Above all, TTCL envisages to fulfil its financial goals, profitability and growth targets with the view of satisfying the investors and customers expectations. In doing so, the ultimate goal of making a fitting contribution to the overall National Development will be attained. </I>