SEVERALL SPEECHES, Spoken by the Right Honourable The Earle of Loudoun, Lord high Chancellor of the Kingdome of SCOTLAND: AT A Conference with a Committee of the Honourable Houses in the Painted Chamber, October 1646. ― Proverbs 25.11. A word fitly spoken, is like apples of gold in pictures of silver. ― ― EDINBURGH: Printed by Evan Tyler, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie. 1646.
Good Reader,

&Iic; Understand, that the right Honourable the Lord Chancellour of Scotland had not right done him by the printed Copie of his Speech to the Kings Majestie at New-castle, concerning the Pro&rehy;positions of Peace, there being in that Copie Errours and Omis&rehy;sions, and both materiall, which hath moved me to resolve, as to print the former according to the true Copie, so for preventing the like mistakes and mis-representations, first to procure to my selfe, and now to communicate to the publike view, the true transcripts of these last three Speeches: In which thou shalt find the merit of an excellent Subject to speak for it selfe, for thou hast here a most solid, judicious, candide, and plain debate, concerning the best and most hopefull meanes of attaining a speedy and happy Peace, which may put a period to the lasting miseries of these three Kingdoms: Reade and consider, and beware thou doe not receive with the left hand what is reached forth with the right: This noble Lord hath dealt freely and faithfully both with King and Parliament; and, as truth and plain dealing did appeare in his Speeches, so what he spake is here faithfully Imparted; and thou maist be confident, that in this it holds true, Ta eon tē phōnē esti tōn en tē psychē pathēmatōn symbola, kai ta graphomena tōn en tē phōnē.

Thine to serve thee for the Publike good, G.A.
The Lord Chancellour of Scotland his first Speech: At a Conference in the Painted Chamber with a Committee of both Houses, Octob. 1. 1646. My Lords and Gentlemen,

&Tic;He end of this Conference is to advise what is fit to be done for the Peace and Security of the Kingdomes in relation to the King, and how to dispose of his Majesties Person, which is a matter very tick&rehy;lish, and of most high concernment; and they who would build ve&rehy;ry high, must dig very low for a firm foundation: And therefore I shall make bold to desire, That what ever we resolve upon concerning the Kings Majesty, it may be done by joynt advice and consent of both Kingdomes, and that the Unity between the Kingdomes may be inviolably preserved, as that wherein (next to Gods protection) the chiefe strength of both lies, which would be laid as a ground of our future debates. And because the purpose we are to speak of is ve&rehy;ry grave and serious, I shall speak of it with that sincerity, as I wish my words were written with the beams of the Sun, and registred to posterity, that all the world might see the candor and integrity of our proceedings towards the King and our Brethren of England. And (as I had occasion once to express in this place) so do I now say, That no man hath conscience nor honour who will not remember our solemn League and Covenant, as the strongest bond under heaven between God and man, between man and man, and between Nation and Nation, in which our Unity is founded upon Verity in a threefold relation; to God, to the King, and amongst our selves. The first is the greatest, and ascends as high as heaven: for Religion, which hath its name à religando, unites us to God himself; and so long as he is in League with us, we need not feare who be against us. Let us therefore hold fast our Unity in Religion, and beware of Toleration of all Religions, which is the ready way to have none; for there is nothing more divine in God then Uni&rehy;ty, and nothing more diabolicall in the Devill then Division, who therefore is known to the vulgar by his cloven foot to be the spirit of Division.

The next ground and relation of our Unity, is with the King, to whom we are bound (in the stricted bonds of loyall Subjection) by our Allegeance and Cove&rehy;nant, as to one Head and Monarch: and therefore the faithfull endeavours of both Kingdoms should (without wearying) be constantly contributed, That we may be united to him by a happy and just Peace: For if one of the Kingdomes shall cast off the King, and the other have a King; if the one shall make Peace with the King, and the other not make Peace, but be still at variance with him, it is to be feared, that no humane wit nor policie will be able to keep the two Kingdoms long without a rupture: And if it please God so to incline the Kings heart, and direct the wisdome of the Parliaments, as that the King and we could make a happy a&rehy;greement, no power nor policie can be able to divide us; for Qui conveniunt uni tertio, conveniunt inter se.

The third ground and relation of our Unity, is the conjunction of the two Kingdomes, which hath been acknowledged to be so necessary and usefull to both, That they have often declared, they would stand and fall, and (like Hippocrates twins) live and dye together. And therefore, as we regard our solem Covenant with God Almighty, and tender the standing and safety of the Kingdomes, let us (with one heart and mind) joyn our counsels and actions, That whatsoever we re&rehy;solve upon for our common Peace and Security in relation to the King, and of each Kingdome to other, that it be done in zeale to Religion, in loyalty to the King, and with unanimity amongst our selves. And, as the Pythagoreans did note the number of Two with the mark of infamy, as being the first number that durst part from Unity; so, which soever of the Kingdomes shall first violate the Unity which is bound up in our Covenant, may apply it to themselves: But if we shall adhere to that Unity which is builded upon the firm foundation of Verity, in our relations to Religion, the King, and amongst our selves, it will be a three-fold cord which is not easily broken; and our Unity, I hope, shall be turned into an identity both Kingdomes may be perfectly one.

Having thus in the first place laid a ground for Unity of Counsels and Resolu&rehy;tions, I shall in the next place humbly desire and protest, That whatever may be our Propositions or Debates concerning the King, it be not mis-construed, as if one of the Kingdomes were imposing conditions upon the other, or that we are ab&rehy;solutely wedded to any one desire more then to another; but that (all severall waies being amicably debated and rightly pondered,) That which may serve most for the safety, security and happinesse of the King and both Kingdomes, may be gravely resolved upon. And now I come to the Question it selfe, concerning the disposing of His Majesties Person; first Negatively, and then Positively. Nega&rehy;tively, the Question is not of the power and authority of the Houses of Parliament in disposing of any person, or judging of any case which is of single concernment to England: Nor is the Question how the Kings Person may be disposed of de facto by any one of the Kingdomes; neither is the Question properly de jure & posse, but de esse, & bene esse: And, as it is neither good Logick nor good Divinity to argue à posse ad esse; so sure I am, in this case it is far worse policie for either Kingdome to dispute what they may do in the height of their power, when both are consulting what is fittest to be done for the Peace and Security of both. And the relation of both Kingdomes to his Majesty, and of each Kingdome to other being rightly con&rehy;sidered, as he is King to both, as both are Subjects to him, as both are ingaged in the same Cause, and have been in the same War, and are labouring under the same Danger, are seeking the same Remedies, and should have the same Security; We do hold, that the disposing of the Kings Person doth not properly belong to any one of the Kingdomes, but joyntly to both. And after Scotland hath suffered the heat of the day and winters cold, have forsaken their owne peace for love of their Brethren, have set their own house on fire to quench theirs: After so much expense of their bloud in all the three Kingdomes, after we have gone along with you in all the hardship of this War, and (without vanity be it spoken) have been so use&rehy;full in this Cause: And that the King hath cast himself into the hands of the Scot&rehy;tish Army, and that by the blessing of God upon the joynt endeavours of both Kingdoms we are come to the harbour of a peace; We cannot expect that the ho&rehy;nourable Houses wil think it agreeable with conscience or honour, or with the ju&rehy;stice of the Houses, that the Person of the King should be disposed of by them as they shall think fit, or by any one of the Kingdoms alone; but that what ever shall be resolved in this may be done by joynt advice of both, as may serve most for the peace, security, and happinesse of both Kingdoms.

The Lord Chancellour of Scotland his second Speech: At a Conference in the Painted Chamber, with a Committee of both Houses, Octob. 6. 1646.

&Aic;T our last meeting in this Conference, your Lordships did assert the Vote of the Houses, That the Person of the King should be disposed on as the two Houses shall think fit; And we did hold, that the King, who is the Head and Mo&rehy;narch of both Kingdoms, ought not to be disposed of by any one of the Kingdoms, but by joynt advice of both, as might serve most for the peace, happinesse, and se&rehy;curity of his Majesty and both Kingdoms, which we fortified with severall argu&rehy;ments from the interests and relations which both Kingdoms have equally to the King, and from the Covenant and Treaty between the Kingdoms, as the best way to preserve our Unity. But since your Lordships doe adhere to the Vote of the Houses, as that which you cannot part from, We do humbly desire, that your Lord&rehy;ships may be pleased (in time convenient, at the close of this Conference) to report the difference of our judgment to the honourable Houses, who upon better reasons both may, and (we hope) will take their Vote into further consideration: And so each reservation of our judgement, that the disposing of his Majesties Person doth belong to both; and not to any one of the Kingdoms, especially in such a juncture of affaires, as both Kingdoms stand engaged in this cause; I shall descend parti&rehy;cularly how the Kings Person should be disposed of to the best advantage of both Kingdomes, and for attaining such a happy peace as all good men should desire. But lest we should walk in the dark upon obscurity of ambiguous words, I shall desire that the word of disposing of the Kings Person may be rightly understood, and the true sense of it may be cleerly known: For Dolus versatur in universalibus. For To dispose of the Kings Person, as both Houses, or both Kingdomes shall think fit, may in some sense be to depose, or worse: But because the word [Dispose] may ad&rehy;mit a more benigne interpretation, as when men commit their estates and children, or that which is dearest to them to be disposed of, (which is but to be advised) by these who have nearest relation to them, and in whom they repose most trust: I shall speak of the disposing of his Majesties Royall person in that sense, (which I hope) is also the sense of the Houses. Nor doe I know any other way how his Majesties Person can be disposed of, but that he be put either under re&rehy;straint, or be at freedome with honour and safety. As for the way of restraint, I look upon it as it looks upon us, as a remedy more dangerous then the disease, and as a mean to draw the war of forain Kings upon us (especially the Prince being in other Kingdoms) rather then to quiet our troubles at home. And therefore suppo&rehy;sing that none of the Kingdomes will take any way concerning his Majesties Per&rehy;son, but such as may consist with duty and honour, and which may lessen, and not increase our troubles, I shall lay aside the way of restraint, and speak of the way which may be with freedome, honour and safety, which can be no other but that his Majesty shall go into Scotland, or come to his Parliament here, or some of his houses neer-abouts.

His going into Scotland is full of dangers and inconveniences to both King&rehy;domes: The Amalekites are not yet driven out of that Land. The bloudy barbarous Irish, banded with a wicked crew of Malignants, possesse the Mountains and high&rehy;lands, which are the strong holds, and never conquered parts of that Kingdome. They have not laid down Arms, but keep in a body together, and they are so neer to Ireland, as the Forces of the Rebels there may in two or three houres space come over and joyne with them: and (Scotland) not being able to keep and entertaine Armies long, the King being there, may raise such Forces in Scotland, as may make way quickly into England. And therefore his Majesties going into Scotland (before our Peace be settled) being of most dangerous consequence to both Kingdomes, I shall humbly offer to your Lordships consideration his Majesties coming to Lon&rehy;don, or some of his houses here-abouts, as the most probable way to procure a spee&rehy;dy and happy agreement, which is also his Majesties own desire in his answer to the Propositions. And although no perswasion of ours could prevaile to procure a more satisfactory answer for the time, then what is returned to the Houses of Par&rehy;liament, yet (I assure your Lordships) that the Committee of Estates of the Par&rehy;liament of Scotland, and the Noblemen, who were at Newcastle, did faithfully con&rehy;tribute their best endeavours, that his Majesty might have given his assent to the Propositions: And, as wee did then deliver our minds with that plainnesse and freedome which was fit for faithfull and loyall Subjects, with no lesse regard to this Kingdome then our own Nation; so are we now (with the same candor and tendernesse of affection) willing and ready to concurre with the honourable Hou&rehy;ses in every thing which may promote the great work of Reformation, and settle Religion according to the Covenant with a well grounded peace. And for these ends, we desire, that his Majesties answer may be improved to the best advantage of the publike.

For albeit the King hath not given a present assent to the Propositions, yet he hath not in his answer refused them; but doth promise, That hee will cheerfully grant and give his assent unto all such Bills (at the desire of the two Houses) and reasonable demands for Scotland, which shall be really for the good & peace of his people: To which end he desireth and proposeth; That he may come to London (or any of his houses there-abouts) upon security, That he shall be there with honour, freedome and safety, as the best expedient to procure a happy agreement between his Majesty and his Parliament, which we desire may be weighed in the ballance of righteous judgement, as a businesse of the greatest consequence which can fall within humane consideration and wherein the glory of God is most concerned of any businesse under heaven. For upon a blessed agreement between the King and his Parliament, Religion and Righteousnesse, Truth and Peace, which are the compend and height of all happinesse, will be established to the eternall fame and glory of great Britaine, and the great comfort of all the Protestant Churches: And upon our disagreement, all the calamities of a bloudy and unnaturall war, will be continued, and nothing heard nor seen in Church nor State but confusion. God hath brought both Kingdomes thorow the surges and waves of a boisterous tempest, into the harbour of a peace, & hath scattered most part of our Enemies, & now our work is how to come a-shore, & establish a right peace. I hope, it is as far from our desires and intentions, as it is against our Covenant and Professions, to change fundamental government. We have need to take heed, that we run not from one extreme into another; Dum stulti vitant vitia, in contraria currunt: Therefore our study would be how to cure the wound which our sins and the evill counsells of others have made between the King and his Parliament, to make up the breach, and not make it wider.

It hath been universally acknowledged, That the Kings removall from his Parliament, is the immediate and chiefe cause of all the war, mischiefe, and calami&rehy;ties of the kingdomes: Then his Majesties presence in joyning with his Parlia&rehy;ment must be the best, if not the onely remedy to remove our troubles, for it is a maxime no lesse true then common, that Contraries have contrary consequents. Contrario&rehy;rum contrari sunt conse&rehy;quentia.

The King desires to come to his Parliament, not onely to have his doubts clee&rehy;red, and have these difficulties explained which hinder his consent to the Proposi&rehy;tions as they now stand: But likewise that his coming may raise a mutuall confi&rehy;dence between him and his Parliament: If the last were done, the first would soon be performed, and all those mountaines of difficulties would easily be removed, and become valleys.

Your Commissioners had no power to give any reasons, no not so much as tell what is the meaning of any of your demands, nor hearken to any desire of the Kings; And certainly some things might be justly moved by his Majesty, which are necessary for the Crowne and a well grounded Peace, as, That he may have his Revenues, That he may returne with honour and safety to his Crowne and go&rehy;vernment; And if the King were with his Parliament, where hee might both give and receive satisfaction, he might with reason be convinced, to assent to what hee now conceives to be unreasonable.

The making of a peace, is so great and glorious a worke, and so acceptable to all good men, and to the whole people, that it would (after so great trouble) be like raine to the new mowne grasse, or like a resurrection from the dead, and is a worke worthy of a Kings presence: And the King may without arrogancy desire that glory to himselfe, the more to reingratiate him to his people, and not devolve that honour wholly to any other, wherein he himselfe ought to be the prime Actor. And therefore the Kings presence with his Parliament is the most probable way to sustaine to a speedy and blessed peace, which certainly will be the more durable if it be with the good liking of both sides.

I know there is one common objection (and I know not another) wherewith many are possest and prejudiced against the Kings coming to his Parliament, That his presence may breed division, and that he may thereafter withdraw and continue our troubles. Unity and Concord (I confesse) is that by which Kingdoms and Com&rehy;mon-wealthes doe flourish, and there is nothing more dangerous then division, Concordia enim res parvæ crescunt, discordia vero maximæ dilabuntur. But is there any greater or more dangerous division, then to have the Head divided from the Body? to have the King divided from his Parliament, the representative body of the kingdome, whereof he is the Head? Hath not this division divided brother against brother, the father against the son, and the son against the father, and Countrey a&rehy;gainst Countrey? This division is the cause of all our other divisions; Take this away and all our other divisions are at an end. Ablata causa tollitur effectus. The King doth (with all earnestnesse) desire to be joyned with you, and stands more in need of reconciliation, and I hope will (according to his profession) en&rehy;deavour it rather then division; And (I trust) the wisdom of the honourable Hou&rehy;ses is such as they will doe so too, and rather be reconciled to the King, then di&rehy;vide amongst our selves. And that argument not to admit of the Kings coming to his Parliament, because his presence may breed division, is an argument to de&rehy;barre him perpetually from his Parliament. And now the case is altered from what it was, when it was thought unfit, that the King should come to his Parliament, because then he had forces in the fields, garisons, and strong holds to returne to: Now he hath none of these against you, And his desire of coming to his Parlia&rehy;ment, cannot be but with resolution to agree and stay with you, for if hee were once with you, where can he goe from you? And if they were esteemed enemies to the Parliament and the Peace of the kingdoms, who advised the King to withdraw from his Parliament, what estimation will the world have of them, who will not suffer him to returne to his Parliament, when he offers to cast himselfe in your armes? Nor can there be a more reall testimony of our respect and affection to England, then that we desire he may be with you, and be advised by you, neither can you have any greater honour, then that (after you have dissipated your Enemies) his Majesty is willing to returne to you: And if so kind an offer shall be refused, and the King driven to despaire, it is to be feared, these kingdomes will be invol&rehy;ved in great difficulties then ever, and we shall be driven out of the harbour and entrance of a peace, into the tempest of new and bloudy wars.

For although Scotland be most willing and desirous that the King should return to his Parliament with honour, safety, and freedome, and that he may remaine where his personal presence may serve most for the security and happinesse of his people; yet if any such course shall be taken or any demand made for rendring of his Person, which cannot stand with his honour and safety, or which cannot con&rehy;sist with our duty, allegeance and Covenant, nor with the honour of that Army, to whom (in time of his extreme danger) he had his recourse for safety; it cannot be expected that we can be capable of so base an Act. And if (to shun this, and avoid occasion of quarrelling between the kingdomes) he shall goe to Scotland, and re&rehy;sent his expulsion out of England, and crave the assistance of that kingdome for re&rehy;covery of his right to this Crowne; Hee may in a short time raise such Forces in Scotland and Ireland, as with the assistance of Foraine Princes, these kingdomes may be made a field of bloud, and the youngest amongst us not live to see the end of these unnaturall wars. But if the present opportunity be wisely managed, and that we maintaine the just priviledges of Parliament and liberty of the Subject in both kingdomes, with that wisdome and discretion, as that may be given to God which is Gods, and to Cæsar what is Cæsars, if we feare God and the King, and doe not meddle with them who are given to change, That same divine providence and wisdome which hath brought us through many difficulties, will also teach us how to establish these kingdomes in peace, and the Kings Throne in righteousnesse, That the great blessing of a constant and friendly conjunction of the two king&rehy;domes (now united by allegeance and loyall subjection to one Soveraigne and Head) may be firmly observed and continued to all posterity.

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The Lord Chancellour of Scotland his last Speech, At a Conference in the Painted Chamber with a Committee of both Houses, October 10. 1646. My Lords and Gentlemen,

&Tic;His day I hope will bring our Conference to some results to be reported to the Houses, and therefore I shall frame my Discourse and Arguments with that succinctnesse as may bring us soonest to a close.

At our first meeting, the subject of our debate was, whether the Right and Power of dis&rehy;posing the Person of the King is solely in the two Houses as they shall thinke fit, or in the two Kingdomes; and at our last meeting, we had some arguing about the same question, but your Lordships did still assert the Vote of the Houses, and we say (in respect of the interest and relations which both Kingdomes have equally to the King, especially in the present jun&rehy;cture of affaires, when both Kingdomes are entred in the same League and Covenant, have jeoparded their lives in the same War, are labouring under the same danger, are seeking the same remedies, and stand in need of the same Peace and security; and both Kingdomes are bound by our Covenant to preserve Unity, and are obliged by Treaty that none of us shall make any peace, cessation, or agreement whatsoever, without mutuall advice and consent of both) That the Person of the King cannot be disposed of without the joynt advice and consent of both Kingdomes. But as we doe acknowledge that England hath parity of interest with Scotland, so doe we still offer that they shall have parity of power in disposing of the King: and we doe affirme, That the Person of the King, who is King of Scotland as well as of England, and is Head and Monarch of both Kingdomes, cannot be disposed of by any one of the Kingdomes alone: but what ever is to be done concerning the disposing of his Maje&rehy;sties Person, ought to be done by joynt advice and common consent of both, as may serve most for the Peace, security, and happinesse of the King and Kingdomes, which we did prove by severall Arguments: To which there was nothing answered in effect, but, That the King being within England, his Person was to be disposed of as the two Houses shall thinke fit, and that the King being with the Scottish Army, and they being paid by the Parliament of England, he is in effect in the power of the Houses, and ought to be at their disposing, in the same way as if he had come to the Army of Sir Thomas Fairfax, or any other of the Parliaments Armies. To which we shall not need to make any reply other then wee have made already, That the Kings present residence in England, nor no locality, can take away the reality of our relations formerly mentioned by us, farre lesse can it take away the ingage&rehy;ments and stipulations betweene the Kingdomes; and though the Scottish Army be paid by the Parliament of England, yet they are the Army of Scotland, raised for pursuance of the ends of the Covenant, and are to be ordered and directed by the Parliaments or Committees of both Kingdomes: And therefore they cannot with conscience, duty, nor honour, deliver the person of the King without his owne consent, to be disposed of as the two Houses shall thinke fit: but we have declared and doe still declare, That we are content that the Person of the King be disposed of (the word Disposed being taken in a right sense) as may serve most for the Peace, safety, security, honour and happinesse of the King and both Kingdomes: and did offer to your Lordships consideration his Majesties coming to or neere London, as the most probable meanes to procure a speedy and well-grounded Peace. And seeing your Lordships have done us the honour to meet with us in this free and brotherly Conference, we doe expect that you will concurre and assent to this Proposition, or propound a better expedient for the good of both Kingdomes.

But if the honourable Houses will not admit of this Proposition, our next desire is (that it may appeare, no lawfull and possible meanes are left unassayed which may procure a happy agreement betwixt the King and his Parliaments, and for our further exoneration) That Commissioners may yet once more be sent from both Kingdomes to his Majesty, to shew the meaning of our Propositions and to assert them, and to heare the Kings doubts and difficul&rehy;ties, and desires, who may further intimate, that (if his Majesty shall not give a satisfa&rehy;ctory answer to the Propositions) then both Kingdoms will without making any such further application to him, take such course as they shall judge fittest for the peace and security of the Kingdomes.

And as at the opening of this Conference I did begin with an humble, lawfull, and lau&rehy;dable desire for unity in relation to Religion, the King, and amongst our selves, so shall I close in the same dialect; for the first of Religion, if we doe remember our vowes to God to performe them, and shall endeavour really, constantly, and sincerely, the Reformation of Religion, and uniformity according to our Covenant, we may certainly expect that God will crowne this great worke, wherein he hath honoured us to be actors, with his blessing; but if in place of uniformity, which we are obliged to endeavour, there shall be a toleration of all Sects and sorts of Religion, and if we neglect to build the house of God, and become inso&rehy;lent upon our successes; although wee could mount up with Eagles wings, and build our nests as high as the starres, and had an army who for valour and strength could march to Constantinople, God shall lay our glory low in the dust, and suffer the work to fall in our hands, like the confusion of Babell: And what ever hath been moved by us concerning the King, wee desire it may be rightly constructed, as proceeding from such as have not wavered from their first principles; for when the King was in the height of his power, we did not, and (I hope) never shall flatter him; and when the enemy was in the height of their pride and strength, Scotland did feare no colours: and now when the King is at his lowest ebb, and hath cast himselfe into our Army for safety, we hope your Lordships will pardon us from our sense of honour and duty to be very tender of the person, and posterity of the King, to whom wee have so many neer relations, and not like the worse of us: that wee cannot so farre forget our allegeance and duty as not to have an antipathy against the change of Mo&rehy;narchicall government, in which wee have lived through the descent of so many kings, and under which both kingdomes have been governed so many ages, and flourished in all happi&rehy;nesse. And now my last word shall be for constant Unity between the kingdomes, which as it hath been the chiefe meanes to promote the great work wherein both kingdomes are so deeply engaged, so there is nothing can make us so formidable to our enemies, nor so much aiding one to another, as the cheirishing and continuing thereof; and I dare say that no man would divide the one from the other, but such as desire to fish in troubled waters, and are reall enemies to both. God hath blest the joynt endeavours of both Nations, both are in one ship, and are come through a very great storme, and now when we are come into the har&rehy;bour, it would be great shame to both to split upon the rocks of division (& devorato bove deficere in cauda) and your Lordships may be confident that Scotland who have esteem&rehy;ed no hazzard too great, for settling of Religion and love to their Brethren, will stick so fast and firmly to you, (so long as you hold the principles of your Covenant) as no feare nor fa&rehy;vour will ever be able to divide them from you, and wee doe expect that reciprocall amity which may perpetuate our Unity.

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The Lord Chancellour of Scotland his Speech, to the Kings Majestie at Newcastle.

&Yic;Our Majestie was pleased on Monday last, to call the Lords of your privy Counsell of Scotland, and the Committee to acquaint them with the Propositions, and told, That before the delivery of your answer, you would make the same knowne to them. The time assigned for the stay of the Commissioners is so short, and the consequence of your Majesties answer is of so great importance, either for the preservation or ruine of your Crown and Kingdomes, as we could not be answerable to God, nor to that trust reposed in us, unlesse we represent to your Majesty how necessary it is (as the condition of affaires now stand, and in so great an extremity) that your Majesty should assent to the Propositions, and that the danger and losse of your refusall will be remediles, and bring on sudden ruine and destruction.

I shall begin first with the last, which is the danger; and shall next speak a word of the remedy. The differences between your Majesty and your Parliament (which no man knowes better then your Majesties selfe) are growne to such a height, that after many bloudy battels, there is no cure but a present peace, otherwise nothing can be expected but certain destructi&rehy;on. The Parliament is possest of your Navie, and of all the Forts, Garisons, and strong holds of the Kingdome: They have the Excise, Assessements, and Sequestrations at ther disposall and have authority to raise all the men and mony in the Kingdome, and (after many victo&rehy;ries and great successes) they have a strong Army on foot, and are now in such a posture for strength and power, as they are in a capacity to doe what they will both in Church and State: And some are so afraid, others so unwilling to submit themselves to your Majesties government, as they desire not you, nor any of your race longer to raigne over them. Yet the people are so wearied of the wars, and great burthens they groane under, are so desirous of peace, and loth to have Monarchicall government (under which they have lived so long in peace and plenty) changed, that such as are unwearied of your Majesties government, dare not attempt to cast it totally off, till once they send Propositions of Peace to your Majesty, lest the people (without whose concurrence they are not able to carry on their designe) should fall from them. And therefore all the people being desirous, that (after so great wars and troubles) they may have a perfect security from oppression and arbitrary power, The Houses of Parliament have resolved upon the Propositions, which are tendred to your Majesty, as that without which the Kingdome and your people cannot be in safety; and most part of the people think, that there cannot be a firme peace upon any other termes.

Your Majesties friends, and the Commissioners from Scotland (after all the wrestling they could) were forced to consent to the sending of those Propositions, or to be hated as the hinderers of peace, and to send no Propositions at all. And now, Sir, if your Majesty (which God forbid) shall refuse to assent to the Propositions, you will lose all your friends, lose the City and all the Country, and all England will joyne against you as one man, and (when all hope of reconciliation is past) it is to be feared, they will processe and depose you, and set up another government, they will charge us to deliver your Majesty to them, and to render the Northren Garisons, and to remove our Army out of England, and upon your Majesties refusing the Propositions, both Kingdomes will be constrained (for their mutuall safety) to agree and settle Religion and Peace without you, which (to our unspeakable griefe) will ruine your Majesty and your Posterity, And if your Majesty reject our faithfull ad&rehy;vice (who desire nothing on earth more, then the establishment of your Majesties Throne) and lose England by your wilfulnesse, your Majesty will not be permitted to come and ruine Scotland.

Sir, we have laid our hand upon our hearts, we have asked counsell and direction from God, and have had our most serious thoughts about the remedy, but can find no other (as affaires stand for the present) to save your Crowne and Kingdomes, then your Majesties as&rehy;senting to the Propositions. We dare not say, but they are higher in some things (if it were in our power and option to remedy it) then we doe approve of: But when we see no other meanes for curing the distempers of the Kingdomes, and closing the breaches between your Majesty and your Parliaments, our most humble and faithfull advice is, That your Majesty would be graciously pleased to assent to them, as the only best way to procure a speedy and happy peace; because your Majesty shall thereby have many great advantages: You will be received againe in your Parliament, with the applause and acclamations of your people: By your Royall presence your friends will be strengthned, your enemies (who feare nothing so much as the granting of the Propositions) will be weakned: Your Majesty will have a fit opportunity to offer such Propositions, as you shall in your wisdome judge fit for the Crown and Kingdome. All Armies will be disbanded, and your people, finding the sweet fruits of your peaceable government, your Majesty will gaine their hearts and affections, which will be your strength and glory, and will recover all that your Majestie hath lost in this time of tempest and trouble. And if it please God so to encline your Royall heart to this ad&rehy;vice of your humble and faithfull servants, who (next to the honour of God) esteem no&rehy;thing more precious then the safety of your Person and Crowne, Our actions shall quickly make it appeare to all the world, That we esteem no hazzard too great for your Majesties safety, and that we are willing to sacrifice our lives and fortunes for establishing of your Throne. And now, Sir, we prostrate our selves at your Majesties feet, and in the low posture of humility doe beg, That your Majestie may (in end) grant the sute of your most humble Servants and faithfull Subjects, who have no private aimes, but only the glory of God, and safety of your Majesties Person, Posterity, and Crowne before our eyes. And the granting of our desires will revive our fainting spirits: refresh our sad hearts, which are overwhelmed, and like to break with sorrow, and will turne the prayers and teares of the many thousands of your people, in praises to God, and make them embrace your Majesty with acclamations of joy. ―

FINIS. ―