It must be granted, that the Reasons of such a grateful Retribution are redoubled now: In&rehy;termarriages betwixt the two Nations are more frequent than ever; the Union of the King&rehy;doms under one Crown for almost 100 years; the generous Concurrence of the Scots in the last Revolution; their loss of so many gallant Officers and brave Soldiers in the common Cause during the late War, and the preserva&rehy;tion of Ireland, which hath been twice owing to our Countrymen, might reasonably entitle us to the same Privileges now, that our Ance&rehy;stors were formerly allow'd by King Edward, and William the Conqueror. We need not in&rehy;sist on another sort of Obligation, that we have put upon England twice within this 60 years, viz. the delivering them from their Oppressions in the time of K. Charles I. the Anarchy of the Rump, and several Models of Armys and Jun&rehy;tos, by encouraging General Monk's Undertak&rehy;ing; for it cannot be denied that we had the Ballance of Europe in our hands at the time of the last Revolution, and that we turn'd the Scale to the advantage of England in particular and of Europe in general, which must be allow'd to be as great a Service, as that which was so thankful&rehy;ly rewarded by Edward, and William the Con&rehy;queror; whence it is evident that those English&rehy;men, who at present oppose our Settlement in America, don't inherit the gratitude of their Ancestors, when they not only will not allow us to trade in conjunction with them, but withstand our doing any thing that may advance a Trade by our selves.

If they object that what we did in all those cases was no more than our duty, and what we ow'd to our own Preservation as well as to theirs: it is easy to reply, that admitting it to be so, yet by the Laws of God and Men People are incourag'd to perform their Duties by Re&rehy;wards; and their Ancestores were so sensible of this, that tho they knew we were equally con&rehy;cern'd to defend the Island against foreign In&rehy;vaders as well as they, yet they thought them&rehy;selves oblig'd in Policy as well as Gratitude, to reward us; which they not only did by that Ho&rehy;norary Premium of allowing us to be Denisons of England, as above-mention'd, but sometimes gave to us, and at other times confirm'd to us the three Northern Counties of Northumberland, Westmorland, and Cumberland, bo be held in Fee of the Crown of England.

It is likewise very well known with how much Honour the Parliament of England treated us, when they courted our Assistance against K. Charles I. and what large Promises that Prince made us, if we would have but stood Neuter; which tho we had reason to think ma&rehy;ny of those that opposed him had no great kind&rehy;ness neither for our Civil nor Ecclesiastical Constitution, yet the sense that we had of the common Danger that our Religion and Liber&rehy;ties were in at that time, made us proof a&rehy;gainst all those Tentations; so that after all Endeavours for a Reconciliation betwixt the King and the Parliament of England prov'd un&rehy;successful, we sent in an Army, which cast the Ballance on the side of the latter; who before that time were reduc'd low enough by the King's Army, as is very well known to such as are acquainted with the History of those times, and is own'd by my Lord Hollis in his Memoirs lately publish'd.

But to return to the last Revolution: Tho we must own that we owe our Deliverance to his present Majesty, and were oblig'd in Consci&rehy;ence and Honour to concur with him; yet who could have blam'd us to have stood upon Terms before we had fallen in with England? especially considering how ungratefully (nay villanously) we were treated by Cromwel and his Party, after we had sav'd them and the Parliament of England from the Scorpions that the Cavaliers had prepar'd to chastise them with; as is own'd by the said Lord Hollis. Nor could we have been any way culpable, if we had stood upon higher and surer Terms with his Majesty, considering how unthankfully we were abus'd and enslav'd by our late Kings, for whom we had acted and suffered so much. And tho we must own that no less Present than that of our Crown was sufficient to testify our Gratitude for what the Prince of Orange had done for us, yet we were under no necessity of gratifying him in that manner, since our Deliver&rehy;ance was effected before hand, and that he himself in his Declaration express'd it to be no part of his design to come for the Crown; so that our Reward was as frank and generous as his Service.

Then as to England, we were under no man&rehy;ner of obligation to continue the Union with them: We might have insisted upon having our King obliged to reside as much amongst us as amongst them: that we should be govern'd without any consideration or respect to their Interest, any further than it fell in with our own. We might have insisted upon an Act that we should not be oblig'd to attend his Ma&rehy;jesty at any time at the Court of England, a&rehy;bout our Affairs; but that he should either at&rehy;tend upon our Administration in person pro re nata, as he does now upon the Affairs of Hol&rehy;land, or lay down Methods to have his Pleasure signified to us at home in such cases as it was requir'd; which would save a vast deal of Mo&rehy;ney annually to the Kingdom of Scotland. Then as to the Succession, we were under no necessity of settling it in the same man&rehy;ner as they did in England: for since they had made a Breach in the Line, they could not hand&rehy;somly have blam'd us to have made an improve&rehy;ment of it, and either to have limited the Reversi&rehy;on after his present Majesty's Death, or otherwise as we should have thought best, for the security of our Civil and Religious Liberties; or we might have settled it upon the Prince of Orange and his Issue by any other Wise, there being cause enough then to conceive that he was never like to have any by his late excellent Princess. Had we taken any of these Methods, it must be own'd that England would have been consider&rehy;ably weakned, and lessen'd in the Esteem of the World by it; that we should have thereby had an opportunity of making such foreign Allian&rehy;ces with France, as formerly, or with any o&rehy;ther Nation, as would have made England un&rehy;easy, and perhaps unsafe on occasion; and therefore it must be reckon'd highly impolitick, as well as ungrateful, in our Neighbours to treat us continually as such a rate, as if they had a mind to bring us under subjection, since we have so many open Doors to get out at.

They must not think that we have so far de&rehy;generated from the Courage and Honour of our Ancestors, as tamely to submit to become their Vassals, when for 2000 years we have main&rehy;tain'd our Freedom; and therefore it is not their Interest to oppress us too much. If they consult their Histories, they will find that we always broke their Yoke at long-run, if at any time we were brought under it by Force or Fraud. The best way to assure themselves of us is to treat us in a friendly manner: Tho we be not so great and powerful as they, it is not impossible for us to find such Allies as may en&rehy;able us to defend our selves now as well as for&rehy;merly.

None of these things are suggested with an ill design to raise Animosity betwixt the Nations, or to perswade to a Separation of the Crowns, but merely to shew those of our Neighbours, who use us so unkindly, that they are bound in Gratitude, Duty and Interest to do otherwise, and particularly to support us in our American Settlement, and not to lay our King under a necessity by their froward Hu&rehy;mours in Parliament or otherwise, to discou&rehy;rage us in that Undertaking, as they have hi&rehy;therto done, and continue still to do in their American Colonies, by their Proclamations a&rehy;gainst having any Commerce or Trade with the Scots at Darien; tho they be settled there according to the Terms of his own Patent, and an Act of Parliament in Scotland.

We are not insensible that the present Jun&rehy;cture of Affairs obliges the Kingdom of England to carry fair with Spain, and may admit that in part as an Apology for some of that Oppo&rehy;sition we have met with from them; but the questioning our Act of Parliament at first, and their hindering our Subscriptions at Hamburgh afterward, before ever they knew what our de&rehy;sign was, make that Excuse of little weight, but allowing it all the force they would have to bear, it may be worth their while to con&rehy;sider whether it be more their Interest to incou&rehy;rage the Spaniards in an unjust Opposition to our American Settlement, or to support the Scots in maintaining their Right. It is certain that the Spaniards are in no condition to break with England; or if they should, it's in the power of the English to reduce them speedily to reason: whereas if the Scots should miscarry in their Undertaking by the Discouragements from England before-mentioned, which exposes our Ships to be taken and treated as Pirates by any Nation that pleases, the infallible consequence of it will be, that the Ruin and utter Impove&rehy;rishment of Scotland, which must necessarily fol&rehy;low such a Miscarriage, will immediatly affect England both in her Trade and Strength: The City of London and the Northern Road will soon feel the effects of it, when the Money spent by our Gentry and Merchants continually for Cloaths, Provisions, and Goods, ceases to circulate there: England must unavoidably become an easier Prey to any foreign Ene&rehy;my; since it will not be only the Loss of a Tribe, but of an entire Sister-Nation. Or supposing that Scotland should be able to bear up under the Loss, it will lay the foundation of an irre&rehy;concilable Feud, and perhaps issue in a War be&rehy;twixt the two Nations; which did never yet terminate at long-run to the advantage of England, and is as unlikely to do so now as e&rehy;ver: for in such a case they would find us una&rehy;nimous as one Man against them; whereas we are sure that all those who wish well to the Protestant Interest, and their present Constitu&rehy;tion, would never join in any such War against us; and therefore those who are Enemies to the Peace of the Nations, being aware of this, labour to effect their Design by another Method, and endeavour as much as they can to dash the Government and us against one another. But they are mistaken in the People of Scotland: we are so sensible of our Obligations to K. Wil&rehy;liam, and know so well what is due to our De&rehy;liverer, that it surpasses all their Art to create in us the least ill thought of him; it is not in the temper of our Nation. The World knows that however frequent and successful we have been in reducing our bad Kings to reason, yet there never was any People under the Sun more loyal and affectionate to good Princes than we have been; and if, when we have been forc'd to oppose our Monarchs, private persons have sometimes carried their Resentments too high, yet the publick Justice of the Nation was al&rehy;ways govern'd with Temper. We could mul&rehy;tiply Instances to prove this, but need go no higher than the three last Kings, who tho all of them Enemies to our Constitution, as ap&rehy;pear'd by their Principles and Practices, yet it's very well known what we both did and suffer'd for them, and particularly for K. Charles I. tho the Malice of a Faction in our neighbouring Nation fix'd a scandalous Reproach upon us, as if we had sold him; from which Reflection we are sufficiently vindicated by the Lord Hollis's Memoirs before-mentioned; wherein that ex&rehy;cellent Person makes it evident, that tho our War against that Prince was just, yet we had all possible respect for his Person, made the best Conditions we could for his Safety and Honour, and to avoid greater Mischiefs, and the playing of our Enemies game to the ruin of our selves and his Majesty, we were necessitated to leave him in England. Memoirs p. 68.

Then since we carried it so to a Prince that had been no way kind to us, it will be impos&rehy;sible to create a Breach betwixt us and a Prince, to whom, under God, we owe all that we en&rehy;joy as Men and Christians: But at the same time our Neighbours, who think to drive that Nail as far as it will go, would do well to con&rehy;sider that we never believ'd that Do&rehy;ctrine in Scotland, that it is unlawful to resist a King, or any that have a Commission under him, upon any pretence whatsoever: we left that Doctrine in Scythia, from whence some Authors derive our Origin, and think it only fit to be sent back to Turkey, from whence it came. We know very well how to distinguish betwixt a lawful Power, and the abuse of it; and our Ancestors rightly understood how to obey the lawful Commands of their Princes, when Ma&rehy;sters of themselves, and how to govern by their Authority, and in their Name, when they were not; tho they did not think themselves obliged to obey their personal Commands, when the Fortune of War, or other Accidents had put them into the hands of our Enemies. Thus we refused Obedience to K. James I. when detain'd Prisoner in England contrary to the Law of Nations, and carried over into France, to command his Subjects there not to bear Arms against the English Army, where he was in Person. We told him we knew how to di&rehy;stinguish betwixt the Commands of a King and those of a Captive: and that most of the Kings of Scots have been such in relation to us since the Union, we could heartily wish were not too demonstrable.

To return to the point of what may probably be the Consequences if the English should pro&rehy;ceed to any further degree of opposition; or if the Scots should miscarry in the Design. It's reasonable to believe that the English will be so wise as to forbear Hostilities, tho we are very well satisfied there is a Party in that Nation who bear ours no good will; but they being such as are either disaffected to the present Con&rehy;stitution, or acted by a sordid Principle of pri&rehy;vate Interest, it's to be hop'd they will never be able so far to leaven the sound part of the English Nation, as to occasion a Rupture be&rehy;twixt them and us: yet we must needs say that we look upon their way of treating us to be a very unaccountable thing, and that it was no small surprise to us, to find that an English Par&rehy;liament should look on our taking Subscriptions in England in order to admit them Joint-Sharers with our selves, in the benefit of the Act to encou&rehy;rage our Trade, to be no less than a high Mis&rehy;demeanour. We have reason likewise to com&rehy;plain of their constant practice of pressing our Sea&rehy;men in time of War, as if they were their own Subjects, and that they should treat us in other respects as if we were Aliens; and sometimes confiscate Ships, by reckoning Scots Mariners as such: so that the English have not only depriv'd us of our Government and the warm Influen&rehy;ces of our Court, the want of which is a consi&rehy;derable addition to the natural coldness of our Climate, but they likewise oppress us on all occasions, and do manifestly endeavour to pre&rehy;vent our Application to Trade. We know there's a Party in that Nation, who think we sustain'd no great loss by the removal of our Princes; but we would wish them to consider what a murmuring they themselves make when the King goes annually to the Netherlands (tho the safety of Europe requires it) because of the damp it puts upon Trade, and the Mony it carries out of the Kingdom. Let them consi&rehy;der then what our Nation has suffer'd in that respect now for almost 100 years, besides the lessening our esteem in the Eyes of the World, so that our Honour and Substance are both swal&rehy;low'd up by the Kingdom of England; and yet they will neither admit us to the privileges of Fellow-Subjects with themselves, nor suffer us to take such measures as may inable us to stand on our own bottom. Certainly this is not the way to establish the Peace, nor to increase the Wealth of the Island.

We know that it was a Maxim in some of the late Reigns, That it would never be well till all that part of Scotland on this side Forth, were reduc'd to a hunting Field; but we were in hopes the bitterness of those days had been past: yet it seems that Party have still so far the ascendant amongst our Neighbours, as to procure a publick opposition to all our Endea&rehy;vours for raising our Nation by Trade.

It will upon due examination be found as bad Policy as it is Christianity, to urge, as some of our Neighbours do, that it is the Interest of England to keep the Scots low, because they are an independent and free Nation, and were our antient Enemies; and therefore may be dangerous Neighbours if they grow rich and potent. Nothing but Rancour and inveterate Malice can suggest such sour thoughts as these. It were fit that sort of Men should be purg'd of their Choler. The Scots to obviate all dan&rehy;gers from that Head, have, tho they be much the antienter Nation, condescended so far as several times to propose a Union, which the Gentle&rehy;men of that Kidney have hitherto prevented; and therefore we would wish them to look back into their Histories, and upon casting up their Accounts, make a true Estimate of whatever they gain'd by a War with Scotland. They will find that their Ancestors, as well as the Ro&rehy;mans, have been sensible, as Tacitus expresses it, Quos sibi Viros Caledonia seposuerit; and that as it was true what our Historian says of the un&rehy;just and treacherous War made upon us by Ed&rehy;ward I. that Scotorum Nomen pene delevit; it was also true what he says on the other hand, that Angliam vehementer concussit: So that those Gentlemen take the direct way by opposing and op&rehy;pressing us to run into those dangers they would avoid; for they may assure themselves that if the English Opposition to our American Settle&rehy;ment should once break out into Hostilities, the Scots will find some Allies, antient or new, that will be glad of the opportunity to join with them. Or if, which is most probable, tho highly ungrateful and impolitick, the English should so far neglect the Scots, as to suffer them to be overpower'd by the French, they may be sure that the Scots, when put to their last shift, can always make an honourable Capitula&rehy;tion with France: It's not to be doubted, but that Crown would be very willing to renew their antient Alliance with us; and besides al&rehy;lowing us a Share at least in the Trade of Da&rehy;rien, would on condition of giving them the Possession of New Caledonia, restore us likewise to all our antient Privileges in France. They would think it a very good purchase if they could secure themselves of that Colony by do&rehy;ing so, granting us what security we could rea&rehy;sonably desire for the uninterrupted Injoyment of the Protestant Religion, and a Freedom of Trade to all places of the World where it did not actually interfere with their own Settle&rehy;ments and Colonies. So that if this should be the case, we leave it to our Neighbours to judg what would become of their East and West India Trade and Plantations, and of their own Liberty, and whether they would be able to stand out against France and us, now that they have no footing on the Continent, since formerly, when they had so many Provinces of that Kingdom in their possession, they found it a hard matter to do it, and at last lost every foot of their French Dominions: Where&rehy;as had they been in Union with us, they might certainly have retain'd them, and by conse&rehy;quence have prevented the great Calamities that Europe hath since groan'd under by the prodigi&rehy;ous Increase of the French Monarchy.

This we think sufficient to convince those angry Gentlemen in our neighbouring Nation, that are so very much disgusted with our Ame&rehy;rican Settlement, that it is the Interest of Eng&rehy;land to join with us and support it, and that it may be of dangerous consequence to them ei&rehy;ther to oppose or neglect us: Whereas by join&rehy;ing cordially in this matter, they may unite us inseparably to themselves for ever, inrich their own Nation, secure and advance the Protestant Interest, keep the Ballance of Europe in their hands, and prevent the returns of its danger, their own expence of Blood and Treasure to save its being threatned with Slavery any more, either by the House of Bourbon or Austria. Therefore we cannot believe after all, but our wise and politick Neighbours will at last see it their Interest to protect and incourage us in this matter, that we may mutually strengthen and support one another against the French, who are loudest in their Clamours against our Settle&rehy;ment, because if incourag'd and improv'd it will defeat all their ambitious and Antichristi&rehy;an Designs; and thereby we shall also be in a condition to assist the English Plantations in the West Indies, who as we find by the proceedings of the Earl of Bellomont and the Assemblies of New England and New York, are sufficiently sensible of their danger, from the incroaching temper of the French, which increases every day; and it is evident that their new de&rehy;sign'd Colony in Mississipi River looks with a dangerous Aspect upon all the English Planta&rehy;tions in America, and may be more justly esteem&rehy;ed an Incroachment upon Spain, as being in the Bay of Mexico, than our Plantation in Da&rehy;rien: which argues the treacherous Humour of that Nation, to make such an Outcry against the Scots who have invaded no Mans Property, when they them&rehy;selves are so notoriously guilty of it; and therefore it would seem to be the Interest of England rather to strengthen themselves by our Friendship, and to look after the French, than to provoke us to look out for other Allies by their opposition and neglect.

We shall conclude this matter with one or two more Arguments to prove, That it is the Interest of England to join with us in this Af&rehy;fair; by which also it will appear that there is nothing advanc'd in these Sheets out of any ill Design against the English Nation, or to per&rehy;swade to a disuniting of the Crowns; but on the contrary, that a stricter Union is absolutely necessary, that both Nations may have but one Interest, which will render us less liable to Con&rehy;vulsions and intestine Commotions at home, and put us out of danger of being attack'd by Enemies from abroad.

It is plain from the Instance of Darien, and the Proclamations in the English American Colonies against their Subjects entertaining a&rehy;ny Commerce with our Settlement there, that by the Union of the Crowns upon the present footing, we are in a worse condition than ever; for when any thing happens wherein the In&rehy;terest of England seems to be contrary to ours, it is certainly carried against us, and we are left without remedy: so that in this respect we are in a worse condition than any Foreigners, with relation to England; for if a foreign People dis&rehy;cover any thing that may be of advantage to them, they are at liberty to pursue it by themselves, or to take in the Assistance of others; and if they find themselves aggriev'd by Eng&rehy;land, they have their respective Governments to make application to for redress: but we are the most unhappy People in the World; for if Eng&rehy;land oppose us, we have no King to appeal to, but one that is either an Alien and Enemy to us, as being King of a greater People who are such, or if he be inclinable to protect and do us Justice as King of Scots, he is a Prisoner in England, and cannot do it: If they question him in the Parliament of England for any thing relating to his Government of Scotland, as in the case of our late Act for an East-India and African Trade, his Interest as King of England obliges him to submit himself as King of Scotland; by which means our Crown, which we defended so gal&rehy;lantly for so many ages, and which the English could never make subject to theirs by force, is now intirely subjected by a false step of our own, in suffering our King to take their Crown upon him without making better terms for our selves: So that instead of having a King to fight our Battels, we have made a surrender of our Prince to the Enemy, who arm him against us; and which is worst of all, we have fal&rehy;sified our own Proverb as to our selves, That Scots-men are wise behind hand: for tho we suf&rehy;ficiently smarted for it in the four last Reigns, yet we had not so much foresight or care of our selves as to prevent the Consequences of it in this Reign, when it was in our power to have done it. Then if we make application to our antient Allies, or any other foreign Power for Assistance, when we groan under Oppression, we are treated as Rebels: Thus our whole Na&rehy;tion was proclaim'd such for but offering to make application to the King of France, as our antient Friend and Ally, when a certain Par&rehy;ty in England had arm'd our natural Soveraign K. Charles I. against us. And that which is still worse, tho our Crown from the time of the Union has been for the most part on the Head of an Alien or Enemy, yet it has influ&rehy;ence enough to divide us amongst our selves a&rehy;gainst the Interest of the Nation; as in the Reign of K. Charles II. those that comply'd with the Court of England were brib'd with all the chief places in our Administration, whilst those who were true Patriots to their Country (as for Honour sake to instance only in the late Great Duke of Hamilton, and our pre&rehy;sent Lord High Chancellor) were expos'd to all manner of Dangers and Vexations. This we think sufficient to convince our Neighbors that we have no reason to be fond of having the Union of the Crowns continu'd, except the Interest of the Nations be more closely uni&rehy;ted than ever they have hitherto been. And to let them see that it is their interest as well as ours it should be so, we shall only desire them to consider how fatal it may be to them, if by any Emergency we should be forc'd to break off the Union of the Crowns, and enter again into a French Alliance. It's in vain for them to object that in such a case we should betray our Religion; for we see the persecuted Hungarians were protected in that by the Turks, tho sworn Enemies to it: nor is it impossible but there may be a Change as to that matter in France; L. XIV. is not immortal: and even Julian the Apostate himself found it his Interest for some time to protect the Orthodox Christians, whom he mortally hated. But supposing (as indeed there's no great likelihood of it) that no such Alliance as this should ever happen; yet how&rehy;ever, if these two Nations be not more closely united, it may be of ill consequence to England, if any of their Kings at any time should be so far disgusted with their Proceedings, as to leave them, and betake themselves to us. What a Field of Blood and Slaughter must England have become, had we carried off K. Charles I. when he came to our Army, or if we had join'd him against the Parliament of England? What great Efforts did a Party of our Nation make to inthrone K. Charles II. when England was a&rehy;gainst him? and how did our Concurrence afterwards with General Monk effect it? How soon did our espousing the D. of York's Interest turn the Tables upon those that opposed him in England? And if our Nation had likewise e&rehy;spous'd his Cause before the Revolution, the Viscount of Dundee gave a sufficient proof what we could have done for him. There's a strong Party in England at present against allowing the King a standing Force, for fear, as they pretend, of losing their Liberties; but all their Opposition in that respect would signify little, if (in case of a Rupture) our Nation should take part with the Court, and bring in 22000 men, with 6 weeks Provisions and Pay, as we are oblig'd to do by Act of Parliament, for his Assistance. This makes it evident that it is not the interest of England to slight an U&rehy;nion with us so much as they have don: for so long as we remain divided, any King that is so minded, may make use of us to inslave one a&rehy;nother; and any envious Neighbour, whose Interest it is to keep this Island low, will be sure to blow the Coals. If they'd but turn the Tables, and make our Case their own, they would quickly be satisfied of the truth of what we advance. Supposing that the Government of Scotland should traverse the Actings of the Government of England in relation to their Trade, &c. as they have done ours; and sup&rehy;posing that a Parliament of Scotland, when the King were there, should question him for the Navigation Act, and that for the Incourage&rehy;ment of Trade in England by K. Charles II. which lays us under such hard Circumstances and Re&rehy;strictions, the English would certainly very much resent it, and speedily tell us we meddled with what did not belong to us: Then why should they deny us the like liberty in reference to their Proceedings against us, seeing we are a free Nation as well as they?