Before this Proposition be consider'd, pur&rehy;suant to the Views which we are taught to have of the Affairs of Europe at this Time, I wou'd desire Gentlemen, who talk so warmly upon this Subject, to look back to the State of Christendom in the Time of Henry VIII. which may be learnt form any of the Histories of that Time. The Emperor Charles V. was the possess'd of the Low-Countries entire, of the Dutchy and County of Burgundy, of Spain and the West-Indies, of the Kingdom of Naples, was Master of almost all the Maritime Force of Europe, and was Emperor at the same time. His Brother Ferdinand, who was King of the Romans, had indeed the Hereditary Countries in Germany, but he was little more than Charles's Vice-Roy, as long as he continued Emperor. The House of Burgundy with nothing but the Netherlands, (and them not entire) and the Burgundy's, were very uneasy and formidable Neighbours to the Predecessors of Francis I. for several Generations; and Lewis XI. King of France, found Charles the Hardy (Great Grand&rehy;father to Chalres V.) a powerful Adversary. Charles V. wanted neither Ambition nor Spi&rehy;rit: He was an understanding and a diligent Prince; always at the Head of his own Affairs, and ready as well as able, when Occasion of&rehy;fer'd, to head his own Armies: He was very well served, and had as great Generals, and as glorious Troops, as that Age produced; and it cannot be deny'd but the House of Austria under him was at the Top of its Greatness; very much greater than it has been since. And yet notwithstanding all this, and not&rehy;withstanding the great Footing which Chalres V. as Duke of Burgundy, had in France it self, Francis I. who had little else but the remain&rehy;ing Part of France, made Head against that Mighty Emperor; and tho' he was once taken Prisoner, and forced to redeem himself upon very hard Terms, yet he and his Son Henry II. held Charles V. for above 30 Years together at Bay, and defended their Territories against all that Charles was able to do against them; and the Result of all those long and bloody Wars, till the Victory of St. Quintin, which was gotten soon after his Abdication by his Son Philip II. King of Spain, was, that the House of Austria got the Dutchy of Milan upon the Failure of the House of Sforza, and kept it against the Claims of the House of France.

Let us now see what England could do, and did at that Time. Henry VIII. King of Eng&rehy;land and Ireland only, and Ireland no Addition to his Strength, without the Advantage of Foreign Trade, turn'd the Balance which way he wou'd, tho' he had no Fleets to match the Emperors. This Case, which is not com&rehy;monly considered, will give us a clear Soluti&rehy;on of that Celebrated Question concerning the Balance of Power at this Time. England and Holland have powerful Fleets: Germany can have none: Spain has none, nor in Truth can have any, that need give us any Jealousy: France has besides what Francis I. possess'd, both the Burgundies, Alsace, and great Part of the Spanish Netherlands, and is in Effect Master of Lorrain. All these Countries either leaned to, or were in the Possession of the House of Austria at that Time. At Sea, France is an Over-match for any one of the Maritime Powers, in truth an equal Match for both. What is has done at Land against the united Strength of almost all the rest of Christendom, has been sufficiently seen since the Year 1688. The Case in short is this. When the House of Austria was at the highest, when the Wealth of the West-In&rehy;dies was entirely in its Hands, when its Reve&rehy;nues were clear, when the whole Trade of Europe was managed by its Subjects, or its Vassals, (excepting what was in the Hands of the Portugueze and the Venetians) and when great and fruitful Provinces even of France it self were obedient to its Princes, yet then France was so much a Match for it, that the Kings of England could, whenever they came in heartily, turn the Balance; and yet the Crown of England was very much weaker than it is now. We had no Fleets, no Foreign Trade, nor could we absolutely rely upon Scotland to help us. What therefore cannot France do, when it has open and avowed Settlements in the Spanish West-Indies, when King Philip cannot bring home his own Plate un&rehy;less other Nations will give him Leave, and when the First Prince of the Blood of France is upon the Spanish Throne. It is a Jest to say that Charles VI. if he had all he asks for, would be so great as ever Charles V. was, that Lewis XIV. is not much more powerful than any of his Predecessors, and that Queen Anne is not capable of turning the Balance of Eu&rehy;rope as effectually as ever Henry VIII. did.

But the Crowns of France and Spain will not be under the same Head; and the two Branches of the House of Bour&rehy;bon in Time may quarrel: at least their In&rehy;terests will be different. It is indeed possi&rehy;ble that they may quarrel, but it is by no means likely. The Two Branches of the House of Austria were divided after the Abdi&rehy;cation of Charles V. to the Death of Charles II. of Spain, who was the last Prince of the Male Line of his own Branch. That Division lasted above 140 Years. During that Period, the Spanish Branch carried on a War for above 50 Years in the Netherlands against the Inhabi&rehy;tants of those Provinces who had withdrawn themselves form their Obedience; and for near 30 Years against France before the Peace of the Pyrenee's, and afterwards from the Year 1667, when the French King invaded the Spanish Netherlands upon the Death of Philip IV, with very short Intervals till the Year 1700, when Charles II. died. The German Branch carried on a long and terrible War in Germany from the Time that Frederic Elector Palatine accepted of the Crown of Bohemia till the Peace of Munster, which was near 30 Years. In all that Time, the Two Branches never took up Arms the one against the other, but always mutually assisted each other as they wanted any Assistance, to the utmost of their Strength. Was it not the Spanish Assistance which was constantly, and affectionately, and powerfully lent to the Emperors Ferdinand II. and Ferdinand III. during those German Wars, which hinder'd K. James I. and K. Charles I. from procuring the Restitution of the Palati&rehy;nate to that unfortunate King of Bohemia and his Children? Upon Philip IVth's Death, did the Emperor Leopold stand by when the King of Spain was attack'd? Were not Leopold's and Charles's Interests always judg'd to be the same, and did not they perpetually act in Con&rehy;cert with each other?

It will be the same now, with the Two Branches of the House of Bourbon. France will support Spain for its own sake, and Spain will always return the Kindness as long as there is any one single Power in Europe, which by claiming under the House of Austria shall pre&rehy;tend to the Succession of the Spanish Monar&rehy;chy. I do not ask what secret Engagements King Philip may be under to his Grandfather, and his Successors Kings of France; tho' it is not likely, that Lewis XIV. has made so ill a Bargain for the vast Sums of Money which he has spent to settle his Grandson, for the Quan&rehy;tity of Bloodshed on that Account, and for the wasting and impoverishing his own Noble Country, as not to secure something equiva&rehy;lent to Repayment, or Requital for so great an Expence and Loss. But this I enquire not into. I would rather enquire, whether it is not likely, that the Two Branches of the House of Bourbon, supposing them to be distinct, should not look upon it to be their Interest to stand by each other. Till K. Philip is fully settled, he can no more subsist without France, even after a Peace, than a Child that is learn&rehy;ing to walk can go without a Leader. Whatso&rehy;ever may be the Interest of Spain it will be the Interest of its King to adhere to France. Arragon and Catalonia, especially the Latter, will be disgusted. What Factions may arise in Castile is uncertain; and it will always be the Interest of Portugal to foment Disturban&rehy;ces, and to harbour, at least not to discounte&rehy;nance, Malecontents. In such a Case a British Parliament will scarce be willing to assist the Crown in abetting K. Philip: And we can hardly think that Holland will be forward to assist him. Thus it will be at first, and what Scenes may arise afterwards, we cannot at this distance with any probability undertake to foretell.

This is all upon a Supposition that the Two Crowns are upon Two Heads. But may we not reasonably enquire what may probably happen if the Dauphin should dye without Issue Male? In answer to this we are told, that K. Philip has actually renounced for his Chil&rehy;dren, born or to be born, all his and their Titles to the Crown of France for ever. This Renunciation will be more or less Valid, as it can or cannot be supported by Arms. What has been done in that Way already by the House of Bourbon since the Peace of the Pyrenee's is publickly known, and has been lately set in an excellent Light by the Author of the Sighs of Europe. Since no Side therefore does at the Bottom believe a Bourbon Renunciation to be of any force with the Renouncers, any farther than as it is backed with a sufficient Strength that may make it execute it self, I would desire Gentlemen to take along with them these following Considerations. In the First Place then, it is certain that it is more for the Glory of Lewis the XIV. to have his Grandson Philip Lord of the Whole in case of the Dauphin's Death, than to have him only K. of Spain. France will really then be Mi&rehy;stress of Europe, and a Prince descended from Lewis the XIV. will be its Governor. The Dauphin is so extream sickly that his Life is not expected; and it is not supposed that he will out-live his Minority. The French King is old and infirm; scarce a Month passes but we have an Account of his Indispositions, which when they are so frequent in a Man of his Years, are very alarming; That seems to be the Reason why he takes such pains to get England to sollicit the Allies to come in, tho' why they should so sollicit it, is not to be ima&rehy;gin'd: The Dutch are promised their Barrier very little worse than it was before stipulated in the Year 1709, between Us and Them; tho' my Lord T&horfill;d was declared an Enemy to his Country by the Parliament of Great&rehy;Britain for signing it at that Time. A Reci&rehy;procal Guarantee is offered between the Crown of Great Britain and the States General for that, and for the Hanover-Succession. This is to ha&rehy;sten the Work. Now if it is not likely, that (if it were left to the Fench King's Option) he would chuse to have the Two Crowns ra&rehy;ther Dismembred than United, then one may justly fear, that such Measures may be here&rehy;after taken, and which if taken, cannot be pre&rehy;vented by Us and Holland, as may unite them after the Demise of the Dauphin. Without this Renunciation K. Philip could not keep Spain at all. The Ministry, who want no Courage, would scarce dare to advise the Queen to sign a Peace with France without it: This the Courts of Versailles and Madrid know very well. France therefore (let its Secret Designs be what they will) must have a Peace if possible whilst the Dauphin lives. Sign now, and leave the rest to Time. Thus we may suppose they reason. Great-Britain is willing on these Terms to come into a Peace; and that Opportunity is not to be slipt; and from what the Court ofFrance has done in former Conjunctures, we may make Rational Suppositions of what they are doing now.

But farther: It is possible the French King may be in earnest; that he not only longs for Peace, but bonâ fide intends to keep it. He may perhaps seriously repent of his former Breaches of Faith, which have been more fla&rehy;grant, and more frequent, than can be matched in the History of any single King, of what Religion soever, since the Creation. But if he should not be in earnest, and only propo&rehy;ses to amuse us till a fitter Conjuncture offers it self, what can be done? Why, we are told, that the Dukes of Berry and Orleance will make the Title, which they have acquired by this Renunciation of K. Philip, good by their own Interest and Force. I wish they may; but it may be justly questioned whether they can make it good: No Nation has ever shewn it self so jealous of the Succession of their Kings as France has done. The French Nation have not renounced K. Philip, nor indeed can they. They have a Right to demand that he, and in default of him that his Children should reign over them. And they may (for ought we know) think it their Interest to have it so. In that Case France would become the Seat of Empire, and Spain and the West-Indies Provin&rehy;ces to France. France in case that should hap&rehy;pen would gain greatly, and that they well know. The Industry and Activity of the French Nation, which for these last 50 Years has turned it self more than ever it did for&rehy;merly to Trade and Business, to Maritime Af&rehy;fairs, and to making Settlements for Commerce in remote Countries, would soon bring the Trade of the World into their own Hands.

The truth is, we strain at Gnats, and swal&rehy;low Camels, when we bellow at the Dutch, and overlook the French in this Article of Trade. France we are told is to have Lisle re-delivered upon the Peace. Lisle was the Center of the Woollen Manu&rehy;facture for Stuffs, which the French Erected in this last Age, when the Allies took it in 1708. That Manufacture, which for several Ages was the great Glory of the English Nation, has been raised by them in all its considerable Branches to an amazing Height. Ten Assiento's will not make that Loss good. And we are told now, that Lisle must be restored, because otherwise they cannot make the proper Assortments (as they are called) of Cargoes to send to their Plantations. These Assortments we made before, and God be praised can make again. It will (I fear) be to little purpose to tell us, that We shall be favoured as much as the Nations the most favoured in the Treaty of Commerce. The French will undersell us at least if they do no&rehy;thing else; and by having Settlements of their own in America, they will carry on the Trade more advantagiously than we possibly can. Trade is not to be forced: If the Spaniards in the West-Indies can buy to greater Profit of the French than they can of us, they will do so, let our Tariffs be never so splendidly drawn.

The Hopes therefore of that Immense Gain which the French may reap from the Indies, in case they had a King of their own at the Head of the Spanish Monarchy, will very pro&rehy;bably be a powerful Motive to them to desire K. Philip to be their King if the Dauphin should dye, especially since he has an Hereditary Right of his own to support him. If Lewis the XIV. judged it to be the Interest of the House of Bourbon (may they reasonably say) to oblige his Grandson to renounce France, what is that to Us now? Kingdoms are not like Private Inheritances. If the right Heir has an indefeasible Right to our Allegiance, we have the same indefeasible Right to his Govern&rehy;ment. If he will renounce for himself, he cannot however renounce for his Children. Any Act of this ought not in Natural Justice to affect them. Nay, supposing he could re&rehy;nounce for his Children yet unborn, he can&rehy;not renounce for those Two Sons of his that are born already. If it may be alledged, that the Children yet unborn can have no accruing Right to what the Father had no Right to at the time of their Birth, yet the Case is diffe&rehy;rent with those Two Princes who are now actually born. They were born Princes of the Blood of France, and are unquestionably too young to do any Act of their own that can be Valid, and it is essentially unjust to tye them up by what their Father does in a Thing of this Nature where their Birthright is concerned, and a Birthright of such vast Importance, not only to themselves but to all the rest of Christendom. Now it is no Chy&rehy;merical Supposition to imagin that the French Nation will reason after this manner, when once a seasonable Conjuncture shall offer it self, it is not impossible likewise that they may think this to be the only way to prevent a Civil War. To their Cost they know what Civil Wars upon the Account of a Title to the Crown mean. No Nations ever carry'd on a more severe, or a longer War without Intermission than they did after Henry the IIId's Death, to settle Henry the IVth. who was next Heir, upon the Crown. And this they did, tho he was a Protestant, and con&rehy;tinued so for several Years after; and when the League try'd to set up the Cardinal of Bourbon his Uncle, thinking thereby to pacify the People, it proved to no purpose, for the Nation chose rather to bear with the Miseries of a Civil War, than to alter the Succession: And this they did against the United Force of Rome and Spain.

Should they therefore upon such an Occa&rehy;sion appear zealous for K. Philip, he would have as fair a Pretence to accept of their Love, as he now declares to have to stand by his faithful Spaniards; and whatsoever he shall do in such a Case, will appear to be their Act not his. It is not therefore unlikely the French Nation may judge this to be the like&rehy;liest way to prevent a Civil War. Titles have lien dormant for a Generation or Two, and afterwards have broke out when a proper Op&rehy;portunity has offer'd it self. This actually happened in the Controversy between the Houses of York and Lancaster for the Crown of England, about 250 Years ago. The House of York gave way during the Reigns of Henry the IVth and Henry the Vth, and asserted their Right in Henry the VIth's Time, when his weak Administration gave them a fair Opportunity. And they asserted in such a manner that they turned out the House of Lancaster, which had kept the Throne for Three Generations. This Example the French have before their Eyes, and this may naturally lead them to think that the horrible Mischiefs of a Civil War can no way be so well pre&rehy;vented as by receiving Philip or his eldest Son to be their King, notwithstanding those Re&rehy;nunciations which have so long amused Eu&rehy;rope.

The Methods indeed which are generally believed to have been taken to clear the ground of the late Two Dauphins, (the Duke of Bur&rehy;gundy and his Eldest Son) may put an end to this matter, and leave to the Dukes of Berry and Orleans a quiet and an undisputed Succes&rehy;sion. Other Methods will most probably be successless. It is a Jest to say therefore, that K. Philip can renounce for any Body but him&rehy;self, or that the French will accept his Renun&rehy;ciation any farther than as they themselves like it. They will perhaps appear fond of it at present, because it brings Peace along with it, and a Breathing-Time from those Miseries under which they have so long groaned; and sinking Nations as well as drowning Men, will lay hold of every Bough that will give them present Ease. All these Things put to&rehy;gether may probably appear of Weight.

What is here suggested concerning the fu&rehy;ture Prospect of the Affairs of Europe, is not said with a Design to accuse the Ministry for what they have done: They certainly know the State of the Nation and the Condition of our Allies better than private Men: And this is a good Reason why By-standers should pass modest Censures upon what they have done. But still a British Parliament has a Right to give Advice in this important Conjuncture, and with all possible Duty and Loyalty to de&rehy;sire (if they think it necessary) an Account of the Steps which have been taken for the Na&rehy;tion's Good. When my Lord T&horfill;d was de&rehy;clared an Enemy to his Country last Sessions for Signing the Barrier-Treaty, the House of Commons were not in the wrong to make such a Declaration, upon a Supposition that they believed him to be so: And I am confident they did then believe him to be such an Ene&rehy;my, whatever they might do this next Sessi&rehy;on, if the Question were to be put again.

Whatsoever Her Majesty and the British Parliament does, we ought to receive as be&rehy;comes good Subjects. Her Majesty declared when she laid the Conditions upon which a Peace might be had before her Parliament, that she had the Protestant Succession most at Heart; and we do with Joy confide in the Solemn Declaration of Her Majesty, who is a Princess of such incomparable Vertues, and of whose steady Love to Her People we have had such frequent Instances. Nor is it likely that a British Parliament will ruin their Country, and bring in Popery in cool Blood. What Private Men may do will not be charged upon them. But I cannot without Concern and Indignation observe how very Modish it is to lay load up&rehy;on the Dutch, and how tamely Men submit to see them abused in our News-Letters and Prints in so vile a manner. That the Dutch may have sometimes over-reached us in Trade may for ought I know be true: Tho' they have cleared themselves of so many Things which have been lay'd to their Charge, that perhaps it will be most advisable to suspend our Judg&rehy;ments till those Matters are put in a clearer Light. But be it so: In Trade they are our Rivals, and we trust in our Governors that they will take care of the Interests of the Na&rehy;tion in that particular, as well as in all others, and we are easy upon that Head. But let the Dutch have been what they will towards us in point of Trade, in which private Men as well as Nations are for engrossing to them&rehy;selves as much always as they can, it is cer&rehy;tain, that the States-General are at this Time next to us the greatest Support of the Pro&rehy;testant Interest in Europe. And I shall not be afraid to assert, that the Preservation of the Protestant Religion has been under God owing to that Commonwealth. After the Bat&rehy;tel of St. Quintin when France lay wholly at the Mercy of the K. of Spain, Philip the IId preferred the Cause of Popery to the Increase of his Power by ruining the K. of France, and struck up a sudden and an unexpected Peace, that he might enter into effectual Measures with Henry the IId to extirpate the Northern Heresy; which Measures would humanly spea&rehy;king have been successful had not God won&rehy;derfully interposed. For Henry the IId was killed soon after, and left Children who were unable to execute the Designs which their Father had laid; and Philip by oppressing the Low-Countries contrary to their own just and known Privileges, which he himself had but a little before solemnly sworn to observe at (what their Historians call) the Joyful Entry, forced them upon Measures which at last end&rehy;ed in the Erection of the Dutch-Commonwealth. The Wars in the Netherlands which were sub&rehy;sequent to those Commotions, took up all K. Philip's Time, and wasted his Men and Trea&rehy;sure; and to the steady and constant Support which Q. Elizabeth gave that Infant-State we owe our own Liberties both Civil and Religi&rehy;ous. If the Dutch could not have stood with&rehy;out Her, She could as little have stood with&rehy;out them. The Spanish Invasion would not have been the only one in her Time, if the Low-Country Wars had not kept Philip the IId constantly employ'd during the whole Course of his long Reign. What could Germany have done then, if the Netherlands had been en&rehy;tirely reduced? Whereas now England and Holland can mutually support one another, and stand by the Protestant Interest any where else. And for God's sake let us look into Germany a little? Saxony is lost, we may say irreparably, when the Electoral Prince once abjures his Re&rehy;ligion, which we expect every Post to hear he will. The Palatine-House has left us a good while ago. There are now but Two Prote&rehy;stant Powers in Germany, of any great weight, Hanover and Brandenburgh. These Conside&rehy;rations render it necessary for the Two great Protestant Powers of Great-Britain and Holland (which are indeed very great when well uni&rehy;ted) to keep together. God has no where promised to work Miracles for his Church; and if he had, yet there is no reason to sup&rehy;pose he should work any for those that forsake themselves. We are told indeed that the Dutch will for their own sakes stand by us in the Day of Danger. Be it so. But then there must be mutual Confidence as well as mutual Interest, or else Alliances will be weakly sup&rehy;ported, and Assistances coldly given. And how far that Confidence has been broken with&rehy;in these last 18 Months, between Us and Hol&rehy;land, I do not pretend to determine.

It is not therefore either an improper, or an undutiful Question to ask, if the House of Bourbon should have a Mind to bring in the Pretender after the Peace is ratified, and K. Philip quietly possess'd of Spain and the West&rehy;Indies, whether it will be so easy to keep him out as it would have been, if by our with&rehy;drawing from the Allies we had not forced them to make a precipitate Peace? Is it not the joint Interest of both Branches of the House of Bourbon to bring him in if they can? The House of Hanover, whenever they come, must for their own Security stand by Holland and the House of Austria, whose Interest it certainly is to keep France from rising higher. If we would pass a right Judgment upon this Matter, we must see what the present Dispo&rehy;sition of the Nation appears to be. Do we not see Pamphlets openly Published among us, to show that no Prince ought to be debarred, of (what is called) his Natural Right to go&rehy;vern, upon the Account of Diversity of Religion? And does not this holy Right (as it is term&rehy;ed) appear every day in the Advertisements of our most celebrated News-Papers, which are spread the farthest, and the most greedily read? What does this tend to, but to wean the People by Degrees from their Fondness for the Protestant Succession? If any Man, let his Personal Character have otherwise been ne&rehy;ver so eminent, and let him have been never so zealous, and acted never so steadily for the Tory Interest, ever since the Revoluti&rehy;on, but once declare against a Peace with France at this Juncture, and upon these Terms, is he not immediately traduced in our Weekly Papers, in Lampoons, and in Penny Merriments, and treated as the vilest of Scoundrels, and set up as a Mark to be shot at by the People? An Apostate from his old Principles, a Companion for T&horfill;d, and a Member of the Calves-Head Club, is the best Language he must expect to meet with.

I will not deny, but the Ministry has, what we are sure Her Majesty has most at Heart, which is the Protestant Succession. Yet what so effectual Course can be taken, to bring People to bear with what they before abhor&rehy;red, as what we see daily practised? No Man thinks a British Ministry will attempt to alter the Establishment, unless they think they shall be backed by a British Parliament: And what Parliament will venture at any Innova&rehy;tions against the universal Bent of the Peo&rehy;ple? The People can be no other way lured on so successfully as by a present Peace, and the Prospect of future Plenty. The Land-Tax bears very hard upon the Gentlemen of Eng&rehy;land; and I do not affront them, when I say, that great Numbers of them wou'd be very well pleased to see French Wine as cheap as it was Twenty Five Years ago. The trading Part of the Nation may possibly be brought by Degrees to think, that they cannot enjoy any one Branch of their Trade securely, so long as the Dutch can send out a Fisher-Boat upon the Ocean, or a Merchant-Man to the East-Indies. Our Pamphleteer's do now assure us, that the King of France has been a strict Observer of his Word all along; and the next Thing which we are to look for, is, that he will join in a Guarantee to secure the Barrier for the Dutch, and the Hannover Succession, against himself.

There is nothing can ruin us at Home, but an implicit Confidence in every thing that is called a Tory. The Bulk of the Tories of Eng&rehy;land are in their Hearts against the Pretender: And they will not easily be brought to think, that Men of whom they have long a good Opinion, can harbour any Designs but what appear above-board; and it is indeed possible there may be no evil Designs under-hand car&rehy;ry'd on. The Tories are fond of the Church of England, of Monarchy and Episcopacy, and God bless them for such their Fondness. The Whigs unfortunately, (and perhaps some of them maliciously) gave into several Things, whilst they were in Power, which look'd ve&rehy;ry ill towards the Church. It is not to be be&rehy;lieved, how much the Clergy were exaspera&rehy;ted all over the Nation, by the publick spread&rehy;ing of that pestilent, and, in truth, heathenish Book, called the Rights of the Church. The Ministry sat by, and the Parliament for a long while took no Notice of it. This inflam'd the Body of the Clergy: And tho' the most and the best Answers against it were written at the Command of Whiggish Bishops, or dedicated to them; yet since the Civil Power did not interpose in a Matter which so nearly concerned the Being of the Church, and the Maintenance of its Clergy, their Dissatisfa&rehy;ction was not lessen'd. The Impeachment of Dr. S&horfill;l afterwards for a Point of Do&rehy;ctrine, made them lose all Patience. The Rage which that Impeachment produced had dire Effects. Men that were really concerned for their Religion, (and of those we have great Numbers) believed their common Christianity was at Stake. And when the Children of Darkness appeared above-board, when not only such little Scriblers as T&horfill;l, C&horfill;ns, A&horfill;l, and T&horfill;d; but even some whose Birth and Quality gave them a Hereditary Place in our Parliament, appeared in Print against the Christian Religion, in De&rehy;fence of what they called Natural Liberty, and Free-Thinking, as if his Quality gave any Man a sufficient License to brave the Lord of Hosts; and all this while the then Ministry sat uncon&rehy;cernedly by; if this gave the secret Enemies of our Constitution Opportunity to set things in a Flame; it is not to be wondred. And in truth I have often thought, that the Fall of that Ministry was a just Judgment of God upon them for their Remissness, in not giving what Check they could to the horrid Course of those vile and irreligious Books which appeared at that Time; and I fear it is no Breach of Charity to say, that some Leading Men amongst them, whilst they laboured to appear to be Englishmen, forgot sometimes that they were Christians. But they have smarted for their Folly; I hope they will re&rehy;pent of it.

But must we necessarily fall into Scylla, in endeavouring to avoid Charybdis?

Could we not (as Sir John Denham says)

France will not, it cannot, unless it will abjure Popery, support the Church of England, or Protestant Episcopacy. The Pretender under any Disguize, and British Liberty, are in&rehy;consistent Things. To think, that if he were once settled here, he wou'd not be influenced by Directions from Abroad, is downright In&rehy;fatuation. It is allow'd that we are not of our selves strong enough to hinder it; where then in such a Case could the Nation fly for Relief? Have we not wantonly cast off our old Friends, without getting new? I must here again repeat it, (because what is never out of my Mind, I would not lose sight of one Moment,) that I have no design to ac&rehy;cuse the Ministry. They can't alone ruin us if they would. Should they pour in never so many Bodies of new Lords into the upper House, still the House of Commons are in Pos&rehy;session of the Triennial Act, and a certain E&rehy;state in Land is a necessary Qualification to enable any Man to be a Member of their House. But the raising new Troops of Peers is an expedient the same Ministry as long as there is any public Liberty left, will hardly venture to try above once. In Her Majesty's Good&rehy;ness therefore, and in a British House of Com&rehy;mons we think ourselves safe. And, God be thanked, we have those Securities. For we may ruin ourselves very easily if we please, for there is a Door already open, which with&rehy;out very speedy care be taken may let in those Enemies, whom, when once let in, it will not be in our Power very easily to drive out. Our immediate Danger at present is from Scotland; and how few apprehend any Dan&rehy;ger from the Quarter! The Imposition of the new Oaths has shewn what the Scottish Nation would be at; and if for no other Rea&rehy;son the Imposition of those Oaths was neces&rehy;sary at this time, that England may see how the Scottish Nation stands affected. The Con&rehy;vulsions which have happen'd since the Oaths were tendred to the Scotish Ministers of both Persuasions, deserve to be set in a clear Light before us, who live on this Side of the Tweed, before they rise to too great a Head. Now the Case is this. By an Act past this Session (Annæ 10. cap. 7.) all the Ministers of the Established Church of Scotland, as also all the Ministers of the Episcopal Persuasion in North&rehy;Britain (who are tolerated by the said Act to hold Congregations according to the Liturgy of the Church of England) were obliged to take and subscribe the Oaths of Allegiance and Abjuration on or before Aug. 1. 1712. This Time being found to be too short, they had by another Act past the same Session (Annæ 10. cap. 32.) Time given them to qualify themselves till Nov. 1. 1712. During this Interval, the general Assembly of the Church of Scotland met, and made a Declaration which they presented to Her Majesty. In which they set forth, that they did not understand any Words or Syllables in that Oath, to have a Sense or Meaning contrary to their known Principles and Church Government. When the Time drew nigh in which they were to qualify themselves, the Quarter-Sessions met in most Parts of Scotland, that the Ministers who would take the Oaths of Allegiance and Abjuration, according to the Toleration-Act above-mention'd, might have an Opportunity so to do. At Edinburgh, Twenty six Mini&rehy;sters of the Presbytery of that Place, went in a Body to the Sessions, preceded by Mr. Carstairs, in order to qualify themselves, and there tendred the above-said Declaration of the General Assembly. Some of the Justices protested against receiving any such Declara&rehy;tion, others protested against the former, for not admitting it. These being out-number'd, the Minsters after having privately protested that they had offer'd such a Declaration, took the Oaths and subscribed them. The same Thing was done in other Parts of Scotland; and those that took the Oaths protested ei&rehy;ther before or after they took them, that they had tendred such a Declaration. But in the whole, it is computed that not above one half of the Ministers of the Established Church have taken the Oaths. Six of the most po&rehy;pular Ministers in Edinburgh have refused them. Of the Episcopalians, but Two have comply'd with the Act throughout Scotland: One in Edinburgh, who preaches to the Eng&rehy;lish Congregation there; and one at Glasgow, who has lately taken Orders, and open'd a Meeting in that City. The Sunday following the Non-Jurors of both Parties preached pub&rehy;lickly, and I suppose do so still. In Edinburgh it self the Populace join with the Non-Jurors, so that their Churches are thronged, whereas the Jurors are in a good Measure deserted. One Minister particularly beyond the Frith that had taken the Oaths, went the next Sun&rehy;day to preach as usual in his own Church, and found the Doors shut against him; and he was threatned to be stoned, if he attempted to o&rehy;pen them.

This is the present State of the Church of Scotland. The Episcopalians directly declare themselves to be Jacobites, and upon that Score alone they refuse the Oaths. That no Man questions. And Whig and Tory on the other Side of the Tweed are Names that are universally understood to denote Men that are for or against the Pretender. Care has been taken to infuse Scruples into the Presbyte&rehy;rians, as if the Intention of the Parliament by this Act was to destroy their Church Govern&rehy;ment by Degrees. Weak Scruples they are God knows! and yet weak as they are, they have had Influence enough to propossess one half of the Ministers of the Estalish'd Church. The Provincial Synod sat lately, and the Non-Jurors gave in a Declaration to the Sy&rehy;nod, setting forth that they had no other Objection against the Oaths, than that they understood themselves to be thereby bound to support the Hierarchy of the Church of Eng&rehy;land contrary to their known Principles. The Jurors gave in another Declaration, declaring that they did not take them in that Sense. This shelters the Jacobites: And upon this Ac&rehy;count they have industriously fomented these Scruples among the Presbyterians.