G01 0010  1       NORTHERN liberals are the chief supporters of civil
G01 0010  9    rights and of integration. They have also led the nation
G01 0020 10    in the direction of a welfare state. And both in their
G01 0030  9    objectives of non-discrimination and of social progress
G01 0040  5    they have had ranged against them the Southerners who
G01 0050  2    are called Bourbons. The name presumably derives from
G01 0050 10    the French royal house which never learned and never
G01 0060  9    forgot; since Bourbon whiskey, though of Kentucky origin,
G01 0070  6    is at least as much favored by liberals in the North
G01 0080  6    as by conservatives in the South.
G01 0080 12       The nature of the opposition between liberals and
G01 0090  8    Bourbons is too little understood in the North. The
G01 0100  6    race problem has tended to obscure other, less emotional,
G01 0110  3    issues which may fundamentally be even more divisive.
G01 0120  1    It is these other differences between North and South-
G01 0120 10    other, that is, than those which concern discrimination
G01 0130  8    or social welfare- which I chiefly discuss herein.
G01 0140  8       I write about Northern liberals from considerable
G01 0150  3    personal experience. A Southerner married to a New
G01 0160  3    Englander, I have lived for many years in a Connecticut
G01 0160 13    commuting town with a high percentage of artists, writers,
G01 0170  9    publicity men, and business executives of egghead tastes.
G01 0180  7    Most of them are Democrats and nearly all consider
G01 0190  5    themselves, and are viewed as, liberals. This is puzzling
G01 0200  3    to an outsider conscious of the classic tradition of
G01 0210  1    liberalism, because it is clear that these Democrats
G01 0210  9    who are left-of-center are at opposite poles from the
G01 0220  7    liberal Jefferson, who held that the best government
G01 0230  4    was the least government. Yet paradoxically my liberal
G01 0250  1    friends continue to view Jefferson as one of their
G01 0250 10    patron saints. When I question them as to what they
G01 0260  9    mean by concepts like liberty and democracy, I find
G01 0270  4    that they fall into two categories: the simpler ones
G01 0280  2    who have simply accepted the shibboleths of their faith
G01 0280 11    without analysis; and the intelligent, cynical ones
G01 0290  7    who scornfully reply that these things don't count
G01 0300  5    any more in the world of to-day. I am naive, they say,
G01 0310  3    to make use of such words.
G01 0310  9       I take this to mean that the intelligent- and therefore
G01 0320  6    necessarily cynical?- liberal considers that the need
G01 0330  5    for a national economy with controls that will assure
G01 0340  2    his conception of social justice is so great that individual
G01 0350  1    and local liberties as well as democratic processes
G01 0350  9    may have to yield before it. This seems like an attitude
G01 0360  8    favoring a sort of totalitarian bureaucracy which,
G01 0370  3    under a President of the same stamp, would try to coerce
G01 0380  3    an uncooperative Congress or Supreme Court. As for
G01 0380 11    states' rights, they have never counted in the thinking
G01 0390  9    of my liberal friends except as irritations of a minor
G01 0400  7    and immoral nature which exist now only as anachronisms.
G01 0410  5       The American liberal may, in the world of to-day,
G01 0420  4    have a strong case; but he presents it publicly so
G01 0420 14    enmeshed in hypocrisy that it is not an honest one.
G01 0430 10    Why, in the first place, call himself a liberal if
G01 0440  6    he is against laissez-faire and favors an authoritarian
G01 0450  3    central government with womb-to-tomb controls over
G01 0460  1    everybody? If he attaches little importance to personal
G01 0460  9    liberty, why not make this known to the world? And
G01 0470 10    if he is so scornful of the rights of states, why not
G01 0480  7    advocate a different sort of constitution that he could
G01 0490  4    more sincerely support?
G01 0490  7       I am concerned here, however, with the Northern
G01 0500  5    liberal's attitude toward the South. It appears to
G01 0510  3    be one of intense dislike, which he makes little effort
G01 0520  1    to conceal even in the presence of Southern friends.
G01 0520 10    His assumption seems to be that any such friends, being
G01 0530  9    tolerable humans, must be more liberal than most Southerners
G01 0540  5    and therefore at least partly in sympathy with his
G01 0550  3    views. Time's editor, Thomas Griffith, in his book,
G01 0560  1    The Waist-High Culture, wrote: "**h most of what was
G01 0570  1    different about it (the Deep South) I found myself
G01 0570 10    unsympathetic to **h". This, for the liberals I know,
G01 0580  8    would be an understatement. Theirs is no mere lack
G01 0590  6    of sympathy, but something closer to the passionate
G01 0600  1    hatred that was directed against Fascism.
G01 0600  7       I do not think that my experience would be typical
G01 0610  7    for Southerners living in the North. In business circles,
G01 0620  5    usually conservative, this sort of atmosphere would
G01 0630  2    hardly be found. But in our case- and neither my wife
G01 0630 13    nor I have extreme views on integration, nor are we
G01 0640 10    given to emotional outbursts- the situation has ruined
G01 0650  5    one or two valued friendships and come close to wrecking
G01 0660  5    several more. In fact it has caused us to give serious
G01 0670  2    thought to moving our residence south, because it is
G01 0670 11    not easy for the most objective Southerner to sit calmly
G01 0680  9    by when his host is telling a roomful of people that
G01 0690  8    the only way to deal with Southerners who oppose integration
G01 0700  4    is to send in troops and shoot the bastards down.
G01 0710  2       Accounts have been published of Northern liberals
G01 0710  9    in the South up against segregationist prejudice, especially
G01 0720  8    in state-supported universities where pressure may
G01 0730  5    be strong to uphold the majority view. But these accounts
G01 0740  5    do not show that Northerners have been subjected to
G01 0750  2    embarrassment or provocation by Yankee-hatred displayed
G01 0750  9    in social gatherings. From my wife's experience and
G01 0760  8    other sources, this seems to be rarely encountered
G01 0770  6    in educated circles. The strong feeling is certainly
G01 0780  3    there; but there is a leavening of liberalism among
G01 0790  1    college graduates throughout the South, especially
G01 0790  7    among those who studied in the North. And social relations
G01 0800  8    arising out of business ties impose courtesy, if not
G01 0810  6    sympathy, toward resident and visiting Northerners.
G01 0820  1    Also, among the latter a large percentage soon acquire
G01 0820 10    the prevalent Southern attitude on most social problems.
G01 0830  8       There are of course many Souths; but for this discussion
G01 0840 10    the most important division is between those who have
G01 0850  7    been reconstructed and those who haven't. My definition
G01 0860  4    of this much abused adjective is that a reconstructed
G01 0870  1    rebel is one who is glad that the North won the War.
G01 0870 13    Nobody knows how many Southerners there are in this
G01 0880  9    category. I suspect that there are far more unreconstructed
G01 0890  7    ones than the North likes to believe. I never heard
G01 0900  5    of a poll being taken on the question. No doubt such
G01 0910  2    a thing would be considered unpatriotic. Prior to 1954
G01 0910 11    I imagine that a majority of Southerners would have
G01 0920  8    voted against the Confederacy. Since the Supreme Court's
G01 0930  5    decision of that year this is more doubtful; and if
G01 0940  5    a poll had been taken immediately following the dispatch
G01 0950  3    of troops to Little Rock I believe the majority would
G01 0960  1    have been for the Old South.
G01 0960  7       Belief in the traditional way of life persists much
G01 0970  4    more in the older states than in the new ones. Probably
G01 0980  1    a larger percentage of Virginians and South Carolinians
G01 0980  9    remain unreconstructed than elsewhere, with Georgia,
G01 0990  6    North Carolina, and Alabama following along after them.
G01 1000  6    Old attitudes are held more tenaciously in the Tidewater
G01 1010  4    than the Piedmont; so that a line running down the
G01 1020  3    length of the South marking the upper limits of tidewater
G01 1030  1    would roughly divide the Old South from the new, but
G01 1030 11    with, of course, important minority enclaves.
G01 1040  4       The long-settled areas of states like Virginia and
G01 1050  4    South Carolina developed the ante-bellum culture to
G01 1060  2    its richest flowering, and there the memory is more
G01 1060 11    precious, and the consciousness of loss the greater.
G01 1070  7    Also, we should not even to-day discount the fact that
G01 1080  5    a region such as the coastal lowlands centering on
G01 1090  2    Charleston had closer ties with England and the West
G01 1090 11    Indies than with the North even after independence.
G01 1100  8    The social and psychological consequences of this continue
G01 1110  5    to affect the area. In certain respects defeat increased
G01 1120  4    the persistent Anglophilia of the Old South. Poor where
G01 1130  3    they had once been rich, humbled where they had been
G01 1140  1    arrogant, having no longer any hope of sharing in the
G01 1140 11    leadership of the nation, the rebels who would not
G01 1150  7    surrender in spirit drew comfort from the sympathy
G01 1160  3    they felt extended to them by the mother country. And
G01 1170  1    no doubt many people in states like the Carolinas and
G01 1170 11    Georgia, which were among the most Tory in sentiment
G01 1180  8    in the eighteenth century, bitterly regretted the revolt
G01 1190  4    against the Crown.
G01 1190  7       Among Bourbons the racial issue may have less to
G01 1200  8    do with their remaining unreconstructed than other
G01 1210  3    factors. All Southerners agree that slavery had to
G01 1220  1    go; but many historians maintain that except for Northern
G01 1220 10    meddling it would have ended in states like Virginia
G01 1230  9    years before it did. Southern resentment has been over
G01 1240  5    the method of its ending, the invasion, and Reconstruction;
G01 1250  3    their fears now are of miscegenation and Negro political
G01 1260  2    control in many counties. But apart from racial problems,
G01 1270  1    the old unreconstructed South- to use the moderate
G01 1270  9    words favored by Mr& Thomas Griffith- finds itself
G01 1280  6    unsympathetic to most of what is different about the
G01 1290  5    civilization of the North. And this, in effect, means
G01 1300  2    most of modern America.
G01 1300  6       It is hard to see how the situation could be otherwise.
G01 1310  5    And therein, I feel, many Northerners delude themselves
G01 1320  3    about the South. For one thing, this is not a subject
G01 1330  1    often discussed or analyzed. There seems to be almost
G01 1330 10    a conspiracy of silence veiling it. I suppose the reason
G01 1340  9    is a kind of wishful thinking: don't talk about the
G01 1350  6    final stages of Reconstruction and they will take care
G01 1360  5    of themselves. Or else the North really believes that
G01 1370  2    all Southerners except a few quaint old characters
G01 1370 10    have come around to realizing the errors of their past,
G01 1380  9    and are now at heart sharers of the American Dream,
G01 1390  5    like everybody else.
G01 1390  8       If the circumstances are faced frankly it is not
G01 1400  7    reasonable to expect this to be true. The situation
G01 1410  4    of the South since 1865 has been unique in the western
G01 1420  1    world. Regardless of rights and wrongs, a population
G01 1420  9    and an area appropriate to a pre-World-War-/1, great
G01 1430  9    power have been, following conquest, ruled against
G01 1440  3    their will by a neighboring people, and have had imposed
G01 1450  2    upon them social and economic controls they dislike.
G01 1450 10    And the great majority of these people are of Anglo-Saxon
G01 1460 10    or Celtic descent. This is the only case in modern
G01 1470  8    history of a people of Britannic origin submitting
G01 1480  3    without continued struggle to what they view as foreign
G01 1490  1    domination. The fact is due mainly to international
G01 1490  9    wars, both hot and cold. In every war of the United
G01 1500  9    States since the Civil War the South was more belligerent
G01 1510  6    than the rest of the country. So instead of being tests
G01 1520  4    of the South's loyalty, the Spanish War, the two World
G01 1530  3    Wars, and the Korean War all served to overcome old
G01 1530 13    grievances and cement reunion. And there is no section
G01 1540  9    of the nation more ardent than the South in the cold
G01 1550  8    war against Communism. Had the situation been reversed,
G01 1560  4    had, for instance, England been the enemy in 1898 because
G01 1570  3    of issues of concern chiefly to New England, there
G01 1570 12    is little doubt that large numbers of Southerners would
G01 1580  9    have happily put on their old Confederate uniforms
G01 1590  6    to fight as allies of Britain. It is extraordinary
G01 1600  3    that a people as proud and warlike as Southerners should
G01 1610  2    have been as docile as they have. The North should
G01 1610 12    thank its stars that such has been the case; but at
G01 1620 10    the same time it should not draw false inferences therefrom.
G01 1630  5       The two main charges levelled against the Bourbons
G01 1640  4    by liberals is that they are racists and social reactionaries.
G01 1650  2    There is much truth in both these charges, and not
G01 1660  1    many Bourbons deny them. Whatever their faults, they
G01 1660  9    are not hypocrites. Most of them sincerely believe
G01 1670  6    that the Anglo-Saxon is the best race in the world
G01 1680  5    and that it should remain pure. Many Northeners believe
G01 1690  2    this, too, but few of them will say so publicly. The
G01 1690 13    Bourbon economic philosophy, moreover, is not very
G01 1700  7    different from that of Northern conservatives. But
G01 1710  3    those among the Bourbons who remain unreconstructed
G01 1720  1    go much further than this. They believe that if the
G01 1720 11    South had been let alone it would have produced a civilization
G01 1730 11    superior to that of modern America. As it is, they
G01 1740  8    consider that the North is now reaping the fruits of
G01 1750  5    excess egalitarianism, that in spite of its high standard
G01 1760  2    of living the "American way" has been proved inferior
G01 1770  1    to the English and Scandinavian ways, although they
G01 1770  9    disapprove of the socialistic features of the latter.
G01 1780  6       The South's antipathy to Northern civilization includes
G01 1790  5    such charges as poor manners, harsh accents, lack of
G01 1800  4    appreciation of the arts of living like gastronomy
G01 1810  1    and the use of leisure. Their own easier, slower tempo
G01 1810 11    is especially dear to Southerners; and I have heard
G01 1820  8    many say that they are content to earn a half or a
G01 1830  7    third as much as they could up North because they so
G01 1840  3    much prefer the quieter habits of their home town.
G02 0010  1       In the past, the duties of the state, as Sir Henry
G02 0010 12    Maine noted long ago, were only two in number: internal
G02 0020  9    order and external security. By prevailing over other
G02 0030  5    claimants for the loyalties of men, the nation-state
G02 0040  4    maintained an adequate measure of certainty and order
G02 0050  1    within its territorial borders. Outside those limits
G02 0050  8    it asserted, as against other states, a position of
G02 0060  7    sovereign equality, and, as against the "inferior"
G02 0070  3    peoples of the non-Western world, a position of dominance.
G02 0080  2    It became the sole "subject" of "international law"
G02 0090  1    (a term which, it is pertinent to remember, was coined
G02 0090 11    by Bentham), a body of legal principle which by and
G02 0100  9    large was made up of what Western nations could do
G02 0110  4    in the world arena. (That corpus of law was a reflection
G02 0120  2    of the power system in existence during the eighteenth
G02 0120 11    and nineteenth centuries. Speaking generally, it furthered-
G02 0130  7    and still tends to further- the interests of the Western
G02 0140  9    powers. The enormous changes in world politics have,
G02 0150  6    however, thrown it into confusion, so much so that
G02 0160  4    it is safe to say that all international law is now
G02 0160 15    in need of reexamination and clarification in light
G02 0170  8    of the social conditions of the present era.)
G02 0180  5       Beyond the two basic tasks mentioned above, no attention
G02 0190  4    was paid by statesman or scholar to an idea of state
G02 0200  1    responsibility, either internally or externally. This
G02 0200  7    was particularly true in the world arena, which was
G02 0210  8    an anarchical battleground characterized by strife
G02 0220  3    and avaricious competition for colonial empires. That
G02 0230  2    any sort of duty was owed by his nation to other nations
G02 0230 14    would have astonished a nineteenth-century statesman.
G02 0240  6    His duty was to his sovereign and to his nation, and
G02 0250  6    an extension to peoples beyond the territorial boundaries
G02 0260  2    was not to be contemplated. Thus, to cite but one example,
G02 0270  2    the Pax Britannica of the nineteenth century, whether
G02 0270 10    with the British navy ruling the seas or with the City
G02 0280 11    of London ruling world finance, was strictly national
G02 0290  6    in motivation, however much other nations (e&g&, the
G02 0300  4    United States) may have incidentally benefited. At
G02 0310  2    the same time, all suggestions that some sort of societal
G02 0320  1    responsibility existed for the welfare of the people
G02 0320  9    within the territorial state was strongly resisted.
G02 0330  5    Social Darwinism was able to stave off the incipient
G02 0340  4    socialist movement until well into the present century.
G02 0350  1       However, in recent decades, for what doubtless are
G02 0350  9    multiple reasons, an unannounced but nonetheless readily
G02 0360  7    observable shift has occurred in both facets of national
G02 0370  7    activity. A concept of responsibility is in process
G02 0380  4    of articulation and establishment. Already firmly implanted
G02 0390  2    internally, it is a growing factor in external matters.
G02 0400  1    ##
G02 0400  2    A little more than twenty years ago the American people
G02 0400 12    turned an important corner. In what has aptly been
G02 0410  9    called a "constitutional revolution", the basic nature
G02 0420  5    of government was transformed from one essentially
G02 0430  3    negative in nature (the "night-watchman state") to
G02 0440  1    one with affirmative duties to perform. The "positive
G02 0440  9    state" came into existence. For lawyers, reflecting
G02 0450  6    perhaps their parochial preferences, there has been
G02 0460  4    a special fascination since then in the role played
G02 0470  2    by the Supreme Court in that transformation- the manner
G02 0470 11    in which its decisions altered in "the switch in time
G02 0480 10    that saved nine", President Roosevelt's ill-starred
G02 0490  5    but in effect victorious "Court-packing plan", the
G02 0500  3    imprimatur of judicial approval that was finally placed
G02 0510  3    upon social legislation. Of greater importance, however,
G02 0520  1    is the content of those programs, which have had and
G02 0520 11    are having enormous consequences for the American people.
G02 0530  6    Labor relations have been transformed, income security
G02 0540  4    has become a standardized feature of political platforms,
G02 0550  2    and all the many facets of the American version of
G02 0560  1    the welfare state have become part of the conventional
G02 0560 10    wisdom. A national consensus of near unanimity exists
G02 0570  6    that these governmental efforts are desirable as well
G02 0580  5    as necessary. Ratified in the Republican Party victory
G02 0590  2    in 1952, the Positive State is now evidenced by political
G02 0600  1    campaigns being waged not on whether but on how much
G02 0600 11    social legislation there should be.
G02 0610  5       The general acceptance of the idea of governmental
G02 0620  3    (i&e&, societal) responsibility for the economic well-being
G02 0630  3    of the American people is surely one of the two most
G02 0630 14    significant watersheds in American constitutional history.
G02 0640  6    The other, of course, was the Civil War, the conflict
G02 0650  8    which a century ago insured national unity over fragmentation.
G02 0660  5    A third, one of at least equal and perhaps even greater
G02 0670  4    importance, is now being traversed: American immersion
G02 0680  2    and involvement in world affairs.
G02 0680  7       Internal national responsibility, now a truism,
G02 0690  5    need not be documented. Nevertheless, it may be helpful
G02 0700  5    to cite one example- that of employment- for, as will
G02 0710  2    be shown below, it cuts across both facets of the new
G02 0710 13    concept. Thirty years ago, while the nation was wallowing
G02 0720  8    in economic depression, the prevailing philosophy of
G02 0730  5    government was to stand aside and allow "natural forces"
G02 0740  3    to operate and cure the distress. That guiding principle
G02 0750  2    of the Hoover Administration fell to the siege guns
G02 0750 11    of the New Deal; less than a score of years later Congress
G02 0760 11    enacted the Employment Act of 1946, by which the national
G02 0770  9    government assumed the responsibility of taking action
G02 0780  5    to insure conditions of maximum employment. Hands-off
G02 0790  3    the economy was replaced by conscious guidance through
G02 0800  1    planning- the economic side of the constitutional revolution.
G02 0800  8    In 1961 the first important legislative victory of
G02 0810  8    the Kennedy Administration came when the principle
G02 0820  5    of national responsibility for local economic distress
G02 0830  3    won out over a "state's-responsibility" proposal- provision
G02 0840  2    was made for payment for unemployment relief by nation-wide
G02 0850  4    taxation rather than by a levy only on those states
G02 0850 14    afflicted with manpower surplus. The American people
G02 0860  7    have indeed come a long way in the brief interval between
G02 0870  9    1930 and 1961.
G02 0870 12       Internal national responsibility is a societal response
G02 0880  7    to the impact of the Industrial Revolution. Reduced
G02 0890  4    to its simplest terms, it is an assumption of a collective
G02 0900  4    duty to compensate for the inability of individuals
G02 0910  1    to cope with the rigors of the era. National responsibility
G02 0910 11    for individual welfare is a concept not limited to
G02 0920  9    the United States or even to the Western nations. A
G02 0930  7    measure of its widespread acceptance may be derived
G02 0940  4    from a statement of the International Congress of Jurists
G02 0950  1    in 1959. Meeting in New Delhi under the auspices of
G02 0950 11    the International Commission of Jurists, a body of
G02 0960  7    lawyers from the free world, the Congress redefined
G02 0970  4    and expanded the traditional Rule of Law to include
G02 0980  3    affirmative governmental duties. It is noteworthy that
G02 0990  1    the majority of the delegates to the Congress were
G02 0990 10    from the less developed, former colonial nations. The
G02 1000  5    Rule of Law, historically a principle according everyone
G02 1010  3    his "day in court" before an impartial tribunal, was
G02 1020  2    broadened substantively by making it a responsibility
G02 1020  9    of government to promote individual welfare. Recognizing
G02 1030  7    that the Rule of Law is "a dynamic concept **h which
G02 1040  9    should be employed not only to safeguard the civil
G02 1050  5    and political rights of the individual in a free society",
G02 1060  2    the Congress asserted that it also included the responsibility
G02 1070  1    "to establish social, economic, educational and cultural
G02 1070  8    conditions under which his legitimate aspirations and
G02 1080  7    dignity may be realized". The idea of national responsibility
G02 1090  6    thus has become a common feature of the nations of
G02 1100  6    the non-Soviet world. For better or for worse, we all
G02 1110  3    now live in welfare states, the organizing principle
G02 1110 11    of which is collective responsibility for individual
G02 1120  6    well-being.
G02 1120  8       Whether a concept analogous to the principle of
G02 1130  8    internal responsibility operates in a nation's external
G02 1140  6    relations is less obvious and more difficult to establish.
G02 1150  4    The hypothesis ventured here is that it does, and that
G02 1160  3    evidence is accumulating validating that proposition.
G02 1160  9    The content is not the same, however: rather than individual
G02 1170  9    security, it is the security and continuing existence
G02 1180  7    of an "ideological group"- those in the "free world"-
G02 1190  8    that is basic. External national responsibility involves
G02 1200  3    a burgeoning requirement that the leaders of the Western
G02 1210  3    nations so guide their decisions as to further the
G02 1210 12    viability of other friendly nations. If internal responsibility
G02 1220  8    suggests acceptance of the socialist ideal of equality,
G02 1230  7    then external responsibility implies adherence to principles
G02 1240  5    of ideological supranationalism.
G02 1250  1       Reference to two other concepts- nationalism and
G02 1250  8    sovereignty- may help to reveal the contours of the
G02 1260 11    new principle. In its beginnings the nation-state had
G02 1270  5    to struggle to assert itself- internally, against feudal
G02 1280  3    groups, and externally, against the power and influence
G02 1290  1    of such other claimants for loyalty as the Church.
G02 1290 10    The breakup of the Holy Roman Empire and the downfall
G02 1300  8    of feudalism led, not more than two centuries ago,
G02 1310  5    to the surge of nationalism. (Since the time-span of
G02 1320  2    the nation-state coincides roughly with the separate
G02 1320 10    existence of the United States as an independent entity,
G02 1330  9    it is perhaps natural for Americans to think of the
G02 1340  7    nation as representative of the highest form of order,
G02 1350  4    something permanent and unchanging.) The concept of
G02 1360  1    nationalism is the political principle that epitomizes
G02 1360  8    and glorifies the territorial state as the characteristic
G02 1370  7    type of socal structure. But it is more than that.
G02 1380  6    For it includes the emotional ties that bind men to
G02 1390  3    their homeland and the complex motivations that hold
G02 1390 11    a large group of people together as a unit. Today,
G02 1400  9    as new nations rise from the former colonial empires,
G02 1410  5    nationalism is one of the hurricane forces loose in
G02 1420  3    the world. Almost febrile in intensity, the principle
G02 1420 11    has become worldwide in application- unfortunately
G02 1430  6    at the very time that nationalist fervors can wreak
G02 1440  5    greatest harm. Historically, however, the concept is
G02 1450  4    one that has been of marked benefit to the people of
G02 1450 15    the Western civilizational group. By subduing disparate
G02 1460  7    lesser groups the nation has, to some degree at least,
G02 1470  9    broadened the capacity for individual liberty. Within
G02 1480  3    their confines, moreover, technological and industrial
G02 1490  2    growth has proceeded at an accelerated pace, thus increasing
G02 1500  1    the cornucopia from which material wants can be satisfied.
G02 1500 10    While the pattern is uneven, some having gained more
G02 1510  8    than others, nationalism has in fact served the Western
G02 1520  7    peoples well. (Whether historical nationalism helped
G02 1530  2    the peoples of the remainder of the world, and whether
G02 1540  1    today's nationalism in the former colonial areas has
G02 1540  9    equally beneficial aspects, are other questions.)
G02 1550  5       It is one of the ironic quirks of history that the
G02 1560  5    viability and usefulness of nationalism and the territorial
G02 1570  2    state are rapidly dissipating at precisely the time
G02 1570 10    that the nation-state attained its highest number (approximately
G02 1580  9    100). But it is more than irony: one of the main reasons
G02 1590 11    why nationalism is no longer a tenable concept is because
G02 1600  8    it has spread throughout the planet. In other words,
G02 1610  5    nationalism worked well enough when it had limited
G02 1620  2    application, both as to geography and as to population;
G02 1620 11    it becomes a perilous anachronism when adopted on a
G02 1630  9    world-wide basis.
G02 1640  1       Complementing the political principle of nationalism
G02 1640  7    is the legal principle of sovereignty. The former receives
G02 1650  7    its legitimacy from the latter. Operating side by side,
G02 1660  6    together they helped shore up the nation-state. While
G02 1670  2    sovereignty has roots in antiquity, in its present
G02 1680  1    usage it is essentially modern. Jean Bodin, writing
G02 1680  9    in the sixteenth century, may have been the seminal
G02 1690  7    thinker, but it was the vastly influential John Austin
G02 1700  3    who set out the main lines of the concept as now understood.
G02 1710  2    Austin's nineteenth-century view of law and sovereignty
G02 1720  1    still dominates much of today's legal and political
G02 1720  9    thinking. To him, law is the command of the sovereign
G02 1730  9    (the English monarch) who personifies the power of
G02 1740  5    the nation, while sovereignty is the power to make
G02 1750  2    law- i&e&, to prevail over internal groups and to be
G02 1750 12    free from the commands of other sovereigns in other
G02 1760  9    nations. These fundamental ideas- the indivisibility
G02 1770  3    of sovereignty and its dual (internal-external) aspects-
G02 1780  1    still remain the core of that concept of ultimate political
G02 1790  2    power.
G02 1790  3       The nation-state, then, exemplifies the principle
G02 1800  1    of nationalism and exercises sovereignty: supreme power
G02 1800  8    over domestic affairs and independence from outside
G02 1810  7    control. In fact, however, both principles have always
G02 1820  5    been nebulous and loosely defined. High-level abstractions
G02 1830  2    are always difficult to pin down with precision. That
G02 1840  2    is particularly true of sovereignty when it is applied
G02 1840 11    to democratic societies, in which "popular" sovereignty
G02 1850  6    is said to exist, and in federal nations, in which
G02 1860  7    the jobs of government are split. Nevertheless, nationalism
G02 1870  2    and sovereignty are reputed, in the accepted wisdom,
G02 1880  2    to describe the modern world. Is there a different
G02 1880 11    reality behind the facade? Does the surface hide a
G02 1890  8    quite different picture?
G02 1900  1       The short answer to those questions is "yes". Both
G02 1900 10    concepts are undergoing alteration; to some degree
G02 1910  7    they are being supplanted by a concept of national
G02 1920  6    responsibility. As evidence to support that view, consider
G02 1930  4    the following illustrative instances.
G03 0010  1    Can thermonuclear war be set off by accident? What
G03 0010 10    steps have been taken to guard against the one sort
G03 0020  8    of mishap that could trigger the destruction of continents?
G03 0030  4    Are we as safe as we should be from such a disaster?
G03 0040  3    Is anything being done to increase our margin of safety?
G03 0050  1    Will the danger increase or decrease?
G03 0050  7       I have just asked these questions in the Pentagon,
G03 0060  6    in the White House, in offices of key scientists across
G03 0070  4    the country and aboard the submarines that prowl for
G03 0080  2    months underwater, with neat rows of green launch tubes
G03 0080 11    which contain Polaris missiles and which are affectionately
G03 0090  7    known as "Sherwood Forest". I asked the same questions
G03 0100  7    inside the launch-control rooms of an Atlas missile
G03 0110  6    base in Wyoming, where officers who wear sidearms are
G03 0120  3    manning the "commit buttons" that could start a war-
G03 0130  3    accidentally or by design- and in the command centers
G03 0130 12    where other pistol-packing men could give orders to
G03 0140  8    push such buttons.
G03 0140 11       To the men in the instrument-jammed bomber cockpits,
G03 0150  9    submarine compartments and the antiseptic, windowless
G03 0160  5    rooms that would be the foxholes of tomorrow's impersonal
G03 0170  3    intercontinental wars, the questions seem farfetched.
G03 0180  1    There is unceasing pressure, but its sources are immediate.
G03 0190  1    "Readiness exercises" are almost continuous. Each could
G03 0190  8    be the real thing.
G03 0200  2       In the command centers there are special clocks
G03 0200 10    ready to tick off the minutes elapsed since "~E hour".
G03 0210 10    "~E" stands for "execution"- the moment a "go order"
G03 0220  9    would unleash an American nuclear strike. There is
G03 0230  7    little time for the men in the command centers to reflect
G03 0240  5    about the implications of these clocks. They are preoccupied
G03 0250  4    riding herd on control panels, switches, flashing colored
G03 0260  2    lights on pale green or gray consoles that look like
G03 0260 12    business machines. They know little about their machinery
G03 0270  8    beyond mechanical details. Accidental war is so sensitive
G03 0280  7    a subject that most of the people who could become
G03 0290  4    directly involved in one are told just enough so they
G03 0300  2    can perform their portions of incredibly complex tasks.
G03 0310  1       Among the policy makers, generals, physicists, psychologists
G03 0310  7    and others charged with controlling the actions of
G03 0320  7    the button pushers and their "hardware", the answers
G03 0330  4    to my questions varied partly according to a man's
G03 0340  3    flair for what the professionals in this field call
G03 0340 12    "scenarios". As an Air Force psychiatrist put it: "You
G03 0350  9    can't have dry runs on this one". The experts are thus
G03 0360 10    forced to hypothesize sequences of events that have
G03 0370  6    never occurred, probably never will- but possibly might.
G03 0380  6    Only one rule prevailed in my conversations with these
G03 0390  2    men: The more highly placed they are- that is, the
G03 0390 12    more they know- the more concerned they have become.
G03 0400  7       Already accidental war is a silent guest at the
G03 0410  8    discussions within the Kennedy Administration about
G03 0420  2    the urgency of disarmament and nearly all other questions
G03 0430  1    of national security. Only recently new "holes" were
G03 0440  1    discovered in our safety measures, and a search is
G03 0440 10    now on for more. Work is under way to see whether new
G03 0450  8    restraining devices should be installed on all nuclear
G03 0460  4    weapons.
G03 0460  5       Meanwhile, the experts speak of wars triggered by
G03 0470  4    "false pre-emption", "escalation", "unauthorized behavior"
G03 0480  2    and other terms that will be discussed in this report.
G03 0490  1    They inhabit a secret world centered on "go codes"
G03 0490 10    and "gold phones". Their conversations were, almost
G03 0500  6    invariably, accompanied by the same gestures- arms
G03 0510  6    and pointed forefingers darting toward each other in
G03 0520  4    arclike semicircular motions. One arm represented our
G03 0520 11    bombers and missiles, the other arm "theirs". Yet implicit
G03 0530  9    in each movement was the death of millions, perhaps
G03 0540  8    hundreds of millions, perhaps you and me- and the experts.
G03 0550  7       These men are not callous. It is their job to think
G03 0560  7    about the unthinkable. Unanimously they believe that
G03 0570  2    the world would become a safer place if more of us-
G03 0570 13    and more Russians and Communist Chinese, too- thought
G03 0580  7    about accidental war.
G03 0590  2       The first systematic thinking about this Pandora's
G03 0590  9    box within Pandora's boxes was done four years ago
G03 0600  9    by Fred Ikle, a frail, meek-mannered Swiss-born sociologist.
G03 0610  7    He was, and is, with the ~RAND Corporation, a nonprofit
G03 0620  5    pool of thinkers financed by the U& S& Air Force. His
G03 0630  6    investigations made him the Paul Revere of accidental
G03 0640  3    war, and safety procedures were enormously increased.
G03 0660  1       In recent weeks, as a result of a sweeping defense
G03 0660 11    policy reappraisal by the Kennedy Administration, basic
G03 0670  6    United States strategy has been modified- and large
G03 0680  6    new sums allocated- to meet the accidental-war danger
G03 0690  2    and to reduce it as quickly as possible.
G03 0700  1       The chain starts at ~BMEWS (Ballistic Missile Early
G03 0700  8    Warning System) in Thule, Greenland. Its radar screens
G03 0710  8    would register Soviet missiles shortly after they are
G03 0720  6    launched against the United States. ~BMEWS intelligence
G03 0730  3    is simultaneously flashed to ~NORAD (North American
G03 0740  3    Air Defense Command) in Colorado Springs, Colorado,
G03 0750  2    for interpretation; to the ~SAC command and control
G03 0760  1    post, forty-five feet below the ground at Offutt Air
G03 0760 11    Force Base, near Omaha, Nebraska; to the Joint War
G03 0770  7    Room of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in the Pentagon and
G03 0780  7    to the President.
G03 0780 10       Telephones, Teletypes, several kinds of radio systems
G03 0790  7    and, in some cases, television, link all vital points.
G03 0800  5    Alternate locations exist for all key command centers.
G03 0810  2    For last-ditch emergencies ~SAC has alternate command
G03 0820  1    posts on ~KC-135 jet tankers. Multiple circuits, routings
G03 0820 10    and frequencies make the chain as unbreakable as possible.
G03 0830  9       The same principle of "redundancy" applies to all
G03 0840  8    communications on these special networks. And no messages
G03 0850  6    can be transmitted on these circuits until senders
G03 0860  3    and receivers authenticate in advance, by special codes,
G03 0880  1    that the messages actually come from their purported
G03 0880  9    sources. Additional codes can be used to challenge
G03 0890  7    and counterchallenge the authentications.
G03 0900  1       Only the President is permitted to authorize the
G03 0910  1    use of nuclear weapons. That's the law. But what if
G03 0910 11    somebody decides to break it? The President cannot
G03 0920  7    personally remove the safety devices from every nuclear
G03 0930  5    trigger. He makes the momentous decision. Hundreds
G03 0940  2    of men are required to pass the word to the button
G03 0940 13    pushers and to push the buttons. What if one or more
G03 0950 11    of them turn irrational or suddenly, coolly, decide
G03 0960  5    to clobber the Russians? What if the President himself,
G03 0970  2    in the language of the military, "goes ape"? Or singlehandedly
G03 0980  3    decided to reverse national policy and hit the Soviets
G03 0990  1    without provocation?
G03 0990  3       Nobody can be absolutely certain of the answers.
G03 1000  3    However, the system is designed, ingeniously and hopefully,
G03 1010  1    so that no one man could initiate a thermonuclear war.
G03 1010 11       Even the President cannot pick up his telephone
G03 1020  8    and give a "go" order. Even he does not know the one
G03 1030  8    signal for a nuclear strike- the "go code". In an emergency
G03 1040  6    he would receive available intelligence on the "gold-phone
G03 1050  5    circuit". A system of "gold"- actually yellow- phones
G03 1060  2    connects him with the offices and action stations of
G03 1070  1    the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
G03 1070 10    the ~SAC commander and other key men. All can be connected
G03 1080 10    with the gold circuit from their homes. All could help
G03 1090  7    the President make his decision. The talk would not
G03 1100  5    be in code, but neither would it ramble. Vital questions
G03 1110  2    would be quickly answered according to a preprepared
G03 1110 10    agenda. Officers who participate in the continual practice
G03 1120  8    drills assured me that the President's decision could
G03 1130  7    be made and announced on the gold circuit within minutes
G03 1140  5    after the first flash from ~BMEWS.
G03 1150  1       If communications work, his decision would be instantly
G03 1150  9    known in all command posts that would originate the
G03 1160  9    actual go order. For these centers, too, are on the
G03 1170  7    gold circuit. They include the Navy's Atlantic Command
G03 1180  3    at Norfolk, Virginia, which is in contact with the
G03 1190  2    Polaris subs; ~NATO headquarters in Europe; Air Force
G03 1200  1    forward headquarters in Europe and in the Pacific,
G03 1200  9    which control tactical fighters on ships and land bases;
G03 1210  8    and ~SAC, which controls long-range bombers and Atlas
G03 1220  6    missiles.
G03 1220  7       Let us look in on one of these nerve centers- ~SAC
G03 1230  7    at Omaha- and see what must still happen before a wing
G03 1250  6    of ~B-52 bombers could drop their ~H-bombs.
G03 1260  1       In a word, plenty. The key man almost certainly
G03 1260 10    would be Col& William W& Wisman, ~SAC's senior controller.
G03 1270  9    He or his deputy or one of their seven assistants,
G03 1280 10    all full colonels, mans the heart of the command post
G03 1290  8    twenty-four hours a day. It is a quiet but impressive
G03 1300  3    room- 140 feet long, thirty-nine feet wide, twenty-one
G03 1310  1    feet high. Movable panels of floor-to-ceiling maps
G03 1310 10    and charts are crammed with intelligence information.
G03 1320  6    And Bill Wisman, forty-three, a farmer's son from Beallsville,
G03 1330  6    Ohio, is a quiet but impressive man. His eyes are steady
G03 1340  6    anchors of the deepest brown. His movements and speech
G03 1350  3    are precise, clear and quick. No question ruffles him
G03 1360  1    or causes him to hesitate.
G03 1360  6       Wisman, who has had the chief controller's job for
G03 1370  3    four years, calls the signals for a team operating
G03 1380  1    three rows of dull-gray consoles studded with lights,
G03 1380 10    switches and buttons. At least a dozen men, some armed,
G03 1390  8    are never far away from him. In front of him is a gold
G03 1400  8    phone. In emergencies the ~SAC commander, Gen& Thomas
G03 1410  3    Power, or his deputies and their staff would occupy
G03 1420  1    a balcony that stretches across the length of the room
G03 1420 11    above Wisman and his staff. At General Power's seat
G03 1430  8    in the balcony there is also a gold phone. General
G03 1440  6    Power would participate in the decision making. Wisman,
G03 1450  3    below, would listen in and act. His consoles can give
G03 1460  1    him instant contact with more than seventy bases around
G03 1460 10    the world and with every ~SAC aircraft.
G03 1470  5       He need only pick up one of the two red telephone
G03 1480  5    receivers at his extreme left, right next to the big
G03 1490  2    red button marked ALERT. (There are two receivers in
G03 1490 11    case one should be dropped and damaged.)
G03 1500  7       But Wisman, too, does not know the go code. He must
G03 1510  7    take it from "the red box". In point of fact, this
G03 1520  4    is a beige box with a bright red door, about one and
G03 1520 16    a half feet square and hung from the wall about six
G03 1530 10    feet from the door to Wisman's right. The box is internally
G03 1540  7    wired so the door can never be opened without setting
G03 1550  5    off a screeching klaxon ("It's real obnoxious").
G03 1560  1       Now we must become vague, for we are approaching
G03 1570  1    one of the nation's most guarded secrets. The codes
G03 1570 10    in the red box- there are several of them covering
G03 1580  9    various contingencies- are contained in a sealed ~X-ray-proof
G03 1590  7    "unique device". They are supplied, a batch at a time,
G03 1600  6    by a secret source and are continually changed by Wisman
G03 1610  3    or his staff, at random intervals.
G03 1610  9       But even the contents of Wisman's box cannot start
G03 1620  6    a war. They are mere fragments, just one portion of
G03 1630  5    preprepared messages. What these fragments are and
G03 1640  2    how they activate the go order may not be revealed.
G03 1640 12    The pieces must be placed in the context of the prepared
G03 1650  9    messages by Wisman's staff. In addition to the authentication
G03 1660  6    and acknowledgment procedures which precede and follow
G03 1670  5    the sending of the go messages, again in special codes,
G03 1680  2    each message also contains an "internal authenticator",
G03 1690  1    another specific signal to convince the recipient that
G03 1690  9    he is getting the real thing.
G03 1700  4       I asked Wisman what would happen if he broke out
G03 1710  2    the go codes and tried to start transmitting one. "I'd
G03 1710 12    wind up full of .38 bullet holes", he said, and there
G03 1720 11    was no question that he was talking about bullets fired
G03 1730  7    by his coworkers.
G03 1730 10       Now let us imagine a wing of ~B-52's, on alert near
G03 1740 11    their "positive control (or fail-safe) points", the
G03 1750  6    spots on the map, many miles from Soviet territory,
G03 1760  3    beyond which they are forbidden to fly without specific
G03 1770  1    orders to proceed to their targets. They, too, have
G03 1770 10    fragments of the go code with them. As Wisman put it,
G03 1780 10    "They have separate pieces of the pie, and we have
G03 1790  7    the whole pie. Once we send out the whole pie, they
G03 1800  3    can put their pieces into it. Unless we send out the
G03 1800 14    whole pie, their pieces mean nothing". Why does Wisman's
G03 1810  9    ever-changing code always mesh with the fragments in
G03 1820  8    possession of the button pushers? The answer is a cryptographic
G03 1830  6    secret. At any rate, three men out of a six-man ~B-52
G03 1840  9    crew are required to copy down Wisman's go-to-war message.
G03 1850  5    Each must match Wisman's "pie" with the fragment that
G03 1860  3    he carries with him. All three must compare notes and
G03 1860 13    agree to "go".
G03 1870  3    ##
G03 1870  4    After that, it requires several minutes of concentrated
G03 1880  1    work, including six separate and deliberate actions
G03 1880  8    by a minimum of three men sitting at three separate
G03 1890  8    stations in a bomber, each with another man beside
G03 1900  5    him to help, for an armed bomb to be released. Unless
G03 1910  2    all gadgets are properly operated- and the wires and
G03 1910 11    seals from the handles removed first- no damage can
G03 1920  9    be done.
G04 0010  1       Suddenly, however, their posture changed and the
G04 0010  8    game ended. They went as rigid as black statuary **h
G04 0020  8    six figures, lean and tall and angular, went still.
G04 0030  4    Their heads were in the air sniffing. They all swung
G04 0040  2    at the same instant in the same direction. They saw
G04 0040 12    it before I did, even with my binoculars. It was nothing
G04 0050 10    more than a tiny distant rain squall, a dull gray sheet
G04 0060  7    which reached from a layer of clouds to the earth.
G04 0070  4    In the 360 degrees of horizon it obscured only a degree,
G04 0080  1    no more. A white man would not have seen it. The aborigines
G04 0080 13    fastened upon it with a concentration beyond pathos.
G04 0090  8    Watching, they waited until the squall thickened and
G04 0100  6    began to move in a long drifting slant across the dry
G04 0110  4    burning land. At once the whole band set off at a lope.
G04 0120  1    They were chasing a rain cloud.
G04 0120  7       They went after the squall as mercilessly as a wolf
G04 0130  6    pack after an abandoned cow. I followed them in the
G04 0140  3    jeep and now they did not care. The games were over,
G04 0140 14    this was life. Occasionally, for no reason that I could
G04 0150 10    see, they would suddenly alter the angle of their trot.
G04 0160  7    Sometimes I guessed it was because the rain squall
G04 0170  4    had changed direction. Sometimes it was to skirt a
G04 0180  2    gulley. Their gait is impossible to convey in words.
G04 0180 11    It has nothing of the proud stride of the trained runner
G04 0190  9    about it, it is not a lope, it is not done with style
G04 0200  7    or verve. It is the gait of the human who must run
G04 0210  3    to live: arms dangling, legs barely swinging over the
G04 0210 12    ground, head hung down and only occasionally swinging
G04 0220  8    up to see the target, a loose motion that is just short
G04 0230  8    of stumbling and yet is wonderfully graceful. It is
G04 0240  4    a barely controlled skimming of the ground.
G04 0250  1       They ran for three hours. Finally, avoiding hummocks
G04 0250  9    and seeking low ground, they intercepted the rain squall.
G04 0260  7    For ten minutes they ran beneath the squall, raising
G04 0270  5    their arms and, for the first time, shouting and capering.
G04 0280  3    Then the wind died and the rain squall held steady.
G04 0290  1    They were studying the ground. Suddenly one of them
G04 0290 10    shouted, ran a few feet, bent forward and put his mouth
G04 0300  9    to the ground. He had found a depression with rain
G04 0310  5    water in it. He bent down, a black cranelike figure,
G04 0320  1    and put his mouth to the ground.
G04 0320  8       With a lordly and generous gesture, the discoverer
G04 0330  3    stood up and beckoned to the closest of his fellows.
G04 0330 13    The other trotted over and swooped at the tiny puddle.
G04 0340 10    In an instant he had sucked it dry.
G04 0350  6       The aborigine lives on the cruelest land I have
G04 0360  3    ever seen. Which does not mean that it is ugly. Part
G04 0360 14    of it is, of course. There are thousands of square
G04 0370  9    miles of salt pan which are hideous. They are huge
G04 0380  6    areas which have been swept by winds for so many centuries
G04 0390  3    that there is no soil left, but only deep bare ridges
G04 0400  1    fifty or sixty yards apart with ravines between them
G04 0400 10    thirty or forty feet deep and the only thing that moves
G04 0410  9    is a scuttling layer of sand. Such stretches have an
G04 0420  5    inhuman moonlike quality. But much of the land which
G04 0430  2    the aborigine wanders looks as if it should be hospitable.
G04 0440  1    It is softened by the saltbush and the bluebush, has
G04 0440 11    a peaceful quality, the hills roll softly.
G04 0450  5       The malignancy of such a landscape has been beautifully
G04 0460  4    described by the Australian Charles Bean. He tells
G04 0470  2    of three men who started out on a trip across a single
G04 0470 14    paddock, a ten-by-ten-mile square owned by a sheep
G04 0480 11    grazer. They went well-equipped with everything except
G04 0490  4    knowledge of the "outback" country. "
G04 0500  1       The countryside looked like a beautiful open park
G04 0500  9    with gentle slopes and soft gray tree-clumps. Nothing
G04 0510  8    appalling or horrible rushed upon these men. Only there
G04 0520  6    happened- nothing. There might have been a pool of
G04 0530  5    cool water behind any of these tree-clumps: only- there
G04 0540  4    was not. It might have rained, any time; only- it did
G04 0540 15    not. There might have been a fence or a house just
G04 0550 11    over the next rise; only- there was not. They lay,
G04 0560  6    with the birds hopping from branch to branch above
G04 0570  4    them and the bright sky peeping down at them. No one
G04 0580  1    came".
G04 0580  2       The white men died. And countless others like them
G04 0580 11    have died. Even today range riders will come upon mummified
G04 0590 10    bodies of men who attempted nothing more difficult
G04 0600  7    than a twenty-mile hike and slowly lost direction,
G04 0610  3    were tortured by the heat, driven mad by the constant
G04 0620  1    and unfulfilled promise of the landscape, and who finally
G04 0620 10    died.
G04 0630  1       The aborigine is not deceived; he knows that the
G04 0630 10    land is hard and pitiless. He knows that the economy
G04 0640  8    of life in the "outback" is awful. There is no room
G04 0650  7    for error or waste. Any organism that falters or misperceives
G04 0660  3    the signals or weakens is done. I do not know if such
G04 0670  3    a way of life can come to be a self-conscious challenge,
G04 0670 15    but I suspect that it can. Perhaps this is what gives
G04 0680 11    the aborigine his odd air of dignity.
G04 0690  5    #THE FAMILY AT THE BOULDER#
G04 0690 10    SEEING an aborigine today is a difficult thing. Many
G04 0700  7    of them have drifted into the cities and towns and
G04 0710  5    seaports. Others are confined to vast reservations,
G04 0720  1    and not only does the Australian government justifiably
G04 0720  9    not wish them to be viewed as exhibits in a zoo, but
G04 0730 11    on their reservations they are extremely fugitive,
G04 0740  4    shunning camps, coming together only for corroborees
G04 0750  1    at which their strange culture comes to its highest
G04 0750 10    pitch- which is very low indeed.
G04 0760  8       I persuaded an Australian friend who had lived "outback"
G04 0770  5    for years to take me to see some aborigines living
G04 0780  2    in the bush. It was a difficult and ambiguous kind
G04 0780 12    of negotiation, even though the rancher was said to
G04 0790  8    be expert in his knowledge of the aborigines and their
G04 0800  6    language. Finally, however, the arrangements were made
G04 0810  3    and we drove out into the bush in a Land Rover. We
G04 0820  1    followed the asphalt road for a few miles and then
G04 0820 11    swung off onto a smaller road which was nothing more
G04 0830  7    than two tire marks on the earth. The rancher went
G04 0840  4    a mile down this road and then, when he reached a big
G04 0850  1    red boulder, swung off the road. At once he started
G04 0850 11    to glance toward the instrument panel. It took me a
G04 0860  8    moment to realize what was odd about that panel: there
G04 0870  5    was a gimbaled compass welded to it, which rocked gently
G04 0880  2    back and forth as the Land Rover bounced about. The
G04 0880 12    rancher was navigating his way across the flatland.
G04 0890  8       "Do you always navigate like this"? I asked.
G04 0900  6       "Damned right", he said. "Once I get out on the
G04 0910  8    flat I do. Some chaps that know an area well can make
G04 0920  5    their way by landmarks **h a tree here, a wash here,
G04 0930  1    a boulder there. But if you don't know the place like
G04 0930 12    the palm of your hand, you'd better use a compass and
G04 0940  9    the speedometer. Two miles northeast, then five miles
G04 0950  5    southwest **h that sort of thing. Very simple".
G04 0960  2       He was right. The landscape kept repeating itself.
G04 0970  1    I would try to memorize landmarks and saw in a half-hour
G04 0970 13    that it was hopeless. Finally we approached the bivouac
G04 0980  7    of the aborigines. They were camped beside a large
G04 0990  6    column-shaped boulder: a man, his lubra, and two children.
G04 1000  4    The sun was not yet high and all of them were in the
G04 1010  2    small area of shade cast by the boulder.
G04 1020  7       There was also a dog, a dingo dog. Its ribs showed,
G04 1030  7    it was a yellow nondescript color, it suffered from
G04 1040  4    a variety of sores, hair had scabbed off its body in
G04 1050  1    patches. It lay with its head on its paws and only
G04 1050 12    its eyes moving, watching us carefully. It struck me
G04 1060  7    as a very bright and very malnourished dog. No one
G04 1070  4    patted the dog. It was not a pet. It was a worker.
G04 1080  1       "The buggers love shade", the rancher said. "I suppose
G04 1090  1    because it saves them some loss of body water. They'll
G04 1090 11    move around that rock all day, following the shade.
G04 1100  8    During the hottest part of the day, of course, the
G04 1110  6    sun comes straight down and there isn't any shade".
G04 1120  2       We drove close to the boulder, stopped the Land
G04 1120 11    Rover, and walked over toward the family.
G04 1130  7       The man was leaning against the rock. He gazed away
G04 1140  6    from us as we approached. He was over six feet tall
G04 1150  4    and very thin. His legs were narrow and very long.
G04 1150 14    Every bone and muscle in his body showed, but he did
G04 1160 11    not give the appearance of starving. He had long black
G04 1170  7    hair and a wispy beard. The ridges over his eyes were
G04 1180  5    huge and his eyelids were half shut. There was something
G04 1190  1    about his face that disturbed me and it took several
G04 1190 11    seconds to realize what. It was not merely that flies
G04 1200 10    were crawling over his face but his narrowed eyelids
G04 1210  6    did not blink when the flies crawled into his eye sockets.
G04 1220  4    A fly would crawl down the bulging forehead, into the
G04 1230  2    socket of the eye, walk along the man's lashes and
G04 1230 12    across the wet surface of the eyeball, and the eye
G04 1240  8    did not blink. The Australian and I both were wearing
G04 1250  6    insect repellent and were not badly bothered by insects,
G04 1260  3    but my eyes watered as we stood watching the aborigine.
G04 1260 13       I turned to look at the lubra. She remained squatting
G04 1270 11    on her heels all the time we were there; like the man,
G04 1280 10    she was entirely naked. Her long thin arms moved in
G04 1290  7    a slow rhythmical gesture over the family possessions
G04 1300  2    which were placed in front of her. There were two rubbing
G04 1310  1    sticks for making fire, two stones shaped roughly like
G04 1310 10    knives, a woven-root container which held a few pounds
G04 1320  7    of dried worms and the dead body of some rodent. There
G04 1330  6    was also a long wooden spear and a woomera, a spear-throwing
G04 1340  4    device which gives the spear an enormous velocity and
G04 1350  2    high accuracy. There was also a boomerang, elaborately
G04 1350 10    carved. Everything was burnished with sweat and grease
G04 1360  7    so that all of the objects seemed to have been carved
G04 1370  6    from the same material and to be ageless.
G04 1380  1       The two children, both boys, wandered around the
G04 1380  9    Australian and me for a few moments and then returned
G04 1390 10    to their work. They squatted on their heels with their
G04 1400  6    heads bent far forward, their eyes only a few inches
G04 1410  4    from the ground. They had located the runway of a colony
G04 1420  1    of ants and as the ants came out of the ground, the
G04 1420 13    boys picked them up, one at a time, and pinched them
G04 1430  9    dead. The tiny bodies, dropped onto a dry leaf, made
G04 1440  5    a pile as big as a small apple.
G04 1440 13       The odor here was more powerful than that which
G04 1450  8    surrounded the town aborigines. The smell at first
G04 1460  5    was more surprising than unpleasant. It was also subtly
G04 1470  2    familiar, for it was the odor of the human body, but
G04 1470 13    multiplied innumerable times because of the fact that
G04 1480  8    the aborigines never bathed. One's impulse is to say
G04 1490  6    that the smell was a stink and unpleasant. But that
G04 1500  3    is a cliche and a dishonest one. The smell is sexual,
G04 1500 14    but so powerfully so that a civilized nose must deny
G04 1510 10    it.
G04 1510 11       Their skin was covered with a thin coating of sweat
G04 1520 10    and dirt which had almost the consistency of a second
G04 1530  6    skin. They roll at night in ashes to keep warm and
G04 1540  3    their second skin has a light dusty cast to it. In
G04 1540 14    spots such as the elbows and knees the second skin
G04 1550 10    is worn off and I realized the aborigines were much
G04 1560  5    darker than they appeared; as if the coating of sweat,
G04 1570  3    dirt, and ashes were a cosmetic. The boys had beautiful
G04 1580  1    dark eyes and unlike their father they brushed constantly
G04 1580 10    at the flies and blinked their eyes.
G04 1590  5       "That smell is something, eh, mate"? the Australian
G04 1600  3    asked. "They swear that every person smells different
G04 1610  2    and every family smells different from every other.
G04 1610 10    At the corroborees, when they get to dancing and sweating,
G04 1620  9    you'll see them rubbing up against a man who's supposed
G04 1630  9    to have a specially good smell. Idje, here", and he
G04 1640  6    nodded at the man, "is said to have great odor. The
G04 1650  4    stink is all the same to me, but I really think they
G04 1660  1    can make one another out blindfolded".
G04 1660  7       "Here, Idje, you fella like tabac"? he said sharply.
G04 1670  7    Idje still stared over our shoulders at the horizon.
G04 1680  4    The Australian stopped trying to talk a pidgin I could
G04 1690  3    understand, and spoke strange words from deep in his
G04 1690 12    chest.
G05 0010  1       It was a fortunate time in which to build, for the
G05 0010 12    seventeenth century was a great period in Persian art.
G05 0020  9    The architects, the tile and carpet makers, the potters,
G05 0030  6    painters, calligraphers, and metalsmiths worked through
G05 0040  3    Abbas's reign and those of his successors to enrich
G05 0050  1    the city. Travelers entering from the desert were confounded
G05 0050 10    by what must have seemed an illusion: a great garden
G05 0060 10    filled with nightingales and roses, cut by canals and
G05 0070  7    terraced promenades, studded with water tanks of turquoise
G05 0080  5    tile in which were reflected the glistening blue curves
G05 0090  3    of a hundred domes. At the heart of all of this was
G05 0090 15    the square, which one such traveler declared to be
G05 0100  8    "as spacious, as pleasant and aromatick a Market as
G05 0110  6    any in the Universe". In time Isfahan came to be known
G05 0120  5    as "half the world", Isfahan nisf-i-jahan.
G05 0130  1       In the early eighteenth century this fantastic city,
G05 0130  9    then the size of London, started to decline. The Afghans
G05 0140  9    invaded; the Safavids fell from power; the capital
G05 0150  6    went elsewhere; the desert encroached. Isfahan became
G05 0160  3    more of a legend than a place, and now it is for many
G05 0170  3    people simply a name to which they attach their notions
G05 0170 13    of old Persia and sometimes of the East. They think
G05 0180 10    of it as a kind of spooky museum in which they may
G05 0190  7    half see and half imagine the old splendor.
G05 0200  1       Those who actually get there find that it isn't
G05 0200 10    spooky at all but as brilliant as a tile in sunlight.
G05 0210 11    But even for them it remains a museum, or perhaps it
G05 0220  7    would be more accurate to say a tomb, a tomb in which
G05 0230  5    Persia lies well preserved but indeed dead. Everyone
G05 0240  1    is ready to grant the Persians their history, but almost
G05 0240 11    no one is willing to acknowledge their present. It
G05 0250  7    seems that for Persia, and especially for this city,
G05 0260  5    there are only two times: the glorious past and the
G05 0270  3    corrupt, depressing, sterile present. The one apparent
G05 0270 10    connection between the two is a score of buildings
G05 0280  9    which somehow or other have survived and which naturally
G05 0290  6    enough are called "historical monuments".
G05 0300  1       However, just as all the buildings have not fallen
G05 0300 10    and flowed back to their original mud, so the values
G05 0310 10    which wanted them and saw that they were built have
G05 0320  8    not all disappeared. The values and talents which made
G05 0330  4    the tile and the dome, the rug, the poem and the miniature,
G05 0340  1    continue in certain social institutions which rise
G05 0340  8    above the ordinary life of this city, as the great
G05 0350  9    buildings rise above blank walls and dirty lanes. Often,
G05 0360  5    too, the social institutions are housed in these pavilions
G05 0370  4    and palaces and bridges, for these great structures
G05 0380  1    are not simply "historical monuments"; they are the
G05 0380  9    places where Persians live.
G05 0390  3       The promenade, for example, continues to take place
G05 0400  2    on the Chahar Bagh, a mile-long garden of plane and
G05 0400 13    poplar trees that now serves as the city's principal
G05 0410  8    street. ?t takes place as well along the terraces and
G05 0420  7    through the arcades of the Khaju bridge, and also in
G05 0430  4    the gardens of the square. On Fridays, the day when
G05 0440  1    many Persians relax with poetry, talk, and a samovar,
G05 0440 10    people do not, it is true, stream into Chehel Sotun-
G05 0450  8    a pavilion and garden built by Shah Abbas /2, in the
G05 0460  7    seventeenth century- but they do retire into hundreds
G05 0470  3    of pavilions throughout the city and up the river valley,
G05 0480  1    which are smaller, more humble copies of the former.
G05 0480 10    And of course religious life continues to center in
G05 0490  7    the more famous mosques, and commercial life- very
G05 0500  2    much a social institution- in the bazaar. Those three
G05 0510  2    other great activities of the Persians, the bath, the
G05 0510 11    teahouse, and the zur khaneh (the latter a kind of
G05 0520 10    club in which a leader and a group of men in an octagonal
G05 0530  9    pit move through a rite of calisthenics, dance, chanted
G05 0540  3    poetry, and music), do not take place in buildings
G05 0550  1    to which entrance tickets are sold, but some of them
G05 0550 11    occupy splendid examples of Persian domestic architecture:
G05 0560  6    long, domed, chalk-white rooms with daises of turquoise
G05 0570  6    tile, their end walls cut through to the orchards and
G05 0580  5    the sky by open arches.
G05 0580 10       But more important, and the thing which the casual
G05 0590  7    traveler and the blind sojourner often do not see,
G05 0600  4    is that these places and activities are often the settings
G05 0610  1    in which Persians exercise their extraordinary aesthetic
G05 0610  8    sensibilities. Water, air, fruit, poetry, music, the
G05 0620  7    human form- these things are important to Persians,
G05 0630  5    and they experience them with an intense and discriminating
G05 0640  3    awareness.
G05 0640  4       I should like, by the way, to make it clear that
G05 0650  4    I am not using the word "Persians" carelessly. I don't
G05 0660  3    mean a few aesthetes who play about with sensations,
G05 0660 12    like a young prince in a miniature dabbling his hand
G05 0670 10    in a pool. These things are important to almost all
G05 0680  6    Persians and perhaps most important to the most ordinary.
G05 0690  4    The men crying love poems in an orchard on any summer's
G05 0700  1    night are as often as not the lutihaw, mustachioed
G05 0700 10    toughs who spend most of their lives in and out of
G05 0710 11    the local prisons, brothels, and teahouses. A few months
G05 0720  6    ago it was a fairly typical landlord who in the dead
G05 0730  5    of night lugged me up a mountainside to drink from
G05 0730 15    a spring famous in the neighborhood for its clarity
G05 0740  8    and flavor. Not long ago an acquaintance, a slick-headed
G05 0750  7    water rat of a lad up from the maw of the city, stood
G05 0760  5    on the balcony puffing his first cigarette in weeks.
G05 0770  1    The air, he said, was just right; a cigarette would
G05 0770 11    taste particularly good. I really didn't know what
G05 0780  7    he meant. It was a nice day, granted. But he knew;
G05 0790  5    he sniffed the air and licked it on his lip and knew
G05 0800  4    as a vintner knows a vintage.
G05 0800 10       The natural world then, plus poetry and some kinds
G05 0810  7    of art, receives from the most ordinary of Persians
G05 0820  3    a great deal of attention. The line of an eyebrow,
G05 0830  1    the color of the skin, a ghazal from Hafiz, the purity
G05 0830 12    of spring water, the long afternoon among the boughs
G05 0840  7    which crowd the upper story of a pavilion- these things
G05 0850  5    are noticed, judged, and valued.
G05 0850 10       Nowhere in Isfahan is this rich aesthetic life of
G05 0860  9    the Persians shown so well as during the promenade
G05 0870  6    at the Khaju bridge. There has probably always been
G05 0880  3    a bridge of some sort at the southeastern corner of
G05 0880 13    the city. For one thing, there is a natural belt of
G05 0890 11    rock across the river bed; for another, it was here
G05 0900  7    that one of the old caravan routes came in. It was
G05 0910  4    to provide a safe and spacious crossing for these caravans,
G05 0920  1    and also to make a pleasance for the city, that Shah
G05 0920 12    Abbas /2, in about 1657 built, of sun-baked brick,
G05 0930  9    tile, and stone, the present bridge. It is a splendid
G05 0940  6    structure. From upstream it looks like a long arcaded
G05 0950  3    box laid across the river; from downstream, where the
G05 0960  1    water level is much lower, it is a high, elaborately
G05 0960 11    facaded pavilion.
G05 0970  1       The top story contains more than thirty alcoves
G05 0970  9    separated from each other by spandrels of blue and
G05 0980  8    yellow tile. At either end and in the center there
G05 0990  5    are bays which contain nine greater alcoves as frescoed
G05 1000  1    and capacious as church apses. Here, in the old days-
G05 1000 11    when they had come to see the moon or displays of fireworks-
G05 1010 11    sat the king and his court while priests, soldiers,
G05 1020  6    and other members of the party lounged in the smaller
G05 1030  4    alcoves between.
G05 1030  6       Below, twenty vaults tunnel through the understructure
G05 1040  4    of the bridge. These are traversed by another line
G05 1050  3    of vaults, and thus rooms, arched on all four sides,
G05 1050 13    are formed. Down through the axis of the bridge there
G05 1060 10    is a long diminishing vista like a visual echo of piers
G05 1070  8    and arches, while the vaults fronting upstream and
G05 1080  3    down frame the sunset and sunrise, the mountains and
G05 1090  1    river pools. Here, on the hottest day, it is cool beneath
G05 1090 12    the stone and fresh from the water flowing in the sluices
G05 1100 10    at the bottom of the vaults.
G05 1110  2       On the downstream, or "pavilion", side these vaults
G05 1120  1    give out onto terraces twice as wide as the bridge
G05 1120 11    itself. From the terraces- eighteen in all- broad flights
G05 1130  6    of steps descend into the water or onto still more
G05 1140  6    terraces barely above the level of the river. Out of
G05 1150  3    water, brick, and tile they have made far more than
G05 1150 13    just a bridge.
G05 1160  2       On spring and summer evenings people leave their
G05 1160 10    shops and houses and walk up through the lanes of the
G05 1170 11    city to the bridge. It is a great spectacle. The bridge
G05 1180  7    itself rises up from the river, light-flared and enormous,
G05 1190  3    like the outdoor set for an epic opera. Crowds press
G05 1200  2    along the terraces, down the steps, in and out of the
G05 1200 13    arcades, massing against it as though it were a fortress
G05 1210 10    under siege. All kinds come to walk in the promenade:
G05 1220  7    merchants from the bazaar bickering over a deal; a
G05 1230  5    Bakhtiari khan in a cap and hacking jacket; dervishes
G05 1240  1    who stand with the stillness of the blind, their eyes
G05 1240 11    filmed with rheum and visions; the old Kajar princes
G05 1250  8    arriving in their ancient limousines; students, civil
G05 1260  4    servants, beggars, musicians, hawkers, and clowns.
G05 1270  3    Families go out to the edge of the terraces to sit
G05 1270 14    on carpets around a samovar. Below, people line the
G05 1280  9    steps, as though on bleachers, to watch the sky and
G05 1290  7    river. Above, in the tiled prosceniums of the alcoves,
G05 1300  4    boys sing the ghazals of Hafiz and Saadi, while at
G05 1310  1    the very bottom, in the vaults, the toughs and blades
G05 1310 11    of the city hoot and bang their drums, drink arak,
G05 1320  7    play dice, and dance.
G05 1320 11       Here in an evening Persians enjoy many of the things
G05 1330 10    which are important to them: poetry, water, the moon,
G05 1340  7    a beautiful face. To a stranger their delight in these
G05 1350  5    things may seem paradoxical, for Persians chase the
G05 1360  2    golden calf as much as any people. Many of them, moreover,
G05 1360 13    are beginning to complain about the scarcity of Western
G05 1370  9    amusements and to ridicule the old life of the bazaar
G05 1380  8    merchant, the mullah, and the peasant. Nonetheless,
G05 1390  2    they take time out- much time- from the game of grab
G05 1400  2    and these new Western experiments to go to the gardens
G05 1400 12    and riverbanks. Above all, they will stop in the middle
G05 1410  9    of anything, anywhere, to hear or quote some poetry.
G05 1420  7       Poetry in Persian life is far more than a common
G05 1430  5    ground on which- in a society deeply fissured by antagonisms-
G05 1440  1    all may stand. It contains, in fact, their whole outlook
G05 1450  1    on life. And it is expressed, at least to their taste,
G05 1450 12    in a perfect form. Poetry for a Persian is nothing
G05 1460  8    less than truth and beauty. In most Western cultures
G05 1470  5    today these twins have been sent away to the libraries
G05 1480  2    and museums. In Persia, where practically speaking
G05 1480  9    there are no museums or libraries or, for that matter,
G05 1490 10    hardly any books, the twins run free.
G05 1500  4       It is perhaps difficult to conceive, but imagine
G05 1510  1    that tonight on London bridge the Teddy boys of the
G05 1510 11    East End will gather to sing Marlowe, Herrick, Shakespeare,
G05 1520  8    and perhaps some lyrics of their own. That, at any
G05 1530  8    rate, is what happens at the Khaju bridge. Boys and
G05 1540  4    men go along the riverbank or to the alcoves in the
G05 1550  1    top arcade. Here in these little rooms- or stages arched
G05 1550 11    open to the sky and river- they choose a few lines
G05 1560 10    out of the hundreds they may know and sing them according
G05 1570  7    to one of the modes into which Persian music is divided.
G05 1580  4    Each mode is believed to have a specific attribute-
G05 1590  3    one inducing pleasure, another generosity, another
G05 1590  9    love, and so on, to include all of the emotions. The
G05 1600  9    singer simply matches the poem to a mode; for example,
G05 1610  6    the mode of bravery to this anonymous folk poem: "They
G05 1620  3    brought me news that Spring is in the plains And Ahmad's
G05 1630  2    blood the crimson tulip stains; Go, tell his aged mother
G05 1640  1    that her son Fought with a thousand foes, and he was
G05 1640 12    one". Or the mode of love to this fragment by a recent
G05 1650 12    poet: "Know ye, fair folk who dwell on earth Or shall
G05 1660 10    hereafter come to birth, That here, with dust upon
G05 1670  5    his eyes, Iraj, the sweet-tongued singer, lies. In
G05 1680  2    this true lover's tomb interred A world of love lies
G05 1680 12    sepulchred **h".
G05 1690  2       These songs (practically all Persian music, for
G05 1700  1    that matter) are limited to a range of two octaves.
G05 1700 11    Yet within this limitation there is an astonishing
G05 1710  6    variety: design as intricate as that in the carpet
G05 1720  5    or miniature, with the melodic line like the painted
G05 1730  1    or woven line often flowing into an arabesque.
G06 0010  1    Die Frist ist um, und wiederum verstrichen sind sieben
G06 0010 10    Jahr, the Maestro quoted The Flying Dutchman, as he
G06 0020  8    told of his career and wanderings, explaining that
G06 0030  5    the number seven had significantly recurred in his
G06 0040  3    life several times.
G06 0040  6       The music director of the Pittsburgh Symphony Orchestra,
G06 0050  3    William Steinberg, has molded his group into a prominent
G06 0060  4    musical organization, which is his life. When he added
G06 0070  2    to his Pittsburgh commitments the directorship of the
G06 0070 10    London Philharmonic Orchestra in 1958, he conducted
G06 0080  7    one hundred fifty concerts within nine months, "commuting"
G06 0090  5    between the two cities. This schedule became too strenuous,
G06 0100  5    even for the energetic and conscientious Mr& Steinberg.
G06 0110  3    His London contract was rescinded, and now, he explains
G06 0120  2    cheerfully, as a bright smile lightens his intense,
G06 0120 10    mobile face, "I conduct only one hundred and twenty
G06 0130  8    concerts"!
G06 0140  1       Our meeting took place in May, 1961, during one
G06 0140  9    of the Maestro's stop-overs in New York, before he
G06 0150  6    left for Europe. As we began to converse in the lounge
G06 0160  4    of his Fifth Avenue hotel, his restlessness and sensitivity
G06 0170  2    to light and sound became immediately apparent. Seeking
G06 0180  1    an obscure, dark, relatively quiet corner in the airy
G06 0180 10    room otherwise suffused with afternoon sunshine, he
G06 0190  6    asked if the soft background music could be turned
G06 0200  4    off. Unfortunately, it was Muzak, which automatically
G06 0210  1    is piped into the public rooms, and which nolens volens
G06 0210 11    had to be endured. As he talked about himself, time
G06 0220  9    and again stuffing and dragging on his pipe, Steinberg
G06 0230  6    began to relax and the initial hurried feeling grew
G06 0240  3    faint and was dispelled.
G06 0240  7       Did he come from a musical family? Yes: though not
G06 0250  5    professional musicians, they were a music-loving family.
G06 0260  4    In his native Cologne, where his mother taught him
G06 0270  2    to play the piano, he was able to read notes before
G06 0270 13    he learned the alphabet. She even devised a system
G06 0280  7    of colors, whereby the boy could easily distinguish
G06 0290  3    the different note values. When he started school at
G06 0300  2    the age of five-and-a-half, he could not understand
G06 0300 13    why the alphabet begins with the letter ~A, instead
G06 0310  7    of ~C, as in the scale. Because, like many other children,
G06 0320  5    he intensely disliked practicing Czerny Etudes, he
G06 0330  3    composed his own studies. When he was eight he began
G06 0340  1    violin lessons. Soon he was playing in the Cologne
G06 0340 10    Municipal Orchestra, and during World War /1,, when
G06 0350  7    musicians were scarce, he joined the opera orchestra
G06 0360  5    as well. Steinberg claims that these early years of
G06 0370  3    orchestra participation were of invaluable help to
G06 0370 10    his career. "By observing the conductor", he says with
G06 0380  8    a twinkle in his eyes, "I learned how not to conduct".
G06 0390  8       The musician ran away from school when he was fifteen,
G06 0400  7    but this escapade did not save him from the Gymnasium.
G06 0410  4    Simultaneously, he pursued his musical studies at the
G06 0420  3    conservatory, receiving sound training in counterpoint
G06 0420  9    and harmony, as well in the violin and piano. His professional
G06 0430 10    career began when he was twenty; he became Otto Klemperer's
G06 0440  8    personal assistant at the Cologne Opera, and a year
G06 0450  8    later was promoted to the position of regular conductor.
G06 0460  4       Wasn't this an unusually young age to fill such
G06 0470  3    a responsible post? Yes, the Maestro assented.
G06 0480  1       Had he always wished to be a conductor? No, originally
G06 0480 10    he had hoped to become a concert pianist and had even
G06 0490  9    performed as such. However, when he assumed the duties
G06 0500  6    of a conductor, he relinquished his career as a pianist.
G06 0510  4       Five years were spent with the Cologne Opera, after
G06 0520  2    which he was called to Prague by Alexander von Zemlinsky,
G06 0520 12    teacher of Arnold Scho^nberg and Erich Korngold. In
G06 0530  8    1927 he succeeded Zemlinsky as opera director of the
G06 0540  7    German Theater at Prague. During his tenure he also
G06 0550  6    fulfilled guest engagements at the Berlin State Opera.
G06 0560  3    Two years later he became director of the Frankfurt
G06 0560 12    Opera, where he remained until he lost this position
G06 0570  9    in 1933 through the rise of the Hitler regime. During
G06 0580  7    these years the youthful conductor had contributed
G06 0590  3    greatly to the high level of musical life in Germany.
G06 0600  1    He had presented the first German performances of Puccini's
G06 0605  1    Manon Lescaut and de Falla's La Vida Breve. The Frankfurt
G06 0620  1    years were particularly noteworthy for his performance
G06 0620  8    of Berg's Wozzek soon after the Berlin premiere under
G06 0630  8    Erich Kleiber, and the world premiere of Scho^nberg's
G06 0640  7    Von heute auf morgen. At the outset of his career,
G06 0650  7    Steinberg had dedicated himself to the advancement
G06 0660  2    of contemporary music by vowing to do a Scho^nberg
G06 0660 11    work every year. In Frankfurt, too, he directed the
G06 0670  9    Museum and Opera House concerts which, in addition
G06 0680  6    to the standard repertoire, featured novelties like
G06 0690  3    Erdmann's Piano Concerto and Mahler's Sixth Symphony.
G06 0700  2       Because of the political upheaval in Germany in
G06 0700 10    the 1930's, Steinberg was forced to restrict his activities
G06 0710  8    to the Jewish community. Through the Frankfurt Jewish
G06 0720  6    Kulturbund he began to give sonata recitals in synagogues,
G06 0730  7    with Cellist Emanuel Feuermann. As more and more Jewish
G06 0740  6    musicians lost their jobs with professional organizations
G06 0750  2    Steinberg united them into the Frankfurt Kulturbund
G06 0760  1    Orchestra, which also gave guest performances in other
G06 0760  9    German cities. In 1936 he accepted the leadership of
G06 0770  9    the Berlin Kulturbund. In the fall of that year the
G06 0780  8    best musicians of the Berlin and Frankfurt Kulturbund
G06 0790  4    orchestras joined under the combined efforts of Bronislaw
G06 0800  3    Hubermann and Steinberg to become the Palestine Orchestra-
G06 0810  1    now known as the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra- with
G06 0820  1    Steinberg as founder-conductor.
G06 0820  5       In 1938, at the insistence of Arturo Toscanini,
G06 0830  4    Steinberg left Germany for the United States, by way
G06 0840  3    of Switzerland. After he had spent the first three
G06 0840 12    years in New York as associate conductor, at Toscanini's
G06 0850  9    invitation, of the ~NBC Orchestra, he made numerous
G06 0860  7    guest appearances throughout the United States and
G06 0870  5    Latin America. In 1945 he became conductor of the Buffalo
G06 0880  4    Philharmonic. Seven years later he was asked to become
G06 0890  1    director of the Pittsburgh Symphony. Since 1944 he
G06 0890  9    has also conducted regularly at the San Francisco Opera,
G06 0900  7    where he made his debut with a memorable performance
G06 0910  5    of Verdi's Falstaff. In recent years he has traveled
G06 0920  5    widely in Europe, conducting in Italy, France, Austria,
G06 0930  2    and Switzerland. He returned to Germany for the first
G06 0940  1    time in 1953, where he has since conducted in Cologne,
G06 0940 11    Frankfurt, and Berlin.
G06 0950  3       Where in Europe was he going now?
G06 0950 10       First of all, to Italy for a short vacation- Forte
G06 0960 10    dei Marmi, a place he loves. Since it is not far from
G06 0970  9    Viareggio, he will visit Puccini's house, as he never
G06 0980  5    fails to do, to pay his respects to the memory of the
G06 0990  3    composer of La Boheme, which he considers one of Puccini's
G06 1000  1    masterpieces. Steinberg spoke with warmth and enthusiasm
G06 1000  8    about Italy: "Rome is my second home. I consider it
G06 1010 10    the center of the world and make it a point to be there
G06 1020 10    once a year". He will conduct two concerts at the Accademia
G06 1030  6    di Santa Cecilia, as well as concerts in Munich and
G06 1040  4    Cologne. "Then I return to the United States for engagements
G06 1050  3    at the Hollywood Bowl and in Philadelphia", he added.
G06 1060  2       The forthcoming season in Pittsburgh also promises
G06 1060  9    to be of unusual interest. There will be premieres
G06 1070  9    of new works, made possible through Ford Foundation
G06 1080  4    commissions: Carlisle Floyd's Mystery, with Phyllis
G06 1090  3    Curtin as soprano soloist. Other world premieres will
G06 1100  2    be Gardner Read's Third Symphony and Burle Marx's Samba
G06 1110  2    Concertante.
G06 1110  3       "And next year we will do- also a Ford commission-
G06 1120  4    a piano concerto by Elliott Carter, with Jacob Lateiner
G06 1130  2    as soloist. Of course, I shall conduct Mahler and Bruckner
G06 1140  1    works in the coming season, as usual. We'll play Bruckner's
G06 1150  1    Fifth Symphony in the original version, and Mahler's
G06 1150  9    Seventh- the least accessible, known, and played of
G06 1160 10    Mahler's works. My Pittsburghers have become real addicts
G06 1170  5    to Mahler and Bruckner".
G06 1180  1       He added that he also stresses the works of these
G06 1180 11    favorite masters on tour, especially Mahler's First
G06 1190  6    and Fourth symphonies, and Das Lied von der Erde, and
G06 1200  7    Bruckner's Sixth- which is rarely played- and Seventh.
G06 1210  3    Bruckner's Eighth he refers to as "my travel symphony".
G06 1220  3    He recalled that in California after a critic had attacked
G06 1230  3    him for "still trying to sell Bruckner to the Americans",
G06 1240  1    the public's response at the next concert was a standing
G06 1240 11    ovation.
G06 1250  1       "Now that Bruno Walter is virtually in retirement
G06 1250  9    and my dear friend Dimitri Mitropoulos is no longer
G06 1260  9    with us, I am probably the only one- with the possible
G06 1270  7    exception of Leonard Bernstein- who has this special
G06 1280  7    affinity for and champions the works of Bruckner and
G06 1290  2    Mahler".
G06 1290  3       Since he introduces so much modern music, I could
G06 1300  3    not resist asking how he felt about it.
G06 1300 11       "There was always and at all times a contemporary
G06 1310  8    music and it expresses the era in which it was created.
G06 1320  6    But I usually stick to the old phrase: 'Ich habe ein
G06 1330  4    Amt, aber keine Meinung (I hold an office, but I do
G06 1340  3    not feel entitled to have an opinion). I consider it
G06 1340 13    to be my job to expose the public to what is being
G06 1350 10    written today".
G06 1350 12       With all his musical activities, did he have the
G06 1360  9    time and inclination to do anything else? He had just
G06 1370  7    paid a brief visit to the Frick Collection to admire
G06 1380  3    his favorite paintings by Rembrandt and Franz Hals.
G06 1390  1    He was not enthusiastic over the newly acquired Claude
G06 1390 10    Lorrain, but reminisced with pleasure over a Poussin
G06 1400  8    exhibit he had been able to see in Paris a year ago.
G06 1410  8       And how did he feel about modern art? Again Steinberg
G06 1420  4    was cautious and replied with a smile that he was not
G06 1430  3    exposed to it enough to hazard comments. "As my wife
G06 1430 13    puts it", he said, again with a twinkle in his eyes,
G06 1440 11    "all you know is your music. But after all, you never
G06 1450  8    learned anything else"!
G06 1460  1       What did he do for relaxation? Like his late colleague,
G06 1460 11    Mitropoulos, he reads mystery stories, in particular
G06 1470  7    Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. He cited Heine and Stendhal
G06 1480  6    as favorites in literature.
G06 1490  1       But his prime interest, apart from music, he insisted
G06 1490 10    seriously, was his family- his wife, daughter and son.
G06 1500  8    At the moment he was excited about his son's having
G06 1510  5    received the Prix de Rome in archaeology and was looking
G06 1520  4    forward to being present this summer at the excavation
G06 1530  1    of an Etruscan tomb. "Both children are musical and
G06 1530 10    my wife is a music lover of unfailing instinct and
G06 1540  8    judgment". "IS the attitude of German youth comparable
G06 1550  8    to that of "the angry young men' of England"? was the
G06 1560  7    topic for a round-table discussion at the Bayerische
G06 1570  4    Rundfunk in Munich.
G06 1570  7       I was chairman, the only not youthful participant.
G06 1580  6    Since attack serves to stimulate interest in broadcasts,
G06 1590  4    I added to my opening statement a sentence in which
G06 1600  2    I claimed that German youth seemed to lack the enthusiasm
G06 1600 12    which is a necessary ingredient of anger, and might
G06 1610  9    be classified as uninterested and bored rather than
G06 1620  5    angry. I was far from convinced of the truth of my
G06 1630  4    statement, but could not think of anything that might
G06 1630 13    evoke responses more quickly.
G06 1640  4       "It is easy for you to talk"; countered a twenty
G06 1650  4    year old law student, "you travel around the world.
G06 1660  1    We would like to do that too".
G06 1660  8       "But you want a job guaranteed when you return",
G06 1670  4    I continued my attack. "You must have some security",
G06 1680  3    said a young clerk.
G06 1680  7       When I mentioned that for my first long voyage I
G06 1690  7    did not even have the money for the return fare, but
G06 1700  3    had trusted to luck that I would earn a sufficient
G06 1700 13    amount, the young people looked at me doubtingly. One
G06 1710  9    girl expressed what was obviously in their minds.
G06 1720  5       "Would you advise us to act the same way? You might
G06 1730  5    have failed. I think it is rather foolhardy to trust
G06 1740  2    to luck".
G06 1740  4       Others mentioned that I might have had to ask friends
G06 1760  2    or even strangers for help and that to be stranded
G06 1760 12    in a foreign country without sufficient funds did not
G06 1770  7    contribute to international understanding.
G06 1780  2       The debate needed no additional controversy and
G06 1790  2    soon I could ask each individually what he expected
G06 1790 11    from life, what his hopes were and what his fears.
G06 1800  8       Though the four boys and two girls, the youngest
G06 1810  5    nineteen years of age, the oldest twenty-four, came
G06 1820  2    from varying backgrounds and had different professional
G06 1820  9    and personal interests, there was surprising agreement
G06 1830  6    among them. What they wished for most was security;
G06 1840  6    what they feared most was war or political instability
G06 1850  2    in their own country.
G06 1850  6       The ideal home, they agreed, would be a small private
G06 1860  7    house or a city apartment of four to five rooms, just
G06 1870  4    enough for a family consisting of husband, wife, and
G06 1880  1    two children. No one wanted a larger family or no children,
G06 1880 12    and none hoped for a castle or said that living in
G06 1890 10    less settled circumstances would be satisfactory.
G06 1900  3       All expressed interest in world affairs but no one
G06 1910  4    offered to make any sacrifices to satisfy this interest.
G07 0010  1    ##
G07 0010  2    ONCE again, as in the days of the Founding Fathers,
G07 0010 12    America faces a stern test. That test, as President
G07 0020  9    Kennedy forthrightly depicted it in his State of the
G07 0030  8    Union message, will determine "whether a nation organized
G07 0040  4    and governed such as ours can endure".
G07 0050  1       It is well then that in this hour both of "national
G07 0050 12    peril" and of "national opportunity" we can take counsel
G07 0060  9    with the men who made the nation. Incapable of self-delusion,
G07 0070  8    the Founding Fathers found the crisis of their time
G07 0080  7    to be equally grave, and yet they had confidence that
G07 0090  3    America would surmount it and that a republic of free
G07 0100  1    peoples would prosper and serve as an example to a
G07 0100 11    world aching for liberty.
G07 0110  1       Seven Founders- George Washington, Benjamin Franklin,
G07 0120  1    John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, James
G07 0130  1    Madison and John Jay- determined the destinies of the
G07 0130 10    new nation. In certain respects, their task was incomparably
G07 0140  8    greater than ours today, for there was nobody before
G07 0150  6    them to show them the way. As Madison commented to
G07 0160  3    Jefferson in 1789, "We are in a wilderness without
G07 0170  1    a single footstep to guide us. Our successors will
G07 0170 10    have an easier task".
G07 0180  1       They thought of themselves, to use Jefferson's words,
G07 0190  1    as "the Argonauts" who had lived in "the Heroic Age".
G07 0190 11    Accordingly, they took special pains to preserve their
G07 0200  8    papers as essential sources for posterity. Their writings
G07 0210  6    assume more than dramatic or patriotic interest because
G07 0220  4    of their conviction that the struggle in which they
G07 0230  3    were involved was neither selfish nor parochial but,
G07 0230 11    rather, as Washington in his last wartime circular
G07 0240  8    reminded his fellow countrymen, that "with our fate
G07 0250  5    will the destiny of unborn millions be involved".
G07 0260  1       Strong men with strong opinions, frank to the point
G07 0270  1    of being refreshingly indiscreet, the Founding Seven
G07 0270  8    were essentially congenial minds, and their agreements
G07 0280  6    with each other were more consequential than their
G07 0290  3    differences. Even though in most cases the completion
G07 0300  1    of the definitive editions of their writings is still
G07 0300 10    years off, enough documentation has already been assembled
G07 0310  7    to warrant drawing a new composite profile of the leadership
G07 0320  8    which performed the heroic dual feats of winning American
G07 0330  5    independence and founding a new nation.
G07 0340  1       Before merging them into a common profile it is
G07 0340 10    well to remember that their separate careers were extraordinary.
G07 0350  7    Certainly no other seven American statesmen from any
G07 0360  6    later period achieved so much in so concentrated a
G07 0370  4    span of years.
G07 0370  7       Eldest of the seven, Benjamin Franklin, a New Englander
G07 0380  5    transplanted to Philadelphia, wrote the most dazzling
G07 0390  3    success story in our history. The young printer's apprentice
G07 0400  1    achieved greatness in a half-dozen different fields,
G07 0400  9    as editor and publisher, scientist, inventor, philanthropist
G07 0410  6    and statesman. Author of the Albany Plan of Union,
G07 0420  8    which, had it been adopted, might have avoided the
G07 0430  4    Revolution, he fought the colonists' front-line battles
G07 0440  2    in London, negotiated the treaty of alliance with France
G07 0440 11    and the peace that ended the war, headed the state
G07 0450 10    government of Pennsylvania, and exercised an important
G07 0460  5    moderating influence at the Federal Convention.
G07 0470  2    ##
G07 0470  3    ON a military mission for his native Virginia the youthful
G07 0480  3    George Washington touched off the French and Indian
G07 0490  1    War, then guarded his colony's frontier as head of
G07 0490 10    its militia. Commanding the Continental Army for six
G07 0500  7    long years of the Revolution, he was the indispensable
G07 0510  5    factor in the ultimate victory. Retiring to his beloved
G07 0520  4    Mount Vernon, he returned to preside over the Federal
G07 0530  1    Convention, and was the only man in history to be unanimously
G07 0530 12    elected President. During his two terms the Constitution
G07 0540  8    was tested and found workable, strong national policies
G07 0550  6    were inaugurated, and the traditions and powers of
G07 0560  5    the Presidential office firmly fixed.
G07 0570  1       John Adams fashioned much of pre-Revolutionary radical
G07 0570  8    ideology, wrote the constitution of his home state
G07 0580  7    of Massachusetts, negotiated, with Franklin and Jay,
G07 0590  5    the peace with Britain and served as our first Vice
G07 0600  2    President and our second President.
G07 0600  7    ##
G07 0600  8    HIS political opponent and lifetime friend, Thomas
G07 0610  6    Jefferson, achieved immortality through his authorship
G07 0620  4    of the Declaration of Independence, but equally notable
G07 0630  3    were the legal and constitutional reforms he instituted
G07 0640  1    in his native Virginia, his role as father of our territorial
G07 0640 12    system, and his acquisition of the Louisiana Territory
G07 0650  8    during his first term as President.
G07 0660  4       During the greater part of Jefferson's career he
G07 0670  3    enjoyed the close collaboration of a fellow Virginian,
G07 0670 11    James Madison, eight years his junior. The active sponsor
G07 0680  9    of Jefferson's measure for religious liberty in Virginia,
G07 0690  7    Madison played the most influential single role in
G07 0700  5    the drafting of the Constitution and in securing its
G07 0710  3    ratification in Virginia, founded the first political
G07 0720  1    party in American history, and, as Jefferson's Secretary
G07 0720  9    of State and his successor in the Presidency, guided
G07 0730  8    the nation through the troubled years of our second
G07 0740  6    war with Britain.
G07 0740  9       If Franklin was an authentic genius, then Alexander
G07 0750  6    Hamilton, with his exceptional precocity, consuming
G07 0760  3    energy, and high ambition, was a political prodigy.
G07 0770  1    His revolutionary pamphlets, published when he was
G07 0770  8    only 19, quickly brought him to the attention of the
G07 0780  8    patriot leaders. Principal author of "The Federalist",
G07 0790  4    he swung New York over from opposition to the Constitution
G07 0800  4    to ratification almost single-handedly. His collaboration
G07 0810  2    with Washington, begun when he was the general's aide
G07 0820  1    during the Revolution, was resumed when he entered
G07 0820  9    the first Cabinet as Secretary of the Treasury. His
G07 0830  7    bold fiscal program and his broad interpretation of
G07 0840  3    the Constitution stand as durable contributions.
G07 0850  1    ##
G07 0850  2    LESS dazzling than Hamilton, less eloquent than Jefferson,
G07 0860  1    John Jay commands an equally high rank among the Founding
G07 0860 11    Fathers. He served as president of the Continental
G07 0870  8    Congress. He played the leading role in negotiating
G07 0880  6    the treaty with Great Britain that ended the Revolution,
G07 0890  4    and directed America's foreign affairs throughout the
G07 0900  2    Confederation period. As first Chief Justice, his strong
G07 0910  1    nationalist opinions anticipated John Marshall. He
G07 0910  7    ended his public career as a two-term governor of New
G07 0920  9    York.
G07 0920 10       These Seven Founders constituted an intellectual
G07 0930  4    and social elite, the most respectable and disinterested
G07 0940  3    leadership any revolution ever confessed. Their social
G07 0950  2    status was achieved in some cases by birth, as with
G07 0950 12    Washington, Jefferson and Jay; in others by business
G07 0960  8    and professional acumen, as with Franklin and Adams,
G07 0970  6    or, in Hamilton's case, by an influential marriage.
G07 0980  2    Unlike so many of the power-starved intellectuals in
G07 0990  2    underdeveloped nations of our own day, they commanded
G07 0990 10    both prestige and influence before the Revolution started.
G07 1000  7       As different physically as the tall, angular Jefferson
G07 1010  7    was from the chubby, rotund Adams, the seven were striking
G07 1020  6    individualists. Ardent, opinionated, even obstinate,
G07 1030  3    they were amazingly articulate, wrote their own copy,
G07 1040  1    and were masters of phrasemaking.
G07 1040  6    ##
G07 1040  7    CAPABLE of enduring friendships, they were also stout
G07 1050  5    controversialists, who could write with a drop of vitriol
G07 1060  5    on their pens. John Adams dismissed John Dickinson,
G07 1070  1    who voted against the Declaration of Independence,
G07 1070  8    as "a certain great fortune and piddling genius". Washington
G07 1080  7    castigated his critic, General Conway, as being capable
G07 1090  7    of "all the meanness of intrigue to gratify the absurd
G07 1100  5    resentment of disappointed vanity". And Hamilton, who
G07 1110  3    felt it "a religious duty" to oppose Aaron Burr's political
G07 1120  2    ambitions, would have been a better actuarial risk
G07 1120 10    had he shown more literary restraint.
G07 1130  6       The Seven Founders were completely dedicated to
G07 1140  4    the public service. Madison once remarked: "My life
G07 1150  3    has been so much a public one", a comment which fits
G07 1150 14    the careers of the other six. Franklin retired from
G07 1160  9    editing and publishing at the age of 42, and for the
G07 1170  9    next forty-two years devoted himself to public, scientific,
G07 1180  4    and philanthropic interests. Washington never had a
G07 1190  3    chance to work for an extended stretch at the occupation
G07 1190 13    he loved best, plantation management. He served as
G07 1200  7    Commander in Chief during the Revolution without compensation.
G07 1210  5    ##
G07 1210  6    JOHN ADAMS took to heart the advice given him by his
G07 1220  9    legal mentor, Jeremiah Gridley, to "pursue the study
G07 1230  5    of the law, rather than the gain of it". In taking
G07 1240  2    account of seventeen years of law practice, Adams concluded
G07 1250  1    that "no lawyer in America ever did so much business
G07 1250 11    as I did" and "for so little profit". When the Revolution
G07 1260  9    broke out, he, along with Jefferson and Jay, abandoned
G07 1270  6    his career at the bar, with considerable financial
G07 1280  2    sacrifice.
G07 1280  3       Hamilton, poorest of the seven, gave up a brilliant
G07 1290  5    law practice to enter Washington's Cabinet. While he
G07 1300  3    was handling the multi-million-dollar funding operations
G07 1300 11    of the Government he had to resort to borrowing small
G07 1310 10    sums from friends. "If you can conveniently let me
G07 1320  7    have twenty dollars", he wrote one friend in 1791 when
G07 1330  6    he was Secretary of the Treasury.
G07 1330 12       To support his large family Hamilton went back to
G07 1340  9    the law after each spell of public service. Talleyrand
G07 1350  5    passed his New York law office one night on the way
G07 1360  5    to a party. Hamilton was bent over his desk, drafting
G07 1370  1    a legal paper by the light of a candle. The Frenchman
G07 1370 12    was astonished. "I have just come from viewing a man
G07 1380  9    who had made the fortune of his country, but now is
G07 1390  7    working all night in order to support his family",
G07 1400  2    he reflected.
G07 1400  4    ##
G07 1400  5    ALL seven combined ardent devotion to the cause of
G07 1410  5    revolution with a profound respect for legality. John
G07 1420  1    Adams asserted in the Continental Congress' Declaration
G07 1420  8    of Rights that the demands of the colonies were in
G07 1430 10    accordance with their charters, the British Constitution
G07 1440  5    and the common law, and Jefferson appealed in the Declaration
G07 1450  5    of Independence "to the tribunal of the world" for
G07 1460  4    support of a revolution justified by "the laws of nature
G07 1470  2    and of nature's God".
G07 1470  6       They fought hard, but they were forgiving to former
G07 1480  4    foes, and sought to prevent vindictive legislatures
G07 1490  1    from confiscating Tory property in violation of the
G07 1490  9    Treaty of 1783.
G07 1500  2       This sense of moderation and fairness is superbly
G07 1500 10    exemplified in an exchange of letters between John
G07 1510  8    Jay and a Tory refugee, Peter Van Schaack. Jay had
G07 1520  6    participated in the decision that exiled his old friend
G07 1530  4    Van Schaack. Yet when, at war's end, the ex-Tory made
G07 1540  2    the first move to resume correspondence, Jay wrote
G07 1540 10    him from Paris, where he was negotiating the peace
G07 1550  8    settlement:
G07 1555  1       "As an independent American I considered all who
G07 1560  8    were not for us, and you amongst the rest, as against
G07 1570  6    us, yet be assured that John Jay never ceased to be
G07 1580  4    the friend of Peter Van Schaack".
G07 1580 10       The latter in turn assured him that "were I arraigned
G07 1590  9    at the bar, and you my judge, I should expect to stand
G07 1600  7    or fall only by the merits of my cause".
G07 1610  1       All seven recognized that independence was but the
G07 1610  9    first step toward building a nation. "We have now a
G07 1620 10    national character to establish", Washington wrote
G07 1630  5    in 1783. "Think continentally", Hamilton counseled
G07 1640  3    the young nation. This new force, love of country,
G07 1650  1    super-imposed upon- if not displacing- affectionate
G07 1650  8    ties to one's own state, was epitomized by Washington.
G07 1660  7    His first inaugural address speaks of "my country whose
G07 1670  7    voice I can never hear but with veneration and love".
G07 1680  4       All sought the fruition of that nationalism in a
G07 1690  3    Federal Government with substantial powers. Save Jefferson,
G07 1700  1    all participated in the framing or ratification of
G07 1700  9    the Federal Constitution. They supported it, not as
G07 1710  7    a perfect instrument, but as the best obtainable. Historians
G07 1720  5    have traditionally regarded the great debates of the
G07 1730  4    Seventeen Nineties as polarizing the issues of centralized
G07 1740  1    vs& limited government, with Hamilton and the nationalists
G07 1750  1    supporting the former and Jefferson and Madison upholding
G07 1750  9    the latter position.
G07 1760  2    ##
G07 1760  3    THE state's rights position was formulated by Jefferson
G07 1770  2    and Madison in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolves,
G07 1770 10    but in their later careers as heads of state the two
G07 1780 11    proved themselves better Hamiltonians than Jeffersonians.
G07 1790  4    In purchasing Louisiana, Jefferson had to adopt Hamilton's
G07 1800  5    broad construction of the Constitution, and so did
G07 1810  4    Madison in advocating the rechartering of Hamilton's
G07 1820  1    bank, which he had so strenuously opposed at its inception,
G07 1820 11    and in adopting a Hamiltonian protective tariff. Indeed,
G07 1830  7    the old Jeffersonians were far more atune to the
G07 1840  7    Hamilton-oriented
G07 1840  9    Whigs than they were to the Jacksonian Democrats.
G07 1850  6    ##
G07 1850  7    WHEN, in 1832, the South Carolina nullifiers adopted
G07 1860  4    the principle of state interposition which Madison
G07 1870  3    had advanced in his old Virginia Resolve, they elicited
G07 1880  1    no encouragement from that senior statesman. In his
G07 1880  9    political testament, "Advice to My Country", penned
G07 1890  6    just before his death, Madison expressed the wish "that
G07 1900  5    the Union of the States be cherished and perpetuated.
G07 1910  3    Let the open enemy to it be regarded as a Pandora with
G07 1920  2    her box opened; and the disguised one, as the serpent
G07 1920 12    creeping with his deadly wiles into Paradise".
G08 0010  1    #TOBACCO ROAD IS DEAD. LONG LIVE TOBACCO ROAD.#
G08 0010  9    Nostalgic Yankee readers of Erskine Caldwell are today
G08 0020  7    informed by proud Georgians that Tobacco Road is buried
G08 0030  6    beneath a four-lane super highway, over which travel
G08 0040  3    each day suburbanite businessmen more concerned with
G08 0040 10    the Dow-Jones average than with the cotton crop. Thus
G08 0050 10    we are compelled to face the urbanization of the South-
G08 0060  8    an urbanization which, despite its dramatic and overwhelming
G08 0070  5    effects upon the Southern culture, has been utterly
G08 0080  4    ignored by the bulk of Southern writers. Indeed, it
G08 0090  1    seems that only in today's Southern fiction does Tobacco
G08 0090 10    Road, with all the traditional trimmings of sowbelly
G08 0100  8    and cornbread and mint juleps, continue to live- but
G08 0110  6    only as a weary, overexploited phantom.
G08 0120  1       Those writers known collectively as the "Southern
G08 0120  8    school" have received accolades from even those critics
G08 0130  8    least prone to eulogize; according to many critics,
G08 0140  5    in fact, the South has led the North in literature
G08 0150  3    since the Civil War, both quantitatively and qualitatively.
G08 0160  1    Such writers as William Faulkner and Robert Penn Warren
G08 0170  1    have led the field of somewhat less important writers
G08 0170 10    in a sort of post-bellum renaissance. It is interesting,
G08 0180  5    however, that despite this strong upsurge in Southern
G08 0190  5    writing, almost none of the writers has forsaken the
G08 0200  3    firmly entrenched concept of the white-suited big-daddy
G08 0200 12    colonel sipping a mint julep as he silently recounts
G08 0210  9    the revenue from the season's cotton and tobacco crops;
G08 0220  6    of the stereotyped Negro servants chanting hymns as
G08 0230  4    they plow the fields; of these and a host of other
G08 0240  2    antiquated legends that deny the South its progressive
G08 0240 10    leaps of the past century. This is not to say that
G08 0250 11    the South is no longer agrarian; such a statement would
G08 0260  6    be the rankest form of oversimplification. But the
G08 0270  3    South is, and has been for the past century, engaged
G08 0280  1    in a wide-sweeping urbanization which, oddly enough,
G08 0280  9    is not reflected in its literature.
G08 0290  4       In 1900 the South was only 15% urban; in 1950 it
G08 0300  4    had become 47.1% urban. In a mere half-century the
G08 0300 14    South has more than tripled its urban status. There
G08 0310  9    is a New South emerging, a South losing the folksy
G08 0320  6    traditions of an agrarian society with the rapidity
G08 0330  3    of an avalanche- especially within recent decades.
G08 0330 10    As the New South snowballs toward further urbanization,
G08 0340  8    it becomes more and more homogeneous with the North-
G08 0350  7    a tendency which Willard Thorp terms "Yankeefication",
G08 0360  4    as evidenced in such cities as Charlotte, Birmingham,
G08 0370  2    and Houston. It is said that, even at the present stage
G08 0380  2    of Southern urbanization, such a city as Atlanta is
G08 0380 11    not distinctly unlike Columbus or Trenton. Undoubtedly
G08 0390  6    even the old Southern stalwart Richmond has felt the
G08 0400  6    new wind: William Styron mentions in his latest novel
G08 0410  5    an avenue named for Bankhead McGruder, a Civil War
G08 0420  2    general, now renamed, in typical California fashion,
G08 0420  9    "Buena Vista Terrace". The effects of television and
G08 0430  8    other mass media are erasing regional dialects and
G08 0440  6    localisms with a startling force. As for progress,
G08 0450  4    the "backward South" can boast of Baton Rouge, which
G08 0460  2    increased its population between 1940 and 1950 by two
G08 0460 11    hundred and sixty-two percent, to 126,000, the second
G08 0470  9    largest growth of the period for all cities over 25,000.
G08 0480  6       The field, then, is ripe for new Southerners to
G08 0490  4    step to the fore and write of this twentieth-century
G08 0500  1    phenomenon, the Southern Yankeefication: the new urban
G08 0500  8    economy, the city-dweller, the pains of transition,
G08 0510  8    the labor problems; the list is, obviously, endless.
G08 0520  5    But these sources have not been tapped. Truman Capote
G08 0530  3    is still reveling in Southern Gothicism, exaggerating
G08 0540  1    the old Southern legends into something beautiful and
G08 0540  9    grotesque, but as unreal as- or even more unreal than-
G08 0550  9    yesterday. William Styron, while facing the changing
G08 0560  6    economy with a certain uneasy reluctance, insists he
G08 0570  3    is not to be classified as a Southern writer and yet
G08 0580  2    includes traditional Southern concepts in everything
G08 0580  8    he publishes. Even the great god Faulkner, the South's
G08 0590  8    one probable contender for literary immortality, has
G08 0600  5    little concerned himself with these matters; such are
G08 0610  3    simply not within his bounded province.
G08 0610  9       Where are the writers to treat these changes? Has
G08 0620  9    the agrarian tradition become such an addiction that
G08 0630  6    the switch to urbanism is somehow dreaded or unwanted?
G08 0640  3    Perhaps present writers hypnotically cling to the older
G08 0650  2    order because they consider it useful and reliable
G08 0650 10    through repeated testings over the decades. Lacking
G08 0660  6    the pioneer spirit necessary to write of a new economy,
G08 0670  6    these writers seem to be contenting themselves with
G08 0680  2    an old one that is now as defunct as Confederate money.
G08 0680 13       An example of the changes which have crept over
G08 0690 10    the Southern region may be seen in the Southern Negro's
G08 0700  8    quest for a position in the white-dominated society,
G08 0710  5    a problem that has been reflected in regional fiction
G08 0720  2    especially since 1865. Today the Negro must discover
G08 0720 10    his role in an industrialized South, which indicates
G08 0730  8    that the racial aspect of the Southern dilemma hasn't
G08 0740  7    changed radically, but rather has gradually come to
G08 0750  5    be reflected in this new context, this new coat of
G08 0760  2    paint. The Negro faces as much, if not more, difficulty
G08 0760 12    in fitting himself into an urban economy as he did
G08 0770  9    in an agrarian one. This represents a gradual change
G08 0780  5    in an ever-present social problem. But there have been
G08 0790  3    abrupt changes as well: the sit-ins, the picket lines,
G08 0800  1    the bus strikes- all of these were unheard-of even
G08 0800 11    ten years ago. Today's evidence, such as the fact that
G08 0810  8    only three Southern states (South Carolina, Alabama
G08 0820  4    and Mississippi) still openly defy integration, would
G08 0830  2    have astounded many of yesterday's Southerners into
G08 0830  9    speechlessness.
G08 0840  1       Other examples of gradual changes that have affected
G08 0850  2    the Negro have been his moving up, row by row, in the
G08 0850 14    busses; his requesting, and often getting, higher wages,
G08 0860  8    better working conditions, better schools- changes
G08 0870  4    that were slowly emerging even before the Supreme Court
G08 0880  4    decision of 1954. Then came this decision, which sped
G08 0890  2    the process of gaining equality (or perhaps hindered
G08 0890 10    it; only historical evolution will determine which):
G08 0900  6    an abrupt change.
G08 0910  1       Since 1954 the Negro's desire for social justice
G08 0910  9    has led to an ironically anarchical rebellion. He has
G08 0920  8    frequently refused to move from white lunch counters,
G08 0930  5    refused to obey local laws which he considers unjust,
G08 0940  3    while in other cases he has appealed to federal laws.
G08 0950  2    This bold self-assertion, after decades of humble subservience,
G08 0960  1    is indeed a twentieth-century phenomenon, an abrupt
G08 0960  9    change in the Southern way of existence. A new order
G08 0970  7    is thrusting itself into being. A new South is emerging
G08 0980  6    after the post-bellum years of hesitation, uncertainty,
G08 0990  2    and lack of action from the Negro in defining his new
G08 0990 13    role in the amorphously defined socio-political organizations
G08 1000  8    of the white man.
G08 1010  2       The modern Negro has not made a decisive debut into
G08 1010 12    Southern fiction. It is clear that, while most writers
G08 1020  9    enjoy picturing the Negro as a woolly-headed, humble
G08 1030  8    old agrarian who mutters "yassuhs" and "sho' nufs"
G08 1040  4    with blissful deference to his white employer (or,
G08 1050  2    in Old South terms, "massuh"), this stereotype is doomed
G08 1060  1    to become in reality as obsolete as Caldwell's Lester.
G08 1060 10    While there may still be many Faulknerian Lucas Beauchamps
G08 1070  9    scattered through the rural South, such men appear
G08 1080  7    to be a vanishing breed. Writers openly admit that
G08 1090  4    the Negro is easier to write than the white man; but
G08 1100  2    they obviously mean by this, not a Negro personality,
G08 1100 11    but a Negro type. Presenting an individualized Negro
G08 1110  6    character, it would seem, is one of the most difficult
G08 1120  8    assignments a Southern writer could tackle; and the
G08 1130  4    success of such an endeavor is, as suggested above,
G08 1140  1    glaringly rare.
G08 1140  3       Just as the Negro situation points up the gradual
G08 1150  2    and abrupt changes affecting Southern life, it also
G08 1150 10    points up the non-representation of urbanism in Southern
G08 1160  8    literature. The book concerned with the Negro's role
G08 1170  6    in an urban society is rare indeed; recently only Keith
G08 1180  4    Wheeler's novel, Peaceable Lane, has openly faced the
G08 1190  4    problem.
G08 1190  5       All but the most rabid of Confederate flag wavers
G08 1200  3    admit that the Old Southern tradition is defunct in
G08 1210  1    actuality and sigh that its passing was accompanied
G08 1210  9    by the disappearance of many genteel and aristocratic
G08 1220  6    traditions of the reputedly languid ante-bellum way
G08 1230  4    of life. Many earlier writers, mourning the demise
G08 1240  1    of the old order, tended to romanticize and exaggerate
G08 1240 10    this "gracious Old South" imagery, creating such lasting
G08 1250  7    impressions as Margaret Mitchell's "Tara" plantation.
G08 1270  3    Modern writers, who are supposed to keep their fingers
G08 1280  5    firmly upon the pulse of their subjects, insist upon
G08 1300  2    drawing out this legend, prolonging its burial, when
G08 1300 10    it well deserves a rest after the overexploitation
G08 1310  6    of the past century. Perhaps these writers have been
G08 1320  5    too deeply moved by this romanticizing; but they can
G08 1330  3    hardly deny that, exaggerated or not, the old panorama
G08 1330 12    is dead. As John T& Westbrook says in his article,
G08 1340  9    "Twilight of Southern Regionalism" (Southwest Review,
G08 1350  4    Winter 1957): "**h The miasmal mausoleum where an Old
G08 1360  7    South, already too minutely autopsied in prose and
G08 1370  5    poetry, should be left to rest in peace, forever dead
G08 1380  2    and (let us fervently hope) forever done with".
G08 1380 10       Westbrook further bemoans the Southern writers'
G08 1390  6    creation of an unreal image of their homeland, which
G08 1400  5    is too readily assimilated by both foreign readers
G08 1410  2    and visiting Yankees: "Our northerner is suspicious
G08 1410  9    of all this crass evidence [of urbanization] presented
G08 1420  8    to his senses. It bewilders and befuddles him. He is
G08 1430  8    too deeply steeped in William Faulkner and Robert Penn
G08 1440  5    Warren. The fumes of progress are in his nose and the
G08 1450  4    bright steel of industry towers before his eyes, but
G08 1450 13    his heart is away in Yoknapatawpha County with razorback
G08 1460  9    hogs and night riders. On this trip to the South he
G08 1470  9    wants, above all else, to sniff the effluvium of
G08 1480  4    backwoods-and-sand-hill
G08 1480  8    subhumanity and to see at least one barn burn at midnight".
G08 1490  7    Obviously, such a Northern tourist's purpose is somewhat
G08 1500  4    akin to a child's experience with Disneyland: he wants
G08 1510  3    to see a world of make-believe.
G08 1510 10       In the meantime, while the South has been undergoing
G08 1520  8    this phenomenal modernization that is so disappointing
G08 1530  5    to the curious Yankee, Southern writers have certainly
G08 1540  3    done little to reflect and promote their region's progress.
G08 1550  2    Willard Thorp, in his new book American Writing in
G08 1560  1    the Twentieth Century, observes, quite validly it seems:
G08 1560  9    "**h Certain subjects are conspicuously absent or have
G08 1570  8    been only lightly touched. No southern novelist has
G08 1580  5    done for Atlanta or Birmingham what Herrick, Dreiser,
G08 1590  3    and Farrell did for Chicago or Dos Passos did for New
G08 1600  3    York **h There are almost no fictional treatments of
G08 1600 12    the industrialized south". Not a single Southern author,
G08 1610  8    major or minor, has made the urban problems of an urban
G08 1620  9    South his primary source material.
G08 1630  1       Faulkner, for one, appears to be safe from the accusing
G08 1640  1    fingers of all assailants in this regard. Faulkner
G08 1640  9    culminates the Southern legend perhaps more masterfully
G08 1650  6    than it has ever been, or could ever be, done. He has
G08 1660  6    made it his, and his it remains, irrevocably. He treats
G08 1670  3    it with a mythological, universal application.
G08 1670  9       As his disciples boast, even though his emphasis
G08 1680  8    is elsewhere, Faulkner does show his awareness of the
G08 1690  7    changing order of the South quite keenly, as can be
G08 1700  4    proven by a quick recalling of his Sartoris and Snopes
G08 1710  1    families. Even two decades ago in Go Down, Moses Faulkner
G08 1720  1    was looking to the more urban future with a glimmer
G08 1720 11    of hope that through its youth and its new way of life
G08 1730  9    the South might be reborn and the curse of slavery
G08 1740  4    erased from its soil. Yet his concern even here is
G08 1750  1    with a slowly changing socio-economic order in general,
G08 1750 10    and he never deals with such specific aspects of this
G08 1760  8    change as the urban and industrial impact.
G08 1770  2       Faulkner traces, in his vast and overpowering saga
G08 1780  1    of Yoknapatawpha County, the gradual changes which
G08 1780  8    seep into the South, building layer upon layer of minute,
G08 1790  8    subtle innovation which eventually tend largely to
G08 1800  4    hide the Old Way. Thus Faulkner reminds us, and wisely,
G08 1810  4    that the "new" South has gradually evolved out of the
G08 1820  2    Old South, and consequently its agrarian roots persist.
G08 1820 10    Yet he presents a realm of source material which may
G08 1830  9    well serve other writers if not himself: the problems
G08 1840  6    with which a New South must grapple in groping through
G08 1850  4    a blind adolescence into the maturity of urbanization.
G08 1860  1    With new mechanization the modern farmer must perform
G08 1860  9    the work of six men: a machine stands between the agrarian
G08 1870  9    and his soil. The thousands of city migrants who desert
G08 1880  7    the farms yearly must readjust with even greater stress
G08 1890  4    and tension: the sacred wilderness is gradually surrendering
G08 1900  2    to suburbs and research parks and industrial areas.
G09 0010  1       Another element to concern the choreographer is
G09 0010  8    that of the visual devices of the theatre. Most avant-garde
G09 0020  8    creators, true to their interest in the self-sufficiency
G09 0030  6    of pure movement, have tended to dress their dancers
G09 0040  3    in simple lines and solid colors (often black) and
G09 0040 12    to give them a bare cyclorama for a setting. But Robert
G09 0050 11    Rauschenberg, the neo-dadaist artist, has collaborated
G09 0060  7    with several of them. He has designed a matching backdrop
G09 0070  5    and costumes of points of color on white for Mr& Cunningham's
G09 0080  4    Summerspace, so that dancers and background merge into
G09 0090  3    a shimmering unity. For Mr& Taylor's Images and Reflections
G09 0100  3    he made some diaphanous tents that alternately hide
G09 0110  2    and reveal the performer, and a girl's cape lined with
G09 0110 12    grass. Mr& Nikolais has made a distinctive contribution
G09 0120  7    to the arts of costume and decor. In fact, he calls
G09 0130  7    his productions dance-theatre works of motion, shape,
G09 0140  4    light, and sound. To raise the dancer out of his personal,
G09 0150  1    pedestrian self, Mr& Nikolais has experimented with
G09 0150  8    relating him to a larger, environmental orbit. He began
G09 0160  9    with masks to make the dancer identify himself with
G09 0170  6    the creature he appeared to be. He went on to use objects-
G09 0180  6    hoops, poles, capes- which he employed as extensions
G09 0190  2    of the body of the dancer, who moved with them. The
G09 0190 13    depersonalization continued as the dancer was further
G09 0200  7    metamorphosed by the play of lights upon his figure.
G09 0210  6    In each case, the object, the color, even the percussive
G09 0220  3    sounds of the electronic score were designed to become
G09 0230  1    part of the theatrical being of the performer. The
G09 0230 10    dancer who never loosens her hold on a parasol, begins
G09 0240  8    to feel that it is part of herself. Or, clad from head
G09 0250  5    to toe in fabric stretched over a series of hoops,
G09 0260  2    the performer may well lose his sense of self in being
G09 0260 13    a "finial". As the dancer is depersonalized, his accouterments
G09 0270  8    are animized, and the combined elements give birth
G09 0280  7    to a new being. From this being come new movement ideas
G09 0290  5    that utilize dancer and property as a single unit.
G09 0300  2       Thus, the avant-garde choreographers have extended
G09 0300  9    the scope of materials available for dance composition.
G09 0310  8    But, since they have rejected both narrative and emotional
G09 0320  7    continuity, how are they to unify the impressive array
G09 0330  6    of materials at their disposal? Some look deliberately
G09 0340  3    to devices used by creators in the other arts and apply
G09 0350  1    corresponding methods to their own work. Others, less
G09 0350  9    consciously but quite probably influenced by the trends
G09 0360  8    of the times, experiment with approaches that parallel
G09 0370  5    those of the contemporary poet, painter, and musician.
G09 0380  3       An approach that has appealed to some choreographers
G09 0390  1    is reminiscent of Charles Olson's statement of the
G09 0390  9    process of projective verse: "one perception must immediately
G09 0400  8    and directly lead to a further perception". The creator
G09 0410  8    trusts his intuition to lead him along a path that
G09 0420  7    has internal validity because it mirrors the reality
G09 0430  3    of his experience. He disdains external restrictions-
G09 0430 10    conventional syntax, traditional metre. The unit of
G09 0440  7    form is determined subjectively: "the Heart, by the
G09 0450  6    way of the Breath, to the Line". The test of form is
G09 0460  6    fidelity to the experience, a gauge also accepted by
G09 0470  2    the abstract expressionist painters.
G09 0470  6       An earlier but still influential school of painting,
G09 0480  6    surrealism, had suggested the way of dealing with the
G09 0490  5    dream experience, that event in which seemingly incongruous
G09 0500  2    objects are linked together through the curious associations
G09 0510  1    of the subconscious. The resulting picture might appear
G09 0510  9    a maze of restless confusions and contradictions, but
G09 0520  6    it is more true to life than a portrait of an artificially
G09 0530  6    contrived order. The contemporary painter tends to
G09 0540  3    depict not the concrete objects of his experience but
G09 0550  1    their essences as revealed in abstractions of their
G09 0550  9    lines, colors, masses, and energies. He is still concerned,
G09 0560  7    however, with a personal event. He accepts the accidents
G09 0570  5    of his brushwork because they provide evidence of the
G09 0580  3    vitality of the experience of creation. The work must
G09 0590  1    be true to both the physical and the spiritual character
G09 0590 11    of the experience.
G09 0600  1       Some painters have less interest in the experience
G09 0600  9    of the moment, with its attendant urgencies and ambiguities,
G09 0610  8    than in looking beyond the flux of particular impressions
G09 0620  7    to a higher, more serene level of truth. Rather than
G09 0630  5    putting their trust in ephemeral sensations they seek
G09 0640  3    form in the stable relationships of pure design, which
G09 0640 12    symbolize an order more real than the disorder of the
G09 0650 10    perceptual world. The concept remains subjective. But
G09 0660  5    in this approach it is the artist's ultimate insight,
G09 0670  3    rather than his immediate impressions, that gives form
G09 0680  2    to the work.
G09 0680  5       Others look to more objective devices of order.
G09 0690  2    The musician employing the serial technique of composition
G09 0690 10    establishes a mathematical system of rotations that,
G09 0700  7    once set in motion, determines the sequence of pitches
G09 0710  6    and even of rhythms and intensities. The composer may
G09 0720  4    reverse or invert the order of his original set of
G09 0730  1    intervals (or rhythms or dynamic changes). He may even
G09 0730 10    alter the pattern by applying a scheme of random numbers.
G09 0740  8    But he cannot order his elements by will, either rational
G09 0750  6    or inspired. The system works as an impersonal mechanism.
G09 0760  3    Musicians who use the chance method also exclude subjective
G09 0770  2    control of formal development. Again, the composer
G09 0770  9    must select his own materials. But a tossing of coins,
G09 0780 10    with perhaps the added safeguard of reference to the
G09 0790  6    oracles of the I Ching, the Chinese Book of Changes,
G09 0800  4    dictates the handling of the chosen materials.
G09 0810  1       Avant-garde choreographers, seeking new forms of
G09 0810  8    continuity for their new vocabulary of movements, have
G09 0820  8    turned to similar approaches. Some let dances take
G09 0830  5    their form from the experience of creation. According
G09 0840  2    to Katherine Litz, "the becoming, the process of realization,
G09 0850  1    is the dance". The process stipulates that the choreographer
G09 0860  1    sense the quality of the initial movement he has discovered
G09 0860 11    and that he feel the rightness of the quality that
G09 0870  9    is to follow it. The sequence may involve a sharp contrast:
G09 0880  6    for example, a quiet meditative sway of the body succeeded
G09 0890  5    by a violent leap; or it may involve more subtle distinctions:
G09 0900  2    the sway may be gradually minimized or enlarged, its
G09 0910  2    rhythmic emphasis may be slightly modified, or it may
G09 0910 11    be transferred to become a movement of only the arms
G09 0920  9    or the head. Even the least alteration will change
G09 0930  4    the quality. An exploration of these possible relationships
G09 0940  2    constitutes the process of creation and thereby gives
G09 0940 10    form to the dance.
G09 0950  4       The approach to the depiction of the experience
G09 0960  1    of creation may be analytic, as it is for Miss Litz,
G09 0960 12    or spontaneous, as it is for Merle Marsicano. She,
G09 0970  8    too, is concerned with "the becoming, the process of
G09 0980  5    realization", but she does not think in terms of subtle
G09 0990  4    variations of spatial or temporal patterns. The design
G09 1000  1    is determined emotionally: "I must reach into myself
G09 1000  9    for the spring that will send me catapulting recklessly
G09 1010  7    into the chaos of event with which the dance confronts
G09 1020  6    me". Looking back, Miss Marsicano feels that her ideas
G09 1030  5    may have been influenced by those of Jackson Pollock.
G09 1040  1    At one time she felt impelled to make dances that "moved
G09 1040 12    all over the stage", much as Pollock's paintings move
G09 1050  9    violently over the full extent of the canvas. But her
G09 1060  9    conscious need was to break away from constricting
G09 1070  3    patterns of form, a need to let the experience shape
G09 1080  1    itself.
G09 1080  2       Midi Garth also believes in subjective continuity
G09 1090  1    that begins with the feeling engendered by an initial
G09 1090 10    movement. It may be a free front-back swing of the
G09 1100 10    leg, leading to a sideways swing of the arm that develops
G09 1110  6    into a turn and the sensation of taking off from the
G09 1120  3    ground. This became a dance called Prelude to Flight.
G09 1130  1    A pervading quality of free lyricism and a building
G09 1130 10    from turns close to the ground towards jumps into the
G09 1140  8    air gives the work its central focus.
G09 1150  1       Alwin Nikolais objects to art as an outpouring of
G09 1150 10    personal emotion. He seeks to make his dancers more
G09 1160  9    "godlike" by relating them to the impersonal elements
G09 1170  6    of shape, light color, and sound. If his dancers are
G09 1180  4    sometimes made to look as if they might be creatures
G09 1190  1    from Mars, this is consistent with his intention of
G09 1190 10    placing them in the orbit of another world, a world
G09 1200  8    in which they are freed of their pedestrian identities.
G09 1210  3    It is through the metamorphosed dancer that the germ
G09 1220  2    of form is discovered. In his recognition of his impersonal
G09 1220 12    self the dancer moves, and this self, in the "first
G09 1230 10    revealed stroke of its existence", states the theme
G09 1240  6    from which all else must follow. The theme may be the
G09 1250  5    formation of a shape from which other shapes evolve.
G09 1260  1    It may be a reaction to a percussive sound, the following
G09 1260 12    movements constituting further reactions. It may establish
G09 1270  7    the relation of the figure of the dancer to light and
G09 1280  8    color, in which case changes in the light or color
G09 1290  4    will set off a kaleidescope of visual designs. Unconcerned
G09 1300  1    with the practical function of his actions, the dancer
G09 1300 10    is engrossed exclusively in their "motional content".
G09 1310  6    Movements unfold freely because they are uninhibited
G09 1320  5    by emotional bias or purposive drive. But the metamorphosis
G09 1330  4    must come first.
G09 1330  7       Though he is also concerned with freeing dance from
G09 1340  5    pedestrian modes of activity, Merce Cunningham has
G09 1350  3    selected a very different method for achieving his
G09 1350 11    aim. He rejects all subjectively motivated continuity,
G09 1360  7    any line of action related to the concept of cause
G09 1370  7    and effect. He bases his approach on the belief that
G09 1380  5    anything can follow anything. An order can be chanced
G09 1390  1    rather than chosen, and this approach produces an experience
G09 1390 10    that is "free and discovered rather than bound and
G09 1400  9    remembered". Thus, there is freshness not only in the
G09 1410  8    individual movements of the dance but in the shape
G09 1420  5    of their continuity as well. Chance, he finds, enables
G09 1430  1    him to create "a world beyond imagination". He cites
G09 1430 10    with pleasure the comment of a lady, who exclaimed
G09 1440  8    after a concert: "Why, it's extremely interesting.
G09 1450  4    But I would never have thought of it myself".
G09 1460  1       The sequence of movements in a Cunningham dance
G09 1460  9    is unlike any sequence to be seen in life. At one side
G09 1470 12    of the stage a dancer jumps excitedly; nearby, another
G09 1480  5    sits motionless, while still another is twirling an
G09 1490  4    umbrella. A man and a girl happen to meet; they look
G09 1500  2    straight at the audience, not at each other. He lifts
G09 1500 12    her, puts her down, and walks off, neither pleased
G09 1510  8    nor disturbed, as if nothing had happened. If one dancer
G09 1520  6    slaps another, the victim may do a pirouette, sit down,
G09 1530  3    or offer his assailant a fork and spoon. Events occur
G09 1540  1    without apparent reason. Their consequences are irrelevant-
G09 1540  8    or there are no consequences at all.
G09 1550  6       The sequence is determined by chance, and Mr& Cunningham
G09 1560  5    makes use of any one of several chance devices. He
G09 1570  3    may toss coins; he may take slips of paper from a grab
G09 1580  1    bag. The answers derived by these means may determine
G09 1580 10    not only the temporal organization of the dance but
G09 1600  6    also its spatial design, special slips designating
G09 1610  3    the location on the stage where the movement is to
G09 1610 13    be performed. The other variables include the dancer
G09 1620  8    who is to perform the movement and the length of time
G09 1630  8    he is to take in its performance. The only factors
G09 1640  4    that are personally set by the choreographer are the
G09 1650  1    movements themselves, the number of the dancers, and
G09 1650  9    the approximate total duration of the dance. The "approximate"
G09 1660  8    is important, because even after the order of the work
G09 1670  8    has been established by the chance method, the result
G09 1680  4    is not inviolable. Each performance may be different.
G09 1690  1    If a work is divided into several large segments, a
G09 1690 11    last-minute drawing of random numbers may determine
G09 1700  7    the order of the segments for any particular performance.
G09 1710  4    And any sequence can not only change its positions
G09 1720  2    in the work but can even be eliminated from it altogether.
G09 1730  1       Mr& Cunningham tries not to cheat the chance method;
G09 1730 10    he adheres to its dictates as faithfully as he can.
G09 1740 10    However, there is always the possibility that chance
G09 1750  5    will make demands the dancers find impossible to execute.
G09 1760  3    Then the choreographer must arbitrate. He must rearrange
G09 1770  2    matters so that two performers do not bump into each
G09 1770 12    other. He must construct transitions so that a dancer
G09 1780  9    who is told to lie prone one second and to leap wildly
G09 1790  7    the next will have some physical preparation for the
G09 1800  3    leap.
G10 0010  1       THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH were in greater agreement
G10 0010 10    on sovereignty, through all their dispute about it,
G10 0020  7    than were the Founding Fathers. The truth in their
G10 0030  5    conflicting concepts was expounded by statesmen of
G10 0040  2    the calibre of Webster and Calhoun, and defended in
G10 0040 11    the end by leaders of the nobility of Lincoln and Lee.
G10 0050 10    The people everywhere had grown meanwhile in devotion
G10 0060  6    to basic democratic principles, in understanding of
G10 0070  3    and belief in the federal balance, and in love of their
G10 0080  1    Union. Repeated efforts- beginning with the Missouri
G10 0080  8    Compromise of 1821- were made by such master moderates
G10 0090  9    as Clay and Douglas to resolve the difference peacefully
G10 0100  6    by compromise, rather than clear thought and timely
G10 0110  4    action. Even so, confusion in this period gained such
G10 0120  2    strength (from compromise and other factors) that it
G10 0120 10    led to the bloodiest war of the Nineteenth century.
G10 0130  7    Nothing can show more than this the immensity of the
G10 0140  6    danger to democratic peoples that lies in even relatively
G10 0150  3    slight deviation from their true concept of sovereignty.
G10 0160  1       The present issue in Atlantica- whether to transform
G10 0160  9    an alliance of sovereign nations into a federal union
G10 0170  9    of sovereign citizens- resembles the American one of
G10 0180  8    1787-89 rather than the one that was resolved by Civil
G10 0190  5    War. And so I would only touch upon it now (much as
G10 0200  3    I have long wanted to write a book about it). I think
G10 0200 15    it is essential, however, to pinpoint here the difference
G10 0210  8    between the two concepts of sovereignty that went to
G10 0220  6    war in 1861- if only to see better how imperative is
G10 0230  4    our need today to clarify completely our far worse
G10 0240  1    confusion on this subject.
G10 0240  5       The difference came down to this: The Southern States
G10 0250  4    insisted that the United States was, in last analysis,
G10 0260  2    what its name implied- a Union of States. To their
G10 0260 12    leaders the Constitution was a compact made by the
G10 0270  9    people of sovereign states, who therefore retained
G10 0280  5    the right to secede from it. This right of the State,
G10 0290  4    its upholders contended, was essential to maintain
G10 0300  1    the federal balance and protect the liberty of the
G10 0300 10    people from the danger of centralizing power in the
G10 0310  6    Union government. The champions of the Union maintained
G10 0320  4    that the Constitution had formed, fundamentally, the
G10 0330  2    united people of America, that it was a compact among
G10 0330 12    sovereign citizens rather than states, and that therefore
G10 0340  8    the states had no right to secede, though the citizens
G10 0350  6    could. Writing to Speed on August 24, 1855, Lincoln
G10 0360  4    made the latter point clear. In homely terms whose
G10 0370  1    timeliness is startling today, he thus declared his
G10 0370  9    own right to secede. "
G10 0380  1       We began by declaring that all men are created equal.
G10 0390  1    We now practically read it, all men are created equal
G10 0390 11    except negroes. When the Know-nothings get control,
G10 0400  7    it will read, All men are created equal except negroes
G10 0410  6    and foreigners and Catholics. When it comes to this,
G10 0420  5    I shall prefer emigrating to some country where they
G10 0430  2    make no pretence of loving liberty- to Russia, for
G10 0430 11    instance, where despotism can be taken pure, without
G10 0440  7    the base alloy of hypocrisy". [His emphasis]
G10 0450  3       When the Southern States exercised their "right
G10 0460  3    to secede", they formed what they officially styled
G10 0460 11    "The Confederate States of America". Dictionaries,
G10 0470  6    as we have seen, still cite this government, along
G10 0480  7    with the Articles of Confederation of 1781, as an example
G10 0490  6    of a confederacy. The fact is that the Southern Confederacy
G10 0500  3    differed from the earlier one almost as much as the
G10 0510  2    Federal Constitution did. The Confederate Constitution
G10 0510  8    copied much of the Federal Constitution verbatim, and
G10 0520  8    most of the rest in substance. It operated on, by and
G10 0530  7    for the people individually just as did the Federal
G10 0540  4    Constitution. It made substantially the same division
G10 0550  1    of power between the central and state governments,
G10 0550  9    and among the executive, legislative and judicial branches.
G10 0560  6    #THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN CONFEDERACY AND FEDERAL UNION
G10 0570  5    IN 1861#
G10 0570  7    Many believe- and understandably- that the great difference
G10 0580  7    between the Constitution of the Southern Confederacy
G10 0590  4    and the Federal Constitution was that the former recognized
G10 0600  3    the right of each state to secede. But though each
G10 0610  1    of its members had asserted this right against the
G10 0610 10    Union, the final Constitution which the Confederacy
G10 0620  5    signed on March 11- nearly a month before hostilities
G10 0630  3    began- included no explicit provision authorizing a
G10 0640  2    state to secede. Its drafters discussed this vital
G10 0640 10    point but left it out of their Constitution. Their
G10 0650  8    President, Jefferson Davis, interpreted their Constitution
G10 0660  4    to mean that it "admits of no coerced association",
G10 0670  2    but this reremained so doubtful that "there were frequent
G10 0680  2    demands that the right to secede be put into the Constitution".
G10 0690  1       The Constitution of the Southern "Confederation"
G10 0700  1    differed from that of the Federal Union only in two
G10 0700 11    important respects: It openly, defiantly, recognized
G10 0710  5    slavery- an institution which the Southerners of 1787,
G10 0720  6    even though they continued it, found so impossible
G10 0730  2    to reconcile with freedom that they carefully avoided
G10 0730 10    mentioning the word in the Federal Constitution. They
G10 0740  8    recognized that slavery was a moral issue and not merely
G10 0750  9    an economic interest, and that to recognize it explicitly
G10 0760  5    in their Constitution would be in explosive contradiction
G10 0770  2    to the concept of sovereignty they had set forth in
G10 0780  1    the Declaration of 1776 that "all men are created equal,
G10 0780 11    that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
G10 0790  8    unalienable rights, that among them are life, liberty
G10 0800  5    and the pursuit of happiness **h". The other important
G10 0810  3    difference between the two Constitutions was that the
G10 0820  1    President of the Confederacy held office for six (instead
G10 0820 10    of four) years, and was limited to one term.
G10 0830  8       These are not, however, differences in federal structure.
G10 0840  4    The only important differences from that standpoint,
G10 0850  2    between the two Constitutions, lies in their Preambles.
G10 0860  1    The one of 1861 made clear that in making their government
G10 0860 12    the people were acting through their states, whereas
G10 0870  7    the Preamble of 1787-89 expressed, as clearly as language
G10 0880  6    can, the opposite concept, that they were acting directly
G10 0890  4    as citizens. Here are the two Preambles:
G10 0900  1    _FEDERAL CONSTITUTION, 1789_
G10 0900  3       "we the People of the United States, in order to
G10 0910  4    form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure
G10 0920  1    domestic Tranquility, provide for the common Defence,
G10 0920  8    promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings
G10 0930  6    of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain
G10 0940  5    and establish this Constitution for the United States
G10 0950  2    of America".
G10 0950  4    _CONFEDERATE CONSTITUTION, 1861_
G10 0960  1       "We the people of the Confederate States, each state
G10 0960  9    acting in its sovereign and independent character,
G10 0970  5    in order to form a permanent federal government, establish
G10 0980  3    justice, insure domestic tranquility, and secure the
G10 0990  2    blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity-
G10 0990 10    invoking the favor and the guidance of Almighty God-
G10 1000  9    do ordain and establish this Constitution for the Confederate
G10 1010  6    States of America".
G10 1020  1       One is tempted to say that, on the difference between
G10 1020 11    the concepts of sovereignty in these two preambles,
G10 1030  7    the worst war of the Nineteenth century was fought.
G10 1040  4    But though the Southern States, when drafting a constitution
G10 1050  3    to unite themselves, narrowed the difference to this
G10 1060  1    fine point by omitting to assert the right to secede,
G10 1060 11    the fact remained that by seceding from the Union they
G10 1070  8    had already acted on the concept that it was composed
G10 1080  5    primarily of sovereign states. If the Union conceded
G10 1090  2    this to them, the same right must be conceded to each
G10 1090 13    remaining state whenever it saw fit to secede: This
G10 1100  9    would destroy the federal balance between it and the
G10 1110  6    states, and in the end sacrifice to the sovereignty
G10 1120  3    of the states all the liberty the citizens had gained
G10 1130  1    by their Union.
G10 1130  4       Lincoln saw that the act of secession made the issue
G10 1140  2    for the Union a vital one: Whether it was a Union of
G10 1140 14    sovereign citizens that should continue to live, or
G10 1150  8    an association of sovereign states that must fall prey
G10 1160  6    either to "anarchy or despotism".
G10 1170  1       Much as he abhorred slavery, Lincoln was always
G10 1170  9    willing to concede to each "slave state" the right
G10 1180  8    to decide independently whether to continue or end
G10 1190  5    it. Though his election was interpreted by many Southerners
G10 1200  3    as the forerunner of a dangerous shift in the federal
G10 1210  1    balance in favor of the Union, Lincoln himself proposed
G10 1210 10    no such change in the rights the Constitution gave
G10 1220  7    the states. After the war began, he long refused to
G10 1230  5    permit emancipation of the slaves by Union action even
G10 1240  2    in the Border States that stayed with the Union. He
G10 1240 12    issued his Emancipation Proclamation only when he felt
G10 1250  8    that necessity left him no other way to save the Union.
G10 1260  9    In his Message of December 2, 1862, he put his purpose
G10 1270  7    and his policy in these words- which I would call the
G10 1280  4    Lincoln Law of Liberty-and-Union: "In giving freedom
G10 1290  2    to the slave, we assure freedom to the free".
G10 1290 11       What Lincoln could not concede was that the states
G10 1300  9    rather than the people were sovereign in the Union.
G10 1310  6    He fought to the end to preserve it as a "government
G10 1320  4    of the people, by the people, for the people".
G10 1330  1    #THE TRUTH ON EACH SIDE WON IN THE CIVIL WAR#
G10 1330 10    The fact that the Americans who upheld the sovereignty
G10 1340  5    of their states did this in order to keep many of their
G10 1350  5    people more securely in slavery- the antithesis of
G10 1360  2    individual liberty- made the conflict grimmer, and
G10 1360  9    the greater. Out of this ordeal the citizen emerged,
G10 1370  8    in the South as in the North, as America's true sovereign,
G10 1380  5    in "a new birth of freedom", as Lincoln promised. But
G10 1390  4    before this came about, 214,938 Americans had given
G10 1400  2    their lives in battle for the two concepts of the sovereign
G10 1400 13    rights of men and of states.
G10 1410  6       On their decisive battlefield Lincoln did not distinguish
G10 1420  4    between them when he paid tribute to the "brave men,
G10 1430  2    living and dead, who fought here". He understood that
G10 1430 11    both sides were at fault, and he reached the height
G10 1440 10    of saying so explicitly in his Second Inaugural.
G10 1450  5       To my knowledge, Lincoln remains the only Head of
G10 1460  5    State and Commander-in-Chief who, while fighting a
G10 1470  2    fearful war whose issue was in doubt, proved man enough
G10 1470 12    to say this publicly- to give his foe the benefit of
G10 1480  8    the fact that in all human truth there is some error,
G10 1490  6    and in all our error, some truth. So great a man could
G10 1500  4    not but understand, too, that the thing that moves
G10 1500 13    men to sacrifice their lives is not the error of their
G10 1510 10    thought, which their opponents see and attack, but
G10 1520  6    the truth which the latter do not see- any more than
G10 1530  6    they see the error which mars the truth they themselves
G10 1540  1    defend.
G10 1540  2       It is much less difficult now than in Lincoln's
G10 1540 11    day to see that on both sides sovereign Americans had
G10 1550 10    given their lives in the Civil War to maintain the
G10 1560  8    balance between the powers they had delegated to the
G10 1570  4    States and to their Union. They differed in the balance
G10 1580  2    they believed essential to the sovereignty of the citizen-
G10 1590  1    but the supreme sacrifice each made served to maintain
G10 1590 10    a still more fundamental truth: That individual life,
G10 1600  5    liberty and happiness depend on a right balance between
G10 1610  6    the two- and on the limitation of sovereignty, in all
G10 1620  3    its aspects, which this involves. The 140,414 Americans
G10 1630  1    who gave "the last full measure of devotion" to prevent
G10 1630 11    disunion, preserved individual freedom in the United
G10 1640  7    States from the dangers of anarchy, inherent in confederations,
G10 1650  6    which throughout history have proved fatal in the end
G10 1660  6    to all associations composed primarily of sovereign
G10 1670  1    states, and to the liberties of their people. But the
G10 1670 11    fact that 70,524 other Americans gave the same measure
G10 1680  8    of devotion to an opposing concept served Liberty-and-Union
G10 1690  6    in other essential ways.
G10 1700  1       Its appeal from ballots to bullets at Fort Sumter
G10 1700 10    ended by costing the Southerners their right to have
G10 1710  7    slaves- a right that was even less compatible with
G10 1720  4    the sovereignty of man. The very fact that they came
G10 1730  2    so near to winning by the wrong method, war, led directly
G10 1730 13    to their losing both the war and the wrong thing they
G10 1740 10    fought for, since it forced Lincoln to free their slaves
G10 1750  6    as a military measure. There was a divine justice in
G10 1760  5    one wrong thus undoing another. There was also a lesson,
G10 1770  2    one that has served ever since to keep Americans, in
G10 1770 12    their conflicts with one another, from turning from
G10 1780  7    the ballot to the bullet. Yet though the Southern States
G10 1790  6    lost the worst errors in their case, they did not lose
G10 1800  5    the truth they fought for. The lives so many of them
G10 1810  1    gave, to forestall what they believed would be a fatal
G10 1810 11    encroachment by the Union on the powers reserved to
G10 1820  9    their states have continued ever since to safeguard
G10 1830  5    all Americans against freedom's other foe.
G11 0010  1    As cells coalesced into organisms, they built new "unnatural"
G11 0010 10    and internally controlled environments to cope even
G11 0020  7    more successfully with the entropy-increasing properties
G11 0030  5    of the external world. The useful suggestion of Professor
G11 0040  4    David Hawkins which considers culture as a third stage
G11 0050  3    in biological evolution fits quite beautifully then
G11 0050 10    with our suggestion that science has provided us with
G11 0060  9    a rather successful technique for building protective
G11 0070  4    artificial environments. One wonders about its applicability
G11 0080  4    to people. Will advances in human sciences help us
G11 0090  2    build social structures and governments which will
G11 0090  9    enable us to cope with people as effectively as the
G11 0100  8    primitive combination of protein and nucleic acid built
G11 0110  5    a structure of molecules which enabled it to adapt
G11 0120  2    to a sea of molecular interaction? The answer is of
G11 0120 12    course yes. For the family is the simplest example
G11 0130  8    of just such a unit, composed of people, which gives
G11 0140  5    us both some immunity from, and a way of dealing with,
G11 0150  2    other people. Social invention did not have to await
G11 0150 11    social theory any more than use of the warmth of a
G11 0160 11    fire had to await Lavoisier or the buoyant protection
G11 0170  5    of a boat the formulations of Archimedes. But it has
G11 0180  4    been during the last two centuries, during the scientific
G11 0190  1    revolution, that our independence from the physical
G11 0190  8    environment has made the most rapid strides. We have
G11 0200  8    ample light when the sun sets; the temperature of our
G11 0210  5    homes is independent of the seasons; we fly through
G11 0220  2    the air, although gravity pulls us down; the range
G11 0220 11    of our voice ignores distance. At what stage are social
G11 0230  9    sciences then? Is the future of psychology akin to
G11 0240  7    the rich future of physics at the time of Newton? There
G11 0250  4    is a haunting resemblance between the notion of cause
G11 0260  3    in Copernicus and in Freud. And it is certainly no
G11 0260 13    slight to either of them to compare both their achievements
G11 0270 10    and their impact.
G11 0280  1       Political theoretical understanding, although almost
G11 0280  6    at a standstill during this century, did develop during
G11 0290  7    the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and resulted
G11 0300  4    in a flood of inventions which increased the possibility
G11 0310  3    for man to coexist with man. Consitutional government,
G11 0320  1    popular vote, trial by jury, public education, labor
G11 0320  9    unions, cooperatives, communes, socialized ownership,
G11 0330  4    world courts, and the veto power in world councils
G11 0340  5    are but a few examples. Most of these, with horrible
G11 0350  2    exceptions, were conceived as is a ship, not as an
G11 0350 12    attempt to quell the ocean of mankind, nor to deny
G11 0360  9    its force, but as a means to survive and enjoy it.
G11 0370  5    The most effective political inventions seem to make
G11 0380  2    maximum use of natural harbors and are aware that restraining
G11 0380 12    breakwaters can play only a minor part in the whole
G11 0390 10    scheme. Just as present technology had to await the
G11 0400  6    explanations of physics, so one might expect that social
G11 0410  4    invention will follow growing sociological understanding.
G11 0420  1    We are desperately in the need of such invention, for
G11 0420 11    man is still very much at the mercy of man. In fact
G11 0430 11    the accumulation of the hardware of destruction is
G11 0440  5    day by day increasing our fear of each other.
G11 0450  1    #/3,#
G11 0450  2    I want, therefore, to discuss a second and quite different
G11 0460  1    fruit of science, the connection between scientific
G11 0460  8    understanding and fear. There are certainly large areas
G11 0470  8    of understanding in the human sciences which in themselves
G11 0480  5    and even without political invention can help to dispel
G11 0490  5    our present fears. Lucretius has remarked: "The reason
G11 0500  2    why all Mortals are so gripped by fear is that they
G11 0500 13    see all sorts of things happening in the earth and
G11 0510  9    sky with no discernable cause, and these they attribute
G11 0520  5    to the will of God". Perhaps things were even worse
G11 0530  4    then. It is difficult to reconstruct the primeval fears
G11 0540  1    of man. We get some clue from a few remembrances of
G11 0540 12    childhood and from the circumstance that we are probably
G11 0550  8    not much more afraid of people now than man ever was.
G11 0560  6    We are not now afraid of atomic bombs in the same way
G11 0570  4    that people once feared comets. The bombs are as harmless
G11 0580  1    as an automobile in a garage. We are worried about
G11 0580 11    what people may do with them- that some crazy fool
G11 0590  8    may "push the button".
G11 0600  1       I am certainly not adequately trained to describe
G11 0600  8    or enlarge on human fears, but there are certain features
G11 0610  7    of the fears dispelled by scientific explanations that
G11 0620  3    stand out quite clearly. They are in general those
G11 0630  2    fears that once seemed to have been amenable to prayer
G11 0630 12    or ritual. They include both individual fears and collective
G11 0640  8    ones. They arise in situations in which one believes
G11 0650  7    that what happens depends not only on the external
G11 0660  5    world, but also on the precise pattern of behavior
G11 0670  1    of the individual or group. Often it is recognized
G11 0670 10    that all the details of the pattern may not be essential
G11 0680  8    to the outcome but, because the pattern was empirically
G11 0690  5    determined and not developed through theoretical understanding,
G11 0700  2    one is never quite certain which behavior elements
G11 0710  1    are effective, and the whole pattern becomes ritualized.
G11 0710  9    Yet often fear persists because, even with the most
G11 0720  8    rigid ritual, one is never quite free from the uneasy
G11 0730  6    feeling that one might make some mistake or that in
G11 0740  3    every previous execution one had been unaware of the
G11 0740 12    really decisive act. To say that science had reduced
G11 0750  8    many such fears merely reiterates the obvious and frequent
G11 0760  5    statement that science eliminated much of magic and
G11 0770  4    superstition. But a somewhat more detailed analysis
G11 0780  1    of this process may be illuminating.
G11 0780  7       The frequently postulated antique worry that the
G11 0790  5    daylight hours might dwindle to complete darkness apparently
G11 0800  2    gave rise to a ritual and celebration which we still
G11 0800 12    recognize. It is curious that even centuries of repetition
G11 0810  9    of the yearly cycle did not induce a sufficient degree
G11 0820  8    of confidence to allow people to abandon the ceremonies
G11 0830  5    of the winter solstice. This and other fears of the
G11 0840  4    solar system have disappeared gradually, first, with
G11 0840 11    the Ptolemaic system and its built-in concept of periodicity
G11 0850  9    and then, more firmly, with the Newtonian innovation
G11 0860  6    of an universal force that could account quantitatively
G11 0870  3    for both terrestial and celestial motions. This understanding
G11 0880  3    provides a very simple example of the fact that one
G11 0890  1    can eliminate fear without instituting any controls.
G11 0890  8    In fact, although we have dispelled the fear, we have
G11 0900  8    not necessarily assured ourselves that there are no
G11 0910  5    dangers. There is still the remote possibility of planetoid
G11 0920  3    collision. A meteor could fall on San Francisco. Solar
G11 0930  1    activities could presumably bring long periods of flood
G11 0930  9    or drought. Our understanding of the solar system has
G11 0940  8    taught us to replace our former elaborate rituals with
G11 0950  5    the appropriate action which, in this case, amounts
G11 0960  2    to doing nothing. Yet we no longer feel uneasy. This
G11 0960 12    almost trivial example is nevertheless suggestive,
G11 0970  6    for there are some elements in common between the antique
G11 0980  6    fear that the days would get shorter and shorter and
G11 0990  4    our present fear of war. We, in our country, think
G11 1000  1    of war as an external threat which, if it occurs, will
G11 1000 12    not be primarily of our own doing. And yet we obviously
G11 1010  9    also believe that the avoidance of the disaster depends
G11 1020  5    in some obscure or at least uncertain way on the details
G11 1030  4    of how we behave. What elements of our behavior are
G11 1030 14    decisive? Our weapons production, our world prestige,
G11 1040  7    our ideas of democracy, our actions of trust or stubbornness
G11 1050  7    or secrecy or espionage? We have staved off a war and,
G11 1060  8    since our behavior has involved all these elements,
G11 1070  3    we can only keep adding to our ritual without daring
G11 1080  1    to abandon any part of it, since we have not the slightest
G11 1080 13    notion which parts are effective.
G11 1090  4       I think that we are here also talking of the kind
G11 1100  3    of fear that a young boy has for a group of boys who
G11 1100 16    are approaching at night along the streets of a large
G11 1110  9    city. If an automobile were approaching him, he would
G11 1120  6    know what was required of him, even though he might
G11 1130  3    not be able to act quickly enough. With the group of
G11 1130 14    boys it is different. He does not know whether to look
G11 1140 11    up or look aside, to put his hands in his pockets or
G11 1150  9    to clench them at his side, to cross the street, or
G11 1160  4    to continue on the same side. When confronted with
G11 1170  1    a drunk or an insane person I have no notion of what
G11 1170 13    any one of them might do to me or to himself or to
G11 1180 10    others. I believe that what I do has some effect on
G11 1190  5    his actions and I have learned, in a way, to commune
G11 1200  1    with drunks, but certainly my actions seem to resemble
G11 1200 10    more nearly the performance of a rain dance than the
G11 1210  9    carrying out of an experiment in physics. I am usually
G11 1220  6    filled with an uneasiness that through some unwitting
G11 1230  2    slip all hell may break loose. Our inability to explain
G11 1240  1    why certain people are fond of us frequently induces
G11 1240 10    the same kind of ritual and malaise. We are forced,
G11 1250  7    in our behavior towards others, to adopt empirically
G11 1260  3    successful patterns in toto because we have such a
G11 1270  1    minimal understanding of their essential elements.
G11 1270  7       Our collective policies, group and national, are
G11 1280  6    similarly based on voodoo, but here we often lack even
G11 1290  6    the empirically successful rituals and are still engaged
G11 1300  2    in determing them. We use terms from our personal experience
G11 1310  1    with individuals such as "trust", "cheat", and "get
G11 1310  9    tough". We talk about national character in the same
G11 1320  9    way that Copernicus talked of the compulsions of celestial
G11 1330  7    bodies to move in circles. We perform elaborate international
G11 1340  4    exhortations and ceremonies with virtually no understanding
G11 1350  3    of social cause and effect. Small wonder, then, that
G11 1360  2    we fear.
G11 1360  4       The achievements which dispelled our fears of the
G11 1370  2    cosmos took place three centuries ago. What additional
G11 1370 10    roles has the scientific understanding of the 19th
G11 1380  7    and 20th centuries played? In the physical sciences,
G11 1390  5    these achievements concern electricity, chemistry,
G11 1400  1    and atomic physics. In the life sciences, there has
G11 1400 10    been an enormous increase in our understanding of disease,
G11 1410  8    in the mechanisms of heredity, and in bio- and physiological
G11 1420  8    chemistry. The major effect of these advances appears
G11 1430  5    to lie in the part they have played in the industrial
G11 1440  2    revolution and in the tools which scientific understanding
G11 1450  1    has given us to build and manipulate a more protective
G11 1450 11    environment. In addition, our way of dealing directly
G11 1460  7    with natural phenomena has also changed. Even in domains
G11 1470  5    where detailed and predictive understanding is still
G11 1480  3    lacking, but where some explanations are possible,
G11 1480 10    as with lightning and weather and earthquakes, the
G11 1490  7    appropriate kind of human action has been more adequately
G11 1500  5    indicated.
G11 1500  6       Apparently the population as a whole eventually
G11 1510  5    acquires enough confidence in the explanations of the
G11 1520  3    scientists to modify its procedures and its fears.
G11 1520 11    How and why this process occurs would provide an interesting
G11 1530  9    separate subject for study. In some areas, the progress
G11 1540  8    is slower than in others. In agriculture, for example,
G11 1550  4    despite the advances in biology, elaborate rituals
G11 1560  2    tend to persist along with a continued sense of the
G11 1560 12    imminence of some natural disaster. In child care,
G11 1570  8    the opposite extreme prevails; procedures change rapidly
G11 1580  4    and parental confidence probably exceeds anything warranted
G11 1590  3    by established psychological theory. There are many
G11 1600  2    domains in which understanding has brought about widespread
G11 1600 10    and quite appropriate reduction in ritual and fear.
G11 1610  7    Much of the former extreme uneasiness associated with
G11 1620  4    visions and hallucinations and with death has disappeared.
G11 1630  3    The persistent horror of having a malformed child has,
G11 1640  2    I believe, been reduced, not because we have gained
G11 1640 11    any control over this misfortune, but precisely because
G11 1650  7    we have learned that we have so little control over
G11 1660  6    it. In fact, the recent warnings about the use of ~X-rays
G11 1670  5    have introduced fears and ambiguities of action which
G11 1680  1    now require more detailed understanding, and thus in
G11 1680  9    this instance, science has momentarily aggravated our
G11 1690  6    fears. In fact, insofar as science generates any fear,
G11 1700  5    it stems not so much from scientific prowess and gadgets
G11 1710  3    but from the fact that new unanswered questions arise,
G11 1720  1    which, until they are understood, create uncertainty.
G11 1720  8       Perhaps the most illuminating example of the reduction
G11 1730  8    of fear through understanding is derived from our increased
G11 1740  6    knowledge of the nature of disease. The situation with
G11 1750  4    regard to our attitude and "control" of disease contains
G11 1760  2    close analogies to problems confronting us with respect
G11 1770  1    to people. The fear of disease was formerly very much
G11 1770 11    the kind of fear I have tried to describe.
G12 0010  1    ##
G12 0010  2    Nothing like Godot, he arrived before the hour. His
G12 0010 11    letter had suggested we meet at my hotel at noon on
G12 0020 10    Sunday, and I came into the lobby as the clock struck
G12 0030  7    twelve. He was waiting.
G12 0030 11       My wish to meet Samuel Beckett had been prompted
G12 0040  8    by simple curiosity and interest in his work. American
G12 0050  5    newspaper reviewers like to call his plays nihilistic.
G12 0060  2    They find deep pessimism in them. Even so astute a
G12 0060 12    commentator as Harold Clurman of The Nation has said
G12 0070  9    that "Waiting for Godot" is "the concentrate **h of
G12 0080  8    the contemporary European **h mood of despair". But
G12 0090  6    to me Beckett's writing had seemed permeated with love
G12 0100  4    for human beings and with a kind of humor that I could
G12 0110  3    reconcile neither with despair nor with nihilism. Could
G12 0110 11    it be that my own eyes and ears had deceived me? Is
G12 0120 12    his a literature of defeat, irrelevant to the social
G12 0130  6    crises we face? Or is it relevant because it teaches
G12 0140  4    us something useful to know about ourselves?
G12 0150  1       I knew that a conversation with the author would
G12 0150 10    not settle such questions, because a man is not the
G12 0160  8    same as his writing: in the last analysis, the questions
G12 0170  4    had to be settled by the work itself. Nevertheless
G12 0180  1    I was curious.
G12 0180  4       My curiosity was sharpened a day or two before the
G12 0190  3    interview by a conversation I had with a well-informed
G12 0190 13    teacher of literature, a Jesuit father, at a conference
G12 0200  9    on religious drama near Paris. When Beckett's name
G12 0210  7    came into the discussion, the priest grew loud and
G12 0230  4    told me that Beckett "hates life". That, I thought,
G12 0240  3    is at least one thing I can find out when we meet.
G12 0240 15    ##
G12 0250  1    Beckett's appearance is rough-hewn Irish. The features
G12 0250  9    of his face are distinct, but not fine. They look as
G12 0260  9    if they had been sculptured with an unsharpened chisel.
G12 0270  5    Unruly hair goes straight up from his forehead, standing
G12 0280  3    so high that the top falls gently over, as if to show
G12 0290  1    that it really is hair and not bristle. One might say
G12 0290 12    it combines the man; own pride and humility. For he
G12 0300  9    has the pride that comes of self-acceptance and the
G12 0310  5    humility, perhaps of the same genesis, not to impose
G12 0320  2    himself upon another. His light blue eyes, set deep
G12 0320 11    within the face, are actively and continually looking.
G12 0330  7    He seems, by some unconscious division of labor, to
G12 0340  5    have given them that one function and no other, leaving
G12 0350  3    communication to the rest of the face. The mouth frequently
G12 0360  1    breaks into a disarming smile. The voice is light in
G12 0360 11    timbre, with a rough edge that corresponds to his visage.
G12 0370  9    The Irish accent is, as one would expect, combined
G12 0380  6    with slight inflections from the French. His tweed
G12 0390  3    suit was a baggy gray and green. He wore a brown knit
G12 0400  1    sports shirt with no tie.
G12 0400  6       We walked down the Rue de L'Arcade, thence along
G12 0410  3    beside the Madeleine and across to a sidewalk cafe
G12 0420  1    opposite that church. The conversation that ensued
G12 0420  8    may have been engrossing but it could hardly be called
G12 0430  7    world-shattering. For one thing, the world that Beckett
G12 0440  5    sees is already shattered. His talk turns to what he
G12 0450  3    calls "the mess", or sometimes "this buzzing confusion".
G12 0460  1    I reconstruct his sentences from notes made immediately
G12 0460  9    after our conversation. What appears here is shorter
G12 0470  7    than what he actually said but very close to his own
G12 0480  7    words.
G12 0480  8       "The confusion is not my invention. We cannot listen
G12 0490  5    to a conversation for five minutes without being acutely
G12 0500  3    aware of the confusion. It is all around us and our
G12 0510  1    only chance now is to let it in. The only chance of
G12 0510 13    renovation is to open our eyes and see the mess. It
G12 0520  9    is not a mess you can make sense of".
G12 0530  1       I suggested that one must let it in because it is
G12 0530 12    the truth, but Beckett did not take to the word truth.
G12 0540 10       "What is more true than anything else? To swim is
G12 0550  8    true, and to sink is true. One is not more true than
G12 0560  7    the other. One cannot speak anymore of being, one must
G12 0570  3    speak only of the mess. When Heidegger and Sartre speak
G12 0580  1    of a contrast between being and existence, they may
G12 0580 10    be right, I don't know, but their language is too philosophical
G12 0590  8    for me. I am not a philosopher. One can only speak
G12 0600  6    of what is in front of him, and that now is simply
G12 0610  4    the mess".
G12 0610  6       Then he began to speak about the tension in art
G12 0620  3    between the mess and form. Until recently, art has
G12 0620 12    withstood the pressure of chaotic things. It has held
G12 0630  9    them at bay. It realized that to admit them was to
G12 0640  7    jeopardize form. "How could the mess be admitted, because
G12 0650  4    it appears to be the very opposite of form and therefore
G12 0660  2    destructive of the very thing that art holds itself
G12 0660 11    to be"? But now we can keep it out no longer, because
G12 0670 11    we have come into a time when "it invades our experience
G12 0680  7    at every moment. It is there and it must be allowed
G12 0690  6    in".
G12 0690  7       I granted this might be so, but found the result
G12 0700  4    to be even more attention to form than was the case
G12 0700 15    previously. And why not? How, I asked, could chaos
G12 0710  9    be admitted to chaos? Would not that be the end of
G12 0720  9    thinking and the end of art? If we look at recent art
G12 0730  7    we find it preoccupied with form. Beckett's own work
G12 0740  3    is an example. Plays more highly formalized than "Waiting
G12 0750  1    for Godot", "Endgame", and "Krapp's Last Tape" would
G12 0760  1    be hard to find.
G12 0760  5       "What I am saying does not mean that there will
G12 0770  2    henceforth be no form in art. It only means that there
G12 0770 13    will be new form, and that this form will be of such
G12 0780 12    a type that it admits the chaos and does not try to
G12 0790  8    say that the chaos is really something else. The form
G12 0800  4    and the chaos remain separate. The latter is not reduced
G12 0810  1    to the former. That is why the form itself becomes
G12 0810 11    a preoccupation, because it exists as a problem separate
G12 0820  8    from the material it accommodates. To find a form that
G12 0830  6    accommodates the mess, that is the task of the artist
G12 0840  3    now".
G12 0840  4       Yet, I responded, could not similar things be said
G12 0850  3    about the art of the past? Is it not characteristic
G12 0850 13    of the greatest art that it confronts us with something
G12 0860  9    we cannot clarify, demanding that the viewer respond
G12 0870  6    to it in his own never-predictable way? What is the
G12 0880  5    history of criticism but the history of men attempting
G12 0890  1    to make sense of the manifold elements in art that
G12 0890 11    will not allow themselves to be reduced to a single
G12 0900  8    philosophy or a single aesthetic theory? Isn't all
G12 0910  4    art ambiguous?
G12 0910  6       "Not this", he said, and gestured toward the Madeleine.
G12 0920  6    The classical lines of the church which Napoleon thought
G12 0930  4    of as a Temple of Glory, dominated all the scene where
G12 0940  4    we sat. The Boulevard de la Madeleine, the Boulevard
G12 0950  1    Malesherbes, and the Rue Royale ran to it with graceful
G12 0950 11    flattery, bearing tidings of the Age of Reason. "Not
G12 0960  9    this. This is clear. This does not allow the mystery
G12 0970  7    to invade us. With classical art, all is settled. But
G12 0980  5    it is different at Chartres. There is the unexplainable,
G12 0990  1    and there art raises questions that it does not attempt
G12 0990 11    to answer".
G12 1000  2       I asked about the battle between life and death
G12 1000 11    in his plays. Didi and Gogo hover on the edge of suicide;
G12 1010 12    Hamm's world is death and Clov may or may not get out
G12 1020 12    of it to join the living child outside. Is this life-death
G12 1030  7    question a part of the chaos?
G12 1040  1       "Yes. If life and death did not both present themselves
G12 1040 11    to us, there would be no inscrutability. If there were
G12 1050 10    only darkness, all would be clear. It is because there
G12 1060  8    is not only darkness but also light that our situation
G12 1070  5    becomes inexplicable. Take Augustine's doctrine of
G12 1080  2    grace given and grace withheld: have you pondered the
G12 1080 11    dramatic qualities in this theology? Two thieves are
G12 1090  8    crucified with Christ, one saved and the other damned.
G12 1100  7    How can we make sense of this division? In classical
G12 1110  4    drama, such problems do not arise. The destiny of Racine's
G12 1120  3    Phedre is sealed from the beginning: she will proceed
G12 1130  1    into the dark. As she goes, she herself will be illuminated.
G12 1130 12    At the beginning of the play she has partial illumination
G12 1140 10    and at the end she has complete illumination, but there
G12 1150  7    has been no question but that she moves toward the
G12 1160  5    dark. That is the play. Within this notion clarity
G12 1170  1    is possible, but for us who are neither Greek nor Jansenist
G12 1170 12    there is not such clarity. The question would also
G12 1180  9    be removed if we believed in the contrary- total salvation.
G12 1190  6    But where we have both dark and light we have also
G12 1200  6    the inexplicable. The key word in my plays is 'perhaps'".
G12 1210  2    ##
G12 1210  3    Given a theological lead, I asked what he thinks about
G12 1220  3    those who find a religious significance to his plays.
G12 1220 12       "Well, really there is none at all. I have no religious
G12 1230 12    feeling. Once I had a religious emotion. It was at
G12 1240 10    my first Communion. No more. My mother was deeply religious.
G12 1250  8    So was my brother. He knelt down at his bed as long
G12 1260  7    as he could kneel. My father had none. The family was
G12 1270  3    Protestant, but for me it was only irksome and I let
G12 1270 14    it go. My brother and mother got no value from their
G12 1280 11    religion when they died. At the moment of crisis it
G12 1290  8    had no more depth than an old-school tie. Irish Catholicism
G12 1300  4    is not attractive, but it is deeper. When you pass
G12 1310  3    a church on an Irish bus, all the hands flurry in the
G12 1310 15    sign of the cross. One day the dogs of Ireland will
G12 1320 10    do that too and perhaps also the pigs".
G12 1330  4       But do the plays deal with the same facets of experience
G12 1340  3    religion must also deal with?
G12 1340  8       "Yes, for they deal with distress. Some people object
G12 1350  7    to this in my writing. At a party an English intellectual-
G12 1360  5    so-called- asked me why I write always about distress.
G12 1370  4    As if it were perverse to do so! He wanted to know
G12 1380  3    if my father had beaten me or my mother had run away
G12 1380 15    from home to give me an unhappy childhood. I told him
G12 1390 10    no, that I had had a very happy childhood. Then he
G12 1400  5    thought me more perverse than ever. I left the party
G12 1410  3    as soon as possible and got into a taxi. On the glass
G12 1410 15    partition between me and the driver were three signs:
G12 1420  9    one asked for help for the blind, another help for
G12 1430  7    orphans, and the third for relief for the war refugees.
G12 1440  4    One does not have to look for distress. It is screaming
G12 1450  1    at you even in the taxis of London".
G12 1450  9       Lunch was over, and we walked back to the hotel
G12 1460  8    with the light and dark of Paris screaming at us.
G12 1470  3    ##
G12 1470  4    The personal quality of Samuel Beckett is similar to
G12 1480  2    qualities I had found in the plays. He says nothing
G12 1480 12    that compresses experience within a closed pattern.
G12 1490  6    "Perhaps" stands in place of commitment. At the same
G12 1500  7    time, he is plainly sympathetic, clearly friendly.
G12 1510  2    If there were only the mess, all would be clear; but
G12 1520  1    there is also compassion.
G12 1520  5       As a Christian, I know I do not stand where Beckett
G12 1530  4    stands, but I do see much of what he sees. As a writer
G12 1540  2    on the theater, I have paid close attention to the
G12 1540 12    plays. Harold Clurman is right to say that "Waiting
G12 1550  8    for Godot" is a reflection (he calls it a distorted
G12 1560  6    reflection) "of the impasse and disarray of Europe's
G12 1570  3    present politics, ethic, and common way of life". Yet
G12 1580  2    it is not only Europe the play refers to. "Waiting
G12 1580 12    for Godot" sells even better in America than in France.
G12 1590  9    The consciousness it mirrors may have come earlier
G12 1600  7    to Europe than to America, but it is the consciousness
G12 1610  4    that most "mature" societies arrive at when their successes
G12 1620  3    in technological and economic systematization propel
G12 1630  1    them into a time of examining the not-strictly-practical
G12 1630 11    ends of culture. America is now joining Europe in this
G12 1640  8    "mature" phase of development. Whether any of us remain
G12 1660  6    in it long will depend on what happens as a result
G12 1670  4    of the technological and economic revolutions now going
G12 1680  1    on in the countries of Asia and Africa, and also of
G12 1680 12    course on how long the cold war remains cold.
G13 0010  1    Even Hemingway, for all his efforts to formulate a
G13 0010 10    naturalistic morality in The Sun Also Rises and A Farewell
G13 0020  9    to Arms never maintained that sex was all. Hemingway's
G13 0030  7    fiction is supported by a "moral" backbone and in its
G13 0040  6    search for ultimate meaning hints at a religious dimension.
G13 0050  4    And D& H& Lawrence, in Fantasia of the Unconscious,
G13 0060  2    protested vehemently against the overestimation of
G13 0070  1    the sexual motive. Though sex in some form or other
G13 0070 11    enters into all human activity and it was a good thing
G13 0080  8    that Freud emphasized this aspect of human nature,
G13 0090  4    it is fantastic to explain everything in terms of sex.
G13 0100  2    "All is not sex", declared Lawrence. Man is not confined
G13 0110  1    to one outlet for his vital energy. The creative urge,
G13 0110 11    for example, transcends the body and the self.
G13 0120  7       But for the beat generation all is sex. Nothing
G13 0130  5    is more revealing of the way of life and literary aspirations
G13 0140  2    of this group than their attitude toward sex. For the
G13 0150  2    beatnik, like the hipster, is in opposition to a society
G13 0150 12    that is based on the repression of the sex instinct.
G13 0160  8    He has elevated sex- not Eros or libido but pure, spontaneous,
G13 0170  7    uninhibited sex- to the rank of the godhead; it is
G13 0180  6    Astarte, Ishtar, Venus, Yahwe, Dionysus, Christ, the
G13 0190  3    mysterious and divine orgone energy flowing through
G13 0190 10    the body of the universe. Jazz is sex, marijuana is
G13 0200 10    a stimulus to sex, the beat tempo is adjusted to the
G13 0210  7    orgiastic release of the sexual impulse. Lawrence Lipton,
G13 0220  3    in The Holy Barbarians, stresses that for the beat
G13 0230  3    generation sex is more than a source of pleasure; it
G13 0230 13    is a mystique, and their private language is rich in
G13 0240  9    the multivalent ambiguities of sexual reference so
G13 0250  5    that they dwell in a sexualized universe of discourse.
G13 0260  3    The singular uncompromising force of their revolt against
G13 0270  1    the cult of restraint is illustrated by their refusal
G13 0270 10    to dance in a public place. The dance is but a disguised
G13 0280 10    ritual for the expression of ungratified sexual desire.
G13 0290  5    For this reason, too, their language is more forthright
G13 0300  4    and earthy. The beatniks crave a sexual experience
G13 0310  1    in which their whole being participates.
G13 0310  7       It is therefore not surprising that they resist
G13 0320  5    the lure of marriage and the trap of domesticity, for
G13 0330  2    like cats they are determined not to tame their sexual
G13 0330 12    energy. They withdraw to the underground of the slums
G13 0340  9    where they can defy the precepts of legalized propriety.
G13 0350  6    Unlike the heroes and flappers of the lost generation,
G13 0360  5    they disdain the art of "necking" and "petting". That
G13 0370  2    is reserved for the squares. If they avoid the use
G13 0380  1    of the pungent, outlawed four-letter word it is because
G13 0380 11    it is taboo; it is sacred. As Lipton, the prophet of
G13 0390  9    the beat generation, declares: "In the sexual act,
G13 0400  5    the beat are filled with mana, the divine power. This
G13 0410  3    is far from the vulgar, leering sexuality of the middle-class
G13 0420  1    square in heat". This is the Holy Grail these knights
G13 0420 11    of the orgasm pursue, this is the irresistible cosmic
G13 0430  9    urge to which they respond.
G13 0440  2       If Wilhelm Reich is the Moses who has led them out
G13 0450  1    of the Egypt of sexual slavery, Dylan Thomas is the
G13 0450 11    poet who offers them the Dionysian dialectic of justification
G13 0460  7    for their indulgence in liquor, marijuana, sex, and
G13 0470  6    jazz. In addition, they have been converted to Zen
G13 0480  3    Buddhism, with its glorification of all that is "natural"
G13 0490  1    and mysteriously alive, the sense that everything in
G13 0490  9    the world is flowing. Thus, paradoxically, the beat
G13 0500  7    writers resort to "religious" metaphors: they are in
G13 0510  5    search of mana, the spiritual, the numinous, but not
G13 0520  3    anything connected with formal religion. What they
G13 0520 10    are after is the beatific vision. And Zen Buddhism,
G13 0530  9    though it is extremely difficult to understand how
G13 0540  5    these internal contradictions are reconciled, helps
G13 0550  2    them in their struggle to achieve personal salvation
G13 0550 10    through sexual release.
G13 0560  3       The style of life chosen by the beat generation,
G13 0570  1    the rhythm and ritual they have adopted as uniquely
G13 0570 10    their own, is designed to enhance the value of the
G13 0580  9    sexual experience. Jazz is good not only because it
G13 0590  6    promotes wholeness but because of its decided sexual
G13 0600  2    effect. Jazz is the musical language of sex, the vocabulary
G13 0600 12    of the orgasm; indeed, it is maintained that the sexual
G13 0610 10    element in jazz, by freeing the listener of his inhibitions,
G13 0620  8    can have therapeutic value. That is why, the argument
G13 0630  7    runs, the squares are so fearful of jazz and yet perversely
G13 0640  5    fascinated by it. Instead of giving themselves spontaneously
G13 0650  2    to the orgiastic release that jazz can give them, they
G13 0660  1    undergo psychoanalysis or flirt with mysticism or turn
G13 0660  9    to prostitutes for satisfaction. Thus jazz is transmuted
G13 0670  7    into something holy, the sacred road to integration
G13 0680  5    of being. Jazz, like sex, is a mystique. It is not
G13 0690  3    a substitute for sex but a dynamic expression of the
G13 0690 13    creative impulse in unfettered man.
G13 0700  5       The mystique of sex, combined with marijuana and
G13 0710  3    jazz, is intended to provide a design for living. Those
G13 0720  1    who are sexually liberated can become creatively alive
G13 0720  9    and free, their instincts put at the service of the
G13 0730  8    imagination. Righteous in their denunciation of all
G13 0740  4    that makes for death, the beat prophets bid all men
G13 0750  2    become cool cats; let them learn to "swing" freely,
G13 0750 11    to let go, to become authentically themselves, and
G13 0760  7    then perhaps civilization will be saved. The beatnik,
G13 0770  6    seceding from a society that is fatally afflicted with
G13 0780  3    a deathward drive, is concerned with his personal salvation
G13 0790  1    in the living present. If he is the child of nothingness,
G13 0790 12    if he is the predestined victim of an age of atomic
G13 0800 10    wars, then he will consult only his own organic needs
G13 0810  6    and go beyond good and evil. He will not curb his instinctual
G13 0820  4    desires but release the energy within him that makes
G13 0830  2    him feel truly and fully alive, even if it is only
G13 0830 13    for this brief moment before the apocalypse of annihilation
G13 0840  7    explodes on earth.
G13 0850  1       That is why the members of the beat generation proudly
G13 0850 11    assume the title of the holy barbarians; they will
G13 0860  8    destroy the shrines, temples, museums, and churches
G13 0870  4    of the state that is the implacable enemy of the life
G13 0880  2    they believe in. Apart from the categorical imperative
G13 0880 10    they derive from the metaphysics of the orgasm, the
G13 0890  8    only affirmation they are capable of making is that
G13 0900  6    art is their only refuge. Their writing, born of their
G13 0910  4    experiments in marijuana and untrammeled sexuality,
G13 0910 10    reflects the extremity of their existential alienation.
G13 0920  7    The mind has betrayed them, reason is the foe of life;
G13 0930  8    they will trust only their physical sensations, the
G13 0940  3    wisdom of the body, the holy promptings of the unconscious.
G13 0950  1    With lyrical intensity they reveal what they hate,
G13 0950  9    but their faith in love, inspired by the revolutionary
G13 0960  8    rhythms of jazz, culminates in the climax of the orgasm.
G13 0970  7    Their work mirrors the mentality of the psychopath,
G13 0980  4    rootless and irresponsible. Their rebellion against
G13 0990  1    authoritarian society is not far removed from the violence
G13 0990 10    of revolt characteristic of the juvenile delinquent.
G13 1000  6       And the life they lead is undisciplined and for
G13 1010  6    the most part unproductive, even though they make a
G13 1020  4    fetish of devoting themselves to some creative pursuit-
G13 1030  1    writing, painting, music. They are non-conformists
G13 1030  8    on principle. When they express themselves it is incandescent
G13 1040  7    hatred that shines forth, the rage of repudiation,
G13 1050  5    the ecstasy of negation. It is sex that obsesses them,
G13 1060  2    sex that is at the basis of their aesthetic creed.
G13 1060 12    What they discuss with dialectical seriousness is the
G13 1070  8    degree to which sex can inspire the Muse. Monogamy
G13 1080  5    is the vice from which the abjectly fearful middle
G13 1090  2    class continue to suffer, whereas the beatnik has the
G13 1090 11    courage to break out of that prison of respectability.
G13 1100  9    One girl describes her past, her succession of broken
G13 1110  7    marriages, the abortions she has had and finally confesses
G13 1120  4    that she loves sex and sees no reason why she must
G13 1130  2    justify her passion. If it is an honest feeling, then
G13 1130 12    why should she not yield to it? "Most often", she says,
G13 1140 10    "it's the monogamous relationship that is dishonest".
G13 1150  6    There is nothing holy in wedlock. This girl soon drops
G13 1160  8    the bourgeois pyschiatrist who disapproves of her life.
G13 1170  6    She finds married life stifling and every prolonged
G13 1180  2    sex relationship unbearably monotonous.
G13 1180  6       This confession serves to make clear in part what
G13 1190  8    is behind this sexual revolution: the craving for sensation
G13 1200  5    for its own sake, the need for change, for new experiences.
G13 1210  4    Boredom is death. In the realm of physical sensations,
G13 1220  1    sex reigns supreme. Hence the beatniks sustain themselves
G13 1220  9    on marijuana, jazz, free swinging poetry, exhausting
G13 1230  7    themselves in orgies of sex; some of them are driven
G13 1240  8    over the borderline of sanity and lose contact with
G13 1250  4    reality. One beat poet composes a poem, "Lines on a
G13 1260  2    Tijuana John", which contains a few happy hints for
G13 1260 11    survival. The new fact the initiates of this cult have
G13 1270 10    to learn is that they must move toward simplicity.
G13 1280  4    The professed mission of this disaffiliated generation
G13 1290  2    is to find a new way of life which they can express
G13 1290 14    in poetry and fiction, but what they produce is unfortunately
G13 1300  9    disordered, nourished solely on the hysteria of negation.
G13 1310  7       Who are the creative representatives of this movement?
G13 1320  5    Nymphomaniacs, junkies, homosexuals, drug addicts,
G13 1330  3    lesbians, alcoholics, the weak, the frustrated, the
G13 1340  2    irresolute, the despairing, the derelicts and outcasts
G13 1340  9    of society. They embrace independent poverty, usually
G13 1350  6    with a "shack-up" partner who will help support them.
G13 1360  6    They are full of contempt for the institution of matrimony.
G13 1370  3    Their previous legalized marriages do not count, for
G13 1380  2    they hold the laws of the state null and void. They
G13 1380 13    feel they are leagued against a hostile, persecutory
G13 1390  7    world, faced with the concerted malevolent opposition
G13 1400  3    of squares and their hirelings, the police. This is
G13 1410  3    the rhetoric of righteousness the beatniks use in defending
G13 1420  1    their way of life, their search for wholeness, though
G13 1420 10    their actual existence fails to reach these "religious"
G13 1430  6    heights. One beatnik got the woman he was living with
G13 1440  7    so involved in drugs and self-analysis and all-night
G13 1450  3    sessions of sex that she was beginning to crack up.
G13 1450 13    What obsessions had she picked up during these long
G13 1460  9    nights of talk? Sex as the creative principle of the
G13 1470  7    universe, the secret of primitive religion, the life
G13 1480  3    of myth. Everything in the final analysis reduced itself
G13 1490  1    to sexual symbolism. In his chapter on "The Loveways
G13 1490 10    of the Beat Generation", Lipton spares the reader none
G13 1500  8    of the sordid details. No one asks questions about
G13 1510  6    the free union of the sexes in West Venice so long
G13 1520  4    as the partners share the negative attitudes of the
G13 1530  1    group.
G13 1530  2       The women who come to West Venice, having forsaken
G13 1530 11    radicalism, are interested in living only for the moment,
G13 1540  9    in being constantly on the move. Others who are attracted
G13 1550  8    to this Mecca of the beat generation are homosexuals,
G13 1560  4    heroin addicts, and smalltime hoodlums. Those who are
G13 1570  4    sexual deviants are naturally drawn to join the beatniks.
G13 1580  1    Since the homosexuals widely use marijuana, they do
G13 1580  9    not have to be initiated. Part of the ritual of sex
G13 1590  8    is the use of marijuana. As Lipton puts it: "The Eros
G13 1600  5    is felt in the magic circle of marijuana with far greater
G13 1610  4    force, as a unifying principle in human relationships,
G13 1620  1    than at any other time except, perhaps, in the mutual
G13 1620 11    metaphysical orgasms. The magic circle is, in fact,
G13 1630  8    a symbol of and preparation for the metaphysical orgasm".
G13 1640  4    Under the influence of marijuana the beatnik comes
G13 1650  2    alive within and experiences a wonderfully enhanced
G13 1650  9    sense of self as if he had discovered the open sesame
G13 1660 11    to the universe of being. Carried high on this "charge",
G13 1670  6    he composes "magical" poetry that captures the organic
G13 1680  5    rhythms of life in words. If he thus achieves a lyrical,
G13 1690  3    dreamlike, drugged intensity, he pays the price for
G13 1690 11    his indulgence by producing work- Allen Ginsberg's
G13 1700  7    "Howl" is a striking example of this tendency- that
G13 1710  8    is disoriented, Dionysian but without depth and without
G13 1720  6    Apollonian control. For drugs are in themselves no
G13 1730  3    royal road to creativity. How is the beat poet to achieve
G13 1740  1    unity of form when he is at the same time engaged in
G13 1740 13    a systematic derangement of senses.
G13 1750  4       If love reflects the nature of man, as Ortega y
G13 1760  3    Gasset believes, if the person in love betrays decisively
G13 1760 12    what he is by his behavior in love, then the writers
G13 1770 11    of the beat generation are creating a new literary
G13 1780  6    genre.
G14 0010  1    _@_
G14 0010  2       There were fences in the old days when we were children.
G14 0010 13    Across the front of a yard and down the side, they
G14 0020 11    were iron, either spiked along the top or arched in
G14 0030  7    half circles. Alley fences were made of solid boards
G14 0040  4    higher than one's head, but not so high as the golden
G14 0050  1    glow in a corner or the hollyhocks that grew in a line
G14 0050 13    against them. Side fences were hidden beneath lilacs
G14 0060  7    and hundred-leaf roses; front fences were covered with
G14 0070  5    Virginia creeper or trumpet vines or honeysuckle. Square
G14 0080  2    corner- and gate posts were an open-work pattern of
G14 0090  1    cast-iron foliage; they were topped by steeples complete
G14 0090 10    in every detail: high-pitched roof, pinnacle, and narrow
G14 0100  7    gable. On these posts the gates swung open with a squeak
G14 0110  8    and shut with a metallic clang.
G14 0120  1       The only extended view possible to anyone less tall
G14 0120 10    than the fences was that obtained from an upper bough
G14 0130  8    of the apple tree. The primary quality of that view
G14 0140  5    seems, now, to have been its quietness, but that cannot
G14 0150  2    at the time have impressed us. What one actually remembers
G14 0160  1    is its greenness. From high in the tree, the whole
G14 0160 11    block lay within range of the eye, but the ground was
G14 0170  9    almost nowhere visible. One looked down on a sea of
G14 0180  6    leaves, a breaking wave of flower. Every path from
G14 0190  1    back door to barn was covered by a grape-arbor, and
G14 0190 12    every yard had its fruit trees. In the center of any
G14 0200  8    open space remaining our grandfathers had planted syringa
G14 0210  4    and sweet-shrub, snowball, rose-of-Sharon and balm-of-Gilead.
G14 0220  4    From above one could only occasionally catch a glimpse
G14 0230  1    of life on the floor of this green sea: a neighbor's
G14 0230 12    gingham skirt flashing into sight for an instant on
G14 0240  9    the path beneath her grape-arbor, or the movement of
G14 0250  5    hands above a clothesline and the flutter of garments
G14 0260  3    hung there, half-way down the block.
G14 0260 10       That was one epoch: the apple-tree epoch. Another
G14 0270  7    had ended before it began. Time is a queer thing and
G14 0280  6    memory a queerer; the tricks that time plays with memory
G14 0290  3    and memory with time are queerest of all. From maturity
G14 0300  1    one looks back at the succession of years, counts them
G14 0300 11    and makes them many, yet cannot feel length in the
G14 0310  8    number, however large. In a stream that turns a mill-wheel
G14 0320  7    there is a lot of water; the mill-pond is quiet, its
G14 0330  4    surface dark and shadowed, and there does not seem
G14 0330 13    to be much water in it. Time in the sum is nothing.
G14 0340 12    And yet- a year to a child is an eternity, and in the
G14 0350  9    memory that phase of one's being- a certain mental
G14 0360  6    landscape- will seem to have endured without beginning
G14 0370  1    and without end. The part of the mind that preserves
G14 0370 11    dates and events may remonstrate, "It could have been
G14 0380  8    like that for only a little while"; but true memory
G14 0390  6    does not count nor add: it holds fast to things that
G14 0400  5    were and they are outside of time.
G14 0400 12       Once, then- for how many years or how few does not
G14 0410 10    matter- my world was bound round by fences, when I
G14 0420  7    was too small to reach the apple tree bough, to twist
G14 0430  3    my knee over it and pull myself up. That world was
G14 0430 14    in scale with my own smallness. I have no picture in
G14 0440 11    my mind of the garden as a whole- that I could not
G14 0450  8    see- but certain aspects of certain corners linger
G14 0460  3    in the memory: wind-blown, frost-bitten, white chrysanthemums
G14 0470  1    beneath a window, with their brittle brown leaves and
G14 0470 10    their sharp scent of November; ripe pears lying in
G14 0480  9    long grass, to be turned over by a dusty-slippered
G14 0490  6    foot, cautiously, lest bees still worked in the ragged,
G14 0500  4    brown-edged holes; hot-colored verbenas in the corner
G14 0510  1    between the dining-room wall and the side porch, where
G14 0510 11    we passed on our way to the pump with the half-gourd
G14 0520 10    tied to it as a cup by my grandmother for our childish
G14 0530  4    pleasure in drinking from it.
G14 0530  9       It was mother who planted the verbenas. I think
G14 0540  8    that my grandmother was not an impassioned gardener:
G14 0550  4    she was too indulgent a lover of dogs and grandchildren.
G14 0560  2    My great-grandmother, I have been told, made her garden
G14 0570  1    her great pride; she cherished rare and delicate plants
G14 0570 10    like oleanders in tubs and wall-flowers and lemon verbenas
G14 0580  9    in pots that had to be wintered in the cellar; she
G14 0590  7    filled the waste spots of the yard with common things
G14 0600  3    like the garden heliotrope in a corner by the woodshed,
G14 0610  1    and the plantain lilies along the west side of the
G14 0610 11    house. These my grandmother left in their places (they
G14 0620  7    are still there, more persistent and longer-lived than
G14 0630  5    the generations of man) and planted others like them,
G14 0640  2    that flourished without careful tending. Three of these
G14 0640 10    only were protected from us by stern commandment: the
G14 0650  9    roses, whose petals might not be collected until they
G14 0660  7    had fallen, to be made into perfume or rose-tea to
G14 0670  5    drink; the peonies, whose tight sticky buds would be
G14 0680  2    blighted by the laying on of a finger, although they
G14 0680 12    were not apparently harmed by the ants that crawled
G14 0690  7    over them; and the poppies. I have more than once sat
G14 0700  6    cross-legged in the grass through a long summer morning
G14 0710  2    and watched without touching while a poppy bud higher
G14 0710 11    than my head slowly but visibly pushed off its cap,
G14 0720 10    unfolded, and shook out like a banner in the sun its
G14 0730  8    flaming vermilion petals. Other flowers we might gather
G14 0740  4    as we pleased: myrtle and white violets from beneath
G14 0750  1    the lilacs; the lilacs themselves, that bloomed so
G14 0750  9    prodigally but for the most part beyond our reach;
G14 0760  8    snowballs; hollyhock blossoms that, turned upside down,
G14 0780  4    make pink-petticoated ladies; and the little, dark
G14 0790  2    blue larkspur that scattered its seed everywhere.
G14 0790  9       More potent a charm to bring back that time of life
G14 0800 11    than this record of a few pictures and a few remembered
G14 0810  7    facts would be a catalogue of the minutiae which are
G14 0820  3    of the very stuff of the mind, intrinsic, because they
G14 0830  1    were known in the beginning not by the eye alone but
G14 0830 12    by the hand that held them. Flowers, stones, and small
G14 0840  7    creatures, living and dead. Pale yellow snapdragons
G14 0850  3    that by pinching could be made to bite; seed-pods of
G14 0860  2    the balsams that snapped like fire-crackers at a touch;
G14 0860 12    red-and-yellow columbines whose round-tipped spurs
G14 0870  6    were picked off and eaten for the honey in them; morning-glory
G14 0890  8    buds which could be so grasped and squeezed that they
G14 0900  5    burst like a blown-up paper bag; bright flowers from
G14 0910  2    the trumpet vine that made "gloves" on the ends of
G14 0910 12    ten waggling fingers. Fuzzy caterpillars, snails with
G14 0920  7    their sensitive horns, struggling grasshoppers held
G14 0930  4    by their long hind legs and commanded to "spit tobacco,
G14 0940  4    spit". Dead fledgling birds, their squashed-looking
G14 0950  1    nakedness and the odor of decay that clung to the hand
G14 0950 12    when they had been buried in our graveyard in front
G14 0960  9    of the purple flags. And the cast shell of a locust,
G14 0980  6    straw-colored and transparent, weighing nothing, fragile
G14 0990  2    but entire, with eyes like bubbles and a gaping slit
G14 0990 12    down its back. Every morning early, in the summer,
G14 1000  9    we searched the trunks of the trees as high as we could
G14 1010  9    reach for the locust shells, carefully detached their
G14 1020  3    hooked claws from the bark where they hung, and stabled
G14 1030  1    them, a weird faery herd, in an angle between the high
G14 1030 12    roots of the tulip tree, where no grass grew in the
G14 1040  9    dense shade **h. We collected "lucky stones"- all the
G14 1050  5    creamy translucent pebbles, worn smooth and round,
G14 1060  3    that we could find in the driveway. When these had
G14 1060 13    been pocketed, we could still spend a morning cracking
G14 1070  9    open other pebbles for our delight in seeing how much
G14 1080  8    prettier they were inside than their dull exteriors
G14 1090  3    indicated. We showed them to each other and said "Would
G14 1100  1    you have guessed **h"? Squatting on our haunches beside
G14 1100 10    the flat stone we broke them on, we were safe behind
G14 1110 11    the high closed gates at the end of the drive: safe
G14 1120  8    from interruption and the observation and possible
G14 1130  3    amusement of the passers-by. Thus shielded, we played
G14 1140  1    many foolish games in comfortable unselfconsciousness;
G14 1140  7    even when the fences became a part of the game- when
G14 1150  9    a vine-embowered gate-post was the Sleeping Beauty's
G14 1160  5    enchanted castle, or when Rapunzel let down her golden
G14 1170  4    hair from beneath the crocketed spire, even then we
G14 1170 13    paid little heed to those who went by on the path outside.
G14 1180 12       We enjoyed a paradoxical freedom when we were still
G14 1190  8    too young for school. In the heat of the summer, the
G14 1200  7    garden solitudes were ours alone; our elders stayed
G14 1210  3    in the dark house or sat fanning on the front porch.
G14 1210 14    They never troubled themselves about us while we were
G14 1220  9    playing, because the fence formed such a definite boundary
G14 1230  8    and "Don't go outside the gate" was a command so impossible
G14 1240  8    of misinterpretation. We were not, however, entirely
G14 1250  4    unacquainted with the varying aspects of the street.
G14 1260  1    We were forbidden to swing on the gates, lest they
G14 1260 11    sag on their hinges in a poor-white-trash way, but
G14 1270  9    we could stand on them, when they were latched, rest
G14 1280  4    our chins on the top, and stare and stare, committing
G14 1290  1    to memory, quite unintentionally, all the details that
G14 1290  9    lay before our eyes.
G14 1300  3       The street that is full now of traffic and parked
G14 1310  1    cars then and for many years drowsed on an August afternoon
G14 1310 12    in the shade of the curbside trees, and silence was
G14 1320  8    a weight, almost palpable, in the air. Every slight
G14 1330  6    sound that rose against that pressure fell away again,
G14 1340  3    crushed beneath it. A hay-wagon moved slowly along
G14 1340 12    the gutter, the top of it swept by the low boughs of
G14 1350 11    the maple trees, and loose straws were left hanging
G14 1360  5    tangled among the leaves. A wheel squeaked on a hub,
G14 1370  4    was still, and squeaked again. If a child watched its
G14 1370 14    progress he whispered, "Hay, hay, load of hay- make
G14 1380  9    a wish and turn away", and then stared rigidly in the
G14 1390  8    opposite direction until the sound of the horses' feet
G14 1400  6    returned no more. When the hay wagon had gone, and
G14 1410  3    an interval passed, a huckster's cart might turn the
G14 1410 12    corner. The horse walked, the reins were slack, the
G14 1420  9    huckster rode with bowed shoulders, his forearms across
G14 1430  5    his knees. Sleepily, as if half-reluctant to break
G14 1440  3    the silence, he lifted his voice: "Rhu-beb-ni-ice fresh
G14 1450  2    rhu-beb today"! The lazy sing-song was spaced in time
G14 1460  1    like the drone of a bumble-bee. No one seemed to hear
G14 1460 13    him, no one heeded. The horse plodded on, and he repeated
G14 1470  8    his call. It became so monotonous as to seem a part
G14 1480  6    of the quietness. After his passage, the street was
G14 1490  2    empty again. The sun moved slant-wise across the sky
G14 1490 12    and down; the trees' shadows circled from street to
G14 1500  8    sidewalk, from sidewalk to lawn. At four-o'clock, or
G14 1510  7    four-thirty, the coming of the newsboy marked the end
G14 1520  4    of the day; he tossed a paper toward every front door,
G14 1530  2    and housewives came down to their steps to pick them
G14 1530 12    up and read what their neighbors had been doing.
G14 1540  7       The streets of any county town were like this on
G14 1550  6    any sunshiny afternoon in summer; they were like this
G14 1560  3    fifty-odd years ago, and yesterday. But the fences
G14 1560 12    were still in place fifty-odd years ago, and when we
G14 1570 10    stood on the gate to look over, the sidewalk under
G14 1580  5    our eyes was not cement but two rows of paving stones
G14 1590  2    with grass between and on both sides. The curb was
G14 1590 12    a line of stone laid edgewise in the dirt and tilted
G14 1600 10    this way and that by frost in the ground or the roots
G14 1610  7    of trees. Opposite every gate was a hitching post or
G14 1620  3    a stone carriage-step, set with a rusty iron ring for
G14 1620 14    tying a horse. The street was unpaved and rose steeply
G14 1630 10    toward the center; it was mud in wet weather and dust,
G14 1640  9    ankle-deep, in dry, and could be crossed only at the
G14 1650  6    corner where there were stepping stones. It had a bucolic
G14 1660  3    atmosphere that it has lost long since. The hoofmarks
G14 1660 12    of cattle and the prints of bare feet in the mud or
G14 1670 12    in the dust were as numerous as the traces of shod
G14 1680  7    horses. Cows were kept in backyard barns, boys were
G14 1690  3    hired to drive them to and from the pasture on the
G14 1690 14    edge of town, and familiar to the ear, morning and
G14 1700 10    evening, were the boys' coaxing voices, the thud of
G14 1710  6    hooves, and the thwack of a stick on cowhide.
G15 0010  1       It is worth dwelling in some detail on the crisis
G15 0010 11    of this story, because it brings together a number
G15 0020  7    of characteristic elements and makes of them a curious,
G15 0030  6    riddling compound obscurely but centrally significant
G15 0040  1    for Mann's work.
G15 0040  4       The wife, Amra, and her lover are both savagely
G15 0050  3    portrayed, she as incarnate sensuality, "voluptuous"
G15 0060  1    and "indolent", possibly "a mischief maker", with "a
G15 0060  9    kind of luxurious cunning" to set against her apparent
G15 0070  9    simplicity, her "birdlike brain". La^utner, for his
G15 0080  5    part, "belonged to the present-day race of small artists,
G15 0090  5    who do not demand the utmost of themselves", and the
G15 0100  3    bitter description of the type includes such epithets
G15 0110  1    as "wretched little poseurs", the devastating indictment
G15 0110  8    "they do not know how to be wretched decently and in
G15 0120 11    order", and the somewhat extreme prophecy, so far not
G15 0130  6    fulfilled: "They will be destroyed".
G15 0140  1       The trick these two play upon Jacoby reveals their
G15 0140 10    want not simply of decency but of imagination as well.
G15 0150 10    His appearance as Lizzy evokes not amusement but horror
G15 0160  7    in the audience; it is a spectacle absolutely painful,
G15 0170  3    an epiphany of the suffering flesh unredeemed by spirit,
G15 0180  3    untouched by any spirit other than abasement and humiliation.
G15 0190  1    At the same time the multiple transvestitism involved-
G15 0190  9    the fat man as girl and as baby, as coquette pretending
G15 0200 10    to be a baby- touches for a moment horrifyingly upon
G15 0210  6    the secret sources of a life like Jacoby's, upon the
G15 0220  3    sinister dreams which form the sources of any human
G15 0230  1    life.
G15 0230  2       The music which La^utner has composed for this episode
G15 0240  1    is for the most part "rather pretty and perfectly banal".
G15 0240 11    But it is characteristic of him, we are told, "his
G15 0250 10    little artifice", to be able to introduce "into a fairly
G15 0260  9    vulgar and humorous piece of hackwork a sudden phrase
G15 0270  5    of genuine creative art". And this occurs now, at the
G15 0280  4    refrain of Jacoby's song- at the point, in fact, of
G15 0290  1    the name "Lizzy"-; a modulation described as "almost
G15 0290  9    a stroke of genius". "A miracle, a revelation, it was
G15 0300  9    like a curtain suddenly torn away to reveal something
G15 0310  6    nude". It is this modulation which reveals to Jacoby
G15 0320  5    his own frightful abjection and, simultaneously, his
G15 0330  2    wife's infidelity. By the same means he perceives this
G15 0330 11    fact as having communicated itself to the audience;
G15 0340  8    he collapses, and dies.
G15 0350  1       In the work of every artist, I suppose, there may
G15 0350 11    be found one or more moments which strike the student
G15 0360  9    as absolutely decisive, ultimately emblematic of what
G15 0370  5    it is all about; not less strikingly so for being mysterious,
G15 0380  5    as though some deeply hidden constatation of thoughts
G15 0390  2    were enciphered in a single image, a single moment.
G15 0390 11    So here. The horrifying humor, the specifically sexual
G15 0400  7    embarrassment of the joke gone wrong, the monstrous
G15 0410  5    image of the fat man dressed up as a whore dressing
G15 0420  2    up as a baby; the epiphany of that quivering flesh;
G15 0420 12    the bringing together around it of the secret liaison
G15 0430  9    between indolent, mindless sensuality and sharp, shrewd
G15 0440  6    talent, cleverness with an occasional touch of genius
G15 0450  4    (which, however, does not know "how to attack the problem
G15 0460  3    of suffering"); the miraculous way in which music,
G15 0460 11    revelation and death are associated in a single instant-
G15 0470  9    all this seems a triumph of art, a rather desperate
G15 0480  8    art, in itself; beyond itself, also, it evokes numerous
G15 0490  4    and distant resonances from the entire body of Mann's
G15 0500  1    work.
G15 0500  2       When I try to work out my reasons for feeling that
G15 0510  1    this passage is of critical significance, I come up
G15 0510 10    with the following ideas, which I shall express very
G15 0520  7    briefly here and revert to in a later essay.
G15 0530  4       Love is the crucial dilemma of experience for Mann's
G15 0540  1    heroes. The dramatic construction of his stories
G15 0540  8    characteristically
G15 0550  1    turns on a situation in which someone is simultaneously
G15 0550 10    compelled and forbidden to love. The release, the freedom,
G15 0560  9    involved in loving another is either terribly difficult
G15 0570  6    or else absolutely impossible; and the motion toward
G15 0580  5    it brings disaster.
G15 0580  8       This prohibition on love has an especially poignant
G15 0590  7    relation to art; it is particularly the artist (Tonio
G15 0600  4    Kro^ger, Aschenbach, Leverku^hn) who suffers from it.
G15 0610  3    The specific analogy to the dilemma of love is the
G15 0610 13    problem of the "breakthrough" in the realm of art.
G15 0620  9       Again, the sufferings and disasters produced by
G15 0630  5    any transgression against the commandment not to love
G15 0640  4    are almost invariably associated in one way or another
G15 0650  1    with childhood, with the figure of a child.
G15 0650  9       Finally, the theatrical (and perversely erotic)
G15 0660  5    notions of dressing up, cosmetics, disguise, and especially
G15 0670  4    change of costume (or singularity of costume, as with
G15 0680  3    Cipolla), are characteristically associated with the
G15 0680  9    catastrophes of Mann's stories.
G15 0690  4       We shall return to these statements and deal with
G15 0700  4    them more fully as the evidence for them accumulates.
G15 0710  1    For the present it is enough to note that in the grotesque
G15 0710 13    figure of Jacoby, at the moment of his collapse, all
G15 0720  9    these elements come together in prophetic parody. Professionally
G15 0730  5    a lawyer, that is to say associated with dignity, reserve,
G15 0740  4    discipline, with much that is essentially middle-class,
G15 0750  3    he is compelled by an impossible love to exhibit himself
G15 0760  1    dressed up, disguised- that is, paradoxically, revealed-
G15 0760  8    as a child, and, worse, as a whore masquerading as
G15 0770  9    a child. That this abandonment takes place on a stage,
G15 0780  6    during an 'artistic' performance, is enough to associate
G15 0790  5    Jacoby with art, and to bring down upon him the punishment
G15 0800  2    for art; that is, he is suspect, guilty, punishable,
G15 0800 11    as is anyone in Mann's stories who produces illusion,
G15 0810  9    and this is true even though the constant elements
G15 0820  7    of the artist-nature, technique, magic, guilt and suffering,
G15 0830  5    are divided in this story between Jacoby and La^utner.
G15 0840  3       It appears that the dominant tendency of Mann's
G15 0850  2    early tales, however pictorial or even picturesque
G15 0850  9    the surface, is already toward the symbolic, the emblematic,
G15 0860  8    the expressionistic. In a certain perfectly definite
G15 0870  6    way, the method and the theme of his stories are one
G15 0880  4    and the same.
G15 0880  7       Something of this can be learned from "The Way to
G15 0890  5    the Churchyard" (1901), an anecdote about an old failure
G15 0900  4    whose fit of anger at a passing cyclist causes him
G15 0900 14    to die of a stroke or seizure. There is no more "plot"
G15 0910 11    than that; only slightly more, perhaps, than a newspaper
G15 0920  7    account of such an incident would give. The artistic
G15 0930  5    interest, then, lies in what the encounter may be made
G15 0940  4    to represent, in the power of some central significance
G15 0950  1    to draw the details into relevance and meaningfulness.
G15 0950  9       The first sentence, with its platitudinous irony,
G15 0960  6    announces an emblematic intent: "The way to the churchyard
G15 0970  6    ran along beside the highroad, ran beside it all the
G15 0980  5    way to the end; that is to say, to the churchyard".
G15 0990  1    And the action is consistently presented with regard
G15 0990  9    for this distinction. The highroad, one might say at
G15 1000  7    first, belongs to life, while the way to the churchyard
G15 1010  6    belongs to death. But that is too simple, and won't
G15 1020  3    hold up. As the first sentence suggests, both roads
G15 1020 12    belong to death in the end. But the highroad, according
G15 1030 10    to the description of its traffic, belongs to life
G15 1040  7    as it is lived in unawareness of death, while the way
G15 1050  4    to the churchyard belongs to some other sort of life:
G15 1060  1    a suffering form, an existence wholly comprised in
G15 1060  9    the awareness of death. Thus, on the highroad, a troop
G15 1070  9    of soldiers "marched in their own dust and sang", while
G15 1080  6    on the footpath one man walks alone.
G15 1090  1       This man's isolation is not merely momentary, it
G15 1090  9    is permanent. He is a widower, his three children are
G15 1100  9    dead, he has no one left on earth; also he is a drunk,
G15 1110  7    and has lost his job on that account. His name is Praisegod
G15 1120  4    Piepsam, and he is rather fully described as to his
G15 1130  2    clothing and physiognomy in a way which relates him
G15 1130 11    to a sinister type in the author's repertory- he is
G15 1140  8    a forerunner of those enigmatic strangers in "Death
G15 1150  4    in Venice", for example, who represent some combination
G15 1160  3    of cadaver, exotic, and psychopomp.
G15 1160  8       This strange person quarrels with a cyclist because
G15 1170  7    the latter is using the path rather than the highroad.
G15 1180  5    The cyclist, a sufficiently commonplace young fellow,
G15 1190  3    is not named but identified simply as "Life"- that
G15 1200  1    and a license number, which Piepsam uses in addressing
G15 1200 10    him. "Life" points out that "everybody uses this path",
G15 1210  8    and starts to ride on. Piepsam tries to stop him by
G15 1220  8    force, receives a push in the chest from "Life", and
G15 1230  4    is left standing in impotent and growing rage, while
G15 1240  2    a crowd begins to gather. His rage assumes a religious
G15 1240 12    form; that is, on the basis of his own sinfulness and
G15 1250 11    abject wretchedness, Piepsam becomes a prophet who
G15 1260  6    in his ecstasy and in the name of God imprecates doom
G15 1270  3    on Life- not only the cyclist now, but the audience,
G15 1280  1    the world, as well: "all you light-headed breed". This
G15 1280 11    passion brings on a fit which proves fatal. Then an
G15 1290 10    ambulance comes along, and they drive Praisegod Piepsam
G15 1300  6    away.
G15 1300  7       This is simple enough, but several more points of
G15 1310  6    interest may be mentioned as relevant. The season,
G15 1320  2    between spring and summer, belongs to life in its carefree
G15 1330  1    aspect. Piepsam's fatal rage arises not only because
G15 1330  9    he cannot stop the cyclist, but also because God will
G15 1340  9    not stop him; as Piepsam says to the crowd in his last
G15 1350  8    moments: "His justice is not of this world".
G15 1360  3       Life is further characterized, in antithesis to
G15 1370  1    Piepsam, as animal: the image of a dog, which appears
G15 1370 11    at several places, is first given as the criterion
G15 1380  8    of amiable, irrelevant interest aroused by life considered
G15 1390  5    simply as a spectacle: a dog in a wagon is "admirable",
G15 1400  3    "a pleasure to contemplate"; another wagon has no dog,
G15 1410  4    and therefore is "devoid of interest". Piepsam calls
G15 1420  1    the cyclist "cur" and "puppy" among other things, and
G15 1420 10    at the crisis of his fit a little fox-terrier stands
G15 1430  9    before him and howls into his face. The ambulance is
G15 1440  6    drawn by two "charming" little horses.
G15 1450  1       Piepsam is not, certainly, religious in any conventional
G15 1450  9    sense. His religiousness is intimately, or dialectically,
G15 1460  7    connected with his sinfulness; the two may in fact
G15 1470  8    be identical. His unsuccessful strivings to give up
G15 1480  5    drink are represented as religious strivings; he keeps
G15 1490  3    a bottle in a wardrobe at home, and "before this wardrobe
G15 1490 14    Praisegod Piepsam had before now gone literally on
G15 1500  8    his knees, and in his wrestlings had bitten his tongue-
G15 1510  7    and still in the end capitulated".
G15 1520  1       The cyclist, by contrast, blond and blue-eyed, is
G15 1520 10    simply unreflective, unproblematic Life, "blithe and
G15 1530  6    carefree". "He made no claims to belong to the great
G15 1540  9    and mighty of this earth".
G15 1550  1       Piepsam is grotesque, a disturbing parody; his end
G15 1550  9    is ridiculous and trivial. He is "a man raving mad
G15 1560  9    on the way to the churchyard". But he is more interesting
G15 1570  6    than the others, the ones who come from the highroad
G15 1580  3    to watch him, more interesting than Life considered
G15 1590  1    as a cyclist. And if I have gone into so much detail
G15 1590 13    about so small a work, that is because it is also so
G15 1600 10    typical a work, representing the germinal form of a
G15 1610  5    conflict which remains essential in Mann's writing:
G15 1620  1    the crude sketch of Piepsam contains, in its critical,
G15 1620 10    destructive and self-destructive tendencies, much that
G15 1630  7    is enlarged and illuminated in the figures of, for
G15 1640  6    instance, Naphta and Leverku^hn.
G15 1650  1       In method as well as in theme this little anecdote
G15 1650 11    with its details selected as much for expressiveness
G15 1660  6    and allegory as for "realism", anticipates a kind of
G15 1670  5    musical composition, as well as a kind of fictional
G15 1680  1    composition, in which, as Leverku^hn says, "there shall
G15 1680  9    be nothing unthematic". It resembles, too, pictures
G15 1690  7    such as Du^rer and Bruegel did, in which all that looks
G15 1700  9    at first to be solely pictorial proves on inspection
G15 1710  4    to be also literary, the representation of a proverb,
G15 1720  2    for example, or a deadly sin.
G15 1720  8       "Gladius Dei" (1902) resembles "The Way to the Churchyard"
G15 1730  7    in its representation of a conflict between light and
G15 1740  7    dark, between "Life" and a spirit of criticism, negation,
G15 1750  4    melancholy, but it goes considerably further in characterizing
G15 1760  3    the elements of this conflict.
G15 1760  8       The monk Savonarola, brought over from the Renaissance
G15 1770  6    and placed against the background of Munich at the
G15 1780  5    turn of the century, protests against the luxurious
G15 1790  1    works displayed in the art-shop of M& Bluthenzweig;
G15 1790 10    in particular against a Madonna portrayed in a voluptuous
G15 1800  9    style and modeled, according to gossip, upon the painter's
G15 1810  7    mistress. Hieronymus, like Piepsam, makes his protest
G15 1820  6    quite in vain, and his rejection, though not fatal,
G15 1830  3    is ridiculous and humiliating; he is simply thrown
G15 1830 11    out of the shop by the porter. On the street outside,
G15 1840 11    Hieronymus envisions a holocaust of the vanities of
G15 1850  7    this world, such a burning of artistic and erotic productions
G15 1860  4    as his namesake actually brought to pass in Florence,
G15 1870  2    and prophetically he issues his curse: "Gladius Dei
G15 1880  1    super terram cito et velociter".
G16 0010  1    The "reality" to which they respond is rationally empty
G16 0010 10    and their art is an imitation of the inescapable powerfulness
G16 0020  9    of this unknown and empty world. Their artistic rationale
G16 0030  6    is given to the witness of unreason.
G16 0040  1       These polar concerns (imitation vs& formalism) reflect
G16 0050  1    a philosophical and religious situation which has been
G16 0050  9    developing over a long period of time. The breakdown
G16 0060  9    of classical structures of meaning in all realms of
G16 0070  6    western culture has given rise to several generations
G16 0080  1    of artists who have documented the disintegrative processes.
G16 0090  1    Thus the image of man has suffered complete fragmentation
G16 0090 10    in personal and spiritual qualities, and complete objectification
G16 0100  7    in sub-human and quasi-mechanistic powers. The image
G16 0110  6    of the world tends to reflect the hostility and indifference
G16 0120  4    of man or else to dissolve into empty spaces and overwhelming
G16 0130  3    mystery. The image of God has simply disappeared. All
G16 0140  2    such imitations of negative quality have given rise
G16 0140 10    to a compensatory response in the form of a heroic
G16 0150  8    and highly individualistic humanism: if man can neither
G16 0160  5    know nor love reality as it is, he can at least invent
G16 0170  3    an artistic "reality" which is its own world and which
G16 0180  1    can speak to man of purely personal and subjective
G16 0180 10    qualities capable of being known and worthy of being
G16 0190  8    loved. The person of the artist becomes a final bastion
G16 0200  5    of meaning in a world rendered meaningless by the march
G16 0210  3    of events and the decay of classical religious and
G16 0210 12    philosophical systems.
G16 0220  2       Whatever pole of this contrast one emphasizes and
G16 0230  1    whatever the tension between these two approaches to
G16 0230  9    understanding the artistic imagination, it will be
G16 0240  7    readily seen that they are not mutually exclusive,
G16 0250  2    that they belong together. Without the decay of a sense
G16 0260  2    of objective reference (except as the imitation of
G16 0260 10    mystery), the stress on subjective invention would
G16 0270  6    never have been stimulated into being. And although
G16 0280  4    these insights into the nature of art may be in themselves
G16 0290  1    insufficient for a thoroughgoing philosophy of art,
G16 0290  8    their peculiar authenticity in this day and age requires
G16 0300  8    that they be taken seriously and gives promise that
G16 0310  5    from their very substance, new and valid chapters in
G16 0320  3    the philosophy of art may be written. For better or
G16 0320 13    worse we cannot regard "imitation" in the arts in the
G16 0330 10    simple mode of classical rationalism or detached realism.
G16 0340  6    A broader concept of imitation is needed, one which
G16 0350  5    acknowledges that true invention is important, that
G16 0360  2    the artist's creativity in part transcends the non-artistic
G16 0370  1    causal factors out of which it arises. On the other
G16 0370 11    hand, we cannot regard artistic invention as pure,
G16 0380  5    uncaused, and unrelated to the times in which it occurs.
G16 0390  5    We need a doctrine of imitation to save us from the
G16 0400  2    solipsism and futility of pure formalism. Accordingly,
G16 0400  9    it is the aim of this essay to advance a new theory
G16 0410 10    of imitation (which I shall call mimesis in order to
G16 0420  6    distinguish it from earlier theories of imitation)
G16 0430  2    and a new theory of invention (which I shall call symbol
G16 0440  1    for reasons to be stated hereafter).
G16 0440  7    #THE MIMETIC IMAGINATION IN THE ARTS#
G16 0450  3    The word "mimesis" ("imitation") is usually associated
G16 0460  1    with Plato and Aristotle. For Plato, "imitation" is
G16 0460  9    twice removed from reality, being a poor copy of physical
G16 0470 10    appearance, which in itself is a poor copy of ideal
G16 0480  9    essence. All artistic and mythological representations,
G16 0490  2    therefore, are "imitations of imitations" and are completely
G16 0500  3    superseded by the truth value of "dialectic", the proper
G16 0510  2    use of the inquiring intellect. In Plato's judgment,
G16 0510 10    the arts play a meaningful role in society only in
G16 0520 10    the education of the young, prior to the full development
G16 0530  6    of their intellectual powers. Presupposed in Plato's
G16 0540  3    system is a doctrine of levels of insight, in which
G16 0550  1    a certain kind of detached understanding is alone capable
G16 0550 10    of penetrating to the most sublime wisdom. Aristotle
G16 0560  7    also tended to stratify all aspects of human nature
G16 0570  5    and activity into levels of excellence and, like Plato,
G16 0580  3    he put the pure and unimpassioned intellect on the
G16 0580 12    top level. The Poetics, in affirming that all human
G16 0590  8    arts are "modes of imitation", gives a more serious
G16 0600  7    role to artistic mimesis than did Plato. But Aristotle
G16 0610  5    kept the principle of levels and even augmented it
G16 0620  2    by describing in the Poetics what kinds of character
G16 0620 11    and action must be imitated if the play is to be a
G16 0630 12    vehicle of serious and important human truths. For
G16 0640  5    both Plato and Aristotle artistic mimesis, in contrast
G16 0650  3    to the power of dialectic, is relatively incapable
G16 0650 11    of expressing the character of fundamental reality.
G16 0660  7       The central concern of Erich Auerbach's impressive
G16 0670  6    volume called Mimesis is to describe the shift from
G16 0680  7    a classic theory of imitation (based upon a recognition
G16 0690  3    of levels of truth) to a Christian theory of imitation
G16 0700  1    in which the levels are dissolved. Following the theme
G16 0700 10    of Incarnation in the Gospels, the Christian artist
G16 0710  7    and critic sees in the most commonplace and ordinary
G16 0720  4    events "figures" of divine power and reality. Here
G16 0730  2    artistic realism involves the audience in an impassioned
G16 0730 10    participation in events whose overtones and implications
G16 0740  7    are transcendent. Artistic mimesis under Christian
G16 0750  5    influence records the involvement of all persons, however
G16 0760  5    humble, in a divine drama. The artist, unlike the philosopher,
G16 0770  3    is not a removed observer aiming at neutral and rarified
G16 0780  1    high levels of abstraction. He is the conveyor of a
G16 0780 11    sacred reality by which he has been grasped. I have
G16 0790  9    chosen to use the word "mimesis" in its Christian rather
G16 0800  5    than its classic implications and to discover in the
G16 0810  5    concrete forms of both art and myth powers of theological
G16 0820  1    expression which, as in the Christian mind, are the
G16 0820 10    direct consequence of involvement in historical experience,
G16 0830  6    which are not reserved, as in the Greek mind, only
G16 0840  7    to moments of theoretical reflection.
G16 0850  1       In the first instance, "mimesis" is here used to
G16 0850 10    mean the recalling of experience in terms of vivid
G16 0860  8    images rather than in terms of abstract ideas or conventional
G16 0870  6    designations. By "image" is meant not only a visual
G16 0880  5    presentation, but also remembered sensations of any
G16 0890  1    of the five senses plus the feelings which are immediately
G16 0890 11    conjoined therewith. This is the primary function of
G16 0900  8    the imagination operating in the absence of the original
G16 0910  7    experiential stimulus by which the images were first
G16 0920  3    appropriated. Mimesis is the nearest possible thing
G16 0920 10    to the actual re-living of experience, in which the
G16 0930 10    imagining person recovers through images something
G16 0940  4    of the force and depth characteristic of experience
G16 0950  3    itself. The images themselves, like their counterparts
G16 0960  1    in experience, are not neutral qualities to be surveyed
G16 0960 10    dispassionately; they are fields of force exerting
G16 0970  7    a unique influence on the sensibilities and a unique
G16 0980  4    relatedness to one another. They bring an inextricable
G16 0990  1    component of value within themselves, with attractions
G16 0990  8    and repulsions native to their own quality. As in experience
G16 1000  9    one is seized by given entities and their interrelations
G16 1010  6    and is forced to respond in value feelings to them,
G16 1020  5    so one is similarly seized in the mimetic presentation
G16 1030  1    of images. Mimesis here is not to be confused with
G16 1030 11    literalism or realism in the conventional sense. A
G16 1040  8    word taken in its dictionary meaning, a photographic
G16 1050  4    image of a recognizable object, the mere picturing
G16 1060  1    of a "scene" tends to lose experiential vividness and
G16 1060 10    to connote such conventional abstractions as to invite
G16 1070  7    neutral reception without the incitement of value feelings.
G16 1080  6    Similarly experience itself can be conventionalized
G16 1090  3    so that people react to certain preconceived clues
G16 1100  1    for behavior without awareness of the vitality of their
G16 1100 10    experiential field. A truly vivid imagination moves
G16 1120  7    beyond the conventional recollection to a sense of
G16 1130  5    immediacy.
G16 1130  6       The mimetic character of the imaginative consciousness
G16 1140  3    tends to express itself in the presentation of artistic
G16 1150  3    forms and materials. When words can be used in a more
G16 1150 14    fresh and primitive way so that they strike with the
G16 1160 10    force of sights and sounds, when tones of sound and
G16 1170  7    colors of paint and the carven shape all strike the
G16 1180  4    sensibilities with an undeniable force of data in and
G16 1180 13    of themselves, compelling the observer into an attitude
G16 1190  8    of attention, all this imitates the way experience
G16 1200  6    itself in its deepest character strikes upon the door
G16 1210  4    of consciousness and clamors for entrance. These are
G16 1220  2    like the initial ways in which the world forces itself
G16 1220 12    upon the self and thrusts the self into decision and
G16 1230  8    choice. The presence of genuine mimesis in art is marked
G16 1240  6    by the persistence with which the work demands attention
G16 1250  3    and compels valuation even though it is but vaguely
G16 1260  1    understood.
G16 1260  2       Underlying these conceptions of mimesis are certain
G16 1270  1    presuppositions concerning the nature of primary human
G16 1270  8    experience which require some exposition before the
G16 1280  6    main argument can proceed. Experience is not seen,
G16 1290  4    as it is in classical rationalism, as presenting us
G16 1300  2    initially with clear and distinct objects simply located
G16 1300 10    in space and registering their character, movements,
G16 1320  5    and changes on the tabula rasa of an uninvolved intellect.
G16 1330  6    Neither is primary experience understood according
G16 1340  2    to the attitude of modern empiricism in which nothing
G16 1350  1    is thought to be received other than signals of sensory
G16 1350 11    qualities producing their responses in the appropriate
G16 1360  6    sense organs. Primary feelings of the world come neither
G16 1370  6    as a collection of clearly known objects (houses, trees,
G16 1380  3    implements, etc&) nor a collection of isolated and
G16 1390  1    neutral sensory qualities. In contrast to all this,
G16 1390  9    primary data are data of a self involved in environing
G16 1400  8    processes and powers.
G16 1400 11       The most primitive feelings are rudimentary value
G16 1410  7    feelings, both positive and negative: a desire to appropriate
G16 1420  7    this or that part of the environment into oneself;
G16 1430  3    a desire to avoid and repel this or that other part.
G16 1440  2    These desires presuppose a sense of causally efficacious
G16 1440 10    powers in which one is involved, some working for one's
G16 1450 10    good, others threatening ill. Gone is the tabula rasa
G16 1460  7    of the mind. In its place is a passionate consciousness
G16 1470  5    grasped and molded to feelings of positive or negative
G16 1480  3    values even as the actions of one's life are determined
G16 1500  1    by constellations of process in which one is caught.
G16 1500 10       The principal defender of this view of primary experience
G16 1510  8    as "causal efficacy" is Alfred North Whitehead. Our
G16 1520  6    most elemental and unavoidable impressions, he says,
G16 1530  4    are those of being involved in a large arena of powers
G16 1540  2    which have a longer past than our own, which are interrelated
G16 1550  1    in a vast movement through the present toward the future.
G16 1550 11    We feel the quality of these powers initially as in
G16 1560  8    some degree wholesome or threatening. Later abstractive
G16 1570  3    and rational processes may indicate errors of judgment
G16 1580  3    in these apprehensions of value, but the apprehensions
G16 1580 11    themselves are the primary stuff of experience. It
G16 1590  8    takes a great deal of abstraction to free oneself from
G16 1600  7    the primitive impression of larger unities of power
G16 1610  4    and influence and to view one's world simply as a collection
G16 1620  2    of sense data arranged in such and such sequence and
G16 1620 12    pattern, devoid of all power to move the feelings and
G16 1630 10    actions except in so far as they present themselves
G16 1640  5    for inspection. Whitehead is here questioning David
G16 1650  2    Hume's understanding of the nature of experience; he
G16 1660  1    is questioning, also, every epistemology which stems
G16 1660  8    from Hume's presupposition that experience is merely
G16 1670  5    sense data in abstraction from causal efficacy, and
G16 1680  4    that causal efficacy is something intellectually imputed
G16 1690  2    to the world, not directly perceived. What Hume calls
G16 1690 11    "sensation" is what Whitehead calls "perception in
G16 1700  7    the mode of presentational immediacy" which is a sophisticated
G16 1710  6    abstraction from perception in the mode of causal efficacy.
G16 1720  7    As long as perception is seen as composed only of isolated
G16 1730  5    sense data, most of the quality and interconnectedness
G16 1740  1    of existence loses its objectivity, becomes an invention
G16 1750  1    of consciousness, and the result is a philosophical
G16 1750  9    scepticism. Whitehead contends that the human way of
G16 1760  7    understanding existence as a unity of interlocking
G16 1770  3    and interdependent processes which constitute each
G16 1770  9    other and which cause each other to be and not to be
G16 1780 12    is possible only because the basic form of such an
G16 1790  7    understanding, for all its vagueness and tendency to
G16 1800  3    mistake the detail, is initially given in the way man
G16 1810  1    feels the world. In this respect experience is broader
G16 1810 10    and full of a richer variety of potential meanings
G16 1820  7    than the mind of man or any of his arts or culture
G16 1830  5    are capable of making clear and distinct.
G16 1840  1       A chief characteristic of experience in the mode
G16 1840  9    of causal efficacy is one of derivation from the past.
G16 1850  7    Both I and my feelings come up out of a chain of events
G16 1860  6    that fan out into the past into sources that are ultimately
G16 1870  2    very unlike the entity which I now am.
G17 0010  1    After only eighteen years of non-interference, there
G17 0010  9    were already indications of melioration, though "in
G17 0020  5    a slight degree", to be sure.
G17 0030  1       There were more indications by the mid-twentieth
G17 0030  9    century. I leave it to the statisticians to say what
G17 0040  8    they were, but I noticed several a few years ago, during
G17 0050  6    an automobile ride from Memphis to Hattiesburg. In
G17 0060  2    town after town my companion pointed out the Negro
G17 0060 11    school and the White school, and in every instance
G17 0070  9    the former made a better appearance (it was newer,
G17 0080  5    for one thing). It really looked as if a change of
G17 0090  3    the sort predicted by Booker T& Washington had been
G17 0090 12    going on. But with the renewal of interference in 1954
G17 0100 10    (as with its beginning in 1835), the improvement was
G17 0110  6    impaired.
G17 0110  7       For over a hundred years Southerners have felt that
G17 0120  6    the North was picking on them. It's infuriating, this
G17 0130  4    feeling that one is being picked on, continually, constantly.
G17 0140  2    By what right of superior virtue, Southerners ask,
G17 0150  1    do the people of the North do this? The traditional
G17 0150 11    strategy of the South has been to expose the vices
G17 0160  8    of the North, to demonstrate that the North possessed
G17 0170  4    no superior virtue, to "show the world that" (as James's
G17 0180  3    Christopher Newman said to his adversaries) "however
G17 0190  1    bad I may be, you're not quite the people to say it".
G17 0190 13       In the pre-Civil War years, the South argued that
G17 0200 11    the slave was not less humanely treated than the factory
G17 0210  8    worker of the North. At the present time, the counter-attack
G17 0220  7    takes the line that there's no more of the true spirit
G17 0230  6    of "integration" in the North than in the South. The
G17 0240  5    line is a pretty good one.
G17 0240 11       People talk about "the law of the land". The expression
G17 0250  8    has become quite a cliche. But people can't be made
G17 0260  6    to integrate, socialize (the two are inseparable by
G17 0270  2    Southern standards) by law.
G17 0270  6       I was having lunch not long ago (apologies to N&
G17 0280  6    V& Peale) with three distinguished historians (one
G17 0290  3    specializing in the European Middle Ages, one in American
G17 0300  1    history, and one in the Far East), and I asked them
G17 0300 12    if they could name instances where the general mores
G17 0310  8    had been radically changed with "deliberate speed,
G17 0320  4    majestic instancy" (Francis Thompson's words for the
G17 0330  4    Hound of Heaven's pursuit) by judicial fiat. They didn't
G17 0340  3    seem to be able to think of any.
G17 0340 11       A Virginia judge a while back cited a Roman jurist
G17 0350  9    to the effect that ten years might be a reasonable
G17 0360  5    length of time for such a change. But I suspect that
G17 0370  2    the old Roman was referring to change made under military
G17 0370 12    occupation- the sort of change which Tacitus was talking
G17 0380 11    about when he said, "They make a desert, and call it
G17 0390  9    peace" ("Solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant".).
G17 0400  1       Moreover, the law of the land is not irrevocable;
G17 0410  2    it can be changed; it has been, many times. Mr& Justice
G17 0420  2    Taney's Dred Scott decision in 1857 was unpopular in
G17 0420 11    the North, and soon became a dead letter. Prohibition
G17 0430  9    was the law of the land, but it was unpopular (how
G17 0440  7    many of us oldsters took up drinking in prohibition
G17 0450  3    days, drinking was so gay, so fashionable, especially
G17 0460  1    in the sophisticated Northeast!) and was repealed.
G17 0460  8    The cliche loses its talismanic virtue in the light
G17 0470  7    of a little history.
G17 0470 11       The Declaration of Independence says that "governments
G17 0480  7    derive their just powers from the consent of the governed".
G17 0490  9    The phrase "consent of the governed" needs a hard look.
G17 0500  8    How do we define it? Is the consent of the governed
G17 0510  5    a numerical majority? Calhoun dealt with this question
G17 0520  3    in his "Disquisition on Government".
G17 0520  8       To guard against the tyranny of a numerical majority,
G17 0530  8    Calhoun developed his theory of "concurrent majority",
G17 0540  5    which, he said, "by giving to each portion of the community
G17 0550  6    which may be unequally affected by the action of government,
G17 0560  4    a negative on the others, prevents all partial or local
G17 0570  3    legislation". Who will say that our country is even
G17 0570 12    now a homogeneous community? that regional peculiarities
G17 0580  6    do not still exist? that the Court order does not unequally
G17 0590  8    affect the Southern region? Who will deny that in a
G17 0600  7    vast portion of the South the Federal action is incompatible
G17 0610  4    with the Jeffersonian concept of "the consent of the
G17 0620  3    governed"?
G17 0620  4       Circumstances alter cases. A friend of mine in New
G17 0630  5    Mexico said the Court order had caused no particular
G17 0640  1    trouble out there, that all had gone as merry as a
G17 0640 12    marriage bell. He seemed a little surprised that it
G17 0650  7    should have caused any particular trouble anywhere.
G17 0660  3    I murmured something about a possible difference between
G17 0670  1    New Mexico's history and Mississippi's.
G17 0670  6       One can meet with aloofness almost anywhere: the
G17 0680  6    Thank-Heaven-We're-not-Involved viewpoint, It Doesn't
G17 0690  4    Affect Us! Southern Liberals (there are a good many)-
G17 0700  6    especially if they're rich- often exhibit blithe insouciance.
G17 0710  3    The trouble here is that it's almost too easy to take
G17 0720  3    the high moral ground when it doesn't cost you anything.
G17 0730  1    You've already sent your daughter to Miss ~X's select
G17 0730 10    academy for girls and your son to Mr& ~Y's select academy
G17 0740 11    for boys, and you can be as liberal as you please with
G17 0750 10    strict impunity. If there's no suitable academy in
G17 0760  5    your own neighborhood, there's always New England.
G17 0770  2    New England academies welcome fugitives from the provinces,
G17 0780  1    South as well as West. They may even enroll a colored
G17 0780 12    student or two for show, though he usually turns out
G17 0790 10    to be from Thailand, or any place other than the American
G17 0800  7    South. It would be interesting to know how much "integration"
G17 0810  5    there is in the famous, fashionable colleges and prep
G17 0820  3    schools of New England. A recent newspaper report said
G17 0830  2    there were five Negroes in the 1960 graduating class
G17 0830 11    of nearly one thousand at Yale; that is, about one-half
G17 0840  9    of one per cent, which looks pretty "tokenish" to me,
G17 0850  6    especially in an institution which professes to be
G17 0860  4    "national".
G17 0860  5       I must confess that I prefer the Liberal who is
G17 0870  5    personally affected, who is willing to send his own
G17 0880  1    children to a mixed school as proof of his faith. I
G17 0880 12    leave out of account the question of the best interests
G17 0890  7    of the children, the question of what their best interests
G17 0900  6    really are. I'm talking about the grand manner of the
G17 0910  4    Liberal- North and South- who is not affected personally.
G17 0920  2    If these people were denied a voice (do they have a
G17 0930  1    moral right to a voice?), what voices would be left?
G17 0930 11    Who is involved willy nilly? Well, after everybody
G17 0940  6    has followed the New England pattern of segregating
G17 0950  4    one's children into private schools, only the poor
G17 0960  4    folks are left. And it is precisely in this poorer
G17 0960 14    economic class that one finds, and has always found,
G17 0970  9    the most racial friction.
G17 0980  1    ##
G17 0980  2    A dear, respected friend of mine, who like myself grew
G17 0980 12    up in the South and has spent many years in New England,
G17 0990 12    said to me not long ago: "I can't forgive New England
G17 1000  9    for rejecting all complicity". Being a teacher of American
G17 1010  8    literature, I remembered Whittier's "Massachusetts
G17 1020  3    to Virginia", where he said: "But that one dark loathsome
G17 1030  6    burden ye must stagger with alone, And reap the bitter
G17 1040  5    harvest which ye yourselves have sown". There is a
G17 1050  3    legend (Hawthorne records it in his "English Notebooks".
G17 1050 11    and one finds it again in Thomas Nelson Page) to the
G17 1060 11    effect that the Mayflower on its second voyage brought
G17 1070  6    a cargo of Negro slaves. Whether historically a fact
G17 1080  4    or not, the legend has a certain symbolic value.
G17 1090  1       Complicity is an embarrassing word. It is something
G17 1100  1    which most of us try to get out from under. Like the
G17 1100 13    cowboy in Stephen Crane's "Blue Hotel", we run around
G17 1110  7    crying, "Well, I didn't do anything, did I"? Robert
G17 1120  7    Penn Warren puts it this way in "Brother to Dragons":
G17 1130  6    "The recognition of complicity is the beginning of
G17 1140  5    innocence", where innocence, I think, means about the
G17 1150  3    same thing as redemption. A man must be able to say,
G17 1150 14    "Father, I have sinned", or there is no hope for him.
G17 1160  8    Lincoln understood this better than most when he said
G17 1170  8    in his "Second Inaugural" that God "gives to both North
G17 1180  7    and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those
G17 1190  5    by whom the offense came". He also spoke of "the wealth
G17 1200  2    piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years
G17 1200 11    in unrequited toil". Lincoln was historian and economist
G17 1210  7    enough to know that a substantial portion of this wealth
G17 1220  7    had accumulated in the hands of the descendants of
G17 1230  4    New Englanders engaged in the slave trade. After how
G17 1240  2    many generations is such wealth (mounting all the while
G17 1240 11    through the manipulations of high finance) purified
G17 1250  7    of taint? It is a question which New Englanders long
G17 1260  5    ago put out of their minds. But didn't they get off
G17 1270  4    too easy? The slaves never shared in their profits,
G17 1280  1    while they did share, in a very real sense, in the
G17 1280 12    profits of the slave-owners: they were fed, clothed,
G17 1290  7    doctored, and so forth; they were the beneficiaries
G17 1300  4    of responsible, paternalistic care.
G17 1310  1       Emerson- Platonist, idealist, doctrinaire- sounded
G17 1310  5    a high Transcendental note in his "Boston Hymn", delivered
G17 1320  7    in 1863 in the Boston Music Hall amidst thundering
G17 1330  4    applause: "Pay ransom to the owner and fill the bag
G17 1340  4    to the brim. Who is the owner? The slave is owner,
G17 1350  1    And ever was. Pay him"! It is the abstractionism, the
G17 1350 11    unrealism, of the pure idealist. It ignores the sordid
G17 1360  9    financial aspects (quite conveniently, too, for his
G17 1370  5    audience, who could indulge in moral indignation without
G17 1380  2    visible, or even conscious, discomfort, their money
G17 1390  1    from the transaction having been put away long ago
G17 1390 10    in a good antiseptic brokerage). Like Pilate, they
G17 1400  5    had washed their hands. But can one, really? Can God
G17 1410  4    be mocked, ever, in the long run?
G17 1410 11       New Englanders were a bit sensitive on the subject
G17 1420  9    of their complicity in Negro slavery at the time of
G17 1430  7    the drafting of the Declaration of Independence, as
G17 1440  2    Jefferson explained in his "Autobiography": "
G17 1450  1       The clause reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants
G17 1450  8    of Africa was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina
G17 1460  9    and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the
G17 1470  7    importation of slaves, and who on the contrary still
G17 1480  4    wished to continue it. Our Northern brethren also I
G17 1490  2    believe felt a little tender under those censures;
G17 1490 10    for though their people had very few slaves themselves,
G17 1500  7    yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them
G17 1510  4    to others".
G17 1510  6       But that was a long time ago. The New England conscience
G17 1520  7    became desensitized. George W& Cable (naturalized New
G17 1530  5    Englander), writing in 1889 from "Paradise Road, Northampton"
G17 1540  3    (lovely symbolic name), agitated continuously the "Southern
G17 1550  3    question". It was nice to be able to isolate it.
G17 1560  2    ##
G17 1560  3    New England, as everyone knows, has long been schoolmaster
G17 1570  1    to the Nation. There one finds concentrated in a comparatively
G17 1580  1    small area the chief universities, colleges, and preparatory
G17 1580  9    schools of the United States. Why should this be so?
G17 1590 10    It is true that New England, more than any other section,
G17 1600  7    was dedicated to education from the start. But I think
G17 1610  7    that something more than this is involved.
G17 1620  1       How did it happen, for example, that the state university,
G17 1630  1    that great symbol of American democracy, failed to
G17 1630  9    flourish in New England as it did in other parts of
G17 1640  8    the country? Isn't it a bit odd that the three states
G17 1650  5    of Southern New England (Massachusetts, Connecticut,
G17 1660  1    and Rhode Island) have had state institutions of university
G17 1670  1    status only in the very recent past, these institutions
G17 1670 10    having previously been ~A+~M colleges? Was it supposed,
G17 1680  7    perchance, that ~A+~M (vocational training, that is)
G17 1690  6    was quite sufficient for the immigrant class which
G17 1700  4    flooded that part of the New England world in the post-Civil
G17 1710  4    War period, the immigrants having been brought in from
G17 1720  1    Southern Europe, to work in the mills, to make up for
G17 1720 12    the labor shortage caused by migration to the West?
G17 1730  8    Is it not ironical that Roger Williams's state, Rhode
G17 1740  5    Island, should have been the very last of the forty-eight
G17 1750  6    to establish a state university? The state universities
G17 1760  2    of Maine, New Hampshire, And Vermont are older and
G17 1760 11    more "respectable"; they had less immigration to contend
G17 1770  8    with.
G17 1780  1       A Yale historian, writing a few years ago in The
G17 1780 11    Yale Review, said: "We in New England have long since
G17 1790  9    segregated our children". He was referring not only
G17 1800  6    to the general college situation but more especially
G17 1810  4    to the preparatory schools. And what a galaxy of those
G17 1820  2    adorns that fair land! I don't propose to go into their
G17 1820 13    history, but I have one or two surmises. One is that
G17 1830 11    they were established, or gained eminence, under pressure
G17 1840  6    provided by these same immigrants, from whom the old
G17 1850  5    families wished to segregate their children. In the
G17 1860  3    early days of a homogeneous population, the public
G17 1860 11    school was quite satisfactory.
G18 0010  1       AMONG THE RECIPIENTS of the Nobel Prize for Literature
G18 0020  1    more than half are practically unknown to readers of
G18 0020 10    English. Of these there are surely few that would be
G18 0030  8    more rewarding discoveries than Verner von Heidenstam,
G18 0040  4    the Swedish poet and novelist who received the award
G18 0050  3    in 1916 and whose centennial was celebrated two years
G18 0050 12    ago. Equally a master of prose and verse, he recreates
G18 0060 10    the glory of Sweden in the past and continues it into
G18 0070  8    the present. In the following sketch we shall present
G18 0080  4    a brief outline of his life and let him as much as
G18 0090  1    possible speak for himself.
G18 0090  5       Heidenstam was born in 1859, of a prosperous family.
G18 0100  4    On his father's side he was of German descent, on his
G18 0110  3    mother's he came of the old Swedish nobility. The family
G18 0120  1    estate was situated near Vadstena on Lake Va^ttern
G18 0120  9    in south central Sweden. It is a lonely, rather desolate
G18 0130  8    region, but full of legendary and historic associations.
G18 0140  4    As a boy in a local school he was shy and solitary,
G18 0150  3    absorbed in his fondness for nature and his visions
G18 0150 12    of Sweden's ancient glory. He liked to fancy himself
G18 0160  9    as a chieftain and to dress for the part. Being somewhat
G18 0170  9    delicate in health, at the age of sixteen he was sent
G18 0180  7    to Southern Europe, for which he at once developed
G18 0190  2    a passion, so that he spent nearly all of the following
G18 0190 13    ten years abroad, at first in Italy, then in Greece,
G18 0200 10    Egypt, Asia Minor, and Palestine. In one of his summers
G18 0210  8    at home he married, to the great disapproval of his
G18 0220  5    father, who objected because of his extreme youth.
G18 0230  1       Deciding to become a painter, he entered the studio
G18 0230 10    of Gerome in Paris, where he enjoyed the life of the
G18 0240 10    artists, but soon found that whatever talent he might
G18 0250  6    have did not lie in that direction. He gives us an
G18 0260  5    account of this in his lively and humorous poem, "The
G18 0270  1    Happy Artists". "I scanned the world through printed
G18 0270  9    symbol swart, And through the beggar's rags I strove
G18 0280  9    to see The inner man. I looked unceasingly With my
G18 0290  6    cold mind and with my burning heart". In this final
G18 0300  4    line, we have the key to his nature. Few writers have
G18 0310  2    better understood their deepest selves. Heidenstam
G18 0310  8    could never be satisfied by surface. It may, however,
G18 0320  7    be noted that his gift for color and imagery must have
G18 0330  5    been greatly stimulated by his stay in Paris.
G18 0340  1       The first result of Heidenstam's long sojourn abroad
G18 0340  9    was a volume of poems, Pilgrimage and Wander-Years
G18 0350  9    (Vallfart och vandringsar), published in 1888. It was
G18 0360  6    a brilliant debut, so much so indeed that it aroused
G18 0370  5    a new vitality in the younger poets, as did Byron's
G18 0380  1    Childe Harold. Professor Fredrik Bo^o^k, Sweden's foremost
G18 0390  2    critic of the period, acclaims it as follows: "In this
G18 0400  2    we have the verse of a painter; strongly colorful,
G18 0400 11    plastic, racy, vivid. In a bold, sometimes careless,
G18 0410  7    form there is nothing academic; all is seen and felt
G18 0420  6    and experienced, the observation is sharp and the imagination
G18 0430  4    lively. The young poet-painter reproduces the French
G18 0440  1    life of the streets; he tells stories of the Thousand
G18 0440 11    and One Nights, and conjures up before us the bazaars
G18 0450  9    of Damascus. In the care-free indolence of the East
G18 0460  7    he sees the last reflection of the old happy existence,
G18 0470  4    and for that reason he loves it. And yet amid all the
G18 0480  2    gay hedonism in Pilgrimage and Wander-Years is a cycle
G18 0480 12    of short poems, "Thoughts in Loneliness", filled with
G18 0490  8    brooding, melancholy, and sombre longing".
G18 0500  4       Of the longer pieces of the volume none is so memorable
G18 0510  5    as "Nameless and Immortal", which at once took rank
G18 0520  4    among the finest poems ever written in the Swedish
G18 0520 13    language. It celebrates the unknown architect who designed
G18 0530  8    the temple of Neptune at Paestum, next to the Parthenon
G18 0540  8    the noblest example of Grecian classic style now in
G18 0550  5    existence. On the eve of his return to their native
G18 0560  2    Naxos he speaks with his wife of the masterpiece which
G18 0560 12    rises before them in its completed perfection. The
G18 0570  8    supreme object of their lives is now fulfilled, says
G18 0580  6    the wife, her husband has achieved immortality. Not
G18 0590  2    so, he answers, it is not the architect but the temple
G18 0600  1    that is immortal. "The man's true reputation is his
G18 0600 10    work".
G18 0610  1       The short poems grouped at the end of the volume
G18 0610 11    as "Thoughts in Loneliness" is, as Professor Bo^o^k
G18 0620  7    indicated, in sharp contrast with the others. It consists
G18 0630  6    of fragmentary personal revelations, such as "The Spark":
G18 0640  5    "There is a spark dwells deep within my soul. To get
G18 0650  5    it out into the daylight's glow Is my life's aim both
G18 0660  3    first and last, the whole. It slips away, it burns
G18 0660 13    and tortures me. That little spark is all the wealth
G18 0670  9    I know, That little spark is my life's misery". A dominant
G18 0680  7    motive is the poet's longing for his homeland and its
G18 0690  6    boyhood associations: "Not men-folk, but the fields
G18 0700  3    where I would stray, The stones where as a child I
G18 0700 14    used to play". He is utterly disappointed in himself
G18 0710  9    and in the desultory life he has been leading. What
G18 0720  7    he really wants is to find "a sacred cause" to which
G18 0730  5    he can honestly devote himself. This restless individualism
G18 0740  2    found its answer when he returned to live nearly all
G18 0750  1    the rest of his life in Sweden. His cause was to commemorate
G18 0750 13    the glory of her past and to incite her people to perpetuate
G18 0760 11    it in the present.
G18 0770  1       He did not, however, find himself at once. His next
G18 0770 11    major work, completed in 1892, was a long fantastic
G18 0780  9    epic in prose, entitled Hans Alienus, which Professor
G18 0790  5    Bo^o^k describes as a monument on the grave of his
G18 0800  6    carefree and indolent youth. The hero, who is himself,
G18 0810  2    is represented as a pilgrim in the storied lands of
G18 0810 12    the East, a sort of Faustus type, who, to quote from
G18 0820 10    Professor Bo^o^k again, "even in the pleasure gardens
G18 0830  6    of Sardanapalus can not cease from his painful search
G18 0840  4    after the meaning of life. He is driven back by his
G18 0850  2    yearning to the wintry homeland of his fathers in the
G18 0850 12    forest of Tiveden".
G18 0860  2       From this time on Heidenstam proceeded to find his
G18 0870  1    deeper self. By the death of his father in 1888 he
G18 0870 12    had come into possession of the family estate and had
G18 0880  7    re-assumed its traditions. He did not, however, settle
G18 0890  5    back into acquiescence with things as they were. Like
G18 0900  2    his friend and contemporary August Strindberg he had
G18 0900 10    little patience with collective mediocrity. He saw
G18 0910  7    Sweden as a country of smug and narrow provincialism,
G18 0920  5    indifferent to the heroic spirit of its former glory.
G18 0930  3    Strindberg's remedy for this condition was to tear
G18 0940  1    down the old structures and build anew from the ground
G18 0940 11    up. Heidenstam's conception, on the contrary, was to
G18 0950  7    revive the present by the memories of the past.
G18 0960  4    ##
G18 0960  5    Whether in prose or poetry, all of Heidenstam's later
G18 0970  2    work was concerned with Sweden. With the first of a
G18 0970 12    group of historical novels, The Charles Men (Karolinerna),
G18 0980  8    published in 1897-8, he achieved the masterpiece of
G18 0990  9    his career. In scope and power it can only be compared
G18 1000  8    to Tolstoy's War and Peace. About one-third as long,
G18 1010  6    it is less intimate and detailed, but better coordinated,
G18 1020  2    more concise and more dramatic. Though it centers around
G18 1030  1    the brilliant and enigmatic figure of Charles /12,,
G18 1030  9    the true hero is not finally the king himself. Hence
G18 1040  8    the title of the book, referring to the soldiers and
G18 1050  5    subjects of the king; on the fatal battlefield of Poltava,
G18 1060  3    to quote from the novel, "the wreath he twined for
G18 1070  1    himself slipped down upon his people".
G18 1070  7       The Charles Men consists not of a connected narrative
G18 1080  7    but of a group of short stories, each depicting a special
G18 1090  5    phase of the general subject. Somewhat uneven in interest
G18 1100  3    for an average reader, eight or ten of these are among
G18 1110  1    the finest of their kind in literature. They comprise
G18 1110 10    a great variety of scene and interest: grim episodes
G18 1120  7    of war, idyllic interludes, superb canvases of world-shaking
G18 1130  5    events, and delightfully humorous sketches of odd characters.
G18 1140  4    The general effect is tragic. Almost nothing is said
G18 1150  3    of Charles' spectacular victories, the central theme
G18 1150 10    being the heroic loyalty of the Swedish people to their
G18 1160 10    idolized king in misfortune and defeat.
G18 1170  3       To carry out this exalted conception the author
G18 1180  2    has combined the vivid realism and imaginative power
G18 1180 10    we have noticed in his early poetry and carried them
G18 1190  8    out on a grand scale. His peculiar gift, as had been
G18 1200  6    suggested before, is his intensity. George Meredith
G18 1210  2    has said that fervor is the core of style. Of few authors
G18 1220  1    is this more true than of Heidenstam. The Charles Men
G18 1220 11    has a tremendous range of characters, of common folk
G18 1230  7    even more than of major figures. The career of Charles
G18 1240  6    /12, is obviously very similar to that of Napoleon.
G18 1250  3    His ideal was Alexander of Macedon, as Napoleon's was
G18 1260  2    Julius Caesar. His purpose, however, was not to establish
G18 1260 11    an empire, but to assert the principle of divine justice.
G18 1270 10    Each aspired to be a god in human form, but with each
G18 1280 11    it was a different kind of god. Each failed catastrophically
G18 1290  4    in an invasion of Russia and each brought ruin on the
G18 1300  4    country that worshipped him. Each is still glorified
G18 1310  1    as a national hero.
G18 1310  5       The first half of The Charles Men, ending on the
G18 1320  4    climax of the battle of Poltava in 1709, is more dramatically
G18 1330  1    coherent than the second. After the collapse of that
G18 1330 10    desperate and ill-fated campaign the character of the
G18 1340  9    king degenerated for a time into a futility that was
G18 1350  7    not merely pitiable but often ridiculous. Like Napoleon,
G18 1360  3    he was the worst of losers. There are, however, some
G18 1370  1    wonderful chapters at the beginning of the second part,
G18 1370 10    concerning the reactions of the Swedes in adversity.
G18 1380  8    Then more than ever before did they show their fortitude
G18 1390  6    and patient cheerfulness. This comes out in "When the
G18 1400  5    Bells Ring", which describes the rallying of the peasants
G18 1410  2    in southern Sweden to repel an invasion by the Danes.
G18 1420  1       In "The King's Ride", Charles breaks out of a long
G18 1420 11    period of petulance and inertia, regains his old self,
G18 1430  9    escapes from Turkey, and finally reaches his own land
G18 1440  7    after an absence of eighteen years. He finds it in
G18 1450  5    utter misery and desolation. All his people ask for
G18 1460  1    is no more war. But he plunges into yet another, this
G18 1460 12    time with Norway, and is killed in an assault on the
G18 1470  9    fortress of Fredrikshall, being only thirty-six years
G18 1480  5    of age when he died. He had become king at fifteen.
G18 1490  1       Then suddenly there was a tremendous revulsion of
G18 1490  9    popular feeling. From being a hated tyrant and madman
G18 1500  9    he was now the symbol of all that was noblest and best
G18 1510  8    in the history of Sweden. This is brought out in the
G18 1520  5    next to last chapter of the book, "A Hero's Funeral",
G18 1530  2    written in the form of an impassioned prose poem. Slowly
G18 1540  1    the procession of warriors and statesmen passes through
G18 1540  9    the snow beside the black water and into the brilliantly
G18 1550  8    lighted cathedral, the shrine of so many precious memories.
G18 1560  6    The guns are fired, the hymns are sung, and the body
G18 1570  5    of Charles is carried down to the vault and laid beside
G18 1580  1    the tombs of his ancestors. As he had longed to be,
G18 1580 12    he became the echo of a saga.
G18 1590  5       Heidenstam wrote four other works of fiction about
G18 1600  2    earlier figures revered in Swedish memory. Excellent
G18 1600  9    in their way, they lack the wide appeal of The Charles
G18 1610 10    Men, and need not detain us here. It is different with
G18 1620  9    his volume The Swedes and Their Chieftains (Svenskarna
G18 1630  5    och deras ho^vdingar), a history intended for the general
G18 1640  5    reader and particularly suited for high school students.
G18 1650  3    Admirably written, it is a perfect introduction to
G18 1650 11    Swedish history for readers of other countries. Some
G18 1660  8    of the earlier episodes have touches of the supernatural,
G18 1670  6    as suited to the legendary background. These are suggestive
G18 1680  4    of Selma Lagerlo^f. Especially touching is the chapter,
G18 1690  4    "The Little Sister", about a king's daughter who became
G18 1700  3    a nun in the convent of St& Birgitta. The record teems
G18 1710  2    with romance and adventure. Gustaf Vasa is a superb
G18 1710 11    example, and Charles /10,, the conqueror of Denmark,
G18 1720  8    hardly less so. Of Gustavus Adolphus and Charles /12,
G18 1730  6    it is unnecessary to speak.
G19 0010  1    Today the private detective will also investigate insurance
G19 0010  9    claims or handle divorce cases, but his primary function
G19 0020  8    remains what it has always been, to assist those who
G19 0030  6    have money in their unending struggle with those who
G19 0040  3    have not. It is from this unpromising background that
G19 0040 12    the fictional private detective was recruited.
G19 0050  6    ##
G19 0050  7    THE mythological private eye differs from his counterpart
G19 0060  7    in real life in two essential ways. On the one hand,
G19 0070  6    he does not work for a large agency, but is almost
G19 0080  3    always self-employed. As a free-lance investigator,
G19 0080 11    the fictional detective is responsible to no one but
G19 0090  8    himself and his client. For this reason, he appears
G19 0100  6    as an independent and self-reliant figure, whose rugged
G19 0110  3    individualism need not be pressed into the mold of
G19 0110 12    a 9 to 5 routine. On the other hand, the fictional
G19 0120 11    detective does not break strikes or handle divorce
G19 0130  6    cases; no client would ever think of asking him to
G19 0140  4    do such things. Whatever his original assignment, the
G19 0150  1    fictional private eye ends up by investigating and
G19 0150  9    solving a crime, usually a murder. Operating as a one
G19 0160  7    man police force in fact if not in name, he is at once
G19 0170  6    more independent and more dedicated than the police
G19 0180  1    themselves. He catches criminals not merely because
G19 0180  8    he is paid to do so (frequently he does not receive
G19 0190  8    a fee at all), but because he enjoys his work, because
G19 0200  4    he firmly believes that murder must be punished. Thus
G19 0210  2    the fictional detective is much more than a simple
G19 0210 11    businessman. He is, first and foremost, a defender
G19 0220  8    of public morals, a servant of society.
G19 0230  2       It is this curious blend of rugged individualism
G19 0230 10    and public service which accounts for the great appeal
G19 0240  9    of the mythological detective. By virtue of his self-reliance,
G19 0250  8    his individualism and his freedom from external restraint,
G19 0260  6    the private eye is a perfect embodiment of the middle
G19 0270  4    class conception of liberty, which amounts to doing
G19 0280  1    what you please and let the devil take the hindmost.
G19 0280 11    At the same time, because the personal code of the
G19 0290  7    detective coincides with the legal dictates of his
G19 0300  4    society, because he likes to catch criminals, he is
G19 0310  1    in middle class eyes a virtuous man. In this way, the
G19 0310 12    private detective gets the best of two possible worlds.
G19 0320  8    He is an individualist but not an anarchist; he is
G19 0330  6    a public servant but not a cop. In short, the fictional
G19 0340  2    private eye is a specialized version of Adam Smith's
G19 0350  1    ideal entrepreneur, the man whose private ambitions
G19 0350  8    must always and everywhere promote the public welfare.
G19 0360  5    In the mystery story, as in The Wealth of Nations,
G19 0370  4    individualism and the social good are two sides of
G19 0380  2    the same benevolent coin.
G19 0380  6    ##
G19 0380  7    THERE is only one catch to this idyllic arrangement:
G19 0390  6    Adam Smith was wrong. Not only did the ideal entrepreneur
G19 0400  5    not produce the greatest good for the greatest number,
G19 0410  2    he ended by destroying himself, by giving birth to
G19 0410 11    monopoly capitalism. The rise of the giant corporations
G19 0420  8    in Western Europe and the United States dates from
G19 0430  7    the period 1880-1900. Now, although the roots of the
G19 0440  5    mystery story in serious literature go back as far
G19 0450  1    as Balzac, Dickens, and Poe, it was not until the closing
G19 0450 12    decades of the 19th century that the private detective
G19 0460  9    became an established figure in popular fiction. Sherlock
G19 0470  6    Holmes, the ancestor of all private eyes, was born
G19 0480  4    during the 1890s. Thus the transformation of Adam Smith's
G19 0490  2    ideal entrepreneur into a mythological detective coincides
G19 0500  1    closely with the decline of the real entrepreneur in
G19 0500 10    economic life. Driven from the marketplace by the course
G19 0510  7    of history, our hero disguises himself as a private
G19 0520  5    detective. The birth of the myth compensates for the
G19 0530  3    death of the ideal.
G19 0530  7       Even on the fictional level, however, the contradictions
G19 0540  3    which give rise to the mystery story are not fully
G19 0550  1    resolved. The individualism and public service of the
G19 0550  9    private detective both stem from his dedication to
G19 0560  7    a personal code of conduct: he enforces the law without
G19 0570  6    being told to do so. The private eye is therefore a
G19 0580  2    moral man; but his morality rests upon that of his
G19 0580 12    society. The basic premise of all mystery stories is
G19 0590  9    that the distinction between good and bad coincides
G19 0600  5    with the distinction between legal and illegal. Unfortunately,
G19 0610  2    this assumption does not always hold good. As capitalism
G19 0620  2    in the 20th century has become increasingly dependent
G19 0620 10    upon force and violence for its survival, the private
G19 0630  9    detective is placed in a serious dilemma. If he is
G19 0640  8    good, he may not be legal; if he is legal, he may not
G19 0650  5    be good. It is the gradual unfolding and deepening
G19 0660  1    of this contradiction which creates the inner dialectic
G19 0660  9    of the evolution of the mystery story.
G19 0670  5    ##
G19 0670  6    WITH the advent of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle's Sherlock
G19 0680  4    Holmes, the development of the modern private detective
G19 0690  2    begins. Sherlock Holmes is not merely an individualist;
G19 0700  1    he is very close to being a mental case. A brief list
G19 0700 13    of the great detective's little idiosyncrasies would
G19 0710  5    provide Dr& Freud with ample food for thought. Holmes
G19 0720  6    is addicted to the use of cocaine and other refreshing
G19 0730  3    stimulants; he is prone to semi-catatonic trances induced
G19 0740  2    by the playing of the vioiln; he is a recluse, an incredible
G19 0750  1    egotist, a confirmed misogynist. Holmes rebels against
G19 0750  8    the social conventions of his day not on moral but
G19 0760  9    rather on aesthetic grounds. His eccentricity begins
G19 0770  3    as a defense against boredom. It was in order to avoid
G19 0780  3    the stuffy routine of middle class life that Holmes
G19 0780 12    became a detective in the first place. As he informs
G19 0790 10    Watson, "My life is spent in one long effort to escape
G19 0800  8    from the commonplaces of existence. These little problems
G19 0810  4    help me to do so". Holmes is a public servant, to be
G19 0820  3    sure; but the society which he serves bores him to
G19 0820 13    tears.
G19 0830  1       The curious relationship between Holmes and Scotland
G19 0830  8    Yard provides an important clue to the deeper significance
G19 0840  9    of his eccentric behavior. Although he is perfectly
G19 0850  6    willing to cooperate with Scotland Yard, Holmes has
G19 0860  4    nothing but contempt for the intelligence and mentality
G19 0870  1    of the police. They for their part are convinced that
G19 0870 11    Holmes is too "unorthodox" and "theoretical" to make
G19 0880  8    a good detective. Why do the police find Holmes "unorthodox"?
G19 0890  8    On the face of it, it is because he employs deductive
G19 0900  8    techniques alien to official police routine. Another,
G19 0910  4    more interesting explanation, is hinted at by Watson
G19 0920  2    when he observes on several occasions that Holmes would
G19 0920 11    have made a magnificent criminal. The great detective
G19 0930  8    modestly agrees. Watson's insight is verified by the
G19 0940  6    mysterious link between Holmes and his arch-opponent,
G19 0950  5    Dr& Moriarty. The two men resemble each other closely
G19 0960  2    in their cunning, their egotism, their relentlessness.
G19 0960  9    The first series of Sherlock Holmes adventures ends
G19 0970  8    with Holmes and Moriarty grappling together on the
G19 0980  5    edge of a cliff. They are presumed to have plunged
G19 0990  4    to a common grave in this fatal embrace. Linked to
G19 0990 14    Holmes even in death, Moriarty represents the alter-ego
G19 1000  9    of the great detective, the image of what our hero
G19 1010  8    might have become were he not a public servant. Just
G19 1020  4    as Holmes the eccentric stands behind Holmes the detective,
G19 1030  2    so Holmes the potential criminal lurks behind both.
G19 1030 10    ##
G19 1040  1    IN the modern English "whodunnit", this insinuation
G19 1040  8    of latent criminality in the detective himself has
G19 1050  8    almost entirely disappeared. Hercule Poirot and Lord
G19 1060  5    Peter Whimsey (the respective creations of Agatha Christie
G19 1070  4    and Dorothy Sayers) have retained Holmes' egotism but
G19 1090  3    not his zest for life and eccentric habits. Poirot
G19 1090 12    and his counterparts are perfectly respectable people;
G19 1100  7    it is true that they are also extremely dull. Their
G19 1110  7    dedication to the status quo has been affirmed at the
G19 1120  5    expense of the fascinating but dangerous individualism
G19 1130  1    of a Sherlock Holmes. The latter's real descendents
G19 1130  9    were unable to take root in England; they fled from
G19 1140  9    the Victorian parlor and made their way across the
G19 1150  7    stormy Atlantic. In the American "hardboiled" detective
G19 1160  2    story of the '20s and '30s, the spirit of the mad genius
G19 1170  3    from Baker Street lives on.
G19 1170  8       Like Holmes, the American private eye rejects the
G19 1180  6    social conventions of his time. But unlike Holmes,
G19 1190  3    he feels his society to be not merely dull but also
G19 1190 14    corrupt. Surrounded by crime and violence everywhere,
G19 1200  7    the "hardboiled" private eye can retain his purity
G19 1210  7    only through a life of self-imposed isolation. His
G19 1220  3    alienation is far more acute than Holmes'; he is not
G19 1230  3    an eccentric but rather an outcast. With Rex Stout's
G19 1230 12    Nero Wolfe, alienation is represented on a purely physical
G19 1240  9    plane. Wolfe refuses to ever leave his own house, and
G19 1250  9    spends most of his time drinking beer and playing with
G19 1260  5    orchids. More profound and more disturbing, however,
G19 1270  2    is the moral isolation of Raymond Chandler's Philip
G19 1270 10    Marlowe. In a society where everything is for sale,
G19 1280  9    Marlowe is the only man who cannot be bought. His tough
G19 1290  8    honesty condemns him to a solitary and difficult existence.
G19 1300  4    Beaten, bruised and exhausted, he pursues the elusive
G19 1310  3    killer through the demi-monde of high society and low
G19 1320  1    morals, always alone, always despised. In the end,
G19 1320  9    he gets his man, but no one seems to care; virtue is
G19 1330  8    its own and only reward. A similar tone of underlying
G19 1340  4    futility and despair pervades the spy thrillers of
G19 1350  2    Eric Ambler and dominates the most famous of all American
G19 1350 12    mystery stories, Dashiell Hammett's The Maltese Falcon.
G19 1360  7    Sam Spade joins forces with a band of adventurers in
G19 1370  9    search of a priceless jeweled statue of a falcon; but
G19 1380  6    when the bird is found at last, it turns out to be
G19 1390  4    a fake. Now the detective must save his own skin by
G19 1390 15    informing on the girl he loves, who is also the real
G19 1400 11    murderer. For Sam Spade, neither crime nor virtue pays;
G19 1410  6    moreover, it is increasingly difficult to distinguish
G19 1420  3    between the two.
G19 1420  6       Because the private eye intends to save society
G19 1430  5    in spite of himself, he invariably finds himself in
G19 1440  2    trouble with the police. The latter are either too
G19 1440 11    stupid to catch the killer or too corrupt to care.
G19 1450  9    In either case, they do not appreciate the private
G19 1460  4    detective's zeal. Perry Mason and Hamilton Burger,
G19 1470  2    Nero Wolfe and Inspector Cramer spend more time fighting
G19 1480  1    each other than they do in looking for the criminal.
G19 1480 11    Frequently enough, the police are themselves in league
G19 1490  7    with the killer; Dashiell Hammett's Red Harvest provides
G19 1500  4    a classic example of this theme. But even when the
G19 1510  5    police are honest, they do not trust the private eye.
G19 1520  2    He is, like Phillip Marlowe, too alienated to be reliable.
G19 1520 12    Finally, in The Maltese Falcon among others, the clash
G19 1530  9    between detective and police is carried to its logical
G19 1540  8    conclusion: Sam Spade becomes the chief murder suspect.
G19 1550  6    In order to exonerate himself, he is compelled to find
G19 1560  5    the real criminal, who happens to be his girl friend.
G19 1570  1    What was only a vague suspicion in the case of Sherlock
G19 1570 12    Holmes now appears as a direct accusation: the private
G19 1580  9    eye is in danger of turning into his opposite.
G19 1590  5    ##
G19 1590  6    IT IS the growing contradiction between individualism
G19 1600  3    and public service in the mystery story which creates
G19 1610  2    this fatal dilemma. By upholding his own personal code
G19 1610 11    of behavior, the private detective has placed himself
G19 1620  7    in opposition to a society whose fabric is permeated
G19 1630  5    with crime and corruption. That society responds by
G19 1640  3    condemning the private eye as a threat to the status
G19 1640 13    quo, a potential criminal. If the detective insists
G19 1650  8    upon retaining his personal standards, he must now
G19 1660  6    do so in conscious defiance of his society. He must,
G19 1670  3    in short, cease to be a detective and become a rebel.
G19 1680  1    On the other hand, if he wishes to continue in his
G19 1680 12    chosen profession, he must abandon his own code and
G19 1690  8    sacrifice his precious individualism. Dashiell Hammett
G19 1700  3    resolved this contradiction by ceasing to write mystery
G19 1710  1    stories and turning to other pursuits. His successors
G19 1710  9    have adopted the opposite alternative. In order to
G19 1720  7    save the mystery story, they have converted the private
G19 1730  5    detective into an organization man.
G19 1740  1       The first of two possible variations on this theme
G19 1740 10    is symbolized by Mickey Spillane's Mike Hammer. At
G19 1750  6    first glance, this hero seems to be more rather than
G19 1760  6    less of an individualist than any of his predecessors.
G19 1770  1    For Hammer, nothing is forbidden. He kills when he
G19 1770 10    pleases, takes his women where he finds them and always
G19 1780 10    acts as judge, jury and executioner rolled into one.
G20 0010  1    It will be shown that the objectives of the cooperative
G20 0010 11    people in an organization determine the type of network
G20 0020  8    required, because the type of network functions according
G20 0030  6    to the characteristics of the messages enumerated in
G20 0040  3    Table 1. Great stress is placed on the role that the
G20 0050  2    monitoring of information sending plays in maintaining
G20 0050  9    the effectiveness of the network. By monitoring, we
G20 0060  7    mean some system of control over the types of information
G20 0070  6    sent from the various centers.
G20 0080  1       As a word of caution, we should be aware that in
G20 0080 11    actual practice no message is purely one of the four
G20 0090  8    types, question, command, statement, or exclamation.
G20 0100  3    For example, suppose a man wearing a $200 watch, driving
G20 0110  1    a 1959 Rolls Royce, stops to ask a man on the sidewalk,
G20 0110 13    "What time is it"? This sentence would have most of
G20 0120 10    the characteristics of a question, but it has some
G20 0130  8    of the characteristics of a statement because the questioner
G20 0140  4    has conveyed the fact that he has no faith in his own
G20 0150  3    timepiece or the one attached to his car. If the man
G20 0150 14    on the sidewalk is surprised at this question, it has
G20 0160  9    served as an exclamation. Also, since the man questioned
G20 0170  6    feels a strong compulsion to answer (and thereby avoid
G20 0180  4    the consequences of being thought queer) the question
G20 0190  1    has assumed some measurable properties of a command.
G20 0190  9    However, for convenience we will stick to the idea
G20 0200  8    that information can be classified according to Table
G20 0210  4    1. On this basis, certain extreme kinds of networks
G20 0220  1    will be discussed for illustrative purposes.
G20 0220  7    #NETWORKS ILLUSTRATING SOME SPECIAL TYPES OF ORGANIZATION#
G20 0240  1    _THE COCKTAIL PARTY._
G20 0240  1       Presumably a cocktail party is expected to fulfill
G20 0240  9    the host's desire to get together a number of people
G20 0250  8    who are inadequately acquainted and thereby arrange
G20 0260  4    for bringing the level of acquaintance up to adequacy
G20 0270  1    for future cooperative endeavors. The party is usually
G20 0270  9    in a room small enough so that all guests are within
G20 0280  9    sight and hearing of one another. The information is
G20 0290  4    furnished by each of the guests, is sent by oral broadcasting
G20 0300  3    over the air waves, and is received by the ears. Since
G20 0310  1    the air is a continuum, the network of communication
G20 0310 10    remains intact regardless of the positions or motions
G20 0320  7    of the points (the people) in the net. As shown in
G20 0330  7    Figure 1, there is a connection for communication between
G20 0340  2    every pair of points. This, and other qualifications,
G20 0340 10    make the cocktail party the most complete and most
G20 0350  9    chaotic communication system ever dreamed up. All four
G20 0360  7    types of message listed in Table 1 are permitted, although
G20 0370  5    decorum and cocktail tradition require holding the
G20 0380  2    commands to a minimum, while exclamations having complimentary
G20 0390  1    intonations are more than customarily encouraged. The
G20 0390  8    completeness of the connections provide that, for ~N
G20 0400  8    people, there are **f lines of communication between
G20 0410  5    the pairs, which can become a large number (1,225)
G20 0420  2    for a party of fifty guests. Looking at the diagram,
G20 0420 12    we see that **f connection lines come in to each member.
G20 0430 11    Thus the cocktail party would appear to be the ideal
G20 0440  8    system, but there is one weakness. In spite of the
G20 0450  5    dreams of the host for oneness in the group, the **f
G20 0460  2    incoming messages for each guest overload his receiving
G20 0460 10    system beyond comprehension if ~N exceeds about six.
G20 0470  7    The crowd consequently breaks up into temporary groups
G20 0480  6    ranging in size from two to six, with a half-life for
G20 0490  5    the cluster ranging from three to twenty minutes.
G20 0500  1       For the occasion on which everyone already knows
G20 0500  9    everyone else and the host wishes them to meet one
G20 0510  9    or a few honored newcomers, then the "open house" system
G20 0520  5    is advantageous because the honored guests are fixed
G20 0530  3    connective points and the drifting guests make and
G20 0530 11    break connections at the door.
G20 0540  4    _THE RURAL COMMUNITY._
G20 0540  7       We consider a rural community as an assemblage of
G20 0550  6    inhabited dwellings whose configuration is determined
G20 0560  3    by the location and size of the arable land sites necessary
G20 0570  1    for family subsistence. We assume for this illustration
G20 0570  9    that the size of the land plots is so great that the
G20 0580 11    distance between dwellings is greater than the voice
G20 0590  6    can carry and that most of the communication is between
G20 0600  3    nearest neighbors only, as shown in Figure 2. Information
G20 0610  1    beyond nearest neighbor is carried second-, third-,
G20 0610 10    and fourth-hand as a distortable rumor. In Figure 2,
G20 0620  8    the points in the network are designated by a letter
G20 0630  5    accompanied by a number. The numbers indicate the number
G20 0640  3    of nearest neighbors. It will be noted that point ~f
G20 0650  1    has seven nearest neighbors, ~h and ~e have six, and
G20 0650 11    ~p has only one, while the remaining points have intermediate
G20 0660 10    numbers. In any social system in which communications
G20 0670  8    have an importance comparable with that of production
G20 0680  6    and other human factors, a point like ~f in Figure
G20 0690  5    2 would (other things being equal) be the dwelling
G20 0700  1    place for the community leader, while ~e and ~h would
G20 0710  1    house the next most important citizens. A point like
G20 0710 10    ~p gets information directly from ~n, but all information
G20 0720  8    beyond ~n is indirectly relayed through ~n. The dweller
G20 0730  8    at ~p is last to hear about a new cure, the slowest
G20 0740 10    to announce to his neighbors his urgent distresses,
G20 0750  4    the one who goes the farthest to trade, and the one
G20 0760  2    with the greatest difficulty of all in putting over
G20 0760 11    an idea or getting people to join him in a cooperative
G20 0770  9    effort. Since the hazards of poor communication are
G20 0780  5    so great, ~p can be justified as a habitable site only
G20 0790  3    on the basis of unusual productivity such as is made
G20 0800  1    available by a waterfall for milling purposes, a mine,
G20 0800 10    or a sugar maple camp. Location theorists have given
G20 0810  6    these matters much consideration.
G20 0820  1    _MILITARY ORGANIZATIONS._
G20 0820  3       The networks for military communications are one
G20 0830  3    of the best examples of networks which not only must
G20 0830 13    be changed with the changes in objectives but also
G20 0840  9    must be changed with the addition of new machines of
G20 0850  6    war. They also furnish proof that, in modern war, message
G20 0860  4    sending must be monitored. Without monitoring, a military
G20 0870  2    hookup becomes a noisy party. The need for monitoring
G20 0870 11    became greater when radio was adopted for military
G20 0880  8    signaling. Alexander the Great, who used runners as
G20 0890  6    message carriers, did not have to worry about having
G20 0900  2    every officer in his command hear what he said and
G20 0900 12    having hundreds of them comment at once. As time has
G20 0910 10    passed and science has progressed, the speed of military
G20 0920  6    vehicles has increased, the range of missiles has been
G20 0930  4    extended, the use of target-hunting noses on the projectiles
G20 0940  1    has been adopted, and the range and breadth of message
G20 0940 11    sending has increased. Next to the old problem of the
G20 0950 10    slowness of decision making, network structure seems
G20 0960  5    to be paramount, and without monitoring no network
G20 0970  3    has value.
G20 0970  5       On the parade ground the net may be similar to that
G20 0980  3    shown in Figure 3. The monitoring is the highest and
G20 0990  1    most restrictive of any organization in existence.
G20 0990  8    No questions, statements, or explanations are permitted-
G20 1000  5    only commands. Commands go only from an officer to
G20 1010  5    the man of nearest lower rank. The same command is
G20 1020  2    repeated as many times as there are levels in rank
G20 1020 12    from general to corporal. All orders originate with
G20 1030  6    the officer of highest rank and terminate with action
G20 1040  4    of the men in the ranks. Even the officer in charge,
G20 1050  1    be it a captain (for small display) or a general, is
G20 1050 12    restrained by monitoring. This is done for simplicity
G20 1060  8    of commands and to bring the hidden redundancy up to
G20 1070  5    where misunderstanding has almost zero possibility.
G20 1080  1    The commands are specified by the military regulations;
G20 1080  9    are few in number, briefly worded, all different in
G20 1090  9    sound; and are combinable into sequences which permit
G20 1100  5    any marching maneuver that could be desired on a parade
G20 1110  5    ground. This monitoring is necessary because, on a
G20 1120  2    parade ground, everyone can hear too much, and without
G20 1120 11    monitoring a confused social event would develop.
G20 1130  7       With troops dispersed on fields of battle rather
G20 1140  6    than on the parade ground, it may seem that a certain
G20 1150  3    amount of monitoring is automatically enforced by the
G20 1150 11    lines of communication. Years ago this was true, but
G20 1160  9    with the replacement of wires or runners by radio and
G20 1170  8    radar (and perhaps television), these restrictions
G20 1180  2    have disappeared and now again too much is heard.
G20 1190  1       In contrast to cocktail parties, military organizations,
G20 1190  8    even in the field, are more formal. In the extreme
G20 1200 10    and oversimplified example suggested in Figure 3, the
G20 1210  6    organization is more easily understood and more predictable
G20 1220  4    in behavior. A military organization has an objective
G20 1230  1    chosen by the higher command. This objective is adhered
G20 1230 10    to throughout the duration of the action. The connective
G20 1240  8    system, or network, is tailored to meet the requirements
G20 1250  7    of the objective, and it is therefore not surprising
G20 1260  3    that a military body acting as a single coordinated
G20 1270  1    unit has a different communication network than a factory,
G20 1270 10    a college, or a rural village.
G20 1280  5       The assumptions upon which the example shown in
G20 1290  2    Figure 3 is based are: (a) One man can direct about
G20 1290 13    six subordinates if the subordinates are chosen carefully
G20 1300  7    so that they do not need too much personal coaching,
G20 1310  6    indoctrinating, etc&. (b) A message runs too great
G20 1320  4    a risk of being distorted if it is to be relayed more
G20 1330  1    than about six consecutive times. (c) Decisions of
G20 1330  9    a general kind are made by the central command. And
G20 1340  8    (d) all action of a physical kind pertinent to the
G20 1350  4    mission is relegated to the line of men on the lower
G20 1360  1    rank. These assumptions lead to an organization with
G20 1360  9    one man at the top, six directly under him, six under
G20 1370  8    each of these, and so on until there are six levels
G20 1380  5    of personnel. The number of people acting as one body
G20 1390  2    by this scheme gives a surprisingly large army of **f
G20 1390 12    55,987 men.
G20 1400  2       This organizational network would be of no avail
G20 1400 10    if there were no regulations pertaining to the types
G20 1410  8    of message sent. Of types of message listed in Table
G20 1420  6    1, commands and statements are the only ones sent through
G20 1430  4    the vertical network shown in Figure 3. A further regulation
G20 1440  2    is that commands always go down, unaccompanied by statements,
G20 1450  1    and statements always go up, unaccompanied by commands.
G20 1450  9    Questions and, particularly, exclamations are usually
G20 1460  6    channeled along informal, horizontal lines not indicated
G20 1470  5    in Figure 3 and seldom are carried beyond the nearest
G20 1480  4    neighbor.
G20 1480  5       It will readily be seen that in this suggested network
G20 1490  5    (not materially different from some of the networks
G20 1500  2    in vogue today) greater emphasis on monitoring is implied
G20 1500 11    than is usually put into practice. Furthermore, the
G20 1510  8    network in Figure 3 is only the basic net through which
G20 1520  9    other networks pertaining to logistics and the like
G20 1530  4    are interlaced.
G20 1530  6       Not discussed here are some military problems of
G20 1540  4    modern times such as undersea warfare, where the surveillance,
G20 1550  2    sending, transmitting, and receiving are all so inadequate
G20 1560  1    that networks and decision making are not the bottlenecks.
G20 1560 10    Such problems are of extreme interest as well as importance
G20 1570 10    and are so much like fighting in a rain forest or guerrilla
G20 1580  9    warfare at night in tall grass that we might have to
G20 1590  7    re-examine primitive conflicts for what they could
G20 1600  2    teach.
G20 1600  3    _A TEAM FOR USEFUL RESEARCH._
G20 1600  8       This is an unsolved problem which probably has never
G20 1610  6    been seriously investigated, although one frequently
G20 1620  3    hears the comment that we have insufficient specialists
G20 1630  1    of the kind who can compete with the Germans or Swiss,
G20 1630 12    for example, in precision machinery and mathematics,
G20 1640  6    or the Finns in geochemistry. We hear equally fervent
G20 1650  5    concern over the belief that we have not enough generalists
G20 1660  4    who can see the over-all picture and combine our national
G20 1670  3    skills and knowledge for useful purposes. This problem
G20 1680  1    of the optimum balance in the relative numbers of generalists
G20 1680 11    and specialists can be investigated on a communicative
G20 1690  8    network basis. Since the difficulty of drawing the
G20 1700  6    net is great, we will merely discuss it.
G20 1710  2       First, we realize that a pure specialist does not
G20 1710 11    exist. But, for practical purposes, we have people
G20 1720  7    who can be considered as such. For example, there are
G20 1730  5    persons who are in physical science, in the field of
G20 1750  3    mineralogy, trained in crystallography, who use only
G20 1750 10    X-rays, applying only the powder technique of X-ray
G20 1760  9    diffraction, to clay minerals only, and who have spent
G20 1770  7    the last fifteen years concentrating on the montmorillonites;
G20 1780  4    or persons in the social sciences in the field of anthropology,
G20 1790  4    studying the lung capacity of seven Andean Indians.
G20 1800  2    So we see that a specialist is a man who knows more
G20 1800 14    and more about less and less as he develops, as contrasted
G20 1810 10    to the generalist, who knows less and less about more
G20 1820  8    and more.
G21 0010  1    AMERICAN DEMOCRATIC THOUGHT, pointed up the relation
G21 0010  8    between the Protestant movement in this country and
G21 0020  7    the development of a social religion, which he called
G21 0030  5    the American Democratic Faith. Those familiar with
G21 0040  2    his work will remember that he placed the incipience
G21 0040 11    of the democratic faith at around 1850. And he describes
G21 0050  9    it as a balanced polarity between the notions of the
G21 0060  6    free individual and what he called the fundamental
G21 0070  3    law.
G21 0070  4       I want to say more about Gabriel's so-called fundamental
G21 0080  2    law. But first I want to quote him on the relationship
G21 0090  1    that he found between religion and politics in this
G21 0090 10    country and what happened to it. He points out that
G21 0100  9    from the time of Jackson on through World War /1,,
G21 0110  5    evangelical Protestantism was a dominant influence
G21 0120  1    in the social and political life of America. He terms
G21 0120 11    this early enthusiasm "Romantic Christianity" and concludes
G21 0130  7    that its similarity to democratic beliefs of that day
G21 0140  8    is so great that "the doctrine of liberty seems but
G21 0150  5    a secular version of its counterpart in evangelical
G21 0160  1    Protestantism". Let me quote him even more fully, for
G21 0160 10    his analysis is important to my theme.
G21 0170  7       He says: "Beside the Protestant philosophy of Progress,
G21 0180  5    as expressed in radical or conservative millenarianism,
G21 0190  2    should be placed the doctrine of the democratic faith
G21 0200  2    which affirmed it to be the duty of the destiny of
G21 0200 13    the United States to assist in the creation of a better
G21 0210 10    world by keeping lighted the beacon of democracy".
G21 0220  5    He specifies, "In the middle period of the Nineteenth
G21 0230  4    Century it was colored by Christian supernaturalism,
G21 0240  1    in the Twentieth Century it was affected by naturalism.
G21 0240 10    But in every period it has been humanism". And let
G21 0250  9    me add, utopianism, also.
G21 0260  1       Some fourteen or fifteen years ago, in an essay
G21 0260 10    I called The Leader Follows- Where? I used his polarity
G21 0270  9    to illustrate what I thought had happened to us in
G21 0280  9    that form of liberalism we call Progressivism. It seemed
G21 0290  4    to me that the liberals had scrapped the balanced polarity
G21 0300  3    and reposed both liberty and the fundamental law in
G21 0310  2    the common man. That is to say Gabriel's fundamental
G21 0310 11    law had been so much modified by this time that it
G21 0320  9    was neither fundamental nor law any more. It is a weakness
G21 0330  8    of Gabriel's analysis that he never seems to realize
G21 0340  4    that his so-called fundamental law had already been
G21 0350  1    cut loose from its foundations when it was adapted
G21 0350 10    to democracy. And with Progressivism the Religion of
G21 0360  6    Humanity was replacing what Gabriel called Christian
G21 0370  3    supernaturalism. And the common man was developing
G21 0380  1    mythic power, or charisma, on his own.
G21 0380  8       During the decade that followed, the common man,
G21 0390  6    as that piece put it, grew uncomfortable as the Voice
G21 0400  4    of God and fled from behind Saint Woodrow (Wilson)
G21 0410  1    only to learn from Science, to his shocked relief that
G21 0410 11    after all there was no God he had to speak for and
G21 0420 10    that he was just an animal anyhow- that there was a
G21 0430  7    chemical formula for him, and that too much couldn't
G21 0440  1    be expected of him.
G21 0440  5       The socialism implicit in the slogan of the Roosevelt
G21 0450  4    Revolution, freedom from want and fear, seems a far
G21 0460  2    cry from the individualism of the First Amendment to
G21 0460 11    the Constitution, or of the Jacksonian frontier. What
G21 0470  7    had happened to the common man?
G21 0480  2       French Egalitarianism had had only nominal influence
G21 0490  1    in this country before the days of Popularism. The
G21 0490 10    riotous onrush of industrialism after the War for Southern
G21 0500  8    Independence and the general secular drift to the Religion
G21 0510  6    of Humanity, however, prepared the way for a reception
G21 0520  6    of the French Revolution's socialistic offspring of
G21 0530  2    one sort of another. The first of which to find important
G21 0530 13    place in our federal government was the graduated income
G21 0540  9    tax under Wilson. Moreover the centralization of our
G21 0550  6    economy during the 1920s, the dislocations of the Depression,
G21 0560  5    the common ethos of Materialism everywhere, all contributed
G21 0570  3    in various ways to the face-lifting that replaced Mike
G21 0580  2    Fink and the Great Gatsby with the anonymous physiognomy
G21 0590  1    of the Little People.
G21 0590  5       However, it is important to trace the philosophy
G21 0600  2    of the French Revolution to its sources to understand
G21 0600 11    the common democratic origin of individualism and socialism
G21 0610  8    and the influence of the latter on the former. That
G21 0620  8    John Locke's philosophy of the social contract fathered
G21 0630  5    the American Revolution with its Declaration of Independence,
G21 0640  3    I believe, we generally accept. Yet, after Rousseau
G21 0650  2    had given the social contract a new twist with his
G21 0650 12    notion of the General Will, the same philosophy, it
G21 0660  9    may be said, became the idea source of the French Revolution
G21 0670  8    also.
G21 0670  9       The importance of Rousseau's twist has not always
G21 0680  7    been clear to us, however. This notion of the General
G21 0690  5    Will gave rise to the Commune of Paris in the Revolution
G21 0700  3    and later brought Napoleon to dictatorship. And it
G21 0710  1    is clearly argued by Lord Percy of Newcastle, in his
G21 0710 11    remarkable long essay, The Heresy of Democracy, and
G21 0720  7    in a more general way by Voegelin, in his New Science
G21 0730  6    of Politics, that this same Rousseauan idea, descending
G21 0740  3    through European democracy, is the source of Marx's
G21 0750  2    theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This
G21 0750 10    is important to understanding the position that doctrinaire
G21 0760  7    liberals found themselves in after World War /2, and
G21 0770  7    our great democratic victory that brought no peace.
G21 0780  5       The long road that had taken liberals in this country
G21 0790  3    into the social religion of democracy, into a worship
G21 0790 12    of man, led logically to the Marxist dream of a classless
G21 0800 11    society under a Socialist State. And the ~USSR existed
G21 0810  8    as the revolutionary experiment in radical socialism,
G21 0820  5    the ultimate exemplar. And by the time the war ended,
G21 0830  5    liberal leadership in this country was spiritually
G21 0840  1    Marxist.
G21 0840  2       We will recall that the still confident liberals
G21 0840 10    of the Truman administration gathered with other Western
G21 0850  8    utopians in San Francisco to set up the legal framework,
G21 0860  9    finally and at last, to rationalize war- to rationalize
G21 0870  5    want and fear- out of the world: the United Nations.
G21 0880  4    We of the liberal-led world got all set for peace and
G21 0890  2    rehabilitation. Then suddenly we found ourselves in
G21 0890  9    the middle of another fight, an irrational, an indecent,
G21 0900  8    an undeclared and immoral war with our strongest (and
G21 0910  6    some had thought noblest) ally.
G21 0920  1       During the next five years the leaders of the Fair
G21 0920 11    Deal reluctantly backed down from the optimistic expectations
G21 0930  7    of the New Deal. During the next five years liberal
G21 0940  6    leaders in the United States sank in the cumulative
G21 0950  3    confusion attendant upon and manifested in a negative
G21 0960  1    policy of Containment- and the bitterest irony- enforced
G21 0960  9    and enforceable only by threat of a weapon that we
G21 0970  9    felt the greatest distaste for but could not abandon:
G21 0980  6    the atom bomb. In 1952, it will be remembered, the
G21 0990  2    G&O&P& without positive program campaigned on the popular
G21 1000  2    disillusionment with liberal leadership and won overwhelmingly.
G21 1010  1       All of this, I know, is recent history familiar
G21 1010 10    to you. But I have been at some pains to review it
G21 1020 10    as the drama of the common man, to point up what happened
G21 1030  7    to him under Eisenhower's leadership.
G21 1040  1       A perceptive journalist, Sam Lubell, has phrased
G21 1040  8    it in the title of one of his books as THE REVOLT OF
G21 1050 11    THE MODERATES. He opens his discourse, however, with
G21 1060  5    a review of the Eisenhower inaugural festivities at
G21 1070  3    which a sympathetic press had assembled its massive
G21 1070 11    talents, all primed to catch some revelation of the
G21 1080  9    emerging new age. The show was colorful, indeed, exuberant,
G21 1090  6    but the press for all its assiduity could detect no
G21 1100  4    note of a fateful rendezvous with destiny.
G21 1110  1       Lubell offers his book as an explanation of why
G21 1110 10    there was no clue. And I select this sentence as its
G21 1120  8    pertinent summation: "In essence the drama of his (Eisenhower's)
G21 1130  6    Presidency can be described as the ordeal of a nation
G21 1140  7    turned conservative and struggling- thus far with but
G21 1150  3    limited and precarious success- to give effective voice
G21 1160  1    and force to that conservatism".
G21 1160  6       I will assume that we are all aware of the continuing
G21 1170  6    struggle, with its limited and precarious success,
G21 1180  2    toward conservatism. It has moved on various levels,
G21 1180 10    it has been clamorous and confused. Obviously there
G21 1190  7    has been no agreement on what American conservatism
G21 1200  4    is, or rather, what it should be. For it was neglected,
G21 1210  3    not to say nascent, when the struggle began. I saw
G21 1210 13    a piece the other day assailing William Buckley, author
G21 1220  9    of MAN AND GOD AT YALE and publisher of the National
G21 1230  9    Review, as no conservative at all, but an old liberal.
G21 1240  7    I would agree with this view. But I'm not here to define
G21 1250  6    conservatism.
G21 1250  7       What I am here to do is to report on the gyrations
G21 1260  7    of the struggle- a struggle that amounts to self-redefinition-
G21 1270  4    to see if we can predict its future course.
G21 1280  1       One of the obvious conclusions we can make on the
G21 1280 11    basis of the last election, I suppose, is that we,
G21 1290  9    the majority, were dissatisfied with Eisenhower conservatism.
G21 1300  4    Though, to be sure, we gave Kennedy no very positive
G21 1310  4    approval in the margin of his preferment.
G21 1320  1       This is, however, symptomatic of our national malaise.
G21 1320  9    But before I try to diagnose it, I would offer other
G21 1330  9    evidence. I will mention two volumes of specific comment
G21 1340  5    on this malaise that appeared last year. The earlier
G21 1350  3    of them was an unofficial enterprise, sponsored by
G21 1350 11    Life magazine, under the title of the National purpose.
G21 1360  9    The contributors to this testament were all well-known:
G21 1380  8    a former Democratic candidate for President, a New
G21 1390  6    Deal poet, the magazine's chief editorial writer, two
G21 1400  4    newspaper columnists, head of a national broadcasting
G21 1410  1    company, a popular Protestant evangelist, etc&. What
G21 1410  8    I want to point out here is that all of them are ex-liberals,
G21 1420 13    or modified liberals, with perhaps one exception. I
G21 1430  6    suppose we might classify Billy Graham as an old liberal.
G21 1440  6    And I would further note that they all- with one exception
G21 1450  6    again- sang in one key or another the same song. Its
G21 1460  2    refrain was: "Let us return to the individualistic
G21 1460 10    democracy of our forefathers for our salvation".
G21 1470  7       Adlai Stevenson expressed some reservations about
G21 1480  5    this return. Others invoked technology and common sense.
G21 1490  4    Only Walter Lippman envisioned the possibility of our
G21 1500  3    having "outlived most of what we used to regard as
G21 1500 13    the program of our national purposes".
G21 1510  5       But the most notable thing about the incantation
G21 1520  3    of these ex-liberals was that the one-time shibboleth
G21 1530  1    of socialism was conspicuously absent.
G21 1530  6       The second specific comment was the report of Eisenhower's
G21 1540  7    Commission on National Goals, titled GOALS FOR AMERICANS.
G21 1550  6    They, perhaps, gave the pitch of their position in
G21 1560  5    the preface where it was said that Eisenhower requested
G21 1570  2    that the Commission be administered by the American
G21 1570 10    Assembly of Columbia University, because it was non-partisan.
G21 1580  9    The Commission seems to represent the viewpoint of
G21 1590  8    what I would call the unconscious liberal, but not
G21 1600  5    unconscious enough, to invoke the now taboo symbolism
G21 1610  3    of socialism. And here again we hear the same refrain
G21 1620  1    mentioned above: "The paramount goal of the United
G21 1620  9    States **h set long ago **h was to guard the rights
G21 1630 11    of the individual **h ensure his development **h enlarge
G21 1640  5    his opportunity". This group is secularist and their
G21 1650  3    program tends to be technological.
G21 1650  8       But it is the need to undertake these testaments
G21 1660  7    that I would submit here as symptom of the common man's
G21 1670  6    malaise. And let me add Murray's new book as another
G21 1680  4    symptom of it, particularly so in view of the attention
G21 1690  1    TIME magazine gave it when it came out recently. Father
G21 1690 11    Murray goes back to the Declaration of Independence,
G21 1700  8    too, though I may add, with considerably more historical
G21 1710  6    perception.
G21 1710  7       I will reserve discussion of it for a moment, however,
G21 1720  8    to return to President Kennedy. As symptomatic of the
G21 1730  5    common man's malaise, he is most significant: a liberal
G21 1740  3    and a Catholic, elected by the skin of his teeth. Does
G21 1750  2    that not suggest to you an uncertain and uneasy, not
G21 1750 12    to say confused, state of the public mind?
G21 1760  6       What is the common man's complaint? Let's take a
G21 1770  5    panoramic look back over the course we have come. Has
G21 1780  4    not that way been lit always by the lamp of liberalism
G21 1790  1    up until the turning back under Eisenhower? And the
G21 1790 10    basic character of that liberalism has been spiritual
G21 1800  7    rather than economic. Ralph Gabriel gave it the name
G21 1810  6    of Protestant philosophy of Progress. But there's a
G21 1820  3    subjective side to that utopian outlook.
G22 0010  1       DOES our society have a runaway, uncontrollable
G22 0010  8    growth of technology which may end our civilization,
G22 0020  7    or a normal, healthy growth? Here there may be an analogy
G22 0030  7    with cancer: we can detect cancers by their rapidly
G22 0040  4    accelerating growth, determinable only when related
G22 0050  1    to the more normal rate of healthy growth. Should the
G22 0050 11    accelerating growth of technology then warn us? Noting
G22 0060  8    such evidence is the first step; and almost the only
G22 0070  6    "cure" is early detection and removal. One way to determine
G22 0080  5    whether we have so dangerous a technology would be
G22 0090  3    to check the strength of our society's organs to see
G22 0090 13    if their functioning is as healthy as before. So an
G22 0100  9    objective look at our present procedures may move us
G22 0110  6    to consider seriously this possibly analogous situation.
G22 0120  2    In any event, whether society may have cancer, or merely
G22 0130  1    a virus infection, the "disease", we shall find, is
G22 0130 10    political, economical, social, and even medical. Have
G22 0140  7    not our physical abilities already deteriorated because
G22 0150  4    of the more sedentary lives we are now living? Hence
G22 0160  3    the prime issue, as I see it, is whether a democratic
G22 0170  1    or free society can master technology for the benefit
G22 0170 10    of mankind, or whether technology will rule and develop
G22 0180  8    its own society compatible with its own needs as a
G22 0190  7    force of nature.
G22 0190 10       We are already committed to establishing man's supremacy
G22 0200  5    over nature and everywhere on earth, not merely in
G22 0210  6    the limited social-political-economical context we
G22 0220  2    are fond of today. Otherwise, we go on endlessly trying
G22 0220 12    to draw the line, color and other, as to which kind
G22 0230 10    of man we wish to see dominate. We have proved so able
G22 0240  6    to solve technological problems that to contend we
G22 0250  3    cannot realize a universal goal in the immediate future
G22 0250 12    is to be extremely shortsighted, if nothing else. We
G22 0260  9    must believe we have the ability to affect our own
G22 0270  7    destinies: otherwise why try anything? So in these
G22 0280  4    pages the term "technology" is used to include any
G22 0290  1    and all means which could amplify, project, or augment
G22 0290 10    man's control over himself and over other men. Naturally
G22 0300  8    this includes all communication forms, e&g& languages,
G22 0310  4    or any social, political, economic or religious structures
G22 0320  4    employed for such control. Properly mindful of all
G22 0330  3    the cultures in existence today throughout the world,
G22 0330 11    we must employ these resources without war or violent
G22 0340  8    revolution.
G22 0350  1       If we were creating a wholly new society, we could
G22 0350 10    insist that our social, political, economic and philosophic
G22 0360  5    institutions foster rather than hamper man; best growth.
G22 0370  5    But we cannot start off with a clean slate. So we must
G22 0380  4    first analyze our present institutions with respect
G22 0380 11    to the effect of each on man's major needs. Asked which
G22 0390 11    institution most needs correction, I would say the
G22 0400  8    corporation as it exists in America today. At first
G22 0410  4    glance this appears strange: of all people, was not
G22 0430  3    America founded by rugged individualists who established
G22 0430 10    a new way of life still inspiring "undeveloped" societies
G22 0440  8    abroad? But hear Harrison E& Salisbury, former Moscow
G22 0450  7    correspondent of The New York Times, and author of
G22 0460  7    "To Moscow- And Beyond". In a book review of "The Soviet
G22 0470  8    Cultural Offensive", he says, "Long before the State
G22 0480  5    Department organized its bureaucracy into an East-West
G22 0490  4    Contacts Staff in order to wage a cultural counter-offensive
G22 0500  1    within Soviet borders, the sharp cutting-edge of American
G22 0510  1    culture had carved its mark across the Russian steppes,
G22 0510 10    as when the enterprising promoters of 'Porgy and Bess'
G22 0520  6    overrode the State Department to carry the contemporary
G22 0530  5    'cultural warfare' behind the enemy lines. They were
G22 0540  5    not diplomats or jazz musicians, or even organizers
G22 0550  1    of reading-rooms and photo-montage displays, but rugged
G22 0550 10    capitalist entrepreneurs like Henry Ford, Hugh Cooper,
G22 0560  7    Thomas Campbell, the International Harvester Co&, and
G22 0570  6    David W& Griffith. Their kind created an American culture
G22 0580  6    superior to any in the world, an industrial and technological
G22 0590  4    culture which penetrated Russia as it did almost every
G22 0600  3    corner of the earth without a nickel from the Federal
G22 0610  1    treasury or a single governmental specialist to contrive
G22 0610  9    directives or program a series of consultations of
G22 0620  7    interested agencies. This favorable image of America
G22 0630  4    in the minds of Russian men and women is still there
G22 0640  2    despite years of energetic anti-American propaganda
G22 0640  9    **h"
G22 0650  1    #CORPORATIONS NOW OUTMODED#
G22 0650  4    Perhaps the public's present attitude toward business
G22 0660  3    stems from the fact that the "rugged capitalist entrepreneur"
G22 0670  1    no more exists in America. In his stead is a milquetoast
G22 0680  1    version known as "the corporation". But even if we
G22 0680 10    cannot see the repulsive characteristics in this new
G22 0690  7    image of America, foreigners can; and our loss of "prestige"
G22 0700  7    abroad is the direct result. No amount of ballyhoo
G22 0710  5    will cover up the sordid facts. If we want respect
G22 0720  1    from ourselves or others, we will have to earn it.
G22 0720 11    First, let us realize that whatever good this set-up
G22 0730  8    achieved in earlier times, now the corporation per
G22 0740  4    se cannot take economic leadership. Businesses must
G22 0750  2    develop as a result of the ideas, energies and ambitions
G22 0750 12    of an individual having purpose and comprehensive ability
G22 0760  7    within one mind. When we "forced" individuals to assume
G22 0770  7    the corporate structure by means of taxes and other
G22 0780  7    legal statutes, we adopted what I would term "pseudo-capitalism"
G22 0790  4    and so took a major step toward socialism. The biggest
G22 0800  3    loss, of course, was the individual's lessened desire
G22 0810  1    and ability to give his services to the growth of his
G22 0810 12    company and our economy. Socialism, I grant, has a
G22 0820  8    definite place in our society. But let us not complain
G22 0830  6    of the evils of capitalism by referring to a form that
G22 0840  4    is not truly capitalistic. Some forms of capitalism
G22 0840 12    do indeed work- superb organizations, a credit to any
G22 0850  7    society. But the pseudo-capitalism which dictates our
G22 0860  4    whole economy as well as our politics and social life,
G22 0870  4    will not stand close scrutiny. Its pretense to operate
G22 0880  1    in the public interest is little more than a sham.
G22 0880 11    It serves only its own stockholders and poorly at that.
G22 0890  9    As a creative enterprise, its abilities are primarily
G22 0900  5    in "swallowing" creative enterprises developed outside
G22 0910  3    its own organization (an ability made possible by us,
G22 0920  2    and almost mandatory). As to benefits to employees,
G22 0920 10    it is notorious for its callous disregard except where
G22 0930  7    it depends on them for services.
G22 0940  1       The corporation in America is in reality our form
G22 0940 10    of socialism, vying in a sense with the other socialistic
G22 0950  9    form that has emerged within governmental bureaucracy.
G22 0960  4    But while the corporation has all the disadvantages
G22 0970  3    of the socialist form of organization (so cumbersome
G22 0980  1    it cannot constructively do much of anything not compatible
G22 0980 10    with its need to perpetuate itself and maintain its
G22 0990  8    status quo), unluckily it does not have the desirable
G22 1000  6    aspect of socialism, the motivation to operate for
G22 1010  2    the benefit of society as a whole. So we are faced
G22 1010 13    with a vast network of amorphous entities perpetuating
G22 1020  7    themselves in whatever manner they can, without regard
G22 1030  6    to the needs of society, controlling society and forcing
G22 1040  4    upon it a regime representing only the corporation's
G22 1050  1    needs for survival.
G22 1050  4       The corporation has a limited, specific place in
G22 1060  3    our society. Ideally speaking, it should be allowed
G22 1060 11    to operate only where the public has a great stake
G22 1070  9    in the continuity of supply or services, and where
G22 1080  5    the actions of a single proprietor are secondary to
G22 1090  2    the needs of society. Examples are in public utilities,
G22 1090 11    making military aircraft and accessories, or where
G22 1100  7    the investment and risk for a proprietorship would
G22 1110  5    be too great for a much needed project impossible to
G22 1120  2    achieve by any means other than the corporate form,
G22 1120 11    e&g& constructing major airports or dams. Thus, if
G22 1130  8    corporations are not to run away with us, they must
G22 1140  8    become quasi-governmental institutions, subject to
G22 1150  3    public control and needs. In all other areas, private
G22 1150 12    initiative of the "proprietorship" type should be urged
G22 1160  8    to produce the desired goods and services.
G22 1170  5    #PROPRIETORSHIP#
G22 1170  6    Avoiding runaway technology can be done only by assuring
G22 1180  8    a humane society; and for this human beings must be
G22 1190  5    firmly in control of the economics on which our society
G22 1200  2    rests. Such genuine human leadership the proprietorship
G22 1200  9    can offer, corporations cannot. It can project long-range
G22 1210  9    goals for itself. Corporations react violently to short-range
G22 1220  7    stimuli, e& g&, quarterly and annual dividend reports.
G22 1230  6    Proprietorships can establish a unity and integrity
G22 1240  5    of control; corporations, being more amorphous, cannot.
G22 1250  2    Proprietorships can establish a meaningful identity,
G22 1250  8    representing a human personality, and thus establish
G22 1260  7    sincere relationships with customers and community.
G22 1270  4    Corporations are apt by nature to be impersonal, inhumane,
G22 1280  2    shortsighted and almost exclusively profit-motivated,
G22 1290  1    a picture they could scarcely afford to present to
G22 1290 10    the public. The proprietor is able to create a leadership
G22 1300  8    impossible in the corporate structure with its board
G22 1310  5    of directors and stockholders. Leadership is lacking
G22 1320  2    in our society because it has no legitimate place to
G22 1320 12    develop. Men continuously at the head of growing enterprises
G22 1330  9    can acquire experiences of the most varied, complicated
G22 1340  6    and trying type so that at maturation they have developed
G22 1350  4    the competence and willingness to accept the personal
G22 1360  3    responsibility so sorely needed now.
G22 1360  8       Hence government must establish greater controls
G22 1370  5    upon corporations so that their activities promote
G22 1380  3    what is deemed essential to the national interest.
G22 1390  1    Proprietorships should get the tax advantages now accruing
G22 1390  9    to corporations, e& g& the chance to accumulate capital
G22 1400  8    so vital for growth. Corporations should pay added
G22 1410  5    taxes, to be used for educational purposes (not necessarily
G22 1420  3    of the formal type). The right to leave legacies should
G22 1430  2    be substantially reduced and ultimately eliminated.
G22 1430  8    To perpetuate wealth control led by small groups of
G22 1440  8    individuals who played no role in its creation prevents
G22 1450  6    those with real initiative from coming to the fore,
G22 1460  3    and is basically anti-democratic. When the proprietor
G22 1460 11    dies, the establishment should become a corporation
G22 1470  7    until it is either acquired by another proprietor or
G22 1480  5    the government decides to drop it. Strikes should be
G22 1490  3    declared illegal against corporations because disagreements
G22 1500  1    would have to be settled by government representatives
G22 1500  9    acting as controllers of the corporation whose responsibility
G22 1510  7    to the state would now be defined against proprietorship
G22 1520  6    because employees and proprietors must be completely
G22 1530  4    interdependent, as they are each a part of the whole.
G22 1540  2    Strikes threatening the security of the proprietorship,
G22 1540  9    if internally motivated, prevent a healthy relationship.
G22 1550  6    Certainly external forces should not be applied arbitrarily
G22 1560  6    out of mere power available to do so. If we cannot
G22 1580  6    stop warfare in our own economic system, how can we
G22 1590  2    expect to abolish it internationally?
G22 1590  7    #ONE KIND OF PROPRIETORSHIP#
G22 1600  1    These proposals would go far toward creating the economic
G22 1610  1    atmosphere favoring growth of the individual, who,
G22 1610  8    in turn, would help us to cope with runaway technology.
G22 1620  7    Individual human strength is needed to pit against
G22 1630  5    an inhuman condition. The battle is not easy. We are
G22 1640  3    tempted to blame others for our problems rather than
G22 1640 12    look them straight in the face and realize they are
G22 1650  9    of our own making and possible of solution only by
G22 1660  5    ourselves with the help of desperately needed, enlightened,
G22 1670  2    competent leaders. Persons developed in to-day's corporations
G22 1680  1    cannot hope to serve here- a judgment based on experiences
G22 1690  1    of my own in business and in activities outside. In
G22 1690 11    my own company, in effect a partnership, although legally
G22 1700  6    a corporation, I have been able to do many things for
G22 1710  6    my employees which "normal" corporations of comparable
G22 1720  3    size and nature would have been unable to do. Also,
G22 1720 13    I am convinced that if my company were a sole proprietorship
G22 1730 11    instead of a partnership, I would have been even abler
G22 1740  9    to solve long-range problems for myself and my fellow-employees.
G22 1750  7    Any abilities I may have were achieved in their present
G22 1760  5    shape from experience in sharing in the growth and
G22 1770  3    control of my business, coupled with raising my family.
G22 1770 12    This combined experience, on a foundation of very average,
G22 1780  9    I assure you, intelligence and background, has helped
G22 1790  6    me do things many well-informed people would bet heavily
G22 1800  5    against. Perhaps a list of some of the "practices"
G22 1810  1    of my company will help here.
G22 1810  7       The company grew out of efforts by two completely
G22 1820  7    inexperienced men in their late twenties, neither having
G22 1830  3    a formal education applicable to, or experience in,
G22 1840  1    manufacturing or selling our type of articles. From
G22 1840  9    an initial investment of $1,200 in 1943, it has grown,
G22 1850  8    with no additional capital investment, to a present
G22 1860  4    value estimated by some as exceeding $10,000,000 (we
G22 1870  2    don't disclose financial figures to the public). Its
G22 1870 10    growth continues steadily on a par with past growth;
G22 1880  9    and no limitation is in evidence. Our pin-curl clips
G22 1890  7    and self-locking nuts achieved dominance in just a
G22 1900  4    few years time, despite substantial, well established
G22 1900 11    competition.
G23 0010  1       DURING the last years of Woodrow Wilson's administration,
G23 0020  1    a red scare developed in our country. Many Americans
G23 0020 10    reacted irrationally to the challenge of Russia and
G23 0030  7    turned to the repression of ideas by force. Postmaster
G23 0040  5    General Burleson set about to protect the American
G23 0050  2    people against radical propaganda that might be spread
G23 0050 10    through the mails. Attorney General Palmer made a series
G23 0060  9    of raids that sent more than 4,000 so-called radicals
G23 0070  8    to the jails, in direct violation of their constitutional
G23 0080  4    rights. Then, not many years later, the Un-American
G23 0090  3    Activities Committee, under the leadership of Martin
G23 0100  1    Dies, pilloried hundreds of decent, patriotic citizens.
G23 0100  8    Anyone who tried to remedy some of the most glaring
G23 0110  9    defects in our form of democracy was denounced as a
G23 0120  5    traitorous red whose real purpose was the destruction
G23 0130  1    of our government. This hysteria reached its height
G23 0130  9    under the leadership of Senator Joseph McCarthy. Demagogues
G23 0140  7    of this sort found communist bogeys lurking behind
G23 0150  5    any new idea that would run counter to stereotyped
G23 0160  3    notions. New ideas were dangerous and must be repressed,
G23 0170  1    no matter how.
G23 0170  4       Those who would suppress dangerous thoughts, credit
G23 0180  2    ideas with high potency. They give strict interpretation
G23 0180 10    to William James' statement that "Every idea that enters
G23 0190  9    the mind tends to express itself". They seem to believe
G23 0200  9    that a person will act automatically as soon as he
G23 0210  7    contacts something new. Hence, the only defensible
G23 0220  2    procedure is to repress any and every notion, unless
G23 0220 11    it gives evidence that it is perfectly safe.
G23 0230  8       Despite this danger, however, we are informed on
G23 0240  6    every hand that ideas, not machines, are our finest
G23 0250  3    tools; they are priceless even though they cannot be
G23 0250 12    recorded on a ledger page; they are the most valuable
G23 0260 10    of commodities- and the most salable, for their demand
G23 0270  8    far exceeds supply. So all-important are ideas, we
G23 0280  4    are told, that persons successful in business and happy
G23 0290  2    in social life usually fall into two classes: those
G23 0290 11    who invent new ideas of their own, and those who borrow,
G23 0300 10    beg, or steal from others.
G23 0310  1       Seemingly, with an unrestricted flow of ideas, all
G23 0310  9    will be well, and we are even assured that "an idea
G23 0320 11    a day will keep the sheriff away". That, however, may
G23 0330  5    also bring the police, if the thinking does not meet
G23 0340  4    with social approval. Criminals, as well as model citizens,
G23 0350  2    exercise their minds. Merely having a mental image
G23 0350 10    of some sort is not the all-important consideration.
G23 0360  8       Of course, there must be clarity: a single distinct
G23 0370  7    impression is more valuable than many fuzzy ones. But
G23 0380  5    clarity is not enough. The writer took a class of college
G23 0390  3    students to the state hospital for the mentally ill
G23 0390 12    in St& Joseph, Missouri. An inmate, a former university
G23 0400  8    professor, expounded to us, logically and clearly,
G23 0410  6    that someone was pilfering his thoughts. He appealed
G23 0420  3    to us to bring his case to the attention of the authorities
G23 0430  1    that justice might be done. Despite the clarity of
G23 0430 10    his presentation, his idea was not of Einsteinian calibre.
G23 0440  8       True, ideas are important, perhaps life's most precious
G23 0450  7    treasures. But have we not gone overboard in stressing
G23 0460  6    their significance? Have we not actually developed
G23 0470  2    idea worship?
G23 0470  4       Ideas we must have, and we seek them everywhere.
G23 0480  3    We scour literature for them; here we find stored the
G23 0490  2    wisdom of great minds. But are all these works worthy
G23 0490 12    of consideration? Can they stand rigid scrutiny?
G23 0500  6       Shakespeare's wit and wisdom, his profound insight
G23 0510  7    into human nature, have stood the test of centuries.
G23 0520  4    But was he infallible in all things? What of his treatment
G23 0530  3    of the Jew in The Merchant of Venice?
G23 0535  1       Shakespeare gives us a vivid picture of Shylock,
G23 0540  8    but probably he never saw a Jew, unless in some of
G23 0550  6    his travels. The Jews had been banished from England
G23 0560  2    in 1290 and were not permitted to return before 1655,
G23 0560 12    when Shakespeare had been dead for thirty-nine years.
G23 0570  9    If any had escaped expulsion by hiding, they certainly
G23 0580  6    would not frequent the market-place.
G23 0590  1       Shakespeare did not usually invent the incidents
G23 0590  8    in his plays, but borrowed them from old stories, ballads,
G23 0600  8    and plays, wove them together, and then breathed into
G23 0610  6    them his spark of life. Rather than from a first-hand
G23 0620  5    study of Jewish people, his delineation of Shylock
G23 0630  1    stems from a collection of Italian stories, Il Pecorone,
G23 0630 10    published in 1558, although written almost two centuries
G23 0650  6    earlier. He could learn at second hand from books,
G23 0660  7    but could not thus capture the real Jewish spirit.
G23 0670  3    Harris J& Griston, in Shaking The Dust From Shakespeare
G23 0680  2    (216), writes: "There is not a word spoken by Shylock
G23 0690  1    which one would expect from a real Jew".
G23 0690  9       He took the story of the pound of flesh and had
G23 0700  9    to fasten it on someone. The Jew was the safest victim.
G23 0710  5    No Jew was on hand to boycott his financially struggling
G23 0720  2    theater. It would have been unwise policy, for instance,
G23 0730  1    to apply the pound-of-flesh characterization to the
G23 0730 10    thrifty Scotchman. Just as now anyone may hurl insults
G23 0740  8    at a citizen of Mars, or even of Tikopia, and no senatorial
G23 0750  6    investigation will result. Who cares about them!
G23 0760  3       Shakespeare does not tell us that Shylock was an
G23 0770  1    aberrant individual. He sets him forth as being typical
G23 0770 10    of the group. He tells of his "Jewish heart"- not a
G23 0780  9    Shylockian heart; but a Jewish heart. This would make
G23 0790  8    anyone crafty and cruel, capable of fiendish revenge.
G23 0800  4       There is no justification for such misrepresentation.
G23 0810  1    If living Jews were unavailable for study, the Bible
G23 0820  1    was at hand. Reading the Old Testament would have shown
G23 0820 11    the dramatist that the ideas attributed to Shylock
G23 0830  7    were abhorrent to the Jews.
G23 0840  1       Are we better off for having Shakespeare's idea
G23 0840  9    of Shylock? Studying The Merchant of Venice in high
G23 0850  8    school and college has given many young people their
G23 0860  7    notions about Jews. Does this help the non-Jew to understand
G23 0870  6    this group?
G23 0870  8       Thomas de Torquemada, Inquisitor-General of the
G23 0880  5    Spanish Inquisition, put many persons to death. His
G23 0890  4    name became synonymous with cold-blooded cruelty. Would
G23 0900  1    we gain by keeping alive his memory and besmirching
G23 0900 10    today's Roman Catholics by saying he had a Catholic
G23 0910  8    heart? Let his bones and his memory rest in the fifteenth
G23 0920  7    century where they belong; he is out of place in our
G23 0930  6    times. Shakespeare's Shylock, too, is of dubious value
G23 0940  2    in the modern world.
G23 0940  6       Ideas, in and of themselves, are not necessarily
G23 0950  3    the greatest good. A successful businessman recently
G23 0960  1    prefaced his address to a luncheon group with the statement
G23 0960 11    that all economists should be sent to the hospitals
G23 0970  8    for the mentally deranged where they and their theories
G23 0980  5    might rot together. Will his words come to be treasured
G23 0990  4    and quoted through the years?
G23 0990  9       Frequently we are given assurance that automatically
G23 1000  6    all ideas will be sifted and resifted and in the end
G23 1010  5    only the good ones will survive. But is that not like
G23 1020  2    going to a chemistry laboratory and blindly pouring
G23 1020 10    out liquids and powders from an array of bottles and
G23 1030  9    then, after stirring, expecting a new wonder drug inevitably
G23 1040  6    to result?
G23 1040  8       What of the efficiency of this natural instrument
G23 1050  5    of free discussion? Is there some magic in it that
G23 1060  5    assures results?
G23 1060  7       When Peter B& Kyne (Pride of Palomar, 43) informed
G23 1070  6    us in 1921 that we had an instinctive dislike for the
G23 1080  4    Japanese, did the heated debates of the Californians
G23 1090  1    settle the truth or falsity of the proposition?
G23 1100  1       The Leopard's Spots came from the pen of Thomas
G23 1100  9    Dixon in 1902, and in this he announced an "unchangeable"
G23 1110  8    law. If a child had a single drop of Negro blood, he
G23 1120  8    would revert to the ancestral line which, except as
G23 1130  3    slaves under a superior race, had not made one step
G23 1130 13    of progress in 3,000 years. That doctrine has been
G23 1140  9    accepted by many, but has it produced good results?
G23 1150  6       In the same vein, a certain short-story plot has
G23 1160  5    been overworked. The son and heir of a prominent family
G23 1170  2    marries a girl who has tell-tale shadows on the half-moons
G23 1170 14    of her finger nails. In time she presents her aristocratic
G23 1180 10    husband with a coal-black child. Is the world better
G23 1190  9    for having this idea thrust upon it? Will argument
G23 1200  4    and debate decide its truth or falsity?
G23 1210  1       For answers to such questions we must turn to the
G23 1210 11    anthropologists, the biologists, the historians, the
G23 1220  6    psychologists, and the sociologists. Long ago they
G23 1230  4    consigned the notions of Kyne and Dixon to the scrap
G23 1240  1    heap.
G23 1240  2       False ideas surfeit another sector of our life.
G23 1240 10    For several generations much fiction has appeared dealing
G23 1250  8    with the steprelationship. The stepmother, almost without
G23 1260  5    exception, has been presented as a cruel ogress. Children,
G23 1270  6    conditioned by this mistaken notion, have feared stepmothers,
G23 1280  4    while adults, by their antagonistic attitudes, have
G23 1290  2    made the role of the substitute parents a difficult
G23 1290 11    one. Debate is not likely to resolve the tensions and
G23 1300  9    make the lot of the stepchild a happier one. Research,
G23 1310  5    on the other hand, has shown many stepmothers to be
G23 1320  3    eminently successful, some far better than the real
G23 1320 11    mothers.
G23 1330  1       Helen Deutsch informed us (The Psychology of Women,
G23 1340  1    Vol& /2,, 434) that in all cultures "the term 'stepmother'
G23 1350  1    automatically evokes deprecatory implications", a conclusion
G23 1350  7    accepted by many. Will mere debate on that proposition,
G23 1360  9    even though it be free and untrammeled, remove the
G23 1370  6    dross and leave a residue of refined gold? That is
G23 1380  4    questionable, to say the least. Research into several
G23 1390  1    cultures has proven her position to be a mistaken one.
G23 1390 11       Most assuredly ideas are invaluable. But ideas,
G23 1400  7    just for the sake of having them, are not enough. In
G23 1410  6    the 1930's, cures for the depression literally flooded
G23 1420  2    Washington. For a time the President received hundreds
G23 1430  1    of them every day, most of them worthless.
G23 1430  9       Ideas need to be tested, and not merely by argument
G23 1440  7    and debate. When some question arises in the medical
G23 1450  4    field concerning cancer, for instance, we do not turn
G23 1460  2    to free and open discussion as in a political campaign.
G23 1460 12    We have recourse to the scientifically-trained specialist
G23 1470  7    in the laboratory. The merits of the Salk anti-polio
G23 1480  7    vaccine were not established on the forensic platform
G23 1490  3    or in newspaper editorials, but in the laboratory and
G23 1500  2    by tests in the field on thousands of children.
G23 1500 11       Our presidential campaigns provide much debate and
G23 1510  6    argument. But is the result new barnsful of tested
G23 1520  5    knowledge on the basis of which we can with confidence
G23 1530  1    solve our domestic and international problems? Man,
G23 1530  8    we are told, is endowed with reason and is capable
G23 1540  9    of distinguishing good from bad. But what a super-Herculean
G23 1550  7    task it is to winnow anything of value from the mud-beplastered
G23 1560  5    arguments used so freely, particularly since such common
G23 1570  3    use is made of cliches and stereotypes, in themselves
G23 1580  1    declarations of intellectual bankruptcy.
G23 1580  5       We are reminded, however, that freedom of thought
G23 1590  5    and discussion, the unfettered exchange of ideas, is
G23 1600  4    basic under our form of government.
G23 1600 10       Assuredly in our political campaigns there is freedom
G23 1610  7    to think, to examine any and all issues, and to speak
G23 1620  6    without restraint. No holds are barred. But have the
G23 1630  3    results been heartening? May we state with confidence
G23 1630 11    that in such an exhibition a republic will find its
G23 1640 10    greatest security?
G23 1650  1       We must not forget, to be sure, that free discussion
G23 1650 11    and debate have produced beneficial results. In truth,
G23 1660  7    we can say that this broke the power of Senator Joseph
G23 1670  6    McCarthy, who was finally exposed in full light to
G23 1680  5    the American people. If he had been "liquidated" in
G23 1690  2    some way, he would have become a martyr, a rallying
G23 1690 12    point for people who shared his ideas. Debate in the
G23 1700  8    political arena can be productive of good. But it is
G23 1710  6    a clumsy and wasteful process: it can produce negative
G23 1720  2    results but not much that is positive. Debate rid us
G23 1720 12    of McCarthy but did not give us much that is positive.
G23 1730 11    It did something to clear the ground, but it erected
G23 1740  8    no striking new structure; it did not even provide
G23 1750  5    the architect's plan for anything new.
G23 1760  1       In the field of the natural sciences, scientifically
G23 1760  9    verified data are quite readily available and any discussion
G23 1770  7    can be shortened with good results. In the field of
G23 1780  6    the social sciences a considerable fund of tested knowledge
G23 1790  3    has been accumulated that can be used to good advantage.
G23 1800  1       By no means would we discourage the production of
G23 1800 10    ideas: they provide raw materials with which to work;
G23 1810  9    they provide stimulations that lead to further production.
G23 1820  6    We would establish no censorship.
G24 0010  1    The President's personality would have opened that
G24 0010  8    office to him. And for the first time a representative
G24 0020  8    of the highest office in the land would have been liable
G24 0030  6    to the charge that he had attempted to make it a successorship
G24 0040  4    by inheritance. It is testimony to the deep respect
G24 0050  1    in which Mr& Eisenhower was held by members of all
G24 0050 11    parties that the moral considerations raised by his
G24 0060  7    approach to the matter were not explicitly to be broached.
G24 0070  6       These began to be apparent in a press conference
G24 0080  3    held during the second illness in order that the consulting
G24 0090  1    specialists might clarify the President's condition
G24 0090  7    for the nation. And if Howard Rutstein felt impelled
G24 0100  8    thereafter to formulate the ethics of the medical profession,
G24 0110  7    his article in the Atlantic Monthly accomplished a
G24 0120  4    good deal more. It forced us to fix the responsibility
G24 0130  1    for the position in which all medical commentators
G24 0130  9    had been placed. The discussion of professional ethics
G24 0140  7    inevitably reminded us that in the historical perspective
G24 0150  7    the President's decision will finally clarify itself
G24 0160  4    as a moral, rather than a medical, problem. Because
G24 0170  1    the responsibility for resolving the issue lay with
G24 0170  9    the President, rather than with his doctors, nothing
G24 0180  7    raises more surely for us the difficulties simple goodness
G24 0190  5    faces in dealing with complex moral problems under
G24 0200  2    political pressure. For the President had dealt with
G24 0200 10    the matter humbly, in what he conceived as the democratic
G24 0210 10    way. But the problem is one which gives us the measure
G24 0220  9    of a man, rather than a group of men, whether a group
G24 0230  6    of doctors, a group of party members assembled at a
G24 0240  3    dinner to give their opinion, or the masses of the
G24 0240 13    voters.
G24 0250  1       Any attempt to reconcile this statement of the central
G24 0250 10    issue in the campaign of 1956 with the nature of the
G24 0260 10    man who could not conceive it as the central issue
G24 0270  6    will at least resolve our confusions about the chaotic
G24 0280  2    and misleading results of the earnestness of both doctors
G24 0280 11    and President in a situation which should never have
G24 0290  9    arisen. It was a response to the conflict between political
G24 0300  7    pressure and the moral intuition which resulted in
G24 0310  4    attempts at prediction. In no other situation would
G24 0320  2    a group of doctors, struggling competently to improve
G24 0320 10    the life expectancy of a man beloved by the world,
G24 0330  9    be subjected to such merciless and persistent questioning,
G24 0340  4    and before they were prepared to demonstrate the kind
G24 0350  3    of verbal precision which alone can clarify for mankind
G24 0360  1    the problems it faces. And though we can look back
G24 0360 11    now and see their errors, we can look back also to
G24 0370  8    the ultimate error.
G24 0370 11       It recurred in the press conferences: the President's
G24 0380  7    remarks about his running developed a singular tone,
G24 0390  5    one which we find in few statements made by public
G24 0400  4    individuals on such a matter. The press conference
G24 0400 12    became a stage which betrayed the drift of his private
G24 0410 10    thinking, rather than his convictions. He commented-
G24 0420  5    thoughtfully, a reporter told us- that it was "not
G24 0430  7    too important for the individual how he ends up". He
G24 0440  2    gave us a simile to explain his admission that even
G24 0440 12    at the worst period of his second illness it never
G24 0450  8    occurred to him there was any renewed question about
G24 0460  4    his running: as in the Battle of the Bulge, he had
G24 0470  3    no fears about the outcome until he read the American
G24 0470 13    newspapers. Yet the attitude that the fate of the Presidency
G24 0480 10    demands in such a situation is quite distinct from
G24 0490  7    the simple courage that can proceed with battles to
G24 0500  4    be fought, regardless of the consequences. In this
G24 0510  1    case others should not have had to raise the doubts
G24 0510 11    and fears. The Presidency demands an incisive awareness
G24 0520  6    of the larger implications of the death of any incumbent.
G24 0530  7    It is of the utmost importance to the people of America
G24 0540  4    and of the world how their governing President "ends
G24 0550  1    up" during the four years of his term. Only when that
G24 0550 12    term is ended and he is a private citizen again can
G24 0560 10    he be permitted the freedom and the courage to discount
G24 0570  6    the dangers of his death. Ironically enough, in this
G24 0580  3    instance such personal virtues were a luxury.
G24 0580 10       At the national and international level, then, what
G24 0590  8    is the highest kind of morality for the private citizen
G24 0600  7    represents an instance of political immorality. And
G24 0610  3    we had the uneasy sense that the cleavage between the
G24 0620  1    moral and the political progressed amid the events
G24 0620  9    which concern us. For the tone of the editorials which
G24 0630  8    greeted Mr& Eisenhower's original announcement of his
G24 0640  5    running had been strangely disquieting. Neither the
G24 0650  3    vibrant enthusiasm which bespeaks a people's intuitive
G24 0660  1    sense of the fitness of things at climactic moments
G24 0660 10    nor the vital argumentation betraying its sense that
G24 0670  5    something significant has transpired was in evidence.
G24 0680  4    Nothing testifies more clearly to that cleavage than
G24 0690  1    the peculiar editorial page appearing in a July issue
G24 0690 10    of Life Magazine, the issue which also carried the
G24 0700  7    second announcement of the candidacy. The double editorial
G24 0710  5    on two aspects of "The U& S& Spirit" was subtly calculated
G24 0720  5    to suggest a moral sanction for gambles great as well
G24 0730  4    as small, reflecting popular approval of this questionable
G24 0740  1    attitude toward the highest office in the land. "The
G24 0740 10    Moral Creed" and "The Will to Risk" live happily together,
G24 0750 10    if we do not examine where the line is to be drawn.
G24 0760 11    "I may possibly be a greater risk than is the normal
G24 0770  7    person of my age", the President had said on February
G24 0780  4    29th of the election year, ignoring the fact that no
G24 0790  2    one of his age had ever lived out another term. "My
G24 0790 13    doctors assure me that this increased percentage of
G24 0800  7    risk is not great". But by the time the risk was doubled,
G24 0810  7    events had dismissed from his mind both increased percentages
G24 0820  3    and a previously stated intention of considering carefully
G24 0830  2    anything more serious than a bout of influenza. Only
G24 0830 11    infrequently did the situation color his thinking.
G24 0840  7    Ironically no president we have had would have regretted
G24 0850  7    more than President Eisenhower the possibility to which
G24 0860  4    his own words, in the press conference held at the
G24 0870  2    beginning of August, testified: that unable as he was
G24 0870 11    himself to say his running was best for the country,
G24 0880 10    unconsciously he had placed his party before his nation.
G24 0890  6       So it is that we relive his opening statement in
G24 0900  3    the first television address with the dramatic immediacy
G24 0910  1    of the present. No consideration of risk urges itself
G24 0910 10    upon him now: for this is what the mind does with the
G24 0920 11    ideas on which it has not properly focussed. Yet with
G24 0930  5    a mind less shallow, if less sharp, than some of the
G24 0940  4    fortune-happy syndicates which back him, he feels what
G24 0950  1    he cannot formulate; and we watch him amid the overtones
G24 0950 11    which suggest he could never in any conscience urge
G24 0960  8    a risk upon the voters. Moving as he is into the phase
G24 0970  7    of the campaign which demands conviction of him, he
G24 0980  3    adopts a position that is morally indefensible. He
G24 0980 11    ascribes to the mercy of God the peace which this personal
G24 0990 11    matter- the assurance that he can physically sustain
G24 1000  6    the burden of the office longer than any individual
G24 1010  4    in the history of our nation has been able to do- has
G24 1020  4    brought him. What is simply an opinion formed in defiance
G24 1020 14    of the laws of human probability, whether or not it
G24 1030  9    is later confirmed, has become by September of the
G24 1040  6    election year "a firm conviction". As a means of silencing
G24 1060  5    a discussion which ought to have taken place, the statement
G24 1070  2    is an effective one: we sympathize with the universal
G24 1070 11    confusion which gives rise to such convictions. But
G24 1080  8    it is also the climax to one of the absorbing chapters
G24 1090  7    in our current political history.
G24 1100  1       In assigning to God the responsibility which he
G24 1100  9    learned could not rest with his doctors, Eisenhower
G24 1110  7    gave evidence of that weakening of the moral intuition
G24 1120  5    which was to characterize his administration in the
G24 1130  3    years to follow. In any other man this reassurance
G24 1130 12    to the electorate would have caused us a profound moral
G24 1140  8    shock. About this man we had to think twice. We knew
G24 1150  7    that it was, as reassurance, the ironic fruit of a
G24 1160  4    deeply moral nature. But the fact remains that even
G24 1160 13    the unconscious acceptance of himself as a man of destiny
G24 1170  9    divinely protected must be censored in any man who
G24 1180  8    evades the responsibility for his major decisions,
G24 1190  2    and thus for imposing his will on the people. And in
G24 1190 13    the context of drifting personal utterances we have
G24 1200  8    examined, there was occasional evidence of the origin
G24 1210  6    of all such evasions. When the possibility that he
G24 1220  3    had not given reconsideration to so weighty a decision
G24 1230  1    seemed to disconcert his questioners, Mr& Eisenhower
G24 1240  7    was known to make his characteristic statement to the
G24 1250  7    press that he was not going to talk about the matter
G24 1260  6    any more. Thinking had stopped; it was not to be resumed.
G24 1270  4       The portrait that had developed, fragmentarily but
G24 1280  2    consistently, was the portrait of a man to whom serious
G24 1280 12    thinking is alien enough that the making of a decision
G24 1290 10    inhibits, when it does not forestall, any ability to
G24 1300  5    review the decision in the light of new evidence. This
G24 1310  2    does not mean that the decision to run for office should
G24 1320  1    inevitably have been revoked. Instead it means that
G24 1320  9    the thinking in which decision issues has the power
G24 1330  7    to determine the morality of the decision, as in this
G24 1340  5    instance the pressure for renewed practical or legislative
G24 1350  1    attention to the constitutional problems the decision
G24 1350  8    had uncovered might have done. Drifting through a third
G24 1360  8    illness, apparently without any provision for the handling
G24 1370  7    of a major national emergency other than a talk with
G24 1380  6    the vice-president, Eisenhower revealed the singularly
G24 1390  1    static quality of his thinking. Despite three warnings,
G24 1390  9    no sense of moral urgency impelled him to distinguish
G24 1400  9    his situation, and thus his responsibilities, from
G24 1410  5    Wilson's.
G24 1410  6    ##
G24 1410  7    By contrast, the energetic reaction of the leader to
G24 1420  7    the full demands his decision imposes upon him strengthens
G24 1430  4    the moral intuition and gives us the measure of the
G24 1440  3    man. Only by means of an intensive preoccupation with
G24 1440 12    the detailed considerations following from any decision
G24 1450  6    can he ensure attention to the practical details to
G24 1460  6    be dealt with if the implications of immorality in
G24 1470  2    the major decision are effectively to be checked. In
G24 1470 11    the incessant struggle with recalcitrant political
G24 1480  6    fact he learns to focus the essence of a problem in
G24 1490  7    the significant detail, and to articulate the distinctions
G24 1500  3    which clarify the detail as significant, with what
G24 1510  1    is sometimes astounding rapidity. Like Lincoln, he
G24 1510  8    can distinguish his relation to God from the constitutional
G24 1520  8    responsibilities a questionable decision exacts of
G24 1530  4    him. Like Roosevelt, he can distinguish an attitude
G24 1540  2    toward a Russian leader he may share with a host of
G24 1540 13    Americans from the responsibilities diplomatic convention
G24 1550  6    may impose upon him. He chooses to subordinate one
G24 1560  6    to the other, sometimes reluctantly, accepting criticism
G24 1570  3    for the lesser immoralities facts breed. The very nature
G24 1580  2    of a choice so grounded in distinction and fact leads
G24 1580 12    to the valid convictions which become force of will
G24 1590  8    in the manifest leader. The capacity for making the
G24 1600  6    distinctions of which diplomacy is compact, and the
G24 1610  3    facility with language which can render them into validity
G24 1620  1    in the eyes of other men are the leader's means for
G24 1620 12    transforming the moral intuition into moral leadership.
G24 1630  6       The making of distinctions, like the perception
G24 1640  4    of the great distinctions made, is an inordinately
G24 1650  1    difficult business. Lincoln's slow progress towards
G24 1650  7    the several marking his achievement is even now unrecognizable
G24 1660  8    as such, and loosely interpreted as the alternation
G24 1670  5    of inconsistency with vision. But because it is the
G24 1680  5    function of the mind to turn the one into the other
G24 1690  1    by means of the capacities with which words endow it,
G24 1690 11    we do not unwisely examine the type of distinction,
G24 1700  6    in the sphere of politics, on which decisions hang.
G24 1710  3    Only recently, and perhaps because a television debate
G24 1720  1    can so effectively dramatize President Kennedy's extraordinary
G24 1730  1    mastery of detail, have the abilities on which the
G24 1730 10    capacity for making distinctions depend begun to be
G24 1740  6    clearly discernible at the level of politics. In his
G24 1760  3    recent evaluation of Kennedy's potentialities for leadership,
G24 1770  2    Walter Lippmann has cited the "precision" of his mind,
G24 1780  1    his "immense command" of factual detail, and his "instinct
G24 1780 10    for the crucial point" as impressive in the extreme;
G24 1790  9    and it is surely clear that the first of these is the
G24 1800  9    result of the way in which the individual's command
G24 1810  3    of language interacts with the other two.
G25 0010  1    For this change is not a change from one positive position
G25 0010 12    to another, but a change from order and truth to disorder
G25 0020 10    and negation. The liberal-conservative division, we
G25 0030  3    might observe in passing, is not of itself directly
G25 0040  2    involved in a private interest conflict nor even in
G25 0040 11    struggle between ruling groups. Rather it is rooted
G25 0050  8    in a difference of response to the threat of social
G25 0060  6    disintegration. The division is not between those who
G25 0070  3    wish to preserve what they have and those who want
G25 0070 13    change. Rather it is a division established by two
G25 0080  9    absolutely different ways of thought with regard to
G25 0090  6    man's life in society. These ways are absolutely irreconcilable
G25 0100  3    because they offer two different recipes for man's
G25 0110  2    redemption from chaos.
G25 0110  5       The civilizational crisis, the third type of change
G25 0120  5    raises the question "what are we to do"? on the most
G25 0130  4    primitive level. For the answer cannot be derived from
G25 0130 13    any socially cohesive element in the disrupting community.
G25 0140  8    There is no socially existential answer to the question.
G25 0150  7    For the truth formerly experienced by the community
G25 0160  4    no longer has existential status in the community,
G25 0170  1    nor does any answer elaborated by philosophers or theoriticians.
G25 0180  1    In this phase of change, no idea has social acceptance
G25 0180 11    and so none has ontological status in the community.
G25 0190  7    An interregnum ensues in which not men but ideas compete
G25 0200  6    for existence.
G25 0200  8       If we examine the three types of change from the
G25 0210  7    point of view of their internal structure we find an
G25 0220  4    additional profound difference between the third and
G25 0220 11    the first two, one that accounts for the notable difference
G25 0230 10    between the responses they evoke. The first two types
G25 0240  8    of change occur within the inward and immanent structure
G25 0250  5    of the society. The first involves a simple shift of
G25 0260  3    interests in the society. The second involves something
G25 0270  1    deeper, but its characteristic form focuses on a shift
G25 0270 10    in policy for the community, not in the truth on which
G25 0280  9    the community rests. Thus in both types attention is
G25 0290  5    focused on the community itself, and its phenomenological
G25 0300  1    life. The third type, however, wrenches attention from
G25 0310  1    the life of action and interests in the community and
G25 0310 11    focuses it on the ground of being on which the community
G25 0320  8    depends for its existence. Voegelin has analyzed this
G25 0330  4    experience in the case of the stable, healthy community.
G25 0340  2    There the community, faced with the need to formulate
G25 0340 11    policy on the level of absolute justice, can find the
G25 0350 10    answer to its problem in the absolute truth which it
G25 0360  7    holds as partially experienced. This, however, cannot
G25 0370  3    be done by a community whose very experience of truth
G25 0380  1    is confused and incoherent: it has no absolute standard,
G25 0380 10    and consequently cannot distinguish the absolute from
G25 0390  6    the contingent. It has lost its ground of being and
G25 0400  7    floats in a mist of appearances. Relativism and equality
G25 0410  3    are its characteristic diseases. Precisely at the moment
G25 0420  1    when it has lost its vision the mind of the community
G25 0420 12    turns out from itself in a search for the ontological
G25 0430  9    standard whereby it can measure itself. For paradigmatic
G25 0440  4    history "breaks" rather than unfolds precisely when
G25 0450  3    the movement is from order to disorder, and not from
G25 0460  1    one order to a new order. The liberal-conservative
G25 0460 10    split, to define it further, derives from a basic difference
G25 0470  8    concerning the existential status of standard sought
G25 0480  5    and about the spiritual experience that leads to its
G25 0490  3    identification.
G25 0490  4       When disruptive change has penetrated to the third
G25 0500  4    level of social order, the process of disruption rapidly
G25 0510  1    reaches a point of no return. Indeed, it is probable
G25 0510 11    that this point is reached the moment the third level
G25 0520  8    of change begins. At that point we reach the "closed"
G25 0530  5    historical situation: the situation in which man is
G25 0540  4    no longer free to return to a status quo ante. At that
G25 0550  1    point men become aware of the mystery of history called
G25 0550 11    variously "fate", or "destiny", or "providence", and
G25 0560  6    feel themselves caught helplessly in the writhing of
G25 0570  7    a disrupted society. The reasons for this experience
G25 0580  4    are rooted in the metaphysical characteristics of such
G25 0590  2    a change.
G25 0590  4       Of all forms of being, society, or community, has
G25 0610  2    the greatest element of determinability. Its ontological
G25 0610  9    status is itself most tenuous because apart from individual
G25 0620  8    men, who are its "matter", tradition, the "form" of
G25 0630  5    society exists only as a shared perception of truth.
G25 0640  4    The ontological status of society thus is constituted
G25 0650  1    by the psychological-intellectual-volitional status
G25 0650  7    of society's members. The content of that psychological
G25 0660  7    status determines, ultimately, the content of civilization.
G25 0670  6    Those social, civilizational factors not rooted in
G25 0680  5    the human spirit of the group, ultimately cease to
G25 0690  2    exist. Civilization itself- tradition- falls out of
G25 0690  9    existence when the human spirit itself becomes confused.
G25 0700  8    Civilization is what man has made of himself. Its massive
G25 0710  8    contours are rooted in the simple need of man, since
G25 0720  5    he is always incomplete, to complete himself.
G25 0730  1       It is not enough for man to be an ontological esse.
G25 0730 12    He needs existential completion, he needs, that is,
G25 0740  6    to move in the direction of completion. And the direction
G25 0750  4    of that movement is determined by his perception of
G25 0760  2    the truth about himself. He must, consequently, exist
G25 0760 10    as a self-perceived substantive, developing agent,
G25 0770  6    or he does not exist as man. Thus, it is no mystical
G25 0780  7    intuition, but an analyzable conception to say that
G25 0790  4    man and his tradition can "fall out of existence".
G25 0790 13    This happens at the moment man loses the perception
G25 0800  9    of moral substance in himself, of a nature that, in
G25 0810  8    Maritain's words, is perceived as a "locus of intelligible
G25 0820  5    necessities". An existentialist is a man who perceives
G25 0830  3    himself only as "esse", as existence without substance.
G25 0840  1       Thus human perception and human volition is the
G25 0840  9    immanent cause of all social change and this most truly
G25 0850 10    when the change reaches the civilizational level. Thus
G25 0860  5    with regard to the loss of tradition, in the change
G25 0870  4    from order to disorder the metaphysics of change works
G25 0880  1    itself out as a disruption of the individual soul,
G25 0880 10    a change in which man continues as an objective ontological
G25 0890  6    existent, but no longer as a man.
G25 0900  2       Further, change is a form of motion, it occurs as
G25 0900 12    the act of a being in potency insofar as it is in potency
G25 0910 12    and has not yet reached the terminus of the change.
G25 0920  6    With regard to the change we are examining, the question
G25 0930  3    is, at what point does the change become irreversible?
G25 0940  1    A number of considerations suggest that this occurs
G25 0940  9    early in the process. Change involves the displacement
G25 0950  7    of form. This means that the inception of change itself
G25 0960  6    can begin only when the factors conducive to change
G25 0970  3    have already become more powerful than those anchoring
G25 0980  1    the existent form in being. If the existent form is
G25 0980 11    to be retained new factors that reinforce it must be
G25 0990  7    introduced into the situation. In the case of social
G25 1000  5    decay, form is displaced simply by the process of dissolution
G25 1010  2    with no form at the terminus of the process. Now in
G25 1010 13    the mere fact of the beginning of such displacement
G25 1020  9    we have prima-facie evidence of the ontological weakness
G25 1030  5    of the fading form. And when we consider the tenuous
G25 1040  3    hold tradition has on existence, any weakening of that
G25 1050  1    hold constitutes a crisis of existence. The retention
G25 1050  9    of a tradition confronted with such a crisis necessitates
G25 1060  7    the introduction of new spiritual forces into the situation.
G25 1070  6    However, the crisis occurs precisely as a weakening
G25 1080  4    of spiritual forces. It would seem, therefore, that
G25 1090  1    in a civilizational crisis man cannot save himself.
G25 1090  9    The emergence of the crisis itself would seem to constitute
G25 1100  9    a warranty for the victory of disorder. And it would
G25 1110  6    seem that history is a witness to this truth.
G25 1120  2       As a further characterization of the liberal conservative
G25 1130  1    split we may observe that it involves differences in
G25 1130 10    the formula for escaping inevitabilities in history.
G25 1140  5    These differences, in turn, derive from prior differences
G25 1150  4    concerning the friendly or hostile character of change.
G25 1160  3    #UNANALYZED RESPONSES#
G25 1160  5    ANXIETY AND DEEP INSECURITY are the characteristic
G25 1170  4    responses evoked by the crisis in tradition. To experience
G25 1180  3    them, it is not necessary for a people to be actively
G25 1190  1    aware of what is happening to it. The process of erosion
G25 1190 12    need only undermine the tradition and a series of consequences
G25 1200  9    begin unfolding within the individual, while in institutions
G25 1210  7    a quiet but deep transformation of processes occurs.
G25 1220  4    Within the individual the reaction has been called
G25 1230  2    various names, all, however, pointing to the same basic
G25 1230 11    experience. Weil identifies it as being "rootless",
G25 1240  7    Guardini as being "placeless", Riesman as being "lonely".
G25 1250  6    Others call it "alienation", and mean by that no simple
G25 1260  7    economic experience (as Marx does) but a deep spiritual
G25 1270  6    sense of dislocation. Within institutions there is
G25 1280  3    a marked decline of the process of persuasion and the
G25 1280 13    substitution of a force-fear process which masquerades
G25 1290  8    as the earlier one of persuasion. We note the use of
G25 1300  8    rhetoric as a weapon, the manipulation of the masses
G25 1310  4    by propaganda, the "mobilization" of effort and resources.
G25 1320  2       Within this context of spontaneous and unanalyzed
G25 1330  1    responses to the experience of civilizational crisis,
G25 1330  8    two basic organizations of response are observable:
G25 1340  5    reaction and ideological progressivism. These responses
G25 1360  3    are explicable in terms of characteristics inherent
G25 1370  1    in the crisis. Both are predictably destined to fail.
G25 1370 10       The response of reaction is dominated by a concern
G25 1380  9    for what is vanishing. Its essence lies in its attempt
G25 1390  7    to recover previous order through the repression of
G25 1400  4    disruptive forces. To this end political authority
G25 1410  1    is called upon to exercise its negative and coercive
G25 1410 10    powers. The implicit assumption of this response is
G25 1420  6    that history is reversible. Seemingly, order is perceived
G25 1430  4    as a kind of subsistent entity now covered by adventitious
G25 1440  2    accretions. The problem is to remove the accretions
G25 1440 10    and thereby uncover the order that was always there.
G25 1450  9    Such a response, of course, misses the point that in
G25 1460  7    crisis order is going out of existence. Moreover its
G25 1470  3    posture of stubborn but simple resistance is doomed
G25 1480  1    to failure because of the metaphysical weakness of
G25 1480  9    the existent form of order, once the activation of
G25 1490  6    change has reached visible proportions. The most reaction
G25 1500  4    can achieve is stasis, and a stasis that can be maintained
G25 1510  1    only by the expenditure of an effort which ultimately
G25 1510 10    exhausts itself.
G25 1520  2       Despite the hopelessness of the response, it is
G25 1520 10    explicable in terms of the crisis of tradition itself.
G25 1530  9    Since a civilizational crisis involves also a crisis
G25 1540  6    in private interests and in the ruling class, reaction
G25 1550  3    is normally found among those who feel themselves to
G25 1560  2    be among the ruling class. Their great error is to
G25 1560 12    mingle the responses typical of each of the three types
G25 1570  8    of change. Since civilizational change is the most
G25 1580  5    difficult to perceive and analyze, it seldom is given
G25 1590  2    adequate attention. And the anxiety it generates is
G25 1590 10    misinterpreted as anxiety over private interest and
G25 1600  7    threatened social status.
G25 1610  1       The basic truth in the reactionary response is to
G25 1610 10    be found in its realistic assumption of the primacy
G25 1620  6    of the real over the ideational. But this truth is
G25 1630  5    distorted by its extreme application: the assumption
G25 1640  1    of the separate existence of tradition. The reactionary
G25 1640  9    misses the point that tradition exists ontologically
G25 1650  7    only in the form of psychological-intellectual relations.
G25 1660  2    Reactionary theories, for this reason, usually assume
G25 1670  3    some form of organismic theory. In its defensive formulations,
G25 1680  2    the theory will attack conscious change on the grounds
G25 1680 11    of the independent existence of the community. In its
G25 1690  9    dynamic form, it visualizes the community as the embodiment
G25 1700  7    of an ontological force- the race, for instance, which
G25 1710  6    unfolds in history. In both cases the individual tends
G25 1720  3    to be treated as an instrument of the organic reality.
G25 1730  1       When the reactionary response is thus bolstered
G25 1730  8    by an intellectual defense, the characteristics of
G25 1740  5    that defense are explicable only in terms of the basic
G25 1750  6    attitudes of unanalyzed reaction. Reaction is rooted
G25 1760  2    in a perception of tradition as a whole. It is a total
G25 1760 14    situation that is defended: the "good old days". There
G25 1770  9    is no selectivity; even the questionable features of
G25 1780  6    the past are defended. The point is that the reactionary,
G25 1790  5    for whatever motive, perceives himself to have been
G25 1800  3    part or a partner of something that extended beyond
G25 1800 12    himself, something which, consequently, he was not
G25 1810  7    able to accept or reject on the basis of subjective
G25 1820  6    preference. The reactionary is confused about the existential
G25 1830  3    status of a decaying tradition, but he does perceive
G25 1840  1    the unity tradition had when it was healthy.
G26 0010  1       All of which brings up another problem in the use
G26 0010 11    of psychoanalytic insight in a literary work. Is the
G26 0020  8    Oedipus complex, the clinical syndrome, material for
G26 0030  4    a tragedy? If we remove ourselves for a moment from
G26 0040  2    our time and our infatuation with mental disease, isn't
G26 0040 11    there something absurd about a hero in a novel who
G26 0050 10    is defeated by his infantile neurosis? I am not making
G26 0060  6    a clinical judgment here, for such personal tragedies
G26 0070  3    are real and are commonplace in the analyst's consulting
G26 0080  2    room, but literature makes a different claim upon our
G26 0080 11    sympathies than tragedy in life. A man in a novel who
G26 0090 11    is defeated in his childhood and condemned by unconscious
G26 0100  5    forces within him to tiredly repeat his earliest failure
G26 0110  4    in love, only makes us a little weary of man; his tragedy
G26 0120  3    seems unworthy and trivial.
G26 0120  7       Now we can argue that the irresistible fate of Oedipus
G26 0130  6    Rex was nothing more than the irresistible unconscious
G26 0140  2    longings of Oedipus projected outward, but this externalization
G26 0150  2    of unconscious conflict makes all the difference between
G26 0160  1    a story and a clinical case history. We can also argue
G26 0160 12    that the three brothers Karamazov and Smerdyakov were
G26 0170  7    the external representatives of an internal conflict
G26 0180  5    within one man, Dostoevsky, a conflict having to do
G26 0200  2    with father-murder and the wish to possess the father's
G26 0200 12    woman. But a novel in which one man Karamazov explored
G26 0210  9    the divisions within his personality would scarcely
G26 0220  5    merit publication in the Psychoanalytic Quarterly.
G26 0230  2       It is a mistake to look upon the Oedipus of Oedipus
G26 0240  2    Complex as a literary descendant of Oedipus Rex. Whatever
G26 0250  1    the psychological truth in the Oedipus myth, an Oedipus
G26 0250 10    who is drawn to his fate by irresistible external forces
G26 0260  8    can carry the symbol of humanity and its archaic crime,
G26 0270  6    and the incest that is unknowing renews the mystery
G26 0280  3    of the eternal dream of childhood and absorbs us in
G26 0280 13    the secret. But a modern Oedipus who is doomed because
G26 0290 10    he cannot oppose his own childhood is only pathetic,
G26 0300  7    and for renouncing the mystery in favor of psychological
G26 0310  5    truth he gives up the claim on our sympathies.
G26 0320  1       I am suggesting that a case-history approach to
G26 0320 10    the Oedipus complex is a blind alley for a storyteller.
G26 0330  9    The best gifts of the novelist will be wasted on the
G26 0340  6    reader who is insulated against any surprises the novelist
G26 0350  3    may have in store for him. Incest is still a durable
G26 0360  1    theme, but if it wants to get written about it will
G26 0360 12    have to find ways to surprise the emotions, and there
G26 0370  7    is no better way to do this than that of concealment
G26 0380  4    and symbolic representation. And the best way to conceal
G26 0390  2    and disguise the elements of an incest story is not
G26 0390 12    to set out to write an incest story. Which brings to
G26 0400  9    mind another Lawrence story and some interesting comparisons
G26 0410  5    in the treatment of the Oedipal theme.
G26 0420  2       "The Rocking Horse Winner" is also a story about
G26 0430  1    a boy's love for his mother. If I now risk some comparisons
G26 0430 13    with Sons and Lovers let it be clear that I am not
G26 0440 12    comparing the two works or judging their merits; I
G26 0450  7    am only singling out differences in treatment of a
G26 0460  5    theme and the resultant effects. "The Rocking Horse
G26 0470  1    Winner" is a fantasy with extraordinary power to disturb
G26 0470 10    the reader- but we do not know why. It is the story
G26 0480 11    of the hopeless love of a little boy for his cold and
G26 0490  9    vain mother. There are ghostly scenes in which the
G26 0500  4    little boy on his rocking horse rocks madly toward
G26 0500 13    the climax that will magically give him the name of
G26 0510 10    the winning horse. The child grows rich on his winnings
G26 0520  7    and conspires with his uncle to make secret gifts of
G26 0530  4    his money to his mother. The story ends in the child's
G26 0540  1    illness and delirium brought on by the feverish compulsion
G26 0540 10    to ride his horse to win for his mother. The child
G26 0550 11    dies with his mourning mother at his bedside.
G26 0560  5       I had read the story many times without asking myself
G26 0570  3    why it affected me or caring why it did. But on one
G26 0580  1    occasion when I encountered a similar fantasy in a
G26 0580 10    little boy who was my patient I began to understand
G26 0590  7    the uncanny effects of this story. It was, of course,
G26 0600  5    a little boy's fantasy of winning his mother to himself,
G26 0610  2    and replacing the father who could not give her the
G26 0610 12    things she wanted- a classical oedipal fantasy if you
G26 0620  7    like- but if it were only this the story would be banal.
G26 0630  8    Why does the story affect us? How does the rocking
G26 0640  4    exert its uncanny effect upon the reader? The rocking
G26 0650  2    is actually felt in the story, a terrible and ominous
G26 0650 12    rhythm that prophesies the tragedy. The rocking, I
G26 0660  7    realized, is the single element in the story that carries
G26 0670  6    the erotic message, the unspoken and unconscious undercurrent
G26 0680  3    that would mar the innocence of a child's fantasy and
G26 0690  2    disturb the effects of the work if it were made explicit.
G26 0690 13    The rocking has the ambiguous function of keeping the
G26 0700  9    erotic undercurrent silent and making it present; it
G26 0710  7    conceals and yet is suggestive; a perfect symbol. And
G26 0720  5    if we understand the rocking as an erotic symbol we
G26 0730  2    can also see how well it serves as the symbol of impending
G26 0730 14    tragedy. For this love of the boy for his mother is
G26 0740 11    a hopeless and forbidden love, doomed by its nature.
G26 0750  6       We are also struck by the fact that this story of
G26 0760  5    a boy's love for his mother does not offend, while
G26 0770  1    the incestuous love of the man, Paul Morel, sometimes
G26 0770 10    repels. It's easy to see why. This love belongs to
G26 0780  9    childhood; we accord it its place there, and in Lawrence's
G26 0790  7    treatment we are given the innocent fantasy of a child,
G26 0800  5    in fact, the form in which oedipal love is expressed
G26 0810  1    in childhood. And when the child dies in Lawrence's
G26 0810 10    story in a delirium that is somehow brought on by his
G26 0820 11    mania to win and to make his mother rich, the manifest
G26 0830  6    absurdity of such a disease and such a death does not
G26 0840  5    enter into our thoughts at all. We have so completely
G26 0850  1    entered the child's fantasy that his illness and his
G26 0850 10    death are the plausible and the necessary conclusion.
G26 0860  6       I am sure that none of the effects of this story
G26 0870  7    were consciously employed by Lawrence to describe an
G26 0880  3    oedipal fantasy in childhood. It is most probable that
G26 0890  1    Freud and the Oedipus complex never entered his head
G26 0890 10    in the writing of this story. He was simply writing
G26 0900  8    a story that wanted to be told, and in the writing
G26 0910  5    a childhood fantasy of his own emerged. He would not
G26 0920  1    have cared why it emerged, he only wanted to capture
G26 0920 11    a memory to play with it again in his imagination and
G26 0930  8    somehow to fix and hold in the story the disturbing
G26 0940  4    emotions that accompanied the fantasy.
G26 0940  9       In our own time we have seen that the novelist's
G26 0950 10    debt to psychoanalysis has increased but that the novel
G26 0960  7    itself has not profited much from this marriage. Ortega's
G26 0970  4    hope that modern psychology might yet bring forth a
G26 0980  3    last flowering of the novel has only been partially
G26 0980 12    fulfilled. The young writer seems intimidated by psychological
G26 0990  8    knowledge; he has lost confidence in his own eyes and
G26 1000  9    in the validity of his own psychological insights.
G26 1010  2    He borrows the insights of psychology to improve his
G26 1020  2    impaired vision but cannot bring to his work the distinctive
G26 1020 12    vision that should be a novelist's own. He has been
G26 1030 10    seduced by the marvels of the unconscious and has lost
G26 1040  7    interest in studying the surfaces of character. If
G26 1050  4    many of the characters in contemporary novels appear
G26 1060  1    to be the bloodless relations of characters in a case
G26 1060 11    history it is because the novelist is often forgetful
G26 1070  7    today that those things that we call character manifest
G26 1080  5    themselves in surface behavior, that the ego is still
G26 1090  3    the executive agency of personality, and that all we
G26 1090 12    know of personality must be discerned through the ego.
G26 1100  8    The novelist who has been badly baptized in psychoanalysis
G26 1110  6    often gives us the impression that since all men must
G26 1120  5    have an Oedipus complex all men must have the same
G26 1130  2    faces.
G26 1130  3    #/2,.#
G26 1130  4    I have argued that Oedipus of the Oedipus complex has
G26 1140  3    a doubtful future as a tragic figure in literature.
G26 1140 12    But a writer who has a taste for irony and who sees
G26 1150 11    incest in all its modern dimensions can let his imagination
G26 1160  6    work on the disturbing joke in the incest myth, the
G26 1170  4    joke that strikes right at the center of man's humanness.
G26 1180  1    Moral dread is seen as the other face of desire, and
G26 1180 12    here psychoanalysis delivers to the writer a magnificent
G26 1190  7    irony and a moral problem of great complexity.
G26 1200  4       There is probably some significance in the fact
G26 1210  4    that two of the best incest stories I have encountered
G26 1220  1    in recent years are burlesques of the incest myth.
G26 1220 10    The ancient types are reassembled in gloom and foreboding
G26 1230  7    to be irresistibly drawn to their destinies, but the
G26 1240  4    myth fails before the modern truth; the oracle speaks
G26 1250  2    false and the dream speaks true. In both the farmer's
G26 1250 12    tale in Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man and in Thomas
G26 1260  9    Mann's The Holy Sinner, the incest hero rises above
G26 1270  8    the myth by accepting the wish as motive; the heroic
G26 1280  7    act is the casting off of pretense.
G26 1290  1       Thomas Mann wrote The Holy Sinner in 1951. It was
G26 1290 11    conceived as a leave-taking, a kind of melancholy gathering-in
G26 1300 11    of the myths of the West, "bevor die Nacht sinkt, eine
G26 1310  9    lange Nacht vielleicht und ein tiefes Vergessen". He
G26 1320  6    chose a medieval legend of incest, Gregorius vom Stein,
G26 1330  5    and freely borrowed and parodied other myths of the
G26 1340  4    West, mixing themes, language, peoples and times in
G26 1340 12    a master myth in which the old forms continually renew
G26 1350  9    themselves, as in his previous treatment of Joseph.
G26 1360  5       But The Holy Sinner is not simply a retelling of
G26 1370  6    old stories for an old man's entertainment. Mann understood
G26 1380  3    better than most men the incest comedy at the center
G26 1390  1    of the myth and the psychological truth in which dread
G26 1390 11    is shown as the other face as longing was for him just
G26 1400 10    the kind of deep and complicated joke he liked to tell.
G26 1410  6    And when he retold the legend of Gregorius he interpolated
G26 1420  3    a modern version in which the medieval players speak
G26 1430  1    contemporary thoughts in archaic language; while they
G26 1430  8    move through the pageantry of the ancient incest myth
G26 1440  8    and cover themselves through not-knowing, they reveal
G26 1450  5    the unconscious motive in seeking each other and in
G26 1460  3    the last scene make an extraordinary confession of
G26 1460 11    guilt in the twentieth-century manner.
G26 1470  4       Grigorss is the child of an incestuous union between
G26 1480  3    a royal brother and sister, the twins Sibylla and Wiligis.
G26 1490  2    He is born in secrecy after the death of his father
G26 1490 13    and cast adrift soon after birth. The infant is discovered
G26 1500  9    by a fisherman who brings him home to rear him. An
G26 1510  8    ivory tablet in the infant's cask recounts the story
G26 1520  4    of his sinful origins and is preserved for the child
G26 1530  1    by the monks of a monastery in the fishing village.
G26 1530 11    Grigorss, at seventeen, learns his story and goes forth
G26 1540  8    as a knight to uncover his origins. His sailing vessel
G26 1550  5    is guided by fate to the shores of his own country
G26 1560  2    at a time when Sibylla's domain is overrun by the armies
G26 1570  1    of one of her rejected suitors. Grigorss overcomes
G26 1570  9    the suitor in battle, delivers the city from its oppressors
G26 1580  7    and marries Sibylla who had fallen in love with the
G26 1590  6    beautiful knight the moment she saw him.
G26 1600  1       Sibylla is pregnant with their second child when
G26 1600  9    she finds the ivory tablet concealed by her husband,
G26 1610  6    and the identities of mother and son are revealed.
G26 1620  3    Grigorss goes off to do penance on a rock for seventeen
G26 1630  1    years. At the end of this period two pious Christians
G26 1630 11    in Rome receive the revelation which leads them to
G26 1640  7    seek the next Pope on the rock. Grigorss comes to Rome
G26 1650  5    and becomes a great and beloved Pope. In the last pages
G26 1660  4    of the book Sibylla comes to Rome to seek an audience
G26 1670  1    with the great Pope and to give her confession. Mother
G26 1670 11    and son recognize each other and, in Mann's version
G26 1680  7    of this legend, make a remarkable confession of guilt
G26 1690  4    to each other, the confession of unconscious motive
G26 1700  2    and unconscious knowledge of their true identities
G26 1700  9    from the time they had first set eyes on each other.
G27 0010  1    In recollection he has said: "Natural or man-made objects
G27 0010 11    kept coming into my head, but I would suppress them
G27 0020  9    sternly". Moreover, he organized the movement of his
G27 0030  7    forms, within his rigorously shaped space, into highly
G27 0040  3    complex equilibriums; and used gradations of color
G27 0050  1    value as well as sharply contrasting elementary colors.
G27 0050  9       The worthy Mondrian, seeing these pictures, said
G27 0060  6    in a tone of kindly reproof: "But you are really an
G27 0070  6    artist of the naturalistic tradition"! Helion did not
G27 0080  4    realize it at the time, but it was true.
G27 0090  1       His "monumental" abstraction, made up of smooth,
G27 0090  7    metallic "non-objects" acting upon each other with
G27 0100  6    great tension, won Helion much acclaim during the 'thirties.
G27 0110  5    The play of novel lighting effects also entered into
G27 0120  3    these compositions, whose controlled power and varied
G27 0130  1    activity made them well worth meditating.
G27 0130  7       As Helion's work showed more and more nostalgia
G27 0140  6    for the world of man and nature, the pure abstractionists
G27 0150  2    expressed some disapproval; but Leger, Arp, Lipchitz
G27 0160  1    and Alexander Calder, at the time, gave him their blessing.
G27 0160 11    His canvases nowadays bore titles frankly declaring
G27 0170  7    them to be "Figures in Space", or "Blue Figure", or
G27 0180  7    "Pink Figure"; and they had (vaguely) heads and feet.
G27 0190  7    Exhibited in shows in London in 1935, and in New York
G27 0200  6    the following year, the new, more elaborated abstracts
G27 0210  2    were much favored in the circles of the modernists
G27 0210 11    as three-dimentional dramas of great intellectual coherence.
G27 0220  6    At this period the thirty-year old Helion was ranked
G27 0230  8    "as one of the mature leaders of the modern movement",
G27 0240  5    according to Herbert Read, "and in the direct line
G27 0250  3    of descent from Cezanne, Seurat, Gris and Leger". In
G27 0260  1    America, Meyer Schapiro observed that, unlike the Mondrian
G27 0260  9    school, Helion "sought a return path to the fullness
G27 0280  9    of nature within the framework of abstract art".
G27 0290  5       It is notable that at this time he was writing with
G27 0300  5    admiration of Cimabue's and Poussin's way of filling
G27 0310  3    space. Abstract art was still the right path for him;
G27 0310 13    but, he held, instead of continuing as an "art of reduction",
G27 0320 10    it must grow, must make a place for the contributions
G27 0330  8    of the Raphaels and Poussins as well as for those of
G27 0340  7    the early cubists and Mondrian.
G27 0340 12       Later Helion wrote of this phase: "For years I built
G27 0350 10    for myself a subtle instrument of relationships- colors
G27 0360  7    and forms without a name. I played on it my secret
G27 0370  7    songs, unexplained, passionate and peaceful".
G27 0380  1       But his own work was evolving further. The extreme
G27 0380 10    limitations he sensed in all current abstract art made
G27 0390  9    that seem to him increasingly arid and cold. He was
G27 0400  6    engaged in constant experiments that searched for new
G27 0410  4    directions. Where would it all lead? He himself did
G27 0420  2    not know, as he said in 1935. But he was "afraid of
G27 0420 14    the future- he would in fact welcome a way back to
G27 0430 12    social integration, a functional art of some kind".
G27 0440  5       During the 1920's the Abstractionists, the German
G27 0450  3    Bauhaus group of industrial designers, and the new
G27 0460  1    architects all had the dream of some well ordered utopia,
G27 0460 11    or welfare state, in which their neat and logical constructions
G27 0470  9    might find their proper place. But whereas the postwar
G27 0480  7    American abstractionists seem to Helion to be determined
G27 0490  6    to "escape" from the real world, or simply to rebel
G27 0500  3    against it, the ordered abstractions which he and his
G27 0510  1    associates of the 1930's were painting embodied the
G27 0510  9    hope of "improving" things. "We were possessed by visions
G27 0520  7    of a new civilization to come, very pure and elevated",
G27 0530  7    he has said, "in fact some ideal form of socialism
G27 0540  4    such as we had dreamed of since the war of 1914-1918".
G27 0550  1       Instead of this the 1930's witnessed a tragic economic
G27 0560  1    depression, the rise of Fascist dictators in Europe,
G27 0560  9    the wasting Civil War in Spain. Very much the political
G27 0570  9    man, Helion felt himself deeply affected by the increasingly
G27 0580  6    pessimistic atmosphere of France and all Europe, whose
G27 0590  5    foundations seemed to him more and more shaky. In 1936
G27 0600  3    he decided to migrate to America. The Rooseveltian
G27 0600 11    America was a haven of liberalism and progress and
G27 0610  9    seemed to him to constitute the last best hope for
G27 0620  6    civilization. Helion also hoped that America's mastery
G27 0630  3    of technology and industrial efficiency would be accompanied
G27 0640  2    by the production of new and beautiful art works. "I
G27 0640 12    arrived in the United States with the idea of establishing
G27 0650 10    myself there more or less permanently and finding inspiration
G27 0660  8    for new compositions".
G27 0670  1       In New York he was well received by what was then
G27 0670 12    only a small brave band of non-figurative artists,
G27 0680  9    including Alexander Calder, George K& L& Morris, De
G27 0690  6    Kooning, Holty and a few others. After a year in a
G27 0700  6    studio on Sheridan Square, having married an American
G27 0710  2    girl who was a native of Virginia, Helion moved to
G27 0710 12    a village in the Blue Ridge mountains, where he produced
G27 0720  9    some of the most imposing of his abstract canvases.
G27 0730  6       The darkening world scene, at the time of the Munich
G27 0740  7    Pact, continued to trouble his mind even in his remote
G27 0750  3    Virginia studio. "Fear possessed me, and the certainty
G27 0760  1    of war", he has related. "I truly smelled blood, death,
G27 0760 11    heaps of corpses everywhere". In haste he labored to
G27 0770  8    finish some last abstract paintings: a three-panel
G27 0780  5    frieze, with a flying figure and a fallen figure; a
G27 0790  3    "Double-Figure", which went to the Chicago Art Institute,
G27 0800  2    and is considered by him the most successful of his
G27 0800 12    abstracts; and in early 1939, a "Fallen Figure" of
G27 0810  9    very ominous character, which concluded his abstract
G27 0820  5    phase. "I knew I was carrying on with abstraction to
G27 0830  5    its very end- for me", he said of the two years' output
G27 0840  3    in Virginia. With those paintings of big constructions
G27 0850  1    crashing down, he felt he could stop. They were, in
G27 0850 11    effect his last testament to non-objective art.
G27 0860  6       He had taken out first papers for American citizenship;
G27 0870  4    but after war came to Europe, he decided to return
G27 0880  3    to France, arriving there in January, 1940. "I hated
G27 0890  1    the war", he said, "but thought I ought to go because
G27 0890 12    I was, perhaps, one of those who hadn't done enough
G27 0900  8    to prevent it".
G27 0900 11    ##
G27 0910  1    In June, 1940, Sergeant Helion, with a company of reserve
G27 0910 11    troops waiting to go into battle, was sketching the
G27 0920  8    hills south of the Loire River, when the war suddenly
G27 0930  6    rolled in upon him. Its first apparition was a long,
G27 0940  4    gloomy column of refugees riding in farm wagons, or
G27 0940 13    pushing prams. His company then carried out a confused
G27 0950  9    retreating movement until it was surrounded by the
G27 0960  7    Germans, a few days before France capitulated. After
G27 0970  2    a sort of death march during four days without food,
G27 0980  1    Helion and his comrades were shipped by cattle-car
G27 0980 10    to a labor camp at an estate farm in East Germany.
G27 0990  8    A year later they were removed to a Stalag in the harbor
G27 1000  6    of Stettin. At the time of his capture Helion had on
G27 1010  3    his person a sketchbook he had bought at Woolworth's
G27 1010 12    in New York. When he was stripped, deloused and numbered
G27 1020 10    by his guards, his much-thumbed sketchbook was seized
G27 1030  7    and thrown on a pile of prisoners' goods to be confiscated.
G27 1040  5    "It was then I knew that they were making war against
G27 1050  4    Man, the individual within!- who questioned things
G27 1060  2    when given orders".
G27 1060  5       At Stettin the university-educated artist, who had
G27 1070  4    studied German, was chosen to serve as interpreter
G27 1080  1    and clerk in the office of the Stalag commander. In
G27 1080 11    secret he also acted as a member of the prisoners'
G27 1090  8    Central Committee, which plotted sabotage, planned
G27 1100  3    a few escapes, and maintained a hidden control over
G27 1110  1    the wretched French slave-laborers.
G27 1110  6       In the Stalag, Helion came to know and love his
G27 1120  7    comrades, most of them plain folk, who, in their extremity,
G27 1130  3    showed true courage and ran great risks to help each
G27 1140  1    other. How much they esteemed him is shown by the fact
G27 1140 12    that their underground committee selected him as one
G27 1150  6    of the few who would be helped to escape. In the prison
G27 1160  6    camp's Black Market civilian clothes were quietly bought
G27 1170  3    and forged papers were devised for him; during long
G27 1180  1    weeks the plan for his flight was rehearsed.
G27 1180  9       Every morning contingents of prisoners would be
G27 1190  6    sent out to labor in nearby factories. One evening,
G27 1200  3    while a volley-ball game was being played in the yard
G27 1210  1    among the prisoners remaining there, a simulated melee
G27 1210  9    was staged- just as the gates were opened to admit
G27 1220  9    other prisoners returning from work. As Helion wrote
G27 1230  5    afterward: "
G27 1230  6       Their sentry followed **h Four hands were stretched
G27 1240  6    toward me by my comrades behind me. Marquet held my
G27 1250  3    briefcase; Finot held a wallet with my money and papers;
G27 1260  1    Moineau and David held nothing but their fingers **h
G27 1260 10    They felt rough and kind and warm. At this moment the
G27 1270 10    volley-ball hit the ground. Duclos ran toward Desprez
G27 1280  5    with fists raised. The guards all rushed up to intervene
G27 1290  5    **h"
G27 1290  6       Shedding his prison cloak, Helion shot through the
G27 1300  4    gates, now clad in civilian garments and with the passport
G27 1310  2    of a Flemish worker. Riding trains, hitching hikes
G27 1310 10    on trucks across Germany, slipping through guarded
G27 1320  6    frontiers with the help of secret guides, he eventually
G27 1330  5    reached Vichy France, and, by the winter of 1943, was
G27 1340  4    back in Virginia. He wrote: "
G27 1340  9       To escape from a prison camp required a very special
G27 1350  8    state of mind; not only loathing of captivity, but
G27 1360  4    a faith, a hope that is even stronger. I left behind
G27 1370  2    me brave men, whom captivity had robbed of all hope.
G27 1370 12    They too loved their families, longed for their villages:
G27 1380  8    yet lacked the faith that drove one to dare **h the
G27 1390  8    fearful chance of escape".
G27 1400  1       It was a time of revelations for him. Even the most
G27 1400 11    rational of men, under great stress, may be transported
G27 1410  7    by a new faith and behave like mystics. Helion knew
G27 1420  4    that he owed his freedom as much to the self-sacrifice
G27 1430  1    of his fellow-men in Arbeitskommando /13,, Stettin,
G27 1430  9    as to his own fierce will and love of life. After that,
G27 1440  8    he declared, "to return to freedom was to fall to one's
G27 1450  7    knees before the real world and adore it". In prison
G27 1460  4    he had been able to sketch nothing but figures from
G27 1470  1    life, his guards, his companions in misery. Now all
G27 1470 10    his desires centered on "rediscovering and singing
G27 1480  5    of the prosaic and yet beautiful world of men and objects
G27 1490  6    so long barred from me by a barbed wire fence". And,
G27 1500  2    he added: "During the many months in prison camp, all
G27 1510  1    abstract images vanished from my mind".
G27 1510  7       Before leaving for America, he happened to see his
G27 1520  6    old friend Jean Arp and confided to him his new resolutions.
G27 1530  5    Arp protested: "But it is impossible! Everything in
G27 1540  3    the way of representation has already been done by
G27 1540 12    the old masters". Helion, however, clung to the belief
G27 1550  9    that "in escaping from the Stalag I had also escaped
G27 1560  8    from Abstraction".
G27 1570  1       While convalescing in his Virginia home he wrote
G27 1570  9    a book recording his prison experiences and escape,
G27 1580  6    entitled: They Shall Not Have Me **h Published originally
G27 1590  5    in (Helion's) English by Dutton + Co& of New York,
G27 1600  6    in 1943, the book was received by the press as a work
G27 1610  4    of astonishing literary power and one of the most realistic
G27 1620  1    accounts of World War /2, from the French side. It
G27 1620 11    was very widely read, too; and the author, who seemed
G27 1630  8    the embodiment of France's rising spirit of resistance
G27 1640  5    to her conquerors, was much complimented for his daring
G27 1650  4    military action. But when he showed his new figurative
G27 1660  1    pictures to his artist friends of the abstract camp,
G27 1660 10    they paid him no compliments and drew long faces.
G27 1670  7       Between 1944 and 1947 Helion had a series of one-man
G27 1680  7    shows- at the Paul Rosenberg Gallery in New York and
G27 1690  5    in Paris- of his new realistic pictures. They reincarnated
G27 1700  1    the figures of human beings banished from his canvases
G27 1700 10    since the 1920's. These new pictures focussed on the
G27 1710  9    familiar and commonplace objects that he had heard
G27 1720  6    the men in his prison camp talking about as the things
G27 1730  5    they missed most, hence associated with the sense of
G27 1740  2    lost freedom: the cafe at the corner, the newspaper
G27 1740 11    kiosk, the girls in doorways and windows along the
G27 1750  7    street, the golden-crusted French bread they lacked,
G27 1760  4    the cigarettes denied them. One of the pictures was
G27 1770  2    of a man with hat drawn over his face ceremoniously
G27 1770 12    lighting a cigarette; others were of men doffing their
G27 1780  7    hats to each other, carrying umbrellas with pomp, reading
G27 1790  5    newspapers, or simply showing loaves of bread spread
G27 1800  3    out.
G28 0010  1       Important as was Mr& O'Donnell's essay, his thesis
G28 0010  9    is so restricting as to deny Faulkner the stature which
G28 0020 10    he obviously has. He and also Mr& Cowley and Mr& Warren
G28 0030  9    have fallen to the temptation which besets many of
G28 0040  5    us to read into our authors- Nathaniel Hawthorne, for
G28 0050  3    example, and Herman Melville- protests against modernism,
G28 0060  2    material progress, and science which are genuine protests
G28 0060 10    of our own but may not have been theirs. Faulkner's
G28 0070 10    total works today, and in fact those of his works which
G28 0080  9    existed in 1946 when Mr& Cowley made his comment, or
G28 0090  5    in 1939, when Mr& O'Donnell wrote his essay, reveal
G28 0100  3    no such simple attitude toward the South. If he is
G28 0100 13    a traditionalist, he is an eclectic traditionalist.
G28 0110  7    If he condemns the recent or the present, he condemns
G28 0120  7    the past with no less force. If he sees the heroic
G28 0130  4    in a Sartoris or a Sutpen, he sees also- and he shows-
G28 0140  1    the blind and the mean, and he sees the Compson family
G28 0140 12    disintegrating from within. If the barn-burner's family
G28 0150  8    produces a Flem Snopes, who personifies commercialism
G28 0160  5    and materialism in hyperbolic crassness, the Compson
G28 0170  4    family produces a Jason Compson /4,. Faulkner is a
G28 0180  3    most untraditional traditionalist.
G28 0180  6       Others writing on Faulkner have found the phrase
G28 0190  6    "traditional moralist" either inadequate or misleading.
G28 0200  3    Among them are Frederick J& Hoffman, William Van O'Connor,
G28 0210  3    and Mrs& Olga Vickery. They have indicated the direction
G28 0220  3    but they have not been explicit enough, I believe,
G28 0220 12    in pointing out Faulkner's independence, his questioning
G28 0230  7    if not indeed challenging the Southern tradition. Faulkner's
G28 0240  6    is not the mind of the apologist which Mr& O'Donnell
G28 0250  7    implies that it is. He is not one to remain more comfortably
G28 0260  7    and unquestioningly within a body of social, cultural,
G28 0270  4    or literary traditions than he was within the traditions-
G28 0280  3    or possibly the regulations- governing his tenure in
G28 0280 11    the post office at Oxford, Mississippi, thirty-five
G28 0290  8    years ago.
G28 0300  1       That is not to deny that he has been aware of traditions,
G28 0300 12    of course, that he is steeped in them, in fact, or
G28 0310  9    that he has dealt with them, in his books. It is to
G28 0320  6    say rather, I believe, that he has brought to bear
G28 0330  1    on the history, the traditions, and the lore of his
G28 0330 11    region a critical, skeptical mind- the same mind which
G28 0340  7    has made of him an inveterate experimenter in literary
G28 0350  4    form and technique. He has employed from his section
G28 0360  3    rich immediate materials which in a loose sense can
G28 0360 12    be termed Southern. The fact that he has cast over
G28 0370  9    those materials the light of a skeptical mind does
G28 0380  6    not make him any the less Southern, I rather think,
G28 0390  2    for the South has been no more solid than other regions
G28 0390 13    except in the political and related areas where patronage
G28 0400  9    and force and intimidation and fear may produce a surface
G28 0410  8    uniformity. Some of us might be inclined to argue,
G28 0420  5    in fact, that an independence of mind and action and
G28 0430  2    an intolerance of regimentation, either mental or physical,
G28 0440  1    are particularly Southern traits.
G28 0440  5       There is no necessity, I suppose, to assert that
G28 0450  4    Mr& Faulkner is Southern. It would not be easy to discover
G28 0460  4    a more thoroughly Southern pedigree than that of his
G28 0470  1    family. And, after all, he has lived comfortably at
G28 0470 10    both Oxford, Mississippi, and Charlottesville, Virginia.
G28 0480  4    The young William Faulkner in New Orleans in the 1920's
G28 0490  7    impressed the novelist Hamilton Basso as obviously
G28 0500  4    conscious of being a Southerner, and there is no evidence
G28 0510  2    that since then he has ever considered himself any
G28 0510 11    less so. Besides showing no inclination, apparently,
G28 0520  6    to absent himself from his native region even for short
G28 0530  6    periods, and in addition writing a shelf of books set
G28 0540  4    in the region, he has handled in those books an astonishingly
G28 0550  1    complete list of matters which have been important
G28 0550  9    in the South during the past hundred years.
G28 0560  6       It is more difficult with Faulkner than with most
G28 0570  4    authors to say what is the extent and what is the source
G28 0580  3    of his knowledge. His own testimony is that he has
G28 0580 13    read very little in the history of the South, implying
G28 0590  9    that what he knows of that history has come to him
G28 0600  7    orally and that he knows the world around him primarily
G28 0610  3    from his own unassisted observation. His denials of
G28 0610 11    extensive reading notwithstanding, it is no doubt safe
G28 0620  8    to assume that he has spent time schooling himself
G28 0630  6    in Southern history and that he has gained some acquaintance
G28 0640  4    with the chief literary authors who have lived in the
G28 0650  3    South or have written about the South. To believe otherwise
G28 0660  1    would be unrealistic.
G28 0660  4       But in looking at Faulkner against his background
G28 0670  3    in Mississippi and the South, it is important not to
G28 0680  1    lose the broader perspective. His earliest work reflected
G28 0680  9    heavy influences from English and continental writers.
G28 0690  6    Evidence is plentiful that early and later also he
G28 0710  5    has been indebted to the Gothic romancers, who deal
G28 0720  3    in extravagant horror, to the symbolists writing at
G28 0720 11    the end of the preceding century, and in particular
G28 0730  8    to the stream-of-consciousness novelists, Henry James
G28 0740  4    and James Joyce among them. His repeated experimentation
G28 0750  2    with the techniques of fiction testifies to an independence
G28 0760  1    of mind and an originality of approach, but it also
G28 0760 11    shows him touching at many points the stream of literary
G28 0770  9    development back of him. My intention, therefore, is
G28 0780  5    not to say that Faulkner's awareness has been confined
G28 0790  4    within the borders of the South, but rather that he
G28 0800  2    has looked at his world as a Southerner and that presumably
G28 0800 13    his outlook is Southern.
G28 0810  3       The ingredients of Faulkner's novels and stories
G28 0820  2    are by no means new with him, and most of the problems
G28 0820 14    he takes up have had the attention of authors before
G28 0830  9    him. A useful comment on his relation to his region
G28 0840  7    may be made, I think, by noting briefly how in handling
G28 0850  4    Southern materials and Southern problems he has deviated
G28 0860  1    from the pattern set by other Southern authors while
G28 0860 10    remaining faithful to the essential character of the
G28 0870  8    region.
G28 0870  9       The planter aristocracy has appeared in literature
G28 0880  6    at least since John Pendleton Kennedy published Swallow-Barn
G28 0890  5    in 1832 and in his genial portrait of Frank Meriwether
G28 0900  4    presiding over his plantation dominion initiated the
G28 0910  2    most persistent tradition of Southern literature. The
G28 0910  9    thoroughgoing idealization of the planter society did
G28 0920  7    not come, however, until after the Civil War when Southern
G28 0930  8    writers were eager to defend a way of life which had
G28 0940  7    been destroyed. As they looked with nostalgia to a
G28 0950  3    society which had been swept away, they were probably
G28 0950 12    no more than half-conscious that they painted in colors
G28 0960  9    which had never existed. Their books found no less
G28 0970  6    willing readers outside than inside the South, even
G28 0980  3    while memories of the war were still sharp. The tradition
G28 0990  1    reached its apex, perhaps, in the works of Thomas Nelson
G28 0990 11    Page toward the end of the century, and reappeared
G28 1000  8    undiminished as late as 1934 in the best-selling novel
G28 1010  6    So Red the Rose, by Stark Young. Although Faulkner
G28 1020  3    was the heir in his own family to this tradition, he
G28 1030  2    did not have Stark Young's inclination to romanticize
G28 1030 10    and sentimentalize the planter society.
G28 1040  4       The myth of the Southern plantation has had only
G28 1050  4    a tangential relation with actuality, as Francis Pendleton
G28 1060  2    Gaines showed forty years ago, and I suspect it has
G28 1060 12    had a far narrower acceptance as something real than
G28 1070  8    has generally been supposed. Faulkner has found it
G28 1080  5    useful, but he has employed it with his habitual independence
G28 1090  3    of mind and skeptical outlook. Without saying or seeming
G28 1100  2    to say that in portraying the Sartoris and the Compson
G28 1100 12    families Faulkner's chief concern is social criticism,
G28 1110  7    we can say nevertheless that through those families
G28 1120  5    he dramatizes his comment on the planter dynasties
G28 1130  3    as they have existed since the decades before the Civil
G28 1140  1    War. It may be that in this comment he has broken from
G28 1140 13    the conventional pattern more violently than in any
G28 1150  7    other regard, for the treatment in his books is far
G28 1160  6    removed from even the genial irony of Ellen Glasgow,
G28 1170  2    who was the only important novelist before him to challenge
G28 1180  1    the conventional picture of planter society.
G28 1180  7       Faulkner's low-class characters had but few counterparts
G28 1190  6    in earlier Southern novels dealing with plantation
G28 1200  4    life. They have an ancestry extending back, however,
G28 1210  2    at least to 1728, when William Byrd described the Lubberlanders
G28 1220  1    he encountered in the back country of Virginia and
G28 1220 10    North Carolina. The chief literary antecedents of the
G28 1240  7    Snopes clan appeared in the realistic, humorous writing
G28 1250  4    which originated in the South and the Southwest in
G28 1260  3    the three decades before the Civil War. These narratives
G28 1270  1    of coarse action and crude language appeared first
G28 1270  9    in local newspapers, as a rule, and later found their
G28 1280  8    way between book covers, though rarely into the planters'
G28 1290  5    libraries beside the morocco-bound volumes of Horace,
G28 1300  3    Mr& Addison, Mr& Pope, and Sir Walter Scott. There
G28 1310  2    is evidence to suggest, in fact, that many authors
G28 1310 11    of the humorous sketches were prompted to write them-
G28 1320  7    or to make them as indelicate as they are- by way of
G28 1330  7    protesting against the artificial refinements which
G28 1340  2    had come to dominate the polite letters of the South.
G28 1340 12    William Gilmore Simms, sturdy realist that he was,
G28 1350  8    pleaded for a natural robustness such as he found in
G28 1360  3    his favorites the great Elizabethans, to vivify the
G28 1370  4    pale writings being produced around him. Simms admired
G28 1380  1    the raucous tales emanating from the backwoods, but
G28 1380  9    he had himself social affiliations which would not
G28 1390  5    allow him to approve them fully. Augustus Baldwin Longstreet,
G28 1400  3    a preacher and a college and university president in
G28 1410  2    four Southern states, published the earliest of these
G28 1410 10    backwoods sketches and in the character Ransy Sniffle,
G28 1420  8    in the accounts of sharp horse-trading and eye-gouging
G28 1430  7    physical combat, and in the shockingly unliterary speech
G28 1440  3    of his characters, he set an example followed by many
G28 1450  3    after him.
G28 1450  5       Others who wrote of low characters and low life
G28 1460  2    included Thomas Bangs Thorpe, creator of the Big Bear
G28 1460 11    of Arkansas and Tom Owen, the Bee-Hunter; Johnson Jones
G28 1470  9    Hooper, whose character Simon Suggs bears a close kinship
G28 1480  8    to Flem Snopes in both his willingness to take cruel
G28 1490  7    advantage of all and sundry and the sharpness with
G28 1500  3    which he habitually carried out his will; and George
G28 1510  1    Washington Harris, whose Tennessee hillbilly character
G28 1510  7    Sut Lovingood perpetrated more unmalicious mischief
G28 1520  5    and more unintended pain than any other character in
G28 1530  6    literature. It would be profitable, I believe, to read
G28 1540  3    these realistic humorists alongside Faulkner's works,
G28 1550  1    the thought being not that he necessarily read them
G28 1550 10    and owed anything to them directly, but rather that
G28 1560  7    they dealt a hundred years ago with a class of people
G28 1570  5    and a type of life which have continued down to our
G28 1580  1    time, to Faulkner's time. Such a comparison reminds
G28 1580  9    us that in employing low characters in his works Faulkner
G28 1590  7    is recording actuality in the South and moreover is
G28 1600  7    following a long-established literary precedent. Such
G28 1610  2    characters, with their low existence and often low
G28 1610 10    morality, produce humorous effects in his novels and
G28 1620  8    tales, as they did in the writing of Longstreet and
G28 1630  6    Hooper and Harris, but it need not be added that he
G28 1640  4    gives them far subtler and more intricate functions
G28 1640 12    than they had in the earlier writers; nor is there
G28 1650 10    need to add that among them are some of the most highly
G28 1660  8    individualized and most successful of his characters.
G28 1670  4       One of the early humorists already mentioned, Thomas
G28 1680  2    Bangs Thorpe, can be used to illustrate another point
G28 1690  1    where Faulkner touches authentic Southern materials
G28 1690  7    and also earlier literary treatment of those materials.
G28 1700  6    Thorpe came to Louisiana from the East as a young man
G28 1710  7    prepared to find in the new country the setting of
G28 1720  2    romantic adventure and idealized beauty. But Thorpe
G28 1720  9    saw also the hardships of pioneer existence, the cultural
G28 1730  8    poverty of the frontier settlements, and the slack
G28 1740  5    morality which abounded in the new regions. As a consequence
G28 1750  4    of the tensions thus produced in his thoughts and feelings,
G28 1760  2    he wrote on the one hand sketches of idealized hunting
G28 1760 12    trips and on the other an anecdote of the village of
G28 1770 11    Hardscrabble, Arkansas, where no one had ever seen
G28 1780  7    a piano; and he wrote also the masterpiece of frontier
G28 1790  3    humor, "The Big Bear of Arkansas", in which earthy
G28 1800  2    realism is placed alongside the exaggeration of the
G28 1800 10    backwoods tall-tale and the awe with which man contemplates
G28 1810 10    the grandeur and the mysteries of nature.
G29 0010  1       SOME years ago Julian Huxley proposed to an audience
G29 0010 10    made up of members of the British Association for the
G29 0020 10    Advancement of Science that "man's supernormal or extra-sensory
G29 0030  8    faculties are [now] in the same case as were his mathematical
G29 0040  9    faculties during the ice age". As a Humanist, Dr& Huxley
G29 0050  7    interests himself in the possibilities of human development,
G29 0060  4    and one thing we can say about this suggestion, which
G29 0070  3    comes from a leading zoologist, is that, so far as
G29 0070 13    he is concerned, the scientific outlook places no rigid
G29 0080  9    limitation upon the idea of future human evolution.
G29 0090  7       This text from Dr& Huxley is sometimes used by enthusiasts
G29 0100  6    to indicate that they have the permission of the scientists
G29 0110  4    to press the case for a wonderful unfoldment of psychic
G29 0120  3    powers in human beings. There may be a case of this
G29 0120 14    sort, but it is not one we wish to argue, here. Even
G29 0130 12    if people do, in a not far distant future, begin to
G29 0140  7    read one another's minds, there will still be the question
G29 0150  5    of whether what you find in another man's mind is especially
G29 0160  3    worth reading- worth more, that is, than what you can
G29 0170  1    read in good books. Even if men eventually find themselves
G29 0170 11    able to look through walls and around corners, one
G29 0180  8    may question whether this will help them to live better
G29 0190  7    lives. There would be side-conclusions to be drawn,
G29 0200  4    of course; such capacities are impressive evidence
G29 0200 11    pointing to a conception of the human being which does
G29 0210 10    not appear in the accounts of biologists and organic
G29 0220  5    evolutionists; but the basic puzzles of existence would
G29 0230  4    still be puzzling, and we should still have to work
G29 0240  1    out the sort of problems we plan to discuss in this
G29 0240 12    article.
G29 0250  1       All we want from Dr& Huxley's statement is the feeling
G29 0250 11    that this is an open world, in the view of the best
G29 0260 11    scientific opinion, with practically no directional
G29 0270  4    commitments as to what may happen next, and no important
G29 0280  3    confinements with respect to what may be possible.
G29 0290  1       It seems quite obvious that all the really difficult
G29 0290 10    tasks of human beings arise from the fact that man
G29 0300  8    is not one, but many. Each man, that is, is both one
G29 0310  6    and many. He is a dreamer of the good society with
G29 0320  1    a plan to put into effect, and he is an individual
G29 0320 12    craftsman with something to make for himself and the
G29 0330  8    people of his time. He is a parent with a child to
G29 0340  5    nurture, here and now, and he is an educator who worries
G29 0350  1    about the children half way round the world. He is
G29 0350 11    a utopian with a stake in tomorrow and he is a vulnerable
G29 0360 10    human made captive by the circumstances of today. He
G29 0370  5    can sacrifice himself for tomorrow and he can sacrifice
G29 0380  4    tomorrow for himself. He is a Craig's wife who agonizes
G29 0390  1    about tobacco ash on the living room rug and he is
G29 0390 12    a forgetful genius who goes boating with the town baker
G29 0400  9    when dignitaries from the local university have come
G29 0410  5    to call. He is the stern guardian of the status quo
G29 0420  2    who has raised the utilitarian structures of the age,
G29 0420 11    and he is the revolutionary poet with a gun in his
G29 0430 10    hand who writes a tragic apologetic to posterity for
G29 0440  5    the men he has killed.
G29 0440 10       What will be the final symmetry of the good society?
G29 0450  8    For what do the utopians labor? Here, on a desk, is
G29 0460  7    a stack of pamphlets representing the efforts of some
G29 0470  3    of the best men of the day to penetrate these questions.
G29 0480  1    The pamphlets are about law, the corporation, forms
G29 0480  9    of government, the idea of freedom, the defense of
G29 0490  7    liberty, the various lethargies which overtake our
G29 0500  3    major institutions, the gap between traditional social
G29 0510  1    ideals and the working mechanisms that have been set
G29 0510 10    in motion for their realization. The thing that is
G29 0520  6    notable in all these discussions is the lack of ideological
G29 0530  5    ardor. There is another kind of ardor, a quiet, sure
G29 0540  2    devotion to the fundamental decencies of human life,
G29 0540 10    but no angry utopian contentions. Actually, you could
G29 0550  7    wish for some passion, now and then, but when you look
G29 0560  8    around the world and see the little volcanos of current
G29 0570  3    history which partisan social passions have wrought,
G29 0580  1    you are glad that in these pamphlets there is at least
G29 0580 12    some civilized calm.
G29 0590  2       You could also say that in these pamphlets is a
G29 0590 12    relieving quality of maturity. There is essential pleasantness
G29 0600  8    in reading the writing of men who are not angry, who
G29 0610  9    can contend without quarreling. This is the good kind
G29 0620  6    of sophistication, and with all our problems and crises
G29 0630  3    this kind of sophistication has flowered in the United
G29 0630 12    States during recent years. A characteristic expression
G29 0640  7    of such concern and inquiry is found in Joseph P& Lyford's
G29 0650  9    introduction to The Agreeable Autocracies, a recent
G29 0660  5    paperback study of the institutions of modern democratic
G29 0670  4    society. Mr& Lyford gives voice to a temper that represents,
G29 0680  3    we think, an achieved plateau of reflective thinking.
G29 0690  1    After casting about for a way of describing this spirit,
G29 0690 11    we decided that it would be better to use Mr& Lyford's
G29 0700 10    introduction as an illustration. He begins: "
G29 0710  5       At one time it seemed as if the Soviet Union had
G29 0720  5    done us a favor by providing a striking example of
G29 0730  2    how not to behave towards other peoples and other nations.
G29 0730 12    As things turned out, however, we have not profited
G29 0740  9    greatly from the lesson: instead of persistently following
G29 0750  5    a national program of our own we have often been satisfied
G29 0760  6    to be against whatever Soviet policy seemed to be at
G29 0770  4    the moment. Such activity may or may not have irritated
G29 0780  1    the Kremlin, but it has frequently condemned America
G29 0780  9    to an unnatural defensiveness that has undermined our
G29 0790  6    effort to give leadership to the free world.
G29 0800  3       The defensiveness has been exaggerated by another
G29 0810  1    bad habit, our tendency to rate the "goodness" or "badness"
G29 0820  1    of other nations by the extent to which they applaud
G29 0820 11    the slogans we circulate about ourselves. Since the
G29 0830  5    slogans have little application to reality and are
G29 0840  4    sanctimonious to boot, the applause is faint even in
G29 0840 13    areas of the world where we should expect to find the
G29 0850 11    greatest affection for free government. Shocked at
G29 0860  6    the response to our proclamations, we grow more defensive,
G29 0870  5    and worse, we lose our sense of humor and proportion.
G29 0880  1    Mr& Nehru is subjected to stern lectures on neutralism
G29 0880 10    by our Department of State, and an American President
G29 0890  9    observes sourly that Sweden would be a little less
G29 0900  8    neurotic if it were a little more capitalistic".
G29 0910  2       One thing you can say about Mr& Lyford is that he
G29 0920  3    does not suffer from any insecurity as an American.
G29 0920 12    Those who are insecure fear to be candid in self-examination.
G29 0930 11    Only the strong look squarely at weakness. The maturity
G29 0940  7    in this point of view lies in its recognition that
G29 0950  5    no basic problem is ever solved without being clearly
G29 0960  2    understood. Mr& Lyford continues: "
G29 0960  6       Even if the self portrait we distribute for popular
G29 0970  7    consumption were accurate it would be dangerous to
G29 0980  5    present it as a picture of the ideal society. We would
G29 0990  2    be ignoring the special circumstances of other countries.
G29 0990 10    The picture is the more treacherous when it misrepresents
G29 1000  9    the facts of American life. The discrepancy between
G29 1010  5    what we commonly profess and what we practice or tolerate
G29 1020  5    is great, and it does not escape the notice of others.
G29 1030  3    If our sincerity is granted, and it is granted, the
G29 1030 13    discrepancy can only be explained by the fact that
G29 1040  9    we have come to believe hearsay and legend about ourselves
G29 1050  6    in preference to an understanding gained by earnest
G29 1060  4    self-examination. What is more, the legends have become
G29 1070  1    so sacrosanct that the very habit of self-examination
G29 1070 10    or self-criticism smells of low treason, and men who
G29 1080  8    practice it are defeatists and unpatriotic scoundrels.
G29 1090  3       **h although we continue to pay our conversational
G29 1100  2    devotions to "free private enterprise", "individual
G29 1110  1    initiative", "the democratic way", "government of the
G29 1110  8    people", "competition of the marketplace", etc&, we
G29 1120  7    live rather comfortably in a society in which economic
G29 1130  7    competition is diminishing in large areas, bureaucracy
G29 1140  4    is corroding representative government, technology
G29 1150  1    is weakening the citizen's confidence in his own power
G29 1150 10    to make decisions, and the threat of war is driving
G29 1160  9    him economically and physically into the ground".
G29 1170  4       The interesting thing about Mr& Lyford's approach,
G29 1180  3    and the approach of the contributors to The Agreeable
G29 1190  2    Autocracies (Oceana Publications, 1961) to the situation
G29 1200  1    of American civilization, is that it is concerned with
G29 1200 10    comprehending the psychological relationships which
G29 1210  5    are having a decisive effect on American life. In an
G29 1220  6    ideological argument, the participants tend to thump
G29 1230  3    the table. They are determined to prove something.
G29 1230 11    The new spirit, so well illustrated by Mr& Lyford's
G29 1240  9    work, is wholly free of this anxiety. The problem is
G29 1250  8    rather to find out what is actually happening, and
G29 1260  3    this is especially difficult for the reason that "we
G29 1270  1    are busily being defended from a knowledge of the present,
G29 1270 11    sometimes by the very agencies- our educational system,
G29 1280  8    our mass media, our statesmen- on which we have had
G29 1290  6    to rely most heavily for understanding of ourselves".
G29 1300  3    The Introduction continues: "
G29 1300  6       We experience a vague uneasiness about events, a
G29 1310  7    suspicion that our political and economic institutions,
G29 1320  4    like the genie in the bottle, have escaped confinement
G29 1330  2    and that we have lost the power to recall them. We
G29 1330 13    feel uncomfortable at being bossed by a corporation
G29 1340  8    or a union or a television set, but until we have some
G29 1350  7    knowledge about these phenomena and what they are doing
G29 1360  5    to us, we can hardly learn to control them. It does
G29 1370  1    not appear that we will be delivered from our situation
G29 1370 11    by articles on The National Purpose.
G29 1380  5       The Agreeable Autocracies is an attempt to explore
G29 1390  6    some of the institutions which both reflect and determine
G29 1400  3    the character of the free society today. The men who
G29 1410  1    speculate on these institutions have, for the most
G29 1410  9    part, come to at least one common conclusion: that
G29 1420  5    many of the great enterprises and associations around
G29 1430  2    which our democracy is formed are in themselves autocratic
G29 1440  1    in nature, and possessed of power which can be used
G29 1440 11    to frustrate the citizen who is trying to assert his
G29 1450  9    individuality in the modern world".
G29 1460  2       These institutions which Mr& Lyford names "agreeable
G29 1470  1    autocracies"- where did they come from? Of one thing
G29 1470  9    we can be sure: they were not sketched out by the revolutionary
G29 1480 12    theorists of the eighteenth century who formulated
G29 1490  7    the political principles and originally shaped the
G29 1500  5    political institutions of what we term the "free society".
G29 1510  2    No doubt there are historians who can explain to a
G29 1520  1    great extent what happened to the plans and projects
G29 1520 10    of the eighteenth century. Going back over this ground
G29 1530  7    and analyzing the composition of forces which have
G29 1540  5    created the present scene is one of the tasks undertaken
G29 1550  1    by the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions,
G29 1550 10    in Santa Barbara. But however we come, finally, to
G29 1560  9    explain and account for the present, the truth we are
G29 1570  8    trying to expose, right now, is that the makers of
G29 1580  4    constitutions and the designers of institutions find
G29 1590  1    it difficult if not impossible to anticipate the behavior
G29 1590 10    of the host of all their enterprises. The host is the
G29 1600  9    flowing life of the human race. This life has its own
G29 1610  6    currents and rhythms, its own multiple cycles and adaptations.
G29 1620  3    On occasion it produces extraordinary novelties. Should
G29 1630  2    Rousseau have been able to leave room in his social
G29 1630 12    theory for the advent of television, atomic energy,
G29 1640  8    and ~IBM machines? How would Thomas Jefferson feel
G29 1650  6    after reading Factories in the Field? They tell us,
G29 1660  5    sir, that we are free, because we have in one hand
G29 1670  2    a ballot, and in the other a stock certificate. With
G29 1670 12    these we shape our destiny and own private property,
G29 1680  8    and that, sir, makes ours the best of all possible
G29 1690  6    societies. The reality of the situation, however, is
G29 1700  2    described by Mr& Lyford: "
G29 1700  6       Many of us may even be secretly relieved at having
G29 1710  6    a plausible excuse to delegate ancient civic responsibilities
G29 1720  3    to a new bureaucracy of experts. Thus the member of
G29 1730  2    an industrial union comes to regard his officers as
G29 1730 11    business agents who may proceed without interference
G29 1740  7    or recall; the stockholder delivers his proxy; and
G29 1750  5    the citizen narrows his political participation to
G29 1760  2    the mere act of voting- if he votes at all".
G30 0010  1    Copernicus did not question it, Ptolemy could not.
G30 0010  9    Given the conceptual context within which ancient thought
G30 0020  6    thrived, how could anyone have questioned this principle?
G30 0030  4    The reasons for this are partly observational, partly
G30 0040  2    philosophical, and reinforced by other aesthetic and
G30 0050  1    cultural factors.
G30 0050  3       First, the observational reasons. The obvious natural
G30 0060  2    fact to ancient thinkers was the diurnal rotation of
G30 0060 11    the heavens. Not only did constellations like Draco,
G30 0070  8    Cepheus, and Cassiopeia spin circles around the pole,
G30 0080  6    but stars which were not circumpolar rose and set at
G30 0090  5    the same place on the horizon each night. Nor did a
G30 0100  2    constellation's stars vary in brightness during the
G30 0100  9    course of their nocturnal flights. The conclusion-
G30 0110  5    the distances of the constellations did not vary and
G30 0120  5    their paths were circular. Moreover, the sun's path
G30 0130  2    over earth described a segment of a great circle; this
G30 0130 12    was clear from the contour of the shadow traced by
G30 0140 10    a gnomon before and after noon.
G30 0150  2       As early as the /6,th century B&C& the earth was
G30 0160  2    seen to be spherical. Ships disappear hull-first over
G30 0160 11    the horizon; approaching shore their masts appeared
G30 0170  6    first. Earth, being at the center of the universe,
G30 0180  6    would have the same shape as the latter; so, e&g& did
G30 0190  4    Aristotle argue, although this may not be an observational
G30 0200  1    reason in favor of circularity. The discoid shapes
G30 0200  9    of sun and moon were also felt to indicate the shape
G30 0210 11    of celestial things.
G30 0220  1       In light of all this, one would require special
G30 0220 10    reasons for saying that the paths of the heavenly bodies
G30 0230  9    were other than circular. Why, for example, should
G30 0240  5    the ancients have supposed the diurnal rotation of
G30 0250  2    the heavens to be elliptical? Or oviform? Or angular?
G30 0260  1    There were no reasons for such suppositions then. This,
G30 0260 10    conjoined with the considerations above, made the circular
G30 0270  8    motions of heavenly bodies appear an almost directly
G30 0280  6    observed fact.
G30 0280  8       Additional philosophical considerations, advanced
G30 0290  3    notably by Aristotle, supported further the circularity
G30 0300  3    principle. By distinguishing superlunary (celestial)
G30 0310  1    and sublunary (terrestrial) existence, and reinforcing
G30 0310  7    this with the four-element physics of Empedocles, Aristotle
G30 0320  8    came to speak of the stars as perfect bodies, which
G30 0330  7    moved in only a perfect way, viz& in a perfect circle.
G30 0340  5       Now what is perfect motion? It must, apparently,
G30 0350  2    be motion without termini. Because motion which begins
G30 0350 10    and ends at discrete places would (e&g& for Aristotle)
G30 0360  9    be incomplete. Circular motion, however, since it is
G30 0370  7    eternal and perfectly continuous, lacks termini. It
G30 0380  4    is never motion towards something. Only imcomplete,
G30 0390  1    imperfect things move towards what they lack. Perfect,
G30 0390  9    complete entities, if they move at all, do not move
G30 0400 10    towards what they lack. They move only in accordance
G30 0410  6    with what is in their natures. Thus, circular motion
G30 0420  2    is itself one of the essential characteristics of completely
G30 0430  1    perfect celestial existence.
G30 0430  4       To return now to the four-element physics, a mixture
G30 0440  4    of muddy, frothy water will, when standing in a jar,
G30 0450  3    separate out with earth at the bottom, water on top,
G30 0450 13    and the air on top of that. A candle alight in the
G30 0460 11    air directs its flame and smoke upwards. This gives
G30 0470  5    a clue to the cosmical order of elements. Thus earth
G30 0480  3    has fallen to the center of the universe. It is covered
G30 0480 14    (partly) with water, air is atop of that. Pure fire
G30 0490 10    (the stars) is in the heavens. When combined with the
G30 0500  7    metaphysical notion that pure forms of this universe
G30 0510  4    are best appreciated when least embodied in a material
G30 0520  1    substratum, it becomes clear that while earth will
G30 0520  9    be dross on a scale of material-formal ratios, celestial
G30 0530  7    bodies will be of a subtle, quickened, ethereal existence,
G30 0540  4    in whose embodiment pure form will be the dominant
G30 0550  3    component and matter will be absent or remain subsidiary.
G30 0560  1       The stars constitute an order of existence different
G30 0560  9    from what we encounter on earth. This is clear when
G30 0570  9    one distinguishes the types of motion appropriate to
G30 0580  5    both regions. A projectile shot up from earth returns
G30 0590  2    rectlinearly to its 'natural' place of rest. But the
G30 0600  1    natural condition for the heavenly bodies is neither
G30 0600  9    rest, nor rectilinear motion. Being less encumbered
G30 0610  5    by material embodiments they partake more of what is
G30 0620  5    divine. Their motion will be eternal and perfect.
G30 0630  1       Let us re-examine the publicized contrasts between
G30 0630  9    Ptolemaic and Copernican astronomy. Bluntly, there
G30 0640  6    never was a Ptolemaic system of astronomy. Copernicus'
G30 0650  4    achievement was to have invented systematic astronomy.
G30 0660  3    The Almagest and the Hypotheses outline Ptolemy's conception
G30 0670  3    of his own task as the provision of computational tables,
G30 0680  2    independent calculating devices for the prediction
G30 0690  1    of future planetary perturbations. Indeed, in the Halma
G30 0690  9    edition of Theon's presentation of the Hypotheses there
G30 0700  6    is a chart setting out (under six distinct headings)
G30 0710  6    otherwise unrelated diagrams for describing the planetary
G30 0720  3    motions. No attempt is made by Ptolemy to weld into
G30 0730  2    a single scheme (a la Aristotle), these independent
G30 0730 10    predicting-machines. They all have this in common:
G30 0740  7    the earth is situated near the center of the deferent.
G30 0750  7    But that one should superimpose all these charts, run
G30 0760  4    a pin through the common point, and then scale each
G30 0770  1    planetary deferent larger and smaller (to keep the
G30 0770  9    epicycles from 'bumping'), this is contrary to any
G30 0780  6    intention Ptolemy ever expresses. He might even suppose
G30 0790  5    the planets to move at infinity. Ptolemy's problem
G30 0800  2    is to forecast where, against the inverted bowl of
G30 0800 11    night, some particular light will be found at future
G30 0810  8    times. His problem concerns longitudes, latitudes,
G30 0820  3    and angular velocities. The distances of these points
G30 0830  2    of light is a problem he cannot master, beyond crude
G30 0830 12    conjectures as to the orderings of the planetary orbits
G30 0840  9    viewed outward from earth. But none of this has prevented
G30 0850  7    scientists, philosophers, and even historians of science,
G30 0860  4    from speaking of the Ptolemaic system, in contrast
G30 0870  2    to the Copernican. This is a mistake. It is engendered
G30 0870 12    by confounding the Aristotelian cosmology in the Almagest
G30 0880  8    with the geocentric astronomy.
G30 0890  3       Ptolemy recurrently denies that he could ever explain
G30 0900  3    planetary motion. This is what necessitates the nonsystematic
G30 0910  1    character of his astronomy. So when textbooks, like
G30 0910  9    that of Baker set out drawings of the 'Ptolemaic System',
G30 0920 10    complete with earth in the center and the seven heavenly
G30 0930 10    bodies epicyclically arranged on their several deferents,
G30 0940  5    we have nothing but a misleading /20,th-century idea
G30 0950  2    of what never existed historically.
G30 0950  7       It is the chief merit in Copernicus' work that all
G30 0960  9    his planetary calculations are interdependent. He cannot,
G30 0970  5    e&g& compute the retrograde arc traveled by Mars, without
G30 0980  6    also making suppositions about the earth's own motion.
G30 0990  4    He cannot describe eclipses without entertaining some
G30 1000  2    form of a three-body problem. In Ptolemaic terms, however,
G30 1010  9    eclipses and retrograde motion were phenomena simpliciter,
G30 1020  7    to be explained directly as possible resultants of
G30 1030  6    epicyclical combinations. In a systematic astronomy,
G30 1040  3    like that of Copernicus, retrogradations become part
G30 1050  2    of the conceptual structure of the system; they are
G30 1050 11    no longer a puzzling aspect of intricately variable,
G30 1060  7    local planetary motions.
G30 1070  1       Another contrast stressed when discussing Ptolemaic
G30 1070  7    vs& Copernican astronomy, turns on the idea of simplicity.
G30 1080  9    It is often stated that Copernican astronomy is 'simpler'
G30 1090  7    than Ptolemaic. Some even say that this is the reason
G30 1100  9    for the ultimate acceptance of the former. Thus, Margenau
G30 1110  5    remarks: "A large number of unrelated epicycles was
G30 1120  3    needed to explain the observations, but otherwise the
G30 1130  1    [Ptolemaic] system served well and with quantitative
G30 1130  8    precision. Copernicus, by placing the sun at the center
G30 1140  8    of the planetary universe, was able to reduce the number
G30 1150  7    of epicycles from eighty-three to seventeen. Historical
G30 1160  2    records indicate that Copernicus was unaware of the
G30 1170  1    fundamental aspects of his so-called 'revolution',
G30 1170  8    unaware perhaps of its historical importance, he rested
G30 1180  7    content with having produced a simpler scheme for prediction.
G30 1190  6    As an illustration of the principle of simplicity the
G30 1200  4    heliocentric discovery has a peculiar appeal because
G30 1210  1    it allows simplicity to be arithmetized; it involves
G30 1210  9    a reduction in the number of epicycles from eighty-three
G30 1220  9    to seventeen".
G30 1230  1       Without careful qualification this can be misleading.
G30 1230  8    If in any one calculation Ptolemy had had to invoke
G30 1240  7    83 epicycles all at once, while Copernicus never required
G30 1250  5    more than one third this number, then (in the sense
G30 1260  4    obvious to Margenau) Ptolemaic astronomy would be simpler
G30 1270  1    than Copernican. But no single planetary problem ever
G30 1270  9    required of Ptolemy more than six epicycles at one
G30 1280  9    time. This, of course, results from the non-systematic,
G30 1290  5    'cellular' character of Ptolemaic theory. Calculations
G30 1300  3    within the Copernican framework always raised questions
G30 1310  1    about planetary configurations. These could be met
G30 1310  8    only by considering the dynamical elements of several
G30 1320  6    planets at one time. This is more ambitious than Ptolemy
G30 1330  6    is ever required to be when he faces his isolated problems.
G30 1340  4    Thus, in no ordinary sense of 'simplicity' is the Ptolemaic
G30 1350  4    theory simpler than the Copernican. The latter required
G30 1360  1    juggling several elements simultaneously. This was
G30 1360  7    not simpler but much more difficult than exercises
G30 1370  7    within Ptolemy's astronomy.
G30 1380  1       Analogously, anyone who argues that Einstein's theory
G30 1380  8    of gravitation is simpler than Newton's, must say rather
G30 1390  9    more to explain how it is that the latter is mastered
G30 1400  9    by student-physicists, while the former can be managed
G30 1410  6    (with difficulty) only by accomplished experts.
G30 1420  1       In a sense, Einstein's theory is simpler than Newton's,
G30 1430  1    and there is a corresponding sense in which Copernicus'
G30 1430 10    theory is simpler than Ptolemy's. But 'simplicity'
G30 1440  7    here refers to systematic simplicity. The number of
G30 1450  6    primitive ideas in systematically-simple theories is
G30 1460  3    reduced to a minimum. The axioms required to make the
G30 1470  3    theoretical machinery operate are set out tersely and
G30 1470 11    powerfully, so that all permissible operations within
G30 1480  7    the theory can be traced rigorously back to these axioms,
G30 1490  6    rules, and primitive notions. This characterizes Euclid's
G30 1500  3    formulation of geometry, but not Ptolemy's astronomy.
G30 1510  2    There are in the Almagest no rules for determining
G30 1520  1    in advance whether a new epicycle will be required
G30 1520 10    for dealing with abberations in lunar, solar, or planetary
G30 1530  7    behavior. The strongest appeal of the Copernican formulation
G30 1540  6    consisted in just this: ideally, the justification
G30 1550  3    for dealing with special problems in particular ways
G30 1560  2    is completely set out in the basic 'rules' of the theory.
G30 1560 13    The lower-level hypotheses are never 'ad hoc', never
G30 1570  9    introduced ex post facto just to sweep up within the
G30 1580  9    theory some recalcitrant datum. Copernicus, to an extent
G30 1590  5    unachieved by Ptolemy, approximated to Euclid's vision.
G30 1600  3    De Revolutionibus is not just a collection of facts
G30 1610  2    and techniques. It is an organized system of these
G30 1610 11    things. Solving astronomical problems requires, for
G30 1620  5    Copernicus, not a random search of unrelated tables,
G30 1630  4    but a regular employment of the rules defining the
G30 1640  2    entire discipline.
G30 1640  4       Hence, noting the simplicity achieved in Copernicus'
G30 1650  3    formulation does not provide another reason for the
G30 1660  2    acceptance of De Revolutionibus, another reason beyond
G30 1660  9    its systematic superiority. It provides exactly the
G30 1670  7    same reason.
G30 1680  1       1543 A&D& is often venerated as the birthday of
G30 1680 10    the scientific revolution. It is really the funeral
G30 1690  7    day of scholastic science. Granted, the cosmological,
G30 1700  3    philosophical, and cultural reverberations initiated
G30 1710  2    by the De Revolutionibus were felt with increasing
G30 1710 10    violence during the 300 years to follow. But, considered
G30 1720  9    within technical astronomy, a different pattern can
G30 1730  6    be traced.
G30 1730  8       In what does the dissatisfaction of Copernicus-the-astronomer
G30 1740  6    consist? What in the Almagest draws his fire? Geocentricism
G30 1750  6    per se? No. The formal displacement of the geocentric
G30 1760  6    principle far from being Copernicus' primary concern,
G30 1770  3    was introduced only to resolve what seemed to him intolerable
G30 1780  4    in orthodox astronomy, namely, the 'unphysical' triplication
G30 1790  2    of centric reference-points: one center from which
G30 1800  1    the planet's distances were calculated, another around
G30 1800  8    which planetary velocities were computed, and still
G30 1810  6    a third center (the earth) from which the observations
G30 1820  4    originated. This arrangement was for Copernicus literally
G30 1830  2    monstrous: "With [the Ptolemaists] it is as though
G30 1840  1    an artist were to gather the hands, feet, head and
G30 1840 11    other members for his images from divers models, each
G30 1850  8    part excellently drawn, but not related to a single
G30 1860  5    body; and since they in no way match each other, the
G30 1870  2    result would be a monster rather than a man".
G30 1870 11       Copernicus required a systematically integrated,
G30 1880  5    physically intelligible astronomy. His objective was,
G30 1890  4    essentially, to repair those aspects of orthodox astronomy
G30 1900  2    responsible for its deficiencies in achieving these
G30 1900  9    ends. That such deficiencies existed within Ptolemy's
G30 1910  7    theory was not discovered de novo by Copernicus. The
G30 1920  7    critical, rigorous examinations of Nicholas of Cusa
G30 1930  5    and Nicholas of Oresme provided the context (a late
G30 1940  3    medieval context) for Nicholas Copernicus' own work.
G30 1950  1    The latter looked backward upon inherited deficiencies.
G30 1950  8    Without abandoning too much, Copernicus sought to make
G30 1960  7    orthodox astronomy systematically and mechanically
G30 1970  3    acceptable. He did not think himself to be firing the
G30 1980  3    first shot of an intellectual revolution.
G31 0010  1    Henrietta's feeling of identity with Sara Sullam was
G31 0010  9    crowned by her discovery of the coincidence that Sara's
G31 0020  7    epitaph in the Jewish cemetery in Venice referred to
G31 0030  6    her as "the Sulamite".
G31 0030 10       Into the texture of this tapestry of history and
G31 0040  9    human drama Henrietta, as every artist delights to
G31 0050  6    do, wove strands of her own intuitive insights into
G31 0060  2    human nature and- especially in the remarkable story
G31 0065  6    of the attraction and conflict between two so disparate
G31 0070  8    and fervent characters as this pair- into the relations
G31 0080  7    of men and women: "In their relations, she was the
G31 0090  5    giver and he the receiver, nay the demander. His feeling
G31 0100  2    always exacted sacrifices from her. **h One is so accustomed
G31 0110  1    to think of men as the privileged who need but ask
G31 0110 12    and receive, and women as submissive and yielding,
G31 0120  6    that our sympathies are usually enlisted on the side
G31 0130  4    of the man whose love is not returned, and we condemn
G31 0140  1    the woman as a coquette **h. The very firmness of her
G31 0140 12    convictions and logical clearness of her arguments
G31 0150  6    captivated and stimulated him to make greater efforts;
G31 0160  4    usually, this is most exasperating to men, who expect
G31 0170  2    every woman to verify their preconceived notions concerning
G31 0170 10    her sex, and when she does not, immediately condemn
G31 0180  9    her as eccentric and unwomanly **h. She had the opportunity
G31 0190  7    that few clever women can resist, of showing her superiority
G31 0200  5    in argument over a man **h. Women themselves have come
G31 0210  3    to look upon matters in the same light as the outside
G31 0220  1    world, and scarcely find any wrong in submitting to
G31 0220 10    the importunities of a stronger will, even when their
G31 0230  8    affections are withheld **h. She was exposing herself
G31 0240  5    to temptation which it is best to avoid where it can
G31 0250  3    consistently be done. One who invites such trials of
G31 0250 12    character is either foolhardy, overconfident or too
G31 0260  7    simple and childlike in faith in mankind to see the
G31 0270  6    danger. In any case but the last, such a course is
G31 0280  2    sure to avenge itself upon the individual; the moral
G31 0280 11    powers no more than the physical and mental, can bear
G31 0290 10    overstraining. And, in the last case, a bitter disappointment
G31 0300  7    but too often meets the confiding nature **h".
G31 0310  3       Henrietta was discovering in the process of writing,
G31 0320  2    as the born writer does, not merely a channel for the
G31 0320 13    discharge of accumulated information but a stimulus
G31 0330  7    to the development of the creative powers of observation,
G31 0340  5    insight and intuition.
G31 0340  8       Dr& Isaacs was so pleased with the quality of her
G31 0350 10    biographical study of Sara Sullam that he considered
G31 0360  6    submitting it to the Century Magazine or Harper's but
G31 0370  4    he decided that its Jewish subject probably would not
G31 0380  3    interest them and published it in The Messenger, "so
G31 0390  2    our readers will be benefited instead". Under her father's
G31 0400  1    influence it did not occur to Henrietta that she might
G31 0400 11    write on subjects outside the Jewish field, but she
G31 0410  7    did begin writing for other Anglo-Jewish papers and
G31 0420  3    thus increased her output and her audience. And she
G31 0430  2    wrote the libretto for an oratorio on the subject of
G31 0430 12    Judas Maccabeus performed at the Hanukkah festival
G31 0440  6    which came in December. By her eighteenth birthday
G31 0450  5    her bent for writing was so evident that Papa and Mamma
G31 0460  4    gave her a Life of Dickens as a spur to her aspiration.
G31 0470  1       Another source of intellectual stimulus was opened
G31 0480  1    to her at that time by the founding of Johns Hopkins
G31 0480 12    University within walking distance of home. It was
G31 0490  7    established in a couple of buildings in the shopping
G31 0500  4    district, with only a few professors, but all eminent
G31 0510  1    men, and a few hundred eager students housed in nearby
G31 0510 11    dwellings. In September '76 Thomas Huxley, Darwin's
G31 0520  7    famous disciple, came from England to speak in a crowded
G31 0530  8    auditorium at the formal opening of the University;
G31 0540  4    and although it was a school for men only, it afforded
G31 0550  2    Henrietta an opportunity to attend its public lectures.
G31 0560  1       In the following year her father undertook to give
G31 0560 10    a course in Hebrew theology to Johns Hopkins students,
G31 0570  6    and this brought to the Szold house a group of bright
G31 0580  6    young Jews who had come to Baltimore to study, and
G31 0590  3    who enjoyed being fed and mothered by Mamma and entertained
G31 0600  1    by Henrietta and Rachel, who played and sang for them
G31 0600 11    in the upstairs sitting room on Sunday evenings. From
G31 0610  7    Philadelphia came Cyrus Adler and Joseph Jastrow. Adler,
G31 0620  3    Judge Sulzberger's nephew, came to study Assyriology.
G31 0630  1    A smart, shrewd and ambitious young man, well connected,
G31 0630 10    and with a knack for getting in the good graces of
G31 0640 10    important people, he was bound to go far. Joseph Jastrow,
G31 0650  7    the younger son of the distinguished rabbi, Marcus
G31 0660  3    Jastrow, was a friendly, round-faced fellow with a
G31 0670  1    little mustache, whose field was psychology, and who
G31 0670  9    was also a punster and a jolly tease. His father was
G31 0680  8    a good friend of Rabbi Szold, and Joe lived with the
G31 0690  5    Szolds for a while. Both these youths, who greatly
G31 0700  1    admired Henrietta, were somewhat younger than she,
G31 0700  8    as were also the neighboring Friedenwald boys, who
G31 0715  3    were then studying medicine; and bright though they
G31 0720  5    all were, they could not possibly compete for her interest
G31 0730  3    with Papa, whose mind- although he never tried to dazzle
G31 0740  1    or patronize lesser lights with it- naturally eclipsed
G31 0740  9    theirs and made them seem to her even younger than
G31 0750  9    they were. Besides, Miss Henrietta- as she was generally
G31 0760  7    known since she had put up her hair with a chignon
G31 0770  4    in the back- had little time to spare them from her
G31 0780  1    teaching and writing; so Cyrus Adler became interested
G31 0780  9    in her friend Racie Friedenwald, and Joe Jastrow- the
G31 0790  7    only young man who when he wrote had the temerity to
G31 0800  7    address her as Henrietta, and signed himself Joe- fell
G31 0810  4    in love with pretty sister Rachel.
G31 0810 10       Henrietta, however, was at that time engaged in
G31 0820  8    a lengthy correspondence with Joe's older and more
G31 0830  5    serious brother, Morris, who was just about her own
G31 0840  3    age and whom she had got to know well during trips
G31 0840 14    to Philadelphia with Papa, when he substituted for
G31 0850  7    Rabbi Jastrow at Rodeph Shalom Temple there during
G31 0860  5    its Rabbi's absence in Europe. Young Morris, who, while
G31 0870  4    attending the University of Pennsylvania, also taught
G31 0880  2    and edited a paper, found time to write Henrietta twenty-page
G31 0890  1    letters on everything that engaged his interest, from
G31 0890  9    the acting of Sarah Bernhardt in Philadelphia to his
G31 0900  6    reactions to the comments of "Sulamith" on the Jewish
G31 0910  5    reform movement being promulgated by the Hebrew Union
G31 0920  3    College in Cincinnati. Unlike his younger brother,
G31 0930  1    Joe, he never presumed to address her more familiarly
G31 0930 10    than as "My dear friend", although he praised and envied
G31 0940  8    the elegance and purity of her style. And when he complained
G31 0950  8    of the lack of time for all he wanted to do, Henrietta
G31 0960  6    advised him to rise at five in the morning as she and
G31 0970  4    Papa did.
G31 0970  6       One thing Papa had not taught Henrietta was how
G31 0980  3    to handle a young man as high-spirited and opinionated
G31 0980 13    as herself. She could not resist the opportunity "of
G31 0990  9    showing her superiority in argument over a man" which
G31 1000  7    she had remarked as one of the "feminine follies" of
G31 1010  4    Sara Sullam; and in her forthright way, Henrietta,
G31 1020  2    who in her story of Sara had indicated her own unwillingness
G31 1030  1    "to think of men as the privileged" and "women as submissive
G31 1040  1    and yielding", felt obliged to defend vigorously any
G31 1040  9    statement of hers to which Morris Jastrow took the
G31 1050  7    slightest exception- he objected to her stand on the
G31 1060  6    Corbin affair, as well as on the radical reforms of
G31 1070  2    Dr& Wise of Hebrew Union College- until once, in sheer
G31 1080  1    desperation, he wrote that he had given up hope they
G31 1080 11    would ever agree on anything. But that did not prevent
G31 1090  8    him from writing more long letters, or from coming
G31 1100  4    to spend his Christmas vacations with the hospitable,
G31 1110  1    lively Szolds in their pleasant house on Lombard Street.
G31 1110 10    #1880S: "LITTLE WOMEN"#
G31 1120  3    "WE'VE GOT Father and Mother and each other **h" said
G31 1130  6    Beth on the first page of Louisa Alcott's Little Women;
G31 1140  3    and, "I do think that families are the most beautiful
G31 1150  3    things in all the world", burst out Jo some five hundred
G31 1160  1    pages later in that popular story of the March family,
G31 1160 11    which had first appeared when Henrietta was eight;
G31 1170  7    and the Szold family, as it developed, bore a striking
G31 1180  6    resemblance to the Marches.
G31 1180 10       Mr& March, like Benjamin Szold, was a clergyman,
G31 1190  8    although of an indeterminate denomination; and "Marmee"
G31 1200  4    March, like Sophie Szold, was the competent manager
G31 1210  5    of her brood of girls, of whom the Marches had only
G31 1220  3    four to the Szolds' five. But the March girls had their
G31 1230  1    counterparts in the Szold girls. Henrietta could easily
G31 1230  9    identify herself with Jo March, although Jo was not
G31 1240  9    the eldest sister. Neither was Henrietta hoydenish
G31 1250  4    like Jo, who frankly wished she were a boy and had
G31 1260  4    deliberately shortened her name, which, like Henrietta's,
G31 1270  1    was the feminine form of a boy's name. But both were
G31 1270 12    high-spirited and vivacious, both had tempers to control,
G31 1280  8    both loved languages, especially English and German,
G31 1290  5    both were good teachers and wrote for publication.
G31 1300  2    Each was her mother's assistant and confidante; and
G31 1310  1    each stood out conspicuously in the family picture.
G31 1310  9       Bertha Szold was more like Meg, the eldest March
G31 1320  8    girl, who "learned that a woman's happiest kingdom
G31 1330  4    is home, her highest honor the art of ruling it, not
G31 1340  3    as a queen, but a wise wife and mother". Bertha, blue-eyed
G31 1350  1    like Mamma, was from the start her mother's daughter,
G31 1350 10    destined for her mother's role in life. Sadie, like
G31 1360  8    Beth March, suffered ill health- got rheumatic fever
G31 1370  4    and had to be careful of her heart- but that never
G31 1380  4    dampened her spirits. When her right hand was incapacitated
G31 1390  1    by the rheumatism, Sadie learned to write with her
G31 1390 10    left hand. She wrote gay plays about the girls for
G31 1400  8    family entertainments, like "Oh, What Fun! A comedy
G31 1410  5    in Three Acts", in which, under "Personages", Henrietta
G31 1420  2    appeared as "A Schoolmarm", and Bertha, who was only
G31 1430  4    a trifle less brilliant in high school than Henrietta
G31 1440  1    had been, appeared as "Dummkopf". Sadie studied piano;
G31 1440  9    played Chopin in the "Soiree Musicale of Mr& Guthrie's
G31 1450  9    Pupils"; and she recited "Hector's Farewell to Andromache"
G31 1460  8    most movingly, to the special delight of Rabbi Jastrow
G31 1470  9    at his home in Germantown near Philadelphia, where
G31 1480  4    the Szold girls took turns visiting between the visits
G31 1490  4    of the Jastrow boys at the Szolds' in Baltimore. Adele,
G31 1500  2    like Amy, the youngest of the Marches, was the rebellious,
G31 1510  1    mischievous, rather calculating and ambitious one.
G31 1510  7    For Rachel, conceded to be the prettiest of the Szold
G31 1520  9    girls- and she did make a pretty picture sitting in
G31 1530  6    the grape-arbor strumming her guitar and singing in
G31 1540  2    her silvery tones- there was no particular March counterpart;
G31 1550  1    but both groups were so closely knit that despite individual
G31 1550 11    differences the family life in both cases was remarkably
G31 1560  9    similar in atmosphere if not entirely in content- the
G31 1570  7    one being definitely Jewish and the other vaguely Christian.
G31 1580  6       The Szolds, like the Marches, enjoyed and loved
G31 1590  4    living together, even in troubled times; and, as in
G31 1600  3    the March home, any young man who called on the Szolds
G31 1600 14    found himself confronted with a phalanx of femininity
G31 1610  8    which made it rather difficult to direct his particular
G31 1620  5    attention to any one of them. This included Mamma,
G31 1630  3    jolly, generous, and pretty, with whom they all fell
G31 1640  1    in love, just as Papa had first fallen in love with
G31 1640 12    her Mamma before he chose her; and when a young man
G31 1650  9    like Morris Jastrow had enjoyed the Szold hospitality,
G31 1660  4    he felt obliged to send his respects and his gifts
G31 1670  3    not merely to Henrietta, in whom he was really interested,
G31 1680  1    but to all the Szold girls and Mamma. And just as "Laurie"
G31 1680 13    Lawrence was first attracted to bright Jo March, who
G31 1690  9    found him immature by her high standards, and then
G31 1700  7    had to content himself with her younger sister Amy,
G31 1710  3    so Joe Jastrow, who had also been writing Henrietta
G31 1720  1    before he came to Johns Hopkins, had to content himself
G31 1720 11    with her younger sister, pretty Rachel. And like Jo
G31 1730  8    March, who saw her sisters Meg and Amy involved in
G31 1740  6    "lovering" before herself, Henrietta saw her sisters
G31 1750  4    Rachel and Sadie drawn outside their family circle
G31 1760  1    by the attraction of suitors, Rachel by Joe Jastrow,
G31 1760 10    and Sadie by Max Lo^bl, a young businessman who would
G31 1770  8    write her romantic descriptions of his trips by steamboat
G31 1780  6    down the Mississippi.
G32 0010  1       This time he was making no mistake. Olgivanna- in
G32 0010 10    her country the nickname was a respectful form of address-
G32 0020  8    was not only attractive but shrewd, durable, sensible,
G32 0030  4    and smart. No wonder Wright was enchanted- no two better
G32 0040  6    suited people ever met. Almost from that day, until
G32 0050  1    his death, Olgivanna was to stay at his side; but the
G32 0050 12    years that immediately followed were to be extraordinarily
G32 0060  7    trying, both for Wright and his Montenegrin lady.
G32 0070  5       It must be granted that the flouting of convention,
G32 0080  3    no matter how well intentioned one may be, is sure
G32 0090  1    to lead to trouble, or at least to the discomfort that
G32 0090 12    goes with social disapproval. Even so, many of the
G32 0100  7    things that happened to Wright and Olgivanna seem inordinately
G32 0110  5    severe. Their afflictions centered on one maddening
G32 0120  4    difficulty: Miriam held up the divorce proceedings
G32 0130  1    that she herself had asked for. Reporters began to
G32 0130 10    trail Miriam everywhere, and to encourage her to make
G32 0140  7    appalling statements about Wright and his doings. Flocks
G32 0150  5    of writs, attachments, and unpleasant legal papers
G32 0160  2    of every sort began to fly through the air. The distracted
G32 0160 13    Miriam would agree to a settlement through her legal
G32 0170  9    representative, then change her mind and make another
G32 0180  7    attack on Wright as a person. At last her lawyer, Arthur
G32 0190  5    D& Cloud, gave up the case because she turned down
G32 0200  3    three successive settlements he arranged. Cloud made
G32 0200 10    an interesting statement in parting from his client:
G32 0210  7    "I wanted to be a lawyer, and Mrs& Wright wanted me
G32 0220  8    to be an avenging angel. So I got out. Mrs& Wright
G32 0230  5    is without funds. The first thing to do is get her
G32 0240  3    some money by a temporary but definite adjustment pending
G32 0240 12    a final disposition of the case. But every time I suggested
G32 0250 10    this to her, Mrs& Wright turned it down and demanded
G32 0260  8    that I go out and punish Mr& Wright. I am an attorney,
G32 0270  7    not an instrument of vengeance". Miriam Noel disregarded
G32 0280  4    the free advice of her departing counselor, and appointed
G32 0290  3    a heavy-faced young man named Harold Jackson to take
G32 0300  1    his place.
G32 0300  3       There were three years of this strange warfare;
G32 0310  1    and during the unhappy time, Miriam often would charge
G32 0310 10    that Wright and Olgivanna were misdemeanants against
G32 0320  5    the public order of Wisconsin. Yet somehow, when officers
G32 0330  5    were prodded into visiting Taliesin to execute the
G32 0340  3    warrants, they would find neither Wright nor Olgivanna
G32 0350  1    at home. This showed that common sense had not died
G32 0350 11    out at the county and village level- though why the
G32 0360  7    unhappy and obviously unbalanced woman was not restrained
G32 0370  5    remains a puzzle. The misery of Miriam's bitterness
G32 0380  2    can be felt today by anyone who studies the case- it
G32 0380 13    was hopeless, agonizing, and destructive, with Miriam
G32 0390  7    herself bearing the heaviest burden of shame and pain.
G32 0400  7       To get an idea of the embarrassment and chagrin
G32 0410  3    that was heaped upon Wright and Olgivanna, we should
G32 0420  2    bear in mind that the raids were sometimes led by Miriam
G32 0420 13    in person. One of the most distressing of these scenes
G32 0430  9    occurred at Spring Green toward the end of the open
G32 0440  8    warfare, on a beautiful day in June. At this time Miriam
G32 0450  5    Noel appeared, urging on Constable Henry Pengally,
G32 0460  1    whose name showed him to be a descendant of the Welsh
G32 0460 12    settlers in the neighborhood. A troop of reporters
G32 0470  8    brought up the rear. Miriam was stopped at the Taliesin
G32 0480  6    gate, and William Weston, now the estate foreman, came
G32 0490  4    out to parley. He said that Mr& Wright was not in,
G32 0500  3    and so could not be arrested on something called a
G32 0500 13    peace warrant that Miriam was waving in the air. Miriam
G32 0510  9    now ordered Pengally to break down the gate, but he
G32 0520  7    said he really couldn't go that far. At this point
G32 0530  3    Mrs& Frances Cupply, one of Wright's handsome daughters
G32 0540  1    by his first wife, came from the house and tried to
G32 0540 12    calm Miriam as she tore down a NO VISITORS sign and
G32 0550 10    smashed the glass pane on another sign with a rock.
G32 0560  7       Miriam Noel Wright said, "Here I am at my own home,
G32 0570  7    locked out so I must stand in the road"! Then she rounded
G32 0580  4    on Weston and cried, "You always did Wright's dirty
G32 0590  2    work! When I take over Taliesin, the first thing I'll
G32 0600  1    do is fire you".
G32 0600  5       "Madame Noel, I think you had better go", said Mrs&
G32 0610  4    Cupply.
G32 0610  5       "And I think you had better leave", replied Miriam.
G32 0620  4    Turning to the reporters, she asked, "Did you hear
G32 0630  3    her? 'I think you had better leave'! And this is my
G32 0640  3    own home". In the silence that followed, Miriam walked
G32 0640 12    close to Mrs& Cupply, who drew back a step on her side
G32 0650 12    of the gate. Then, with staring eyes and lips drawn
G32 0660  7    thin, Miriam said to the young woman, "You are ugly-
G32 0670  4    uglier than you used to be, and you were always very
G32 0680  2    ugly. You are even uglier than Mr& Wright".
G32 0680 10       The animosity expressed by such a scene had the
G32 0690  9    penetrating quality of a natural force; and it gave
G32 0700  6    Miriam Noel a fund of energy like that of a person
G32 0710  4    inspired to complete some great and universal work
G32 0710 12    of art. As if to make certain that Wright would be
G32 0720 10    unable to pay any settlement at all, Miriam wrote to
G32 0730  6    prospective clients denouncing him; she also went to
G32 0740  4    Washington and appealed to Senator George William Norris
G32 0750  2    of Nebraska, the Fighting Liberal, from whose office
G32 0750 10    a sympathetic but cautious harrumphing was heard. Then,
G32 0760  7    after overtures to accept a settlement and go through
G32 0770  7    with a divorce, Miriam gave a ghastly echo of Mrs&
G32 0780  4    Micawber by suddenly stating, "I will never leave Mr&
G32 0790  2    Wright".
G32 0790  3       Under this kind of pressure, it is not surprising
G32 0800  2    that Wright would make sweeping statements to the newspapers.
G32 0810  1    Miriam had not yet goaded him into mentioning her directly,
G32 0810 11    but one can feel the generalized anger in Wright's
G32 0820  8    remarks to reporters when he was asked, one morning
G32 0830  7    on arrival in Chicago, what he thought of the city
G32 0840  4    as a whole. First, Wright said, he was choked by the
G32 0840 15    smoke, which fortunately kept him from seeing the dreadful
G32 0850  9    town. But surely Michigan Avenue was handsome? "That
G32 0860  6    isn't a boulevard, it's a racetrack"! cried Wright,
G32 0870  5    showing that automobiles were considered to be a danger
G32 0880  5    as early as the 1920's. "This is a horrible way to
G32 0890  3    live", Wright went on. "You are being strangled by
G32 0890 12    traffic". He was then asked for a solution of the difficulty,
G32 0900 11    and began to talk trenchant sense, though private anguish
G32 0910  8    showed through in the vehemence of his manner. "Take
G32 0920  6    a gigantic knife and sweep it over the Loop", Wright
G32 0930  4    said. "Cut off every building at the seventh floor.
G32 0940  2    Spread everything out. You don't need concentration.
G32 0940  9    If you cut down these horrible buildings you'll have
G32 0950  9    no more traffic jams. You'll have trees again. You'll
G32 0960  6    have some joy in the life of this city. After all,
G32 0970  5    that's the job of the architect- to give the world
G32 0975  3    a little joy".
G32 0980  1       Little enough joy was afforded Wright in the spring
G32 0990  4    of 1925, when another destructive fire broke out at
G32 0990 13    Taliesin. The first news stories had it that this blaze
G32 1000 10    was started by a bolt of lightning, as though Miriam
G32 1010  8    could call down fire from heaven like a prophet of
G32 1020  5    the Old Testament. A storm did take place that night,
G32 1030  2    and fortunately enough, it included a cloudburst that
G32 1030 10    helped put out the flames. Later accounts blamed defective
G32 1040  8    wiring for starting the fire; at any rate, heat grew
G32 1050  8    so intense in the main part of the house that it melted
G32 1060  5    the window panes, and fused the K'ang-si pottery to
G32 1070  2    cinders. Wright set his loss at $200,000, a figure
G32 1070 11    perhaps justified by the unique character of the house
G32 1080  8    that had been ruined, and the faultless taste that
G32 1090  5    had gone into the selection of the prints and other
G32 1100  2    things that were destroyed. In spite of the disaster,
G32 1100 11    Wright completed during this period plans for the Lake
G32 1110  9    Tahoe resort, in which he suggested the shapes of American
G32 1120  7    Indian tepees- a project of great and appropriate charm,
G32 1130  5    that came to nothing. Amid a shortage of profitable
G32 1140  2    work, the memory of Albert Johnson's $20,000 stood
G32 1140 10    out in lonely grandeur- the money had quickly melted
G32 1150  9    away. A series of conferences with friends and bankers
G32 1160  6    began about this time; and the question before these
G32 1170  4    meetings was, here is a man of international reputation
G32 1180  1    and proved earning power; how can he be financed so
G32 1180 11    that he can find the work he ought to do? While this
G32 1190 11    was under consideration, dauntless as ever Wright set
G32 1200  6    about the building of Taliesin /3,.
G32 1210  1       As he made plans for the new Taliesin, Wright also
G32 1210 11    got on paper his conception of a cathedral of steel
G32 1220  9    and glass to house a congregation of all faiths, and
G32 1230  5    the idea for a planetarium with a sloping ramp. Years
G32 1240  3    were to pass before these plans came off the paper,
G32 1240 13    and Wright was justified in thinking, as the projects
G32 1250  9    failed, that much of what he had to show his country
G32 1260  9    and the world would never be seen except by visitors
G32 1270  3    to Taliesin. And now there was some question as to
G32 1280  1    his continued residence there. Billy Koch, who had
G32 1280  9    once worked for Wright as a chauffeur, gave a deposition
G32 1290  8    for Miriam's use that he had seen Olgivanna living
G32 1300  5    at Taliesin. This might put Wright in such a bad light
G32 1310  4    before a court that Miriam would be awarded Taliesin;
G32 1320  1    nor was she moved by a letter from Wright pointing
G32 1320 11    out that if he was not "compelled to spend money on
G32 1330  8    useless lawyer's bills, useless hotel bills, and useless
G32 1340  5    doctor's bills", he could more quickly provide Miriam
G32 1350  3    with a suitable home either in Los Angeles or Paris,
G32 1360  1    as she preferred. Miriam sniffed at this, and complained
G32 1360 10    that Wright had said unkind things about her to reporters.
G32 1370  9    His reply was, "Everything that has been printed derogatory
G32 1380  6    to you, purporting to have come from me, was a betrayal,
G32 1390  7    and nothing yet has been printed which I have sanctioned".
G32 1400  4    What irritated Miriam was that Wright had told the
G32 1410  2    papers about a reasonable offer he had made, which
G32 1410 11    he considered she would accept "when she tires of publicity".
G32 1420  9    From her California headquarters, Miriam fired back,
G32 1430  5    "I shall never divorce Mr& Wright, to permit him to
G32 1440  6    marry Olga Milanoff".
G32 1440  9       Then Miriam varied the senseless psychological warfare
G32 1450  6    by suddenly withdrawing a suit for separate maintenance
G32 1460  6    that had been pending, and asking for divorce on the
G32 1470  5    grounds of cruelty, with the understanding that Wright
G32 1480  1    would not contest it. The Bank of Wisconsin sent a
G32 1480 11    representative to the judge's chambers in Madison to
G32 1490  8    give information on Wright's ability to meet the terms.
G32 1500  6    He said that the architect might reasonably be expected
G32 1510  3    to carry his financial burdens if all harrassment could
G32 1520  2    be brought to an end, and that the bank would accept
G32 1520 13    a mortgage on Taliesin to help bring this about. Miriam
G32 1530  9    said that she must be assured that "that other woman,
G32 1540  6    Olga, will not be in luxury while I am scraping along".
G32 1550  4    This exhausted Wright's patience, and in consequence
G32 1560  1    he talked freely to reporters in a Madison hotel suite.
G32 1560 11    "Volstead laws, speed laws, divorce laws", he said,
G32 1570  8    "as they now stand, demoralize the individual, make
G32 1580  6    liars and law breakers of us in one way or another,
G32 1590  5    and tend to make our experiment in democracy absurd.
G32 1600  1    If Mrs& Wright doesn't accept the terms in the morning,
G32 1600 11    I'll go either to Tokyo or to Holland, to do what I
G32 1610 12    can. I realize, in taking this stand, just what it
G32 1620  8    means to me and mine". Here Wright gave a slight sigh
G32 1630  5    of weariness, and continued, "It means more long years
G32 1640  3    lived across the social grain of the life of our people,
G32 1650  1    making shift to live in the face of popular disrespect
G32 1650 11    and misunderstanding as I best can for myself and those
G32 1660  9    dependent upon me". Next day, word came that Miriam
G32 1670  6    was not going through with the divorce; but Wright
G32 1680  3    stayed in the United States. His mentioning of Japan
G32 1680 12    and Holland had been merely the expression of wishful
G32 1690  9    thinking. No matter what troubles might betide him,
G32 1700  6    this most American of artists knew in his heart he
G32 1710  5    could not function properly outside his native land.
G32 1720  1       In a few weeks Miriam made another sortie at Taliesin,
G32 1720 11    but was repulsed at the locked and guarded gates.
G33 0010  1    More likely, you simply told yourself, as you handed
G33 0010 10    us the book, that it mattered little what we incanted
G33 0020  7    providing we underwent the discipline of incantation.
G33 0030  3       For pride's sake, I will not say that the coy and
G33 0040  4    leering vade mecum of those verses insinuated itself
G33 0040 12    into my soul. Besides, that particular message does
G33 0050  8    no more than weakly echo the roar in all fresh blood.
G33 0060  7    But what you could not know, of course, was how smoothly
G33 0070  4    the Victorian Fitzgerald was to lead into an American
G33 0080  1    Fitzgerald of my own vintage under whose banner we
G33 0080 10    adolescents were to come, if not of age, then into
G33 0090 10    a bright, taut semblance of it. I do not suppose you
G33 0100  6    ever heard of F& Scott Fitzgerald, living or dead,
G33 0110  3    and moreover I do not suppose that, even if you had,
G33 0110 14    his legend would have seemed to you to warrant more
G33 0120  9    than a cluck of disapproval. Neither his appetites,
G33 0130  4    his exacerbations, nor his despair were kin to yours.
G33 0140  4    He might have been the man in the moon for all you
G33 0140 16    could have understood him. But he was no man in the
G33 0150 11    moon to me. Although his tender nights were not the
G33 0160  7    ones I dreamed of, nor was it for yachts, sports cars,
G33 0170  3    tall drinks, and swimming pools, nor yet for money
G33 0170 12    or what money buys that I burned, I too was burning
G33 0180 11    and watching myself burn. The flame was simply of a
G33 0190  8    different kind. It was symbolized (at least for those
G33 0200  5    of us who recognized ourselves in the image) by that
G33 0210  1    self-consuming, elegiac candle of Edna St& Vincent
G33 0210  9    Millay's, that candle which from the quatrain where
G33 0220  8    she ensconced it became a beacon to us, but which in
G33 0230  7    point of fact would have had to be as tall as a funeral
G33 0240  4    taper to last even the evening, let alone the night.
G33 0240 14    One should not, of course, pluck the head off a flower
G33 0250 11    and expect its perfume to linger on. Yet this passion
G33 0260  7    for passion, now that I look back on it with passion
G33 0270  5    spent, seems somewhat overblown and operatic, though
G33 0280  1    as a diva Miss Millay perfectly controlled her notes.
G33 0280 10    Only what else was she singing but the old Song of
G33 0290 10    Songs, that most ancient of tunes that nature plays
G33 0300  6    with such unfailing response upon young nerves? Perhaps
G33 0310  2    this is not so little. Perhaps the mere fact that by
G33 0320  1    plucking on the nerves nature can awaken in the most
G33 0320 11    ordinary of us, temporarily anyway, the sleeping poet,
G33 0330  5    and in poets can discover their immortality, is the
G33 0340  4    most remarkable of all the remarkable phenomena to
G33 0350  1    which we can attest? One can see it as humiliating
G33 0350 11    that an extra hormone casually fed into our chemistry
G33 0360  6    may induce us to lay down our lives for a lover or
G33 0370  5    a friend; one can take it as no more than another veil
G33 0380  2    torn from the mystery of the soul. But it could also
G33 0380 13    be looked at from the other end of the spectrum. One
G33 0390 10    could see this chemical determinant as in itself a
G33 0400  5    miracle. In any case, Miss Millay's sweet-throated
G33 0410  1    bitterness, her variations on the theme that the world
G33 0410 10    was not only well lost for love but even well lost
G33 0420 11    for lost love, her constant and wonderfully tragic
G33 0430  4    posture, so unlike that of Fitzgerald since it required
G33 0440  3    no scenery or props, drew from the me that I was when
G33 0450  1    I fell upon her verses an overwhelming yea.
G33 0450  9       But all this, I am well aware, is the bel canto
G33 0460  8    of love, and although I have always liked to think
G33 0470  4    that it was to the bel canto and to that alone that
G33 0480  2    I listened, I know well enough that it was not. If
G33 0480 13    I am to speak the whole truth about my knowledge of
G33 0490  8    love, I will have to stop trying to emulate the transcendant
G33 0500  6    nightingale. There is another side of love, more nearly
G33 0510  5    symbolized by the croak of the mating capercailzie,
G33 0520  1    or better still perhaps by the mute antics of the slug.
G33 0520 12       Whether you experienced the passion of desire I
G33 0530  8    have, of course, no way of knowing, nor indeed have
G33 0540  6    I wished with even the most fleeting fragment of a
G33 0550  3    wish to know, for the fact that one constitutes by
G33 0550 13    one's mere existence so to speak the proof of some
G33 0560 10    sort of passion makes any speculation upon this part
G33 0570  5    of one's parents' experience more immodest, more scandalizing,
G33 0580  3    more deeply unwelcome than an obscenity from a stranger.
G33 0590  3    I recoil from the very thought. At the same time, I
G33 0590 14    am aware that my recoil could be interpreted by readers
G33 0600 10    of the tea leaves at the bottom of my psyche as an
G33 0610  9    incestuous sign, since theirs is a science of paradox:
G33 0620  3    if one hates, they say it is because one loves; if
G33 0630  2    one bullies, they say it is because one is afraid;
G33 0630 12    if one shuns, they say it is because one desires; and
G33 0640  9    according to them, whatever one fancies one feels,
G33 0650  5    what one feels in fact is the opposite. Well, normally
G33 0660  2    abnormal or normally normal, neurotic or merely fastidious
G33 0660 10    (do the tea-leaf readers, by the way, allow psyches
G33 0670 10    to have moral taste?), I have never wanted to know
G33 0680  7    what you knew of passion.
G33 0680 12    ##
G33 0680 13    YOU PROBABLY WOULD NOT REMEMBER, SINCE YOU NEVER seemed
G33 0690  9    to remember even the same moments as I, much less their
G33 0710  9    intensity, one sunny midday on Fifth Avenue when you
G33 0720  5    had set out with me for some final shopping less than
G33 0730  3    a week before the wedding you staged for me with such
G33 0730 14    reluctance at the Farm. I can see us now. We had been
G33 0740 12    walking quite briskly, for despite your being so small
G33 0750  7    and me so tall, your stride in those days could easily
G33 0760  4    match mine. We had stopped before a shop window to
G33 0770  2    assess its autumnal display, when you suddenly turned
G33 0770 10    to me, looking up from beneath one of your wrong hats,
G33 0780  9    and with your nervous "ahem"! said: "There are things
G33 0790  5    I must tell you about this man you are marrying which
G33 0800  4    he does not know himself". If you had screamed right
G33 0810  2    there in the street where we stood, I could not have
G33 0810 13    felt more fear. With scarcely a mumble of excuse, I
G33 0820  9    fled. I fled, however, not from what might have been
G33 0830  7    the natural fear of being unable to disguise from you
G33 0840  3    that the things about my bridegroom- in the sense you
G33 0850  1    meant the word "things"- which you had been galvanizing
G33 0850 10    yourself to tell me as a painful part of your maternal
G33 0860 11    duty were things which I had already insisted upon
G33 0870  6    finding out for myself (despite, I may now say, the
G33 0880  3    unspeakable awkwardness of making the discovery on
G33 0880 10    principle, yes, on principle, and in cold blood) because
G33 0890  9    I was resolved, as a modern woman, not to be a mollycoddle
G33 0900  9    waiting for Life but to seize Life by the throat. I
G33 0910  6    had developed too foolproof a facade to be afraid of
G33 0920  2    self-betrayal. What I fled from was my fear of what,
G33 0920 13    unwittingly, you might betray, without meaning to,
G33 0930  7    about my father and yourself.
G33 0940  1       But I can see from this latest trick of memory how
G33 0940 12    much more arbitrary and influential it is than the
G33 0950  9    will. While my memory holds with relentless tenacity,
G33 0960  5    as I cannot too often stress, to my wrongs, when it
G33 0970  3    comes to my shames, it gestures and jokes and toys
G33 0970 13    with chronology like a prestidigitator in the hope
G33 0980  8    of distracting me from them. Just as I was about to
G33 0990  8    enlarge upon my discovery of the underside of the leaf
G33 1000  4    of love, memory, displeased at being asked to yield
G33 1000 13    its unsavory secrets, dashed ahead of me, calling back
G33 1010  9    over its shoulder: "Skip it. Cut it out". But I will
G33 1020  9    not skip it or cut it out. It is not my intention in
G33 1040  7    this narrative to picture myself as a helpless victim
G33 1050  2    moored to the rock of experience and left to the buffetings
G33 1060  1    of chance. If to be innocent is to be helpless, then
G33 1060 12    I had been- as are we all- helpless at the start. But
G33 1070 12    the time came when I was no longer innocent and therefore
G33 1080  6    no longer helpless. Helpless in that sense I can never
G33 1090  5    be again. However, I confess my hope that I will be
G33 1100  3    innocent again, not with a pristine, accidental innocence,
G33 1100 11    but rather with an innocence achieved by the slow cutting
G33 1110 10    away of the flesh to reach the bone.
G33 1120  5       For innocence, of all the graces of the spirit,
G33 1130  2    is I believe the one most to be prayed for. Although
G33 1130 13    it is constantly made to look foolish (too simple to
G33 1140  8    come in out of the rain, people say, who have found
G33 1150  6    in the innocent an impediment), it does not mind looking
G33 1160  3    foolish because it is not concerned with how it looks.
G33 1170  1    It assumes that things are as they seem when they seem
G33 1170 12    best, and when they seem worst it overlooks them. To
G33 1180  8    innocence, a word given is a word that will be kept.
G33 1190  5    Instinctively, innocence does unto others as it expects
G33 1200  2    to be done by. But when these expectations are once
G33 1200 12    too often ground into the dust, innocence can falter,
G33 1210  8    since its strength is according to the strength of
G33 1220  5    him who possesses it. The innocence of which I speak
G33 1230  3    is, I know, not incorruptible. But I insist upon believing
G33 1240  1    that even when it is lost, it may, like paradise, be
G33 1240 12    regained.
G33 1250  1       However, it was not of innocence in general that
G33 1250 10    I was speaking, but of perhaps the frailest and surely
G33 1260  8    the least important side of it which is innocence in
G33 1270  6    romantic love. Here, if anywhere, it is not wholly
G33 1280  2    incontrovertible. To you, for instance, the word innocence,
G33 1280 10    in this connotation, probably retained its Biblical,
G33 1290  7    or should I say technical sense, and therefore I suppose
G33 1300  7    I must make myself quite clear by saying that I lost-
G33 1310  6    or rather handed over- what you would have considered
G33 1320  3    to be my innocence two weeks before I was legally entitled,
G33 1330  1    and in fact by oath required, to hand it over along
G33 1330 12    with what other goods and bads I had. But to me innocence
G33 1340 10    is far less tangible. I had long since begun to lose
G33 1350  8    my general innocence when I lost my trust in you, but
G33 1360  5    this special innocence I lost before ever I loved,
G33 1370  1    through my discovery that one could tremble with desire
G33 1370 10    and even experience a flaming delight that had nothing,
G33 1380  7    nothing whatever to do with friendship or liking, let
G33 1390  5    alone with love. I knew this knowledge to be corrupting
G33 1400  3    at the time I acquired it; today, these many years
G33 1400 13    later, after all the temptations resisted or yielded
G33 1410  8    to, the weasel satisfactions and the engulfing dissatisfactions
G33 1420  5    since endured, I call it corrupting still.
G33 1430  3       You, I could swear to it, remained innocent in this
G33 1440  3    sense until the end. Yours, but not mine, was an age
G33 1440 14    in which innocence was fostered and carefully- if not
G33 1450  8    perhaps altogether innocently- preserved. You had grown
G33 1460  5    up at a time when the most distinguishing mark of a
G33 1470  4    lady was the noli me tangere writ plain across her
G33 1480  2    face. Moreover, because of the particular blot on your
G33 1480 11    family escutcheon through what may only have been one
G33 1490  9    unbridled moment on your grandmother's part, and because
G33 1500  5    you had the lean-to kitchen and trundle bed of your
G33 1510  4    childhood to outgrow, what you obviously most desired
G33 1520  1    with both your conscious and unconscious person, what
G33 1520  9    you bent your whole will, sensibility, and intelligence
G33 1530  6    upon, was to be a lady. Before being daughter, wife,
G33 1540  4    or mother, before being cultured (a word now bereft
G33 1550  2    both socially and politically of the sheen you children
G33 1550 11    of frontiersmen bestowed on it), before being sorry
G33 1560  7    for the poor, progressive about public health, and
G33 1570  5    prettily if somewhat imprecisely humanitarian, indeed
G33 1580  2    first and foremost, you were a lady. There was, of
G33 1580 12    course, more to the portrait of a lady you carried
G33 1590 10    in your mind's eye than the sine qua non of her virtue.
G33 1600  8    A lady, you made clear to me both by precept and example,
G33 1610  5    never raised her voice or slumped in her chair, never
G33 1620  2    failed in social tact (in heaven, for instance, would
G33 1620 11    not mention St& John the Baptist's head), never pouted
G33 1630  8    or withdrew or scandalized in company, never reminded
G33 1640  6    others of her physical presence by unseemly sound or
G33 1650  5    gesture, never indulged in public scenes or private
G33 1660  1    confidences, never spoke of money save in terms of
G33 1660 10    alleviating suffering, never gossiped or maligned,
G33 1670  5    never stressed but always minimized the hopelessness
G33 1680  3    of anything from sin to death itself.
G34 0010  1    With each song he gave verbal footnotes. The songs
G34 0010 10    Sandburg sang often reminded listeners of songs of
G34 0020  6    a kindred character they knew entirely or in fragments.
G34 0030  4    Often these listeners would refer Sandburg to persons
G34 0040  1    who had similar ballads or ditties. In due time Sandburg
G34 0040 11    was a walking thesaurus of American folk music.
G34 0050  8       After he had finished the first two volumes of his
G34 0060  7    Lincoln, Sandburg went to work assembling a book of
G34 0070  5    songs out of hobo and childhood days and from the memory
G34 0080  2    of songs others had taught him. He rummaged, found
G34 0080 11    composers and arrangers, collaborated on the main design
G34 0090  8    and outline of harmonization with musicians, ballad
G34 0100  4    singers, and musicologists.
G34 0100  7       The result was a collection of 280 songs, ballads,
G34 0110  9    ditties, brought together from all regions of America,
G34 0120  6    more than one hundred never before published: The American
G34 0130  3    Songbag. Each song or ditty was prefaced by an author's
G34 0140  4    note which indicated the origin and meaning of the
G34 0150  1    song as well as special interest the song had, musical
G34 0150 11    arrangement, and most of the chorus and verses.
G34 0160  8       The book, published in 1927, has been selling steadily
G34 0170  5    ever since. As Sandburg said at the time: "It is as
G34 0180  4    ancient as the medieval European ballads brought to
G34 0190  1    the Appalachian Mountains, it is as modern as skyscrapers,
G34 0190 10    the Volstead Act, and the latest oil well gusher".
G34 0200  8    #SCHOPENHAUER NEVER LEARNED#
G34 0210  1    Sandburg is in constant demand as an entertainer. Two
G34 0210 10    things contribute to his popularity. First, Carl respects
G34 0220  8    his audience and prepares his speeches carefully. Even
G34 0230  6    when he is called upon for impromptu remarks, he has
G34 0240  4    notes written on the back of handy envelopes. He has
G34 0250  3    his own system of shorthand, devised by abbreviations:
G34 0250 11    "humility" will be "humly", "with" will be "~w", and
G34 0260  9    "that" will be "~tt".
G34 0270  4       The second reason for his popularity is his complete
G34 0280  4    spontaneity with the guitar. It is a mistake, however,
G34 0290  1    to imagine that Sandburg uses the guitar as a prop.
G34 0290 11    He is no dextrous-fingered college boy but rather a
G34 0300  6    dedicated, humble, and bashful apostle of this instrument.
G34 0310  5    At age seventy-four, he became what he shyly terms
G34 0320  3    a "pupil" of Andres Segovia, the great guitarist of
G34 0330  1    the Western world.
G34 0330  4       It is not easy to become Segovia's pupil. One needs
G34 0340  3    high talent. Segovia has written about Carl:
G34 0350  1       "His fingers labor heavily on the strings and he
G34 0350  9    asked for my help in disciplining them. I found that
G34 0360  7    this precocious, grown-up boy of 74 deserved to be
G34 0370  5    taught. There has long existed a brotherly affection
G34 0380  1    between us, thus I accepted him as my pupil. Just as
G34 0380 12    in the case of every prodigy child, we must watch for
G34 0390  8    the efficacy of my teaching to show up in the future-
G34 0400  6    if he should master all the strenuous exercises I inflicted
G34 0410  3    on him.
G34 0410  5       To play the guitar as he aspires will devour his
G34 0420  3    three-fold energy as a historian, a poet and a singer.
G34 0420 14    One cause of Schopenhauer's pessimism was the fact
G34 0430  8    that he failed to learn the guitar. I am certain that
G34 0440  8    Carl Sandburg will not fall into the same sad philosophy.
G34 0450  5    The heart of this great poet constantly bubbles forth
G34 0460  2    a generous joy of life- with or without the guitar".
G34 0470  1       The public's identification of Carl Sandburg and
G34 0470  8    the guitar is no happenstance. Nor does Carl reject
G34 0480  8    this identity.
G34 0480 10       He is proud of having Segovia for a friend and dedicated
G34 0490 11    a poem to him titled "The Guitar".
G34 0500  4       Carl says it is the greatest poem ever written to
G34 0510  4    the guitar because he has never heard of any other
G34 0510 14    poem to that subtle instrument. "A portable companion
G34 0520  8    always ready to go where you go- a small friend weighing
G34 0530  9    less than a freshborn infant- to be shared with few
G34 0540  8    or many- just two of you in sweet meditation".
G34 0550  1       The New York Herald Tribune's photographer, Ira
G34 0560  2    Rosenberg, tells an anecdote about the time he wanted
G34 0560 11    to take a picture of Carl playing a guitar. Carl hadn't
G34 0570  9    brought his along. Mr& Rosenberg suggested that they
G34 0580  5    go out and find one.
G34 0580 10       "Preferably", said Carl, "one battered and worn,
G34 0590  7    such as might be found in a pawnshop".
G34 0600  4       They went to the pawnshop of Joseph Miller of 1162
G34 0610  3    Sixth Avenue.
G34 0610  5       "Mr& Miller was in the shop", the Herald Tribune
G34 0620  4    story related, "but was reluctant to have anybody's
G34 0630  2    picture taken inside, because his business was too
G34 0630 10    'confidential' for pictures.
G34 0640  3       "But after introductions he asked: 'Carl Sandburg?
G34 0650  3    Well you can pose inside'.
G34 0660  1       "He wanted Mr& Sandburg to pose with one of the
G34 0660 11    guitars he had displayed behind glass in the center
G34 0670  7    of his shop, but the poet eyed this somewhat distastefully.
G34 0680  3    'Kalamazoo guitars', he said, 'used by radio hillbilly
G34 0690  4    singers'.
G34 0690  5       "He chose one from Mr& Miller's window, a plain
G34 0700  4    guitar with no fancy polish. While the picture was
G34 0710  2    taken, Mr& Miller's disposition to be generous to Mr&
G34 0720  1    Sandburg increased to the point where he advised, 'I
G34 0720 10    won't even charge you the one dollar rental fee'".
G34 0730  8    #A KNOWLEDGEABLE CELEBRITY#
G34 0740  1    When someone in the audience rose and asked how does
G34 0740 11    it feel to be a celebrity, Carl said, "A celebrity
G34 0750  8    is a fellow who eats celery with celerity".
G34 0760  3       This has always been Carl's attitude. Lloyd Lewis
G34 0770  3    wrote that when he first knew Carl in 1916, Sandburg
G34 0770 13    was making $27.50 a week writing features for the Day
G34 0780 10    Book and eating sparse luncheons in one-arm restaurants.
G34 0790  7    He walked home at night for two miles beyond the end
G34 0800  7    of a suburban trolley.
G34 0800 11       When fame came it changed Sandburg only slightly.
G34 0810  7    Lewis remembered another newspaperman asking, "Carl,
G34 0820  3    have your ideas changed any since you got all these
G34 0830  3    comforts"?
G34 0830  4       Carl thought the question over slowly and answered:
G34 0840  3    "I know a starving man who is fed never remembers all
G34 0850  2    the pangs of his starvation, I know that".
G34 0850 10       That was all he said, Lewis reports. That was all
G34 0860  8    he had to say.
G34 0860 12       In answer to a New York Times query on what is fame
G34 0870 11    ("Thoughts on Fame", October 23, 1960), Carl said:
G34 0880  7    "Fame is a figment of a pigment. It comes and goes.
G34 0890  6    It changes with every generation. There never were
G34 0900  3    two fames alike. One fame is precious and luminous;
G34 0900 12    another is a bubble of a bauble".
G34 0910  7    #"AH, DID YOU ONCE SEE SHELLEY PLAIN"?#
G34 0920  2    The impression you get from Carl Sandburg's home is
G34 0930  1    one of laughter and happiness; and the laughter and
G34 0930 10    the happiness are even more pronounced when no company
G34 0940  7    is present.
G34 0940  9       Carl has been married to Paula for fifty-three years,
G34 0950  8    and he has not made a single major decision without
G34 0960  4    careful consideration and thorough discussion with
G34 0970  2    his wife. Through all these years, Mrs& Sandburg has
G34 0970 11    pointedly avoided the limelight. She has shared her
G34 0980  8    husband's greatness, but only within the confines of
G34 0990  7    their home; it is a dedication which began the moment
G34 1000  4    she met Carl.
G34 1000  7       Mrs& Sandburg received a Phi Beta Kappa key from
G34 1010  6    the University of Chicago and she was busy writing
G34 1020  2    and teaching when she met Sandburg. "You are the 'Peoples'
G34 1030  1    Poet'" was her appraisal in 1908, and she stopped teaching
G34 1040  1    and writing to devote herself to the fulfillment of
G34 1040 10    her husband's career.
G34 1050  2       She has rarely been photographed with him and, except
G34 1060  1    for Carl's seventy-fifth anniversary celebration in
G34 1060  8    Chicago in 1953, she has not attended the dozens of
G34 1070  8    banquets, functions, public appearances, and dinners
G34 1080  3    honoring him- all of this upon her insistence. Even
G34 1090  2    now I will not intrude upon her except to state a few
G34 1090 14    bare facts.
G34 1100  1       The only way to describe Paula Sandburg is to say
G34 1100 11    she is beautiful in a Grecian sense. Her clothes, her
G34 1110  9    hair, everything about her is both graceful and simple.
G34 1120  7    She has small, broad, capable hands and an enormous
G34 1130  4    energy.
G34 1130  5       She is not only a trained mathematician and Classicist,
G34 1140  3    but a good architect. She designed and supervised the
G34 1150  2    building of the Harbert, Michigan, house, most of which
G34 1150 11    was constructed by one local carpenter who carried
G34 1160  7    the heavy beams singly upon his shoulder. As the Sandburg
G34 1170  6    goat herd increased, she also designed the barn alterations
G34 1180  4    to accommodate them. When erosion threatened the foundation
G34 1190  3    of their home in Harbert, Paula Sandburg planted grapevines
G34 1200  1    and arranged the snow fences which helped hold the
G34 1200 10    sands away.
G34 1210  1       She was born Lilian Steichen, her parents immigrants
G34 1210  9    from Luxemburg. Her mother called her Paus'l, a Luxemburg
G34 1220  9    endearment meaning "pussycat". Some of the children
G34 1230  7    of the family could not pronounce this name and called
G34 1240  6    her Paula, a soubriquet Carl liked so much she has
G34 1250  4    been Paula ever since.
G34 1250  8       But neither was Lilian her baptismal name. Her parents,
G34 1260  6    pious Roman Catholics, christened her Mary Anne Elizabeth
G34 1270  5    Magdalene Steichen. "My mother read a book right after
G34 1280  4    I was born and there was a Lilian in the book she loved
G34 1290  2    and I became Lilian- and eventually I became Paula".
G34 1300  1       Lilian Steichen was an exceptional student. This
G34 1300  8    family of Luxemburg immigrants, in fact, produced two
G34 1310  6    exceptional children. Paula's older brother is Edward
G34 1320  5    Steichen, a talented artist and, for the past half-century,
G34 1330  4    one of the world's eminent photographers. (Two years
G34 1340  2    ago the photography editor of Vogue magazine titled
G34 1340 10    his article about Steichen, "The World's Greatest Photographer".)
G34 1360  1       By the time Lilian had been graduated from public
G34 1360 10    school, her parents were doing quite well. Her mother
G34 1370  8    was a good manager and established a millinery business
G34 1380  4    in Milwaukee. But her father was not enthusiastic about
G34 1390  2    sending young Paula to high school. "This is no place
G34 1400  2    for a young girl", he said. The parents compromised,
G34 1400 11    however, on a convent school and Paula went to Ursuline
G34 1410 10    Academy in London, Ontario.
G34 1420  2       She was pious, too, once kneeling through the night
G34 1430  1    from Holy Thursday to Good Friday, despite the protest
G34 1430 10    of the nuns that this was too much for a young girl.
G34 1440 10    She knelt out of reverence for having read the Meditations
G34 1450  6    of St& Augustine.
G34 1450  9       She read everything else she could get her hands
G34 1460  9    on, including an article (she thinks it was in the
G34 1470  7    Atlantic Monthly) by Mark Twain on "White Slavery".
G34 1480  3    Paula was saddened about what was happening to little
G34 1490  2    girls and vowed to kneel no more in Chapel. She had
G34 1490 13    come to a decision. If there was ever a thought in
G34 1500 10    her mind she might devote her life to religion, it
G34 1510  6    was now dispelled. "I felt that I must devote myself
G34 1520  2    to the 'outside' world".
G34 1520  6       She passed the entrance examinations to the University
G34 1530  5    of Illinois, but during the year at Urbana felt more
G34 1540  5    important events transpired at the University of Chicago.
G34 1550  3       "And besides, Thorstein Veblen was one of the Chicago
G34 1560  2    professors".
G34 1560  3       At the University of Chicago she studied Whitman
G34 1570  2    and Shelley, and became a Socialist. Socialist leaders
G34 1580  1    in Milwaukee recognized her worth, not only because
G34 1580  9    of her dedication but because of her fluency in German,
G34 1590  8    French, and Luxemburg. She once gave a German recitation
G34 1600  6    before a convention of German-language teachers in
G34 1610  3    Milwaukee.
G34 1610  4       Carl and Paula met in Milwaukee in 1907 during Paula's
G34 1620  5    Christmas holiday visit to her parents. Carl was still
G34 1630  3    Charles A& Sandburg. He "legitimized" Paula for Lilian
G34 1640  2    Steichen, and it was Paula who insisted on Carl for
G34 1640 12    Charles.
G34 1650  1       Victor Berger, the panjandrum of Wisconsin Socialism
G34 1650  8    and member of Congress, had asked Paula Steichen to
G34 1660  9    translate some of his German editorials into English.
G34 1670  6    Carl, who was stationed in Appleton, Wisconsin, organizing
G34 1680  3    for the Social Democrats, was in Berger's office and
G34 1690  3    made it his business to escort Paula to the streetcar.
G34 1700  1    She left the next day for her teaching job at Princeton,
G34 1700 12    Illinois. (After graduation from the University of
G34 1710  7    Chicago, Paula taught for two years in the normal school
G34 1720  8    at Valley City, North Dakota, then two years at Princeton
G34 1730  6    (Illinois) Township High School.) By the time the streetcar
G34 1740  5    pulled away, he had fallen in love with Paula.
G34 1750  1       A letter awaited her at Princeton. Paula says that
G34 1750 10    even though Carl's letters usually began, "Dear Miss
G34 1760  8    Steichen", there was an understanding from the beginning
G34 1770  7    that they would become husband and wife.
G34 1780  3       Paula generously lent me one of Carl's love letters,
G34 1790  2    dated February 21, 1908, Hotel Athearn, Oshkosh, Wisconsin:
G34 1800  1       "Dear Miss Steichen: It is a very good letter you
G34 1810  1    send me- softens the intensity of this guerilla warfare
G34 1810 10    I am carrying on up here. Never until in this work
G34 1820  9    of ~S-~D organization have I realized and felt the
G34 1830  7    attitude and experience of a Teacher.
G35 0010  1       The United States is always ready to participate
G35 0010  9    with the Soviet Union in serious discussion of these
G35 0020  7    or any other subjects that may lead to peace with justice.
G35 0030  7       Certainly it is not necessary to repeat that the
G35 0040  5    United States has no intention of interfering in the
G35 0050  2    internal affairs of any nation; by the same token,
G35 0050 11    we reject any Soviet attempt to impose its system on
G35 0060  8    us or other peoples by force or subversion.
G35 0070  3       Now this concern for the freedom of other peoples
G35 0080  1    is the intellectual and spiritual cement which has
G35 0080  9    allied us with more than forty other nations in a common
G35 0090  9    defense effort. Not for a moment do we forget that
G35 0100  6    our own fate is firmly fastened to that of these countries;
G35 0110  2    we will not act in any way which would jeopardize our
G35 0120  1    solemn commitments to them.
G35 0120  5    ##
G35 0120  6    We and our friends are, of course, concerned with self-defense.
G35 0130  5    Growing out of this concern is the realization that
G35 0140  2    all people of the Free World have a great stake in
G35 0140 13    the progress, in freedom, of the uncommitted and newly
G35 0150  9    emerging nations. These peoples, desperately hoping
G35 0160  5    to lift themselves to decent levels of living must
G35 0170  4    not, by our neglect, be forced to seek help from, and
G35 0180  1    finally become virtual satellites of, those who proclaim
G35 0180  9    their hostility to freedom.
G35 0190  3       But they must have technical and investment assistance.
G35 0200  1    This is a problem to be solved not by America alone,
G35 0200 12    but also by every nation cherishing the same ideals
G35 0210  8    and in position to provide help.
G35 0220  2       In recent years America's partners and friends in
G35 0230  1    Western Europe and Japan have made great economic progress.
G35 0240  1       The international economy of 1960 is markedly different
G35 0240  9    from that of the early postwar years. No longer is
G35 0250  8    the United States the only major industrial country
G35 0260  3    capable of providing substantial amounts of the resources
G35 0270  2    so urgently needed in the newly developed countries.
G35 0280  1       To remain secure and prosperous themselves, wealthy
G35 0280  8    nations must extend the kind of co-operation to the
G35 0290  8    less fortunate members that will inspire hope, confidence,
G35 0300  4    and progress. A rich nation can for a time, without
G35 0310  2    noticeable damage to itself, pursue a course of self-indulgence,
G35 0320  1    making its single goal the material ease and comfort
G35 0320 10    of its own citizens- thus repudiating its own spiritual
G35 0330  8    and material stake in a peaceful and prosperous society
G35 0340  4    of nations. But the enmities it will incur, the isolation
G35 0350  3    into which it will descend, and the internal moral
G35 0360  1    and spiritual softness that will be engendered, will,
G35 0360  9    in the long term, bring it to economic and political
G35 0370  7    disaster.
G35 0370  8       America did not become great through softness and
G35 0380  6    self-indulgence. Her miraculous progress in material
G35 0390  3    achievements flows from other qualities far more worthy
G35 0400  1    and substantial: adherence to principles and methods
G35 0400  8    consonant with our religious philosophy; a satisfaction
G35 0410  7    in hard work; the readiness to sacrifice for worthwhile
G35 0420  5    causes; the courage to meet every challenge; the intellectual
G35 0430  4    honesty and capacity to recognize the true path of
G35 0440  4    her own best interests.
G35 0440  8       To us and to every nation of the Free World, rich
G35 0450  6    or poor, these qualities are necessary today as never
G35 0460  3    before if we are to march together to greater security,
G35 0460 13    prosperity and peace.
G35 0470  3       I believe that the industrial countries are ready
G35 0480  2    to participate actively in supplementing the efforts
G35 0480  9    of the developing nations to achieve progress.
G35 0490  5       The immediate need for this kind of co-operation
G35 0500  6    is underscored by the strain in this nation's international
G35 0510  2    balance of payments. Our surplus from foreign business
G35 0520  1    transactions has in recent years fallen substantially
G35 0520  8    short of the expenditures we make abroad to maintain
G35 0530  7    our military establishments overseas, to finance private
G35 0540  4    investment, and to provide assistance to the less developed
G35 0550  3    nations. In 1959 our deficit in balance of payments
G35 0560  1    approached four billion dollars.
G35 0560  5       Continuing deficits of anything like this magnitude
G35 0570  4    would, over time, impair our own economic growth and
G35 0580  2    check the forward progress of the Free World.
G35 0580 10       We must meet this situation by promoting a rising
G35 0590  8    volume of exports and world trade. Further, we must
G35 0600  5    induce all industrialized nations of the Free World
G35 0610  2    to work together to help lift the scourge of poverty
G35 0610 12    from less fortunate. This co-operation in this matter
G35 0620  8    will provide both for the necessary sharing of this
G35 0630  6    burden and in bringing about still further increases
G35 0640  2    in mutually profitable trade.
G35 0640  6       New Nations, and others struggling with the problems
G35 0650  6    of development, will progress only- regardless of any
G35 0660  6    outside help- if they demonstrate faith in their own
G35 0670  2    destiny and use their own resources to fulfill it.
G35 0670 11    Moreover, progress in a national transformation can
G35 0680  7    be only gradually earned; there is no easy and quick
G35 0690  7    way to follow from the oxcart to the jet plane. But,
G35 0700  2    just as we drew on Europe for assistance in our earlier
G35 0700 13    years, so now do these new and emerging nations that
G35 0710 10    do have this faith and determination deserve help.
G35 0720  5       Respecting their need, one of the major focal points
G35 0730  5    of our concern is the South-Asian region. Here, in
G35 0740  2    two nations alone, are almost five hundred million
G35 0740 10    people, all working, and working hard, to raise their
G35 0750  7    standards, and in doing so, to make of themselves a
G35 0760  5    strong bulwark against the spread of an ideology that
G35 0770  2    would destroy liberty.
G35 0770  5       I cannot express to you the depth of my conviction
G35 0780  4    that, in our own and free world interest, we must co-operate
G35 0790  1    with others to help these people achieve their legitimate
G35 0790 10    ambitions, as expressed in their different multi-year
G35 0800  8    plans. Through the World Bank and other instrumentalities,
G35 0810  6    as well as through individual action by every nation
G35 0820  5    in position to help, we must squarely face this titanic
G35 0830  3    challenge.
G35 0830  4       I shall continue to urge the American people, in
G35 0840  3    the interests of their own security, prosperity and
G35 0840 11    peace, to make sure that their own part of this great
G35 0850 11    project be amply and cheerfully supported. Free world
G35 0860  5    decisions in this matter may spell the difference between
G35 0870  3    world disaster and world progress in freedom.
G35 0880  1       Other countries, some of which I visited last month,
G35 0880 10    have similar needs.
G35 0890  2       A common meeting ground is desirable for those nations
G35 0900  1    which are prepared to assist in the development effort.
G35 0900 10    During the past year I have discussed this matter with
G35 0910  9    the leaders of several Western nations.
G35 0920  2       Because of its wealth of experience, the Organization
G35 0930  1    for European Economic Cooperation could help with the
G35 0930  9    initial studies needed. The goal is to enlist all available
G35 0940 10    economic resources in the industrialized Free World,
G35 0950  6    especially private investment capital.
G35 0960  2       By extending this help, we hope to make possible
G35 0960 11    the enthusiastic enrollment of these nations under
G35 0970  7    freedom's banner. No more startling contrast to a system
G35 0980  8    of sullen satellites could be imagined.
G35 0990  2       If we grasp this opportunity to build an age of
G35 0990 12    productive partnership between the less fortunate nations
G35 1000  7    and those that have already achieved a high state of
G35 1010  7    economic advancement, we will make brighter the outlook
G35 1020  4    for a world order based upon security and freedom.
G35 1030  1    Otherwise, the outlook could be dark indeed. We face,
G35 1030 10    indeed, what may be a turning point in history, and
G35 1040  9    we must act decisively and wisely.
G35 1050  1    ##
G35 1050  2    As a nation we can successfully pursue these objectives
G35 1060  1    only from a position of broadly based strength.
G35 1060  9       No matter how earnest is our quest for guaranteed
G35 1070  7    peace, we must maintain a high degree of military effectiveness
G35 1080  4    at the same time we are engaged in negotiating the
G35 1090  2    issue of arms reduction. Until tangible and mutually
G35 1090 10    enforceable arms reduction measures are worked out
G35 1100  7    we will not weaken the means of defending our institutions.
G35 1110  6       America possesses an enormous defense power. It
G35 1120  4    is my studied conviction that no nation will ever risk
G35 1130  2    general war against us unless we should become so foolish
G35 1130 12    as to neglect the defense forces we now so powerfully
G35 1140 10    support. It is world-wide knowledge that any power
G35 1150  5    which might be tempted today to attack the United States
G35 1160  4    by surprise, even though we might sustain great losses,
G35 1170  2    would itself promptly suffer a terrible destruction.
G35 1170  9    But I once again assure all peoples and all nations
G35 1180  8    that the United States, except in defense, will never
G35 1190  6    turn loose this destructive power.
G35 1200  1       During the past year, our long-range striking power,
G35 1200 10    unmatched today in manned bombers, has taken on new
G35 1210  8    strength as the Atlas intercontinental ballistic missile
G35 1220  3    has entered the operational inventory. In fourteen
G35 1230  2    recent test launchings, at ranges of five thousand
G35 1230 10    miles, Atlas has been striking on an average within
G35 1240  8    two miles of the target. This is less than the length
G35 1250  7    of a jet runway- well within the circle of destruction.
G35 1260  1    Incidentally, there was an Atlas firing last night.
G35 1270  2    From all reports so far received, its performance conformed
G35 1270 11    to the high standards I have just described. Such performance
G35 1280 10    is a great tribute to American scientists and engineers,
G35 1290  7    who in the past five years have had to telescope time
G35 1300  7    and technology to develop these long-range ballistic
G35 1310  2    missiles, where America had none before.
G35 1310  8       This year, moreover, growing numbers of nuclear
G35 1320  7    powered submarines will enter our active forces, some
G35 1330  6    to be armed with Polaris missiles. These remarkable
G35 1340  2    ships and weapons, ranging the oceans, will be capable
G35 1340 11    of accurate fire on targets virtually anywhere on earth.
G35 1350  9       To meet situations of less than general nuclear
G35 1360  7    war, we continue to maintain our carrier forces, our
G35 1370  5    many service units abroad, our always ready Army strategic
G35 1380  3    forces and Marine Corps divisions, and the civilian
G35 1390  1    components. The continuing modernization of these forces
G35 1390  8    is a costly but necessary process. It is scheduled
G35 1400  7    to go forward at a rate which will steadily add to
G35 1410  5    our strength.
G35 1410  7       The deployment of a portion of these forces beyond
G35 1420  5    our shores, on land and sea, is persuasive demonstration
G35 1430  1    of our determination to stand shoulder-to-shoulder
G35 1430  9    with our allies for collective security. Moreover,
G35 1450  6    I have directed that steps be taken to program on a
G35 1460  7    longer range basis our military assistance to these
G35 1470  2    allies. This is necessary for a sounder collective
G35 1470 10    defense system.
G35 1480  1       Next I refer to our program in space exploration,
G35 1480 10    which is often mistakenly supposed to be an integral
G35 1490  9    part of defense research and development.
G35 1500  3       We note that, first, America has already made great
G35 1520  2    contributions in the past two years to the world's
G35 1520 11    fund of knowledge of astrophysics and space science.
G35 1530  7    These discoveries are of present interest chiefly to
G35 1540  5    the scientific community; but they are important foundation
G35 1550  3    stones for more extensive exploration of outer space
G35 1560  1    for the ultimate benefit of all mankind.
G35 1560  8       Second, our military missile program, going forward
G35 1570  5    so successfully, does not suffer from our present lack
G35 1580  4    of very large rocket engines, which are necessary in
G35 1590  2    distant space exploration. I am assured by experts
G35 1590 10    that the thrust of our present missiles is fully adequate
G35 1600  8    for defense requirements.
G35 1610  1       Third, the United States is pressing forward in
G35 1610  9    the development of large rocket engines to place vehicles
G35 1620  8    of many tons into space for exploration purposes.
G35 1630  4       Fourth, in the meantime, it is necessary to remember
G35 1640  3    that we have only begun to probe the environment immediately
G35 1650  1    surrounding the earth. Using launch systems presently
G35 1650  8    available, we are developing satellites to scout the
G35 1660  8    world's weather; satellite relay stations to facilitate
G35 1670  5    and extend communications over the globe; for navigation
G35 1680  4    aids to give accurate bearings to ships and aircraft;
G35 1690  2    and for perfecting instruments to collect and transmit
G35 1690 10    the data we seek.
G35 1700  4       Fifth, we have just completed a year's experience
G35 1710  1    with our new space law. I believe it deficient in certain
G35 1710 12    particulars. Suggested improvements will be submitted
G35 1720  6    to the Congress shortly.
G35 1730  1    ##
G35 1730  2    The accomplishment of the many tasks I have alluded
G35 1730 11    to requires the continuous strengthening of the spiritual,
G35 1740  7    intellectual, and economic sinews of American life.
G35 1750  6    The steady purpose of our society is to assure justice,
G35 1760  5    before God, for every individual. We must be ever alert
G35 1770  3    that freedom does not wither through the careless amassing
G35 1780  1    of restrictive controls or the lack of courage to deal
G35 1780 11    boldly with the issues of the day.
G35 1790  5       A year ago, when I met with you, the nation was
G35 1800  2    emerging from an economic downturn, even though the
G35 1800 10    signs of resurgent prosperity were not then sufficiently
G35 1810  6    convincing to the doubtful. Today our surging strength
G35 1820  5    is apparent to everyone. 1960 promises to be the most
G35 1830  5    prosperous year in our history.
G35 1830 10       Yet we continue to be afflicted by nagging disorders.
G35 1840  7    Among current problems that require solutions, participated
G35 1850  4    in by citizens as well as government, are:
G35 1860  2       the need to protect the public interest in situations
G35 1860 11    of prolonged labor-management stalemate;
G35 1870  5       the persistent refusal to come to grips with a critical
G35 1880  8    problem in one sector of American agriculture;
G35 1890  1       the continuing threat of inflation, together with
G35 1900  1    the persisting tendency toward fiscal irresponsibility;
G35 1900  7       in certain instances the denial to some of our citizens
G35 1910  9    of equal protection of the law.
G36 0010  1       The group, upon the issuance of its first press
G36 0010 10    release on December 21, 1957, designated itself a "Committee
G36 0020  7    of Investigation". In the course of its inquiry, it
G36 0030  8    took testimony from only seven witnesses. It heard
G36 0040  3    Bang-Jensen twice and his lawyer, Adolf A& Berle, Jr&,
G36 0050  2    once.
G36 0050  3       Its second press release was on January 15, 1958,
G36 0060  2    and it recommended that the secret papers be destroyed.
G36 0060 11    It also implied that Paul Bang-Jensen had been irresponsible.
G36 0070  9       On January 18, Ernest Gross conducted a press conference
G36 0080  9    at the U&N& lasting an hour. Here, he openly attacked
G36 0090  8    Bang-Jensen and referred to his "aberrant conduct".
G36 0100  5    This conference was held despite Stavropoulos' assurance
G36 0110  3    to Adolf Berle, who was leaving the same day for Puerto
G36 0120  4    Rico, that nothing would be done until his return on
G36 0130  1    January 22, except that the Secretary General would
G36 0130  9    probably order the list destroyed.
G36 0140  4       On January 24 Paul Bang-Jensen, accompanied by Adolf
G36 0150  3    Berle, was met by Dragoslav Protitch and Colonel Frank
G36 0160  2    Begley, former Police Chief of Farmington, Conn&, and
G36 0160 10    now head of U&N& special police.
G36 0170  6       The four, bundled in overcoats, mounted to the wind-swept
G36 0180  6    roof of the U&N&
G36 0180 10       There, Begley lit a fire in a wire basket, and Bang-Jensen
G36 0190 12    dropped four sealed envelopes into the flames. In one
G36 0200  8    of these he said were notes on the identities of the
G36 0210  6    eighty-one refugees.
G36 0210  9       The method of destroying the evidence embarrassed
G36 0220  4    Paul Bang-Jensen. He knew it would be implied that
G36 0230  4    it was done in this way at his insistence. He was right,
G36 0240  2    and Peter Marshall could not help but recall Andrew
G36 0240 11    Cordier's words on the subject, "Well, it seemed as
G36 0250  9    good a place as any to do the job".
G36 0260  5       The Gross group had been formed for the express
G36 0270  1    purpose of advising the Secretary General. Hammarskjold's
G36 0270  8    supposed desire to seek outside legal advice in the
G36 0280  9    guise of Ernest Gross is illusion, at best. Gross's
G36 0290  6    being "outside" the U&N& applied only to a physical
G36 0300  6    state, not an objective one. But by the time the papers
G36 0310  4    were finally disposed of, the group had informed the
G36 0320  1    world of its purpose, its recommendations, and its
G36 0320  9    belief that Paul Bang-Jensen was not of sound mind.
G36 0330  8       Shortly the group would issue its report to the
G36 0340  5    Secretary General, recommending Paul Bang-Jensen's
G36 0350  1    dismissal from the United Nations. The contents of
G36 0350  9    this 195-page document would become known to many before
G36 0360 10    it would become known to the man it was written about.
G36 0370  8    ##
G36 0370  9    "Until this Hungarian Committee matter came up, Bang-Jensen
G36 0380  7    was a fine and devoted individual. I had known him
G36 0390  5    for some years, when I was a delegate and before, and
G36 0400  2    this manner had never been his".
G36 0400  8       Ernest A& Gross leaned back in his chair and told
G36 0410  8    Peter Marshall how Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold
G36 0420  3    had, on December 4,1957, called him in as a private
G36 0430  2    lawyer to review Bang-Jensen's conduct "relating to
G36 0430 10    his association with the Special Committee on the problem
G36 0440  9    of Hungary". The result was the "Gross Report", prepared
G36 0450  8    by Gross, as chairman, with the assistance of two U&N&
G36 0460  7    Under Secretaries, Constantin Stavropoulos and Philippe
G36 0470  4    de Seynes.
G36 0470  6       "Yes", Gross went on, "Bang-Jensen was an up-and-coming
G36 0480 10    young man. He had always done well. Never well known,
G36 0490  7    but he had done his work competently **h".
G36 0500  2       Gross had received Marshall courteously and they
G36 0510  1    were discussing the case. "You know", the lawyer said,
G36 0510 10    "it's difficult to talk like this about a man who can't
G36 0520 11    answer back".
G36 0530  1       Gross was behind a clean-top desk, only a manila
G36 0530 11    folder before him. Marshall sat in one of the several
G36 0540  9    leather chairs. Outside the office windows, twenty-four
G36 0550  5    stories above Wall Street, a light rain was falling.
G36 0560  3       "Mr& Gross, your report says that 'our function
G36 0570  2    is investigative and advisory and does not in any way
G36 0570 12    derogate from or prejudice Mr& Bang-Jensen's rights
G36 0580  8    as a staff member'. You know, Bang-Jensen characterized
G36 0590  6    your Committee as having prejudged his case".
G36 0600  3       Gross swung his swivel chair. "Well, how could that
G36 0610  4    have been? I don't consider that he was prejudged.
G36 0620  1    We were given a job and we carried it out, and later,
G36 0620 13    his case was taken up by the Disciplinary Committee
G36 0630  6    **h.
G36 0630  7       "We have nothing to hide under a bushel. We did
G36 0640  8    our job, Mr& Stavropoulos and Mr& de Seynes and myself,
G36 0650  5    taking evidence from a number of people".
G36 0660  1       "What did you think about his mental state"?
G36 0670  1       "I think our report sums up our finding", Gross
G36 0670  9    answered. "Don't forget, here was a man who had been
G36 0680  9    accusing his colleagues for almost a year of willfully
G36 0690  5    attempting to present an incorrect report **h.
G36 0700  1       "This was not merely alleging errors, but was carried
G36 0700 10    out by day-after-day allegations in memos, written
G36 0710  9    charges of serious consequence **h.
G36 0720  2       "This is a distressing thing. Supposing you or I
G36 0730  2    were being accused in this manner, and yet we were
G36 0730 12    doing our level best to carry on our work. No organization
G36 0740  9    can carry on like that.
G36 0750  1       "I've been in government and I can tell some pretty
G36 0750 11    hairy stories about personnel difficulties, so I know
G36 0760  7    what a problem he was".
G36 0770  1       "What I'd like you to comment on is the criticism
G36 0770 11    leveled at your Committee".
G36 0780  4       "What do you mean"?
G36 0790  1       "For instance, regarding the fact that the Gross
G36 0790  9    Committee issued two interim announcements to the press
G36 0800  7    during its investigation. You know Bang-Jensen was
G36 0810  5    told the Committee was 'to convey its views, suggestions
G36 0820  2    and recommendations to the Secretary General'. In his
G36 0830  1    own words, Bang-Jensen 'took it for granted that the
G36 0830 11    Group would report to the Secretary General privately
G36 0840  7    and not in public'. He claimed that the release of
G36 0850  6    the preliminary findings was 'prejudicial to his position'".
G36 0860  4       Gross bristled. For an instant he glared speechless
G36 0870  3    at Marshall. "Listen", he said. "I thought the entire
G36 0880  3    report was going to be confidential from beginning
G36 0880 11    to end. But you know Bang-Jensen launched an active
G36 0890  9    campaign against us in the press. It was getting so
G36 0900  7    that we, the Committee, were being tried. You can find
G36 0910  4    it in the papers".
G36 0910  8       "Well, as a matter of fact, I've looked through
G36 0920  5    back-issue files of New York papers for December, 1957,
G36 0930  3    and haven't found a great deal"-
G36 0930  9       Gross shot another look at Marshall. "It wasn't
G36 0940  8    necessarily all here in New York. Don't forget the
G36 0950  7    foreign press".
G36 0950  9       "Then what about the second interim public announcement?
G36 0960  8    This cited Bang-Jensen's 'aberrant conduct'".
G36 0970  3       "The reason for that report was to settle the matter
G36 0980  7    of the list. As far as I'm concerned, it was a separate
G36 0990  5    matter from the general Committee study of Bang-Jensen's
G36 1000  1    conduct. The January fifteen report recommended that
G36 1010  1    Bang-Jensen be instructed to burn the list- the papers-
G36 1010 11    in the presence of a U&N& Security Officer".
G36 1020  6       "How about your press conference three days later-
G36 1030  6    what was the reason for that? Bang-Jensen said you
G36 1040  5    told correspondents that you had checked in advance
G36 1050  1    to make sure the term 'aberrant conduct' was not libelous.
G36 1060  1    He claimed you made other slanderous allegations".
G36 1060  8       Gross paused and repeated himself. "The entire object
G36 1070  7    of the press conference was to clarify the problem
G36 1080  6    of the list, since many in the press were querying
G36 1090  2    the U&N& about it. What was the list? I don't know.
G36 1100  1    Bang-Jensen never explained what the documents or papers
G36 1100 10    were that he had in his possession.
G36 1110  6       "It was foolish of him to keep them, whatever they
G36 1120  4    were. He could have been blackmailed, or his family
G36 1130  1    might have been threatened. Of course the matter caught
G36 1130 10    the public's attention. We attempted to conclude this,
G36 1140  7    and did so by having the papers burned.
G36 1150  4       Hammerskjold didn't like the way it was carried
G36 1160  2    out. It was a sort of Go^tterda^mmerung affair. Hammarskjold
G36 1170  1    believes the U&N& is an organization that settles matters
G36 1180  1    in a procedural way **h".
G36 1180  6       Peter Marshall reflected. If Hammarskjold had not
G36 1190  3    wanted the list disposed of in this manner, and if
G36 1200  1    Bang-Jensen had not wanted it- who had ordered it?
G36 1200 11       "Mr& Gross, concerning the formation of your Committee,
G36 1210  8    there's the fact that you have been a legal adviser
G36 1220  9    to the U&N& in the past; as I understand it, Mr& Hammarskjold
G36 1230  7    wanted outside advice. Could you comment on that"?
G36 1240  6       "I've served as a counsel for the U&N& for some
G36 1250  6    years, specializing particularly in real estate matters
G36 1260  3    or other problems that the regular U&N& legal staff
G36 1270  2    might not be equipped to handle. Mr& Stavropoulos is
G36 1270 11    the U&N& legal chief and a very good man, but he is
G36 1280 11    not fully versed on some technical points of American
G36 1290  6    law".
G36 1290  7       "What did you think about Bang-Jensen's contention
G36 1300  5    of errors and omissions in the Hungarian report"? Marshall
G36 1310  4    asked.
G36 1310  5       "Those"! Gross answered. "Why, Mick Shann went over
G36 1320  7    and over the report with Alsing Andersen, trying to
G36 1330  4    check them out. Even after the incident between Bang-Jensen
G36 1340  3    and Shann in the Delegates' Lounge **h and this was
G36 1350  2    not the way the Chicago Tribune presented it".
G36 1360  1       Gross reached in his desk and pulled out two newspaper
G36 1360 10    clippings. One was an article on the U&N& by Alice
G36 1370  9    Widener from the Cincinnati Enquirer. The other was
G36 1380  5    by Chesly Manley in the Chicago Daily Tribune.
G36 1390  3       Gross pointed to the Manley story. "I know Ches,
G36 1400  3    he's a friend of mine. He probably didn't mean to write
G36 1410  1    it this way, or maybe he did. There wasn't any 'violent
G36 1410 12    argument' between Bang-Jensen and Shann, as the Tribune
G36 1420  9    puts it. That implies that Shann was on the enemy side.
G36 1430  9    You see what I mean? How it's phrased there- the word
G36 1440  7    'violent'.
G36 1440  8       "The case was that Bang-Jensen came up to Shann
G36 1450 10    claiming he had found further errors in the report.
G36 1460  5    'I've found errors and I want you to look them over'.
G36 1470  4    So once again Shann had to argue with him about this.
G36 1480  2    But it wasn't a violent discussion. And after all this,
G36 1480 12    Shann went over all that Bang-Jensen had brought up".
G36 1490 10       (Shann's own report, Peter Marshall reflected, describes
G36 1500  7    the encounter as "immoderate". Bang-Jensen was in "hysterical
G36 1510  7    condition".)
G36 1520  1       Gross stopped briefly, then went on. "Shann was
G36 1520  9    responsible for the report. He has felt terrible about
G36 1530  9    all this. It was a good report, he did all he could
G36 1540  7    to make it a good report. When I speak of how Shann
G36 1550  4    felt, I know well. Don't forget, I am an old member
G36 1560  1    of the club, a former delegate. I think you are being
G36 1560 12    unfair to take these things up now.
G36 1570  5       "You know, this hits in many areas. It appeals to
G36 1580  3    those who were frustrated in the outcome of the Hungarian
G36 1590  1    situation. Don't forget, the U&N& did no more than
G36 1590 10    the United States did **h it takes a great deal of
G36 1600 10    sophisticated thought to get the impact of this fact".
G36 1610  7    #CHAPTER 22#
G36 1610  9    FROM THE HOME of his friend, Henrik Kauffmann, in Washington,
G36 1620  8    D&C&, Paul Bang-Jensen sent a telegram dated December
G36 1630  8    9, 1957, to Ernest Gross. It said in part:
G36 1640  5       "**h the matters to be considered are obviously
G36 1650  2    of a grave character, and I therefore respectfully
G36 1650 10    request that the hearing be postponed for two weeks
G36 1660  9    in order that I might make adequate preparation".
G36 1670  3       Ernest Gross replied the next day, putting the suspended
G36 1680  4    diplomat's fears to rest. "This reveals some misunderstanding
G36 1690  2    on your part. The group conducting the review is not
G36 1700  2    holding formal hearings. It wished to pursue, in the
G36 1700 11    course of this review, questions arising from the body
G36 1710  7    of material already in its possession **h".
G36 1720  3       It sounded like a fair enough invitation, Peter
G36 1730  2    Marshall reflected, and Bang-Jensen must have thought
G36 1730 10    so too, because on the thirteenth, he met the group
G36 1740  9    of three on the thirty-sixth floor of the U&N&. There,
G36 1750  6    Ernest Gross further assured him:
G36 1760  1       "We were requested by the Secretary General, as
G36 1760  9    I understand it, to discuss with you such matters as
G36 1770  9    appear to us to be relevant, and we are not of course
G36 1780  7    either a formal group or a committee in the sense of
G36 1790  5    being guided by any rules or regulations of the Secretariat.
G36 1800  1    The only rules which I think we shall follow will be
G36 1800 12    those of common sense, justice, and fairness".
G36 1810  7       Peter Marshall noted that Bang-Jensen had later
G36 1820  7    referred to his two interviews with the Gross group
G36 1830  4    as "unfortunate experiences", and after his second
G36 1840  1    meeting on the sixteenth the Dane refused to attend
G36 1840 10    further hearings without legal counsel. Marshall pondered
G36 1850  6    the reason for this, and pondered too the replacement
G36 1860  5    of one member of the three-man group.
G36 1870  1       J& A& C& Robertson, after serving Gross one week,
G36 1870 10    left for England.
G37 0010  1    Fortunately the hole was found at last and plugged.
G37 0010 10    Another week passed and even the missionaries were
G37 0020  6    enjoying the voyage. The sickness was gone and, after
G37 0030  5    all, the two young couples were on their honeymoon.
G37 0040  1       The only lasting difficulty was the food. In spite
G37 0040 10    of Pickering Dodge's explicit instructions regarding
G37 0050  5    variation of meals, the food did not seem the same
G37 0060  7    as at home. "Everything tasted differently from what
G37 0070  3    it does on land and those things I was most fond of
G37 0070 15    at home, I loathed the most here", Ann noted. At last
G37 0080 11    they concluded that the heavy, full feeling in their
G37 0090  8    stomachs was due to lack of exercise. Walking was the
G37 0100  4    remedy, they decided, but a deck full of chicken coops
G37 0110  2    and pigpens was hardly suitable. Skipping was the alternative.
G37 0120  1    A rope was found and, like children in school, the
G37 0120 11    missionaries skipped for hours at a time. Finally,
G37 0130  8    tiring of so monotonous a form of exercise, they decided
G37 0140  5    to dance instead. It was much more fun, reminding the
G37 0150  2    girls of their old carefree days in the Hasseltine
G37 0150 11    frolics room at Bradford. The weather turned warmer
G37 0160  8    and with it came better appetites, although Harriet
G37 0170  4    was still a little off-color. She could not face coffee
G37 0180  4    or tea without milk, and was always craving types of
G37 0190  1    food that were not available aboard a sailing ship.
G37 0190 10    By now she was sure she was going to have a baby, deciding
G37 0200  9    it would be born in India or Burma that November. She
G37 0210  6    was more excited than frightened at the prospect of
G37 0220  3    having her first child in a foreign land.
G37 0220 11       The crew of the Caravan never failed to amaze Ann,
G37 0230  9    who during her stay in Salem must frequently have overheard
G37 0240  7    strong sailorly language. She wrote in her journal,
G37 0250  5    "I have not heard the least profane language since
G37 0260  2    I have been on board the vessel. This is very uncommon".
G37 0260 13       She was now enjoying the voyage very much. Even
G37 0270 10    the first wave of homesickness had passed, although
G37 0280  6    there were moments when Captain Heard pointed out on
G37 0290  5    his compass the direction of Bradford that she felt
G37 0300  2    a little twinge at her heart. As for Adoniram, she
G37 0300 12    found him to be "the kindest" of husbands.
G37 0310  7       On Sundays, with the permission of Captain Heard,
G37 0320  4    who usually attended with two of his officers, services
G37 0330  2    were held in the double cabin. Sometimes a ship would
G37 0330 12    be sighted and the Caravan pass so close that people
G37 0340 10    could easily be seen on the distant deck. Captain Heard
G37 0350  9    did not communicate with any strange vessels because
G37 0360  5    of the possibility of war between the United States
G37 0370  2    and Britain. As warmer temperatures were encountered
G37 0370  9    Ann and Harriet were introduced to the pleasures of
G37 0380  9    bathing daily in salt water.
G37 0390  2       When May came the Caravan had already crossed the
G37 0400  2    Equator. They were sailing round the Cape of Good Hope;
G37 0400 12    the weather had turned wet and cold. At this time Harriet
G37 0410 11    wrote in a letter which after their finally landing
G37 0420  6    in India was sent to her mother:
G37 0430  1       "I care not how soon we reach Calcutta, and are
G37 0430 11    placed in a still room, with a bowl of milk and a loaf
G37 0440 13    of Indian bread. I can hardly think of this simple
G37 0450  7    fare without exclaiming, oh, what a luxury. I have
G37 0460  3    been so weary of the excessive rocking of the vessel,
G37 0460 13    and the almost intolerable smell after the rain, that
G37 0470  9    I have done little more than lounge on the bed for
G37 0480  8    several days. But I have been blest with excellent
G37 0490  3    spirits, and to-day have been running about the deck,
G37 0500  1    and dancing in our room for exercise, as well as ever".
G37 0500 12       While studying at the seminary in Andover, Adoniram
G37 0510  9    had been working on a New Testament translation from
G37 0520  7    the original Greek. He had brought it along to continue
G37 0530  7    during the voyage. There was one particular word that
G37 0540  3    troubled his conscience. This was the Greek word most
G37 0550  1    often translated as "baptism".
G37 0550  5       Born a Congregationalist, he had been baptized as
G37 0560  6    a tiny baby in the usual manner by having a few drops
G37 0570  4    of water sprinkled on his head, yet nowhere in the
G37 0570 14    whole of the New Testament could he find a description
G37 0580  9    of anybody being baptized by sprinkling. John the Baptist
G37 0590  6    used total immersion in the River Jordan for believers;
G37 0600  4    even Christ was baptized by this method. The more Adoniram
G37 0610  1    looked at the Greek word for baptism, the more unhappy
G37 0620  1    he became over its true meaning.
G37 0620  7       As was only natural he confided his searchings to
G37 0630  5    Ann, conceding ruefully that it certainly looked as
G37 0635  3    if their own Congregationalists were wrong and the
G37 0640  6    Baptists right.
G37 0650  1       Ann was very troubled. By this time she had learned
G37 0650 11    that it was futile to argue with her young husband,
G37 0660 10    yet the uncomfortable fact remained: the American
G37 0670  5    Congregationalists
G37 0670  6    were sending them as missionaries to the Far East and
G37 0680  7    paying their salaries. What would happen if Adoniram
G37 0690  4    "changed horses in midstream"? Baptists and Congregationalists
G37 0700  2    in New England were on friendly terms. How embarrassing
G37 0710  1    it would be if the newly appointed Congregationalist
G37 0710  9    missionaries should suddenly switch their own beliefs
G37 0730  7    in order to embrace Baptist teachings!
G37 0740  2       "If you become a Baptist, I will not", Ann informed
G37 0750  3    her husband, but sweeping her threat aside Adoniram
G37 0760  1    continued to search for an answer to the personal dilemma
G37 0760 11    in which he found himself.
G37 0770  3       By early June they were a hundred miles off the
G37 0780  1    coast of Ceylon, by which time all four missionaries
G37 0780 10    were hardened seafarers. Even Harriet could boldly
G37 0790  6    write, "I know not how it is; but I hear the thunder
G37 0800  6    roll; see the lightning flash; and the waves threatening
G37 0810  3    to swallow up the vessel; and yet remain unmoved".
G37 0820  1       Ann thrilled to the sight of a delicate butterfly
G37 0820 10    and two strange tropical birds. Land was near, and
G37 0830  8    on June 12, one hundred and fourteen days after leaving
G37 0840  6    America, they actually saw, twenty miles away, the
G37 0850  3    coast of Orissa.
G37 0850  6       Captain Heard gave orders for the ship to be anchored
G37 0860  6    in the Bay of Bengal until he could obtain the services
G37 0870  3    of a reputable pilot to steer her through the shallow
G37 0870 13    waters.
G37 0880  1       Sometimes ships waited for days for such a man,
G37 0880 10    but Captain Heard was lucky. Next day a ship arrived
G37 0890  9    with an English pilot, his leadsman, an English youth,
G37 0900  6    and the first Hindu the Judsons and Newells had ever
G37 0910  4    seen. A little man with a "a dark copper color" skin,
G37 0920  2    he was wearing "calico trousers and a white cotton
G37 0920 11    short gown". Ann was plainly disappointed in his appearance.
G37 0930  8    "He looks as feminine as you can imagine", she decided.
G37 0940  9       The pilot possessed excellent skill at his calling;
G37 0950  6    all day long the Caravan slowly made her way through
G37 0960  6    the difficult passages. Alas, to Ann's consternation,
G37 0970  2    his language while thus employed left much to be desired.
G37 0980  1    He swore so loudly at the top of his voice, that she
G37 0980 13    didn't get any sleep all the next night.
G37 0990  7       Next morning the Caravan was out of the treacherous
G37 1000  5    Bay. Relieved of the major part of his responsibility
G37 1010  1    for the safety of the ship, the pilot's oaths became
G37 1010 11    fewer. Slowly she moved up the Hooghli River, a mouth
G37 1020 10    of the mighty Ganges, toward Calcutta.
G37 1030  3       Ann was entranced with the view, as were her husband
G37 1040  4    and friends. Running across the deck, which was empty
G37 1050  1    now that the livestock had been killed and eaten, they
G37 1050 11    sniffed the spice-laden breezes that came from the
G37 1060  6    shore, each pointing out new and exciting wonders to
G37 1070  4    the other.
G37 1070  6       Out came the journal and in it went Ann's own description
G37 1080  5    of the scene:
G37 1080  8       "On each side of the Hoogli, where we are now sailing,
G37 1090  9    are the Hindoo cottages, as thick together as the houses
G37 1100  6    in our seaports. They are very small, and in the form
G37 1110  5    of haystacks, without either chimney or windows. They
G37 1120  1    are situated in the midst of trees, which hang over
G37 1120 11    them, and appear truly romantick. The grass and fields
G37 1130  7    of rice are perfectly green, and herds of cattle are
G37 1140  5    everywhere feeding on the banks of the river, and the
G37 1150  2    natives are scattered about differently employed. Some
G37 1150  9    are fishing, some driving the team, and many are sitting
G37 1160  9    indolently on the banks of the river. The pagodas we
G37 1170  7    have passed are much larger than the houses".
G37 1180  2       Harriet was just as delighted. Where were the hardships
G37 1190  1    she had expected? She was certain now that it would
G37 1190 11    be no harder to bear her child here in such pleasant
G37 1200  9    surroundings than at home in the big white house in
G37 1210  7    Haverhill. With childlike innocence she wrote of the
G37 1220  3    Indians as "walking with fruit and umbrellas in their
G37 1220 12    hands, with the tawny children around them **h. This
G37 1230  9    is the most delightful trial I have ever had", she
G37 1240  7    decided.
G37 1240  8       The Indians who came aboard ship to collect the
G37 1250  8    mail also interested her greatly, even if she was suitably
G37 1260  6    shocked, according to the customs of the society in
G37 1270  2    which she had been reared, to find them "naked, except
G37 1270 12    a piece of cotton cloth wrapped around their middle".
G37 1280  8       At last they saw Calcutta, largest city of Bengal
G37 1290  7    and the Caravan's destination. Founded August 24, 1690
G37 1300  5    by Job Charnock of the East India Company, and commonly
G37 1310  4    called "The City of Palaces", it seemed a vast and
G37 1320  4    elegant place to Ann Hasseltine Judson. Solid brick
G37 1330  1    buildings painted dazzling white, large domes and tall,
G37 1330  9    picturesque palms stretched as far as the eye could
G37 1340  8    see, while the wharves and harbor were filled with
G37 1350  4    tall-masted sailing ships. The noise stunned her. Crowds
G37 1360  2    flocked through the waterfront streets chattering loudly
G37 1360  9    in their strange-sounding Bengali tongue.
G37 1370  5       Harriet's mouth watered with anticipation when after
G37 1380  5    months of dreaming she sat down at last to her much-craved
G37 1390  5    milk and fresh bread. Ann, pleased to see her friend
G37 1400  1    happy, was intrigued by the new fruits a friend of
G37 1400 11    Captain Heard had sent on board for their enjoyment.
G37 1410  8    Cautiously she sampled her first pineapple and another
G37 1420  4    fruit whose taste she likened to that of "a rich pear".
G37 1430  3    Though she did not then know its name, this strange
G37 1430 13    new fruit was a banana.
G37 1440  5    #SIX#
G37 1440  6    The first act of Adoniram and Samuel on reaching Calcutta
G37 1450  4    was to report at the police station, a necessity when
G37 1460  2    landing in East India Company territory. On the way
G37 1460 11    they tried to discover all they could about Burma,
G37 1470  9    and they were disturbed to find that Michael Symes's
G37 1480  6    book had not presented an altogether true picture.
G37 1490  3    He had failed to realize that the Burmese were not
G37 1490 13    really treating him as the important visitor he considered
G37 1500  9    himself. They were in fact quietly laughing at him,
G37 1510  8    for their King wished to have nothing to do with the
G37 1520  6    Western world. When Captain John Gibault of Salem had
G37 1530  4    visited Burma in 1793 his ship, the Astra, had been
G37 1540  1    promptly commandeered and taken by her captors up the
G37 1540 10    Irrawaddy River. Although after much trouble he did
G37 1550  7    manage to get it back, he discovered there was no trade
G37 1560  5    to be had. All Captain Gibault took back to Salem were
G37 1570  4    a few items for the town's East India Museum. A year
G37 1580  2    later another Salem ship returned from Burma with a
G37 1580 11    cargo of gum lacquer which nobody wanted to buy. After
G37 1590  8    that Salem ships decided to bypass unfriendly Burma.
G37 1600  5       The Burmese appeared to have little knowledge of
G37 1610  3    British power or any idea of trade. They despised foreigners.
G37 1620  2    Cruel Burmese governors could, on the slightest whim,
G37 1620 10    take a man's life. As for missionaries, even if they
G37 1630 10    succeeded in getting into the country they probably
G37 1640  6    would not be allowed to preach the Christian faith
G37 1650  3    to the Burmans. Unspeakable tortures or even execution
G37 1660  1    might well be their fate.
G37 1660  6       "Go back to America or any other place", well-meaning
G37 1670  5    friends of Captain Heard advised them, "but put thoughts
G37 1680  4    of going to Burma out of your heads".
G37 1680 12       Somewhat daunted, the two American missionaries
G37 1690  6    reached the police station where they were questioned
G37 1700  5    by a most unfriendly clerk. When he discovered they
G37 1710  2    had received from the Company's Court of Directors
G37 1720  1    no permission to live in India, coupled with the fact
G37 1720 11    that they were Americans who had been sent to Asia
G37 1730  8    to convert "the heathen", he became more belligerent
G37 1740  4    than ever.
G37 1740  6       They explained that they desired only to stop in
G37 1750  6    India until a ship traveling on to Burma could be found.
G38 0010  1    She describes, first, the imaginary reaction of a foreigner
G38 0010 10    puzzled by this "unseasonable exultation"; he is answered
G38 0020  7    by a confused, honest Englishman. The reasons for the
G38 0030  7    Whig joy on this occasion are found to be their expectation
G38 0040  6    of regaining control of the government, their delight
G38 0050  3    at the prospect of a new war, their hopes of having
G38 0050 14    the Tories hanged, and so on. As for the author of
G38 0060 11    the Englishman, Mrs& Manley sarcastically deplores
G38 0070  5    that the sole defense of the Protestant cause should
G38 0080  4    be left to "Ridpath, Dick Steele, and their Associates,
G38 0090  3    with the Apostles of Young Man's Coffee-House".
G38 0100  1       Another controversy typical of the war between the
G38 0110  1    Englishman and the Examiner centered on Robert (later
G38 0110  9    Viscount) Molesworth, a Whig leader in Ireland and
G38 0120  8    a member of the Irish Privy Council. On December 21,
G38 0130  6    the day that the Irish House of Commons petitioned
G38 0140  4    for removal of Sir Constantine Phipps, their Tory Lord
G38 0150  3    Chancellor, Molesworth reportedly made this remark
G38 0150  9    on the defense of Phipps by Convocation: "They that
G38 0160  8    have turned the world upside down, are come hither
G38 0170  7    also". Upon complaints from the Lower House of Convocation
G38 0180  5    to the House of Lords, he was removed from the Privy
G38 0190  4    Council, his remark having been represented as a blasphemous
G38 0200  1    affront to the clergy. Steele, who had earlier praised
G38 0200 10    Molesworth in Tatler No& 189, now defended him in Englishman
G38 0220  1    No& 46, depicting his removal as a setback to the Constitution.
G38 0220 12    On the other hand, Molesworth was naturally assailed
G38 0230  8    in the Tory press. Swift, in the Dublin edition of
G38 0240  7    A Preface to the Bishop of Sarum's Introduction, indicated
G38 0250  3    his feelings by including Molesworth, along with Toland,
G38 0260  4    Tindal, and Collins, in the group of those who, like
G38 0270  3    Burnet, are engaged in attacking all Convocations of
G38 0270 11    the clergy. In the same way he coupled Molesworth and
G38 0280  9    Wharton in a letter to Archbishop King, and he had
G38 0290  7    earlier described him as "the worst of them" in some
G38 0300  5    "Observations" on the Irish Privy Council submitted
G38 0310  2    to Oxford. A month later, in The Publick Spirit of
G38 0320  1    the Whigs, he used Steele's defense of Molesworth as
G38 0320 10    evidence of his disrespect for the clergy, calling
G38 0330  7    Steele's position an affront to the "whole Convocation
G38 0340  5    of Ireland". On this issue, then, as on so many in
G38 0350  6    these months, Steele and Swift took rigidly opposed
G38 0360  1    points of view.
G38 0360  4       In the early months of 1714, the battle between
G38 0370  2    Swift and Steele over the issue of the Succession entered
G38 0370 12    its major phase. The preliminaries ended with the publication
G38 0380  9    of Steele's Crisis on January 19, and from that point
G38 0390  9    on the fight proceeded at a rapid pace. In answer to
G38 0400  8    The Crisis, Swift produced The Publick Spirit of the
G38 0410  6    Whigs, his most extensive and bitter attack on his
G38 0420  4    old friend. By this time, as we shall see, the Tories
G38 0430  1    were already planning to "punish" Steele for his political
G38 0430 10    writing by expelling him from the House of Commons.
G38 0440  9    Despite his defense of himself in the final paper of
G38 0450  8    the Englishman and in his speech before the House,
G38 0460  4    their efforts were successful. Steele lost his seat
G38 0470  2    in Parliament, and his personal quarrel with Swift,
G38 0470 10    by now a public issue, thus reached its climax.
G38 0480  6       Of all the Whig tracts written in support of the
G38 0490  6    Succession, The Crisis is perhaps the most significant.
G38 0500  3    Certainly it is the most pretentious and elaborate.
G38 0510  1    Hanoverian agents assisted in promoting circulation,
G38 0510  7    said to have reached 40,000, and if one may judge by
G38 0520  8    the reaction of Swift and other government writers,
G38 0530  3    the work must have had considerable impact. Steele's
G38 0540  1    main business here is to arouse public opinion to the
G38 0540 11    immediate danger of a Stuart Restoration. To this end,
G38 0550  9    the first and longest section of the tract cites all
G38 0560  7    the laws enacted since the Revolution to defend England
G38 0570  4    against the "Arbitrary Power of a Popish Prince". In
G38 0580  2    his comment on these laws Steele sounds all the usual
G38 0580 12    notes of current Whig propaganda, ranging from a criticism
G38 0590  9    of the Tory peace to an attack on the dismissal of
G38 0600  9    Marlborough; but his principal theme is that the intrigues
G38 0610  6    of the Tories, "our Popish or Jacobite Party", pose
G38 0620  3    an immediate threat to Church and State. Like Burnet,
G38 0630  2    he deplores the indifference of the people in the face
G38 0630 12    of the crisis. Treasonable books striking at the Hanoverian
G38 0640  8    Succession, he complains, are allowed to pass unnoticed.
G38 0650  8    In this connection, Swift, too, is drawn in for attack:
G38 0660  7    "The Author of the Conduct of the Allies has dared
G38 0670  5    to drop Insinuations about altering the Succession".
G38 0680  1    In his effort to stir the public from its lethargy,
G38 0680 11    Steele goes so far as to list Catholic atrocities of
G38 0690 10    the sort to be expected in the event of a Stuart Restoration,
G38 0700  8    and, with rousing rhetoric, he asserts that the only
G38 0710  5    preservation from these "Terrours" is to be found in
G38 0720  3    the laws he has so tediously cited. "It is no time",
G38 0720 14    he writes, "to talk with Hints and Innuendos, but openly
G38 0730 10    and honestly to profess our Sentiments before our Enemies
G38 0740  8    have compleated and put their Designs in Execution
G38 0750  5    against us".
G38 0750  7       Steele apparently professed his sentiments in this
G38 0760  6    book too openly and honestly for his own good, since
G38 0770  4    the government was soon to use it as evidence against
G38 0780  1    him in his trial before the House. In the final issues
G38 0780 12    of the Englishman, which ended just as the new session
G38 0790  8    of Parliament began, he provided his enemies with still
G38 0800  7    more ammunition. For example, No& 56 printed the patent
G38 0810  5    giving the Electoral Prince the title of Duke of Cambridge.
G38 0820  3    In a few months the Duke was to be the center of a
G38 0830  2    controversy of some significance on the touchy question
G38 0830 10    of the Protestant Succession. At the order of the Dowager
G38 0840  8    Electress, the Hanoverian agents, supported by the
G38 0850  5    Whig leaders, demanded that a writ of summons be issued
G38 0860  5    which would call the Duke to England to sit in Parliament,
G38 0870  2    thus further insuring the Succession by establishing
G38 0870  9    a Hanoverian Prince in England before the Queen's death.
G38 0880  8    Anne was furious, and Bolingbroke advised that the
G38 0890  7    request be refused. Oxford, realizing that the law
G38 0900  5    required the issuance of the writ, took the opposite
G38 0910  1    view, for which the Queen never forgave him. Accordingly
G38 0910 10    the request was granted, but the Elector himself, who
G38 0920  9    had not been consulted by his mother, rejected the
G38 0930  6    proposal and recalled his agent Schu^tz, whose impolitic
G38 0940  3    handling of the affair had caused the Hanoverian interest
G38 0950  2    to suffer and had made Oxford's dismissal more likely
G38 0960  1    than ever. Steele in this paper is indicating his sympathy
G38 0960 11    for such a plan. A few days after this Englishman appeared,
G38 0970  9    Defoe reported to Oxford that Steele was expected to
G38 0980  8    move in Parliament that the Duke be called over; Defoe
G38 0990  6    then commented, "If they Could Draw that young Gentleman
G38 1000  4    into Their Measures They would show themselves quickly,
G38 1010  2    for they are not asham'd to Say They want Onely a head
G38 1020  1    to Make a beginning".
G38 1020  5       The final issue of the Englishman, No& 57 for February
G38 1030  5    15, ran to some length and was printed as a separate
G38 1040  4    pamphlet, entitled The Englishman: Being the Close
G38 1050  1    of the Paper So-called. Steele's purpose is to present
G38 1050 11    a general defense of his political writing and a resume
G38 1060  9    of the themes which had occupied him in the Englishman;
G38 1070  7    but there is much here also which bears directly on
G38 1080  5    his personal quarrel with Swift. Thus he complains,
G38 1090  1    with considerable justice, that the Tory writers have
G38 1090  9    resorted to libel instead of answering his arguments.
G38 1100  8    His birth, education, and fortune, he says, have all
G38 1110  7    been ridiculed simply because he has spoken with the
G38 1120  4    freedom of an Englishman, and he assures the reader
G38 1120 13    that "whoever talks with me, is speaking to a Gentleman
G38 1130 10    born". As notable examples of this abuse, he quotes
G38 1140  8    passages from the Examiner, "that Destroyer of all
G38 1150  5    things", and The Character of Richard Steele, which
G38 1160  3    he here attributes to Swift. Though put in rather maudlin
G38 1170  2    terms, Steele's defense of himself has a reasonable
G38 1170 10    basis. His point is simply that the Tories have showered
G38 1180 10    him with personal satire, despite the fact that as
G38 1190  7    a private subject he has a right to speak on political
G38 1200  5    matters without affronting the prerogative of the Sovereign.
G38 1210  3    He claims, too, that his political convictions are
G38 1210 11    simply those which are called "Revolution Principles"
G38 1220  7    and which are accepted by moderate men in both parties.
G38 1230  8       The final section of this pamphlet is of special
G38 1240  7    interest in a consideration of Steele's relations with
G38 1250  3    Swift. It purports to be a letter from Steele to a
G38 1260  2    friend at court, who, in Miss Blanchard's opinion,
G38 1260 10    could only be meant as Swift. Steele first answers
G38 1270  7    briefly the charges which his "dear old Friend" has
G38 1280  5    made about his pamphlet on Dunkirk and his Crisis.
G38 1300  2    Then he launches into an attack on the Tory ministers,
G38 1310  1    whom he calls the "New Converts"; by this term he means
G38 1310 12    to ridicule their professions of acting in the interest
G38 1320  8    of the Church despite their own education and manner
G38 1330  6    of life- a gibe, in other words, at the "Presbyterianism"
G38 1340  4    in Harley's family and at Bolingbroke's reputed impiety.
G38 1350  3    The Tory leaders, he insinuates, are cynically using
G38 1360  2    the Church as a political "By-word" to increase party
G38 1360 12    friction and keep themselves in power. This is the
G38 1370  9    principal point made in this final section of Englishman
G38 1380  7    No& 57, and it caps Steele's efforts in his other writing
G38 1390  6    of these months to counteract the notion of the Tories
G38 1400  5    as a "Church Party" supported by the body of the clergy.
G38 1410  4       Next, Steele turns his attention to the "Courtier"
G38 1420  1    he is addressing. He explains that there are sometimes
G38 1420 10    honorable courtiers, but that too often a man who succeeds
G38 1430 10    at court does not hesitate to sacrifice his Sovereign
G38 1440  6    and nation to his own avarice and ambition. Such, he
G38 1450  5    implies, is the case with his friend, who is not really
G38 1460  2    a new convert himself but merely a favorer of new converts.
G38 1470  1    If "Jack the Courtier" is really to be taken as Swift,
G38 1470 12    the following remark is obviously Steele's comment
G38 1480  6    on Swift's change of parties and its effect on their
G38 1490  7    friendship: "I assure you, dear Jack, when I first
G38 1500  5    found out such an Allay in you, as makes you of so
G38 1510  3    malleable a Constitution, that you may be worked into
G38 1510 12    any Form an Artificer pleases, I foresaw I should not
G38 1520  9    enjoy your Favour much longer". He closes his "letter"
G38 1530  6    by demanding that Dunkirk be demolished, that the Pretender
G38 1540  6    be forced to move farther away from the coast of England,
G38 1550  5    and that the Queen and the House of Hanover come to
G38 1560  3    a better understanding. The last point was soon to
G38 1560 12    be included in the "seditious" remarks used against
G38 1570  7    him in Parliament.
G38 1580  1       The Examiner, during Steele's trial a month later,
G38 1580  9    printed an answer from the "courtier" addressed to
G38 1590  8    "R& S&" at Button's coffee-house. He reviews Steele's
G38 1600  7    entrance into politics and finds that his present difficulties
G38 1610  7    are due to his habit of attributing to his own abilities
G38 1620  5    and talents achievements which more properly should
G38 1630  2    be credited to the indulgence of his friends. Once
G38 1630 11    more, in other words, Steele is said to be indebted
G38 1640 10    to Swift for his "wit"; this was the form in which
G38 1650  7    their private feud most often appeared in the Tory
G38 1660  4    press, especially the Examiner. In The Publick Spirit
G38 1670  2    of the Whigs, it may be noted, Swift himself contemptuously
G38 1680  1    dismissed Steele's reference to his friend at court:
G38 1680  9    "I suppose by the Style of old Friend, and the like,
G38 1690 11    it must be some Body there of his own Level; among
G38 1700  8    whom, his Party have indeed more Friends than I could
G38 1710  6    wish".
G38 1710  7       On February 16, Steele took his seat in Parliament.
G38 1720  7    By now he was undergoing a fresh torrent of abuse from
G38 1730  5    Tory papers and pamphlets, and action was being taken
G38 1740  2    to effect his punishment by expulsion from Parliament.
G38 1740 10    On the very day that the parliamentary session began,
G38 1750  8    another "Infamous Libel" appeared, entitled A Letter
G38 1760  6    from the Facetious Dr& Andrew Tripe, at Bath, to the
G38 1770  7    Venerable Nestor Ironside. It is filled with the usual
G38 1780  5    personal abuse of Steele, especially of his physical
G38 1790  1    appearance; in the opening paragraph, too, Steele is
G38 1790  9    accused of extreme egotism, of giving "himself the
G38 1800  8    preference to all the learned, his contemporaries,
G38 1810  3    from Dr& Sw-ft himself, even down to Poet Cr-spe of
G38 1820  4    the Customhouse".
G39 0010  1    When Harold Arlen returned to California in the winter
G39 0010 10    of 1944, it was to take up again a collaboration with
G39 0020  9    Johnny Mercer, begun some years before. The film they
G39 0030  6    did after his return was an inconsequential bit of
G39 0040  3    nothing titled Out of This World, a satire on the Sinatra
G39 0050  1    bobby-soxer craze. The twist lay in using Bing Crosby's
G39 0050 11    voice on the sound track while leading man Eddie Bracken
G39 0060 10    mouthed the words. If nothing else, at least two good
G39 0070  9    songs came out of the project, "Out of This World"
G39 0080  5    and "June Comes Around Every Year".
G39 0090  1       Though they would produce some very memorable and
G39 0090  9    lasting songs, Arlen and Mercer were not given strong
G39 0100  9    material to work on. Their first collaboration came
G39 0110  5    close. Early in 1941 they were assigned to a script
G39 0120  4    titled Hot Nocturne. It purported to be a reasonably
G39 0130  1    serious attempt at a treatment of jazz musicians, their
G39 0130 10    aims, their problems- the tug-of-war between the "pure"
G39 0140  8    and the "commercial"- and seemed a promising vehicle,
G39 0150  8    for the two men shared a common interest in jazz.
G39 0160  5       Johnny Mercer practically grew up with the sound
G39 0170  3    of jazz and the blues in his ears. He was born in Savannah,
G39 0180  1    Georgia, in 1909. His father, George A& Mercer, was
G39 0180 10    descended from an honored Southern family that could
G39 0190  8    trace its ancestry back to one Hugh Mercer, who had
G39 0200  7    emigrated from Scotland in 1747.
G39 0210  1       The lyricist's father was a lawyer who had branched
G39 0210 10    out into real estate. His second wife, Lillian, was
G39 0220  8    the mother of John H& Mercer. By the age of six young
G39 0230  8    Johnny indicated that he had the call. One day he followed
G39 0240  6    the Irish Jasper Greens, the town band, to a picnic
G39 0250  4    and spent the entire day listening, while his family
G39 0250 13    spent the day looking. The disappearance caused his
G39 0260  8    family to assign a full-time maid to keeping an eye
G39 0270  6    on the boy. But one afternoon Mrs& Mercer met her;
G39 0280  4    both were obviously on the way to the Mercer home.
G39 0290  1    The mother inquired, "Where's Johnny, and why did you
G39 0290 10    leave him"? "There was nothing else I could do", the
G39 0300  9    maid answered, satisfied with a rather vague explanation.
G39 0310  7    But Mrs& Mercer demanded more. The maid then told her,
G39 0320  7    "Because he fired me".
G39 0330  1       With her son evidencing so strong a musical bent
G39 0330  9    his mother could do little else but get him started
G39 0340  6    on the study of music- though she waited until he was
G39 0350  4    ten- beginning with the piano and following that with
G39 0360  1    the trumpet. Young Mercer showed a remarkable lack
G39 0360  9    of aptitude for both instruments. Still, he did like
G39 0370  7    music making and even sang in the chapel choir of the
G39 0380  6    Woodberry Forest School, near Orange, Virginia, where
G39 0390  2    he sounded fine but did not matriculate too well.
G39 0400  1       When he was fifteen John H& Mercer turned out his
G39 0400 11    first song, a jazzy little thing he called "Sister
G39 0410  7    Susie, Strut Your Stuff". If his scholarship and formal
G39 0430  6    musicianship were not all they might have been, Mercer
G39 0440  3    demonstrated at an early age that he was gifted with
G39 0450  1    a remarkable ear for rhythm and dialect. From his playmates
G39 0450 11    in Savannah, Mercer had picked up, along with a soft
G39 0460  9    Southern dialect, traces also of the Gullah dialects
G39 0470  6    of Africa. Such speech differences made him acutely
G39 0480  4    aware of the richness and expressivness of language.
G39 0490  1       During the summers, while he was still in school,
G39 0490 10    Mercer worked for his father's firm as a messenger
G39 0500  8    boy. It generally took well into the autumn for the
G39 0510  6    firm to recover from the summer's help. "We'd give
G39 0520  2    him things to deliver, letters, checks, deeds and things
G39 0530  1    like that", remembers his half-brother Walter, still
G39 0530  9    in the real estate business in Savannah, "and learn
G39 0540  6    days later that he'd absent-mindedly stuffed them into
G39 0550  4    his pocket. There they stayed".
G39 0560  1       This rather detached attitude toward life's encumbrances
G39 0560  7    has seemed to be the dominant trait in Mercer's personality
G39 0570  9    ever since. It is, however, a disarming disguise, or
G39 0580  7    perhaps a shield, for not only has Mercer proved himself
G39 0590  4    to be one of the few great lyricists over the years,
G39 0600  2    but also one who can function remarkably under pressure.
G39 0600 11    He has also enjoyed a successful career as an entertainer
G39 0610 10    (his records have sold in the millions) and is a sharp
G39 0620  9    businessman.
G39 0620 10       He has also an extraordinary conscience. In 1927
G39 0630  6    his father's business collapsed, and, rather than go
G39 0640  5    bankrupt, Mercer senior turned his firm over to a bank
G39 0650  4    for liquidation. He died before he could completely
G39 0650 12    pay off his debts. Some years later the bank handling
G39 0660  9    the Mercer liquidation received a check for $300,000,
G39 0670  6    enough to clear up the debt. The check had been mailed
G39 0680  4    from Chicago, the envelope bore no return address,
G39 0690  1    and the check was not signed.
G39 0690  7       "That's Johnny", sighed the bank president, "the
G39 0700  5    best-hearted boy in the world, but absent-minded".
G39 0710  1    But Mercer's explanation was simple: "I made out the
G39 0720  2    check and carried it around a few days unsigned- in
G39 0720 12    case I lost it". When he remembered that he might have
G39 0730  9    not signed the check, Mercer made out another for the
G39 0740  7    same amount, instructing the bank to destroy the other-
G39 0750  4    especially if he had happened to have absent-mindedly
G39 0760  1    signed both of them.
G39 0760  5       When the family business failed, Mercer left school
G39 0770  3    and on his mother's urging- for she hoped that he would
G39 0780  2    become an actor- he joined a local little theater group.
G39 0780 12    When the troupe traveled to New York to participate
G39 0790  9    in a one-act-play competition- and won- Mercer, instead
G39 0800  7    of returning with the rest of the company in triumph,
G39 0810  5    remained in New York. He had talked one other member
G39 0820  2    of the group to stay with him, but that friend had
G39 0820 13    tired of not eating regularly and returned to Savannah.
G39 0830  8    But Mercer hung on, living, after a fashion, in a Greenwich
G39 0840  8    Village fourth-flight walk-up. "The place had no sink
G39 0850  6    or washbasin, only a bathtub", his mother discovered
G39 0860  2    when she visited him. "Johnny insisted on cooking a
G39 0870  1    chicken dinner in my honor- he's always been a good
G39 0870 11    cook- and I'll never forget him cleaning the chicken
G39 0880  7    in the tub".
G39 0880 10       A story, no doubt apocryphal, for Mercer himself
G39 0890  7    denies it, has him sporting a monacle in those Village
G39 0900  6    days. Though merely clear glass, it was a distinctive
G39 0910  4    trade mark for an aspiring actor who hoped to imprint
G39 0920  1    himself upon the memories of producers. One day in
G39 0920 10    a bar, so the legend goes, someone put a beer stein
G39 0930  7    with too much force on the monacle and broke it. The
G39 0940  5    innocent malfeasant, filled with that supreme sense
G39 0950  1    of honor found in bars, insisted upon replacing the
G39 0950 10    destroyed monacle- and did, over the protests of the
G39 0960 10    former owner- with a square monacle. Mercer is supposed
G39 0970  4    to have refused it with, "Anyone who wears a square
G39 0980  3    monacle must be affected"!
G39 0980  7       Everett Miller, then assistant director for the
G39 0990  5    Garrick Gaieties, a Theatre Guild production, needed
G39 1000  3    a lyricist for a song he had written; he just happened
G39 1010  2    not to need any actor at the moment, however. For him
G39 1010 13    Mercer produced the lyric to "Out of Breath Scared
G39 1020  9    to Death of You", introduced in that most successful
G39 1030  6    of all the Gaieties, by Sterling Holloway. This 1930
G39 1040  4    edition also had songs in it by Vernon Duke and Ira
G39 1050  3    Gershwin, by E& Y& Harburg and Duke, and by Harry Myers.
G39 1060  2    Entrance into such stellar song writing company encouraged
G39 1070  1    the burgeoning song writer to take a wife, Elizabeth
G39 1070 10    Meehan, a dancer in the Gaieties. The Mercers took
G39 1080  7    up residence in Brooklyn, and Mercer found a regular
G39 1090  6    job in Wall Street "misplacing stocks and bonds".
G39 1100  3       When he heard that Paul Whiteman was looking for
G39 1110  2    singers to replace the Rhythm Boys, Mercer applied
G39 1110 10    and got the job, "not for my voice, I'm sure, but because
G39 1120 10    I could write songs and material generally". While
G39 1130  5    with the Whiteman band Mercer met Jerry Arlen. He had
G39 1140  5    yet to meet Harold Arlen, for although they had "collaborated"
G39 1150  3    on "Satan's Li'l Lamb", Mercer and Harburg had worked
G39 1160  4    from a lead sheet the composer had furnished them.
G39 1170  1    The lyric, Mercer remembers, was tailored to fit the
G39 1170 10    unusual melody.
G39 1180  1       Mercer's Whiteman association brought him into contact
G39 1190  1    with Hoagy Carmichael, whose "Snowball" Mercer relyriced
G39 1200  7    as "Lazybones", in which form it became a hit and marked
G39 1210 10    the real beginning of Mercer's song-writing career.
G39 1220  6    After leaving Whiteman, Mercer joined the Benny Goodman
G39 1230  5    band as a vocalist. With the help of Ziggy Elman, also
G39 1240  3    in the band, he transformed a traditional Jewish melody
G39 1250  1    into a popular song, "And the Angels Sing". The countrywide
G39 1260  1    success of "Lazybones" and "And the Angels Sing" could
G39 1260 10    only lead to Hollywood, where, besides Harold Arlen,
G39 1270  8    Mercer collaborated with Harry Warren, Jimmy Van Heusen,
G39 1280  7    Richard Whiting, Walter Donaldson, Jerome Kern, and
G39 1290  5    Arthur Schwartz. Mercer has also written both music
G39 1300  4    and lyrics for several songs. He may be the only song
G39 1310  2    writer ever to have collaborated with a secretary of
G39 1310 11    the U& S& Treasury; he collaborated on a song with
G39 1320  8    William Hartman Woodin, who was Secretary of the Treasury,
G39 1330  7    1932-33.
G39 1330  9       When Johnny Mercer and Harold Arlen began their
G39 1340  7    collaboration in 1940, Mercer, like Arlen, had several
G39 1350  5    substantial film songs to his credit, among them "Hooray
G39 1360  3    for Hollywood", "Ride, Tenderfoot, Ride", "Have You
G39 1370  3    Got Any Castles, Baby?", and "Too Marvelous for Words"
G39 1380  3    (all with Richard Whiting); with Harry Warren he did
G39 1390  2    "The Girl Friend of the Whirling Dervish", "Jeepers
G39 1390 10    Creepers", and "You Must Have Been a Beautiful Baby".
G39 1400  9    Mercer's lyrics are characterized by an unerring ear
G39 1410  8    for rhythmic nuances, a puckish sense of humor expressed
G39 1420  7    in language with a colloquial flair. Though versatile
G39 1430  3    and capable of turning out a ballad lyric with the
G39 1440  2    best of them, Mercer's forte is a highly polished quasi-folk
G39 1440 13    wit.
G39 1450  1       His casual, dreamlike working methods, often as
G39 1450  8    not in absentia, were an abrupt change from Harburg's,
G39 1460  7    so that Arlen had to adjust again to another approach
G39 1470  7    to collaboration. There were times that he worked with
G39 1480  5    both lyricists simultaneously.
G39 1480  8       Speaking of his work with Johnny Mercer, Arlen says,
G39 1490  9    "Our working habits were strange. After we got a script
G39 1500  8    and the spots for the songs were blocked out, we'd
G39 1510  4    get together for an hour or so every day. While Johnny
G39 1520  1    made himself comfortable on the couch, I'd play the
G39 1520 10    tunes for him. He has a wonderfully retentive memory.
G39 1530  8    After I would finish playing the songs, he'd just go
G39 1540  7    away without a comment. I wouldn't hear from him for
G39 1550  5    a couple of weeks, then he'd come around with the completed
G39 1560  2    lyric".
G39 1560  3       Arlen is one of the few (possibly the only) composer
G39 1570  2    Mercer has been able to work with so closely, for they
G39 1570 13    held their meetings in Arlen's study. "Some guys bothered
G39 1580  9    me", Mercer has said. "I couldn't write with them in
G39 1590 10    the same room with me, but I could with Harold. He
G39 1600  8    is probably our most original composer; he often uses
G39 1610  4    very odd rhythms, which makes it difficult, and challenging,
G39 1620  2    for the lyric writer".
G39 1620  6       While Arlen and Mercer collaborated on Hot Nocturne,
G39 1630  5    Mercer worked also with Arthur Schwartz on another
G39 1640  4    film, Navy Blues. Arlen, too, worked on other projects
G39 1650  3    at the same time with old friend Ted Koehler. Besides
G39 1660  1    doing a single song, "When the Sun Comes Out", they
G39 1660 11    worked on the ambitious Americanegro Suite, for voices
G39 1670  7    and piano, as well as songs for films.
G39 1680  5       The Americanegro Suite is in a sense an extension
G39 1690  3    of the Cotton Club songs in that it is a collection
G39 1700  1    of Negro songs, not for a night club, but for the concert
G39 1700 13    stage. The work had its beginning in 1938 with an eight-bar
G39 1710 11    musical strain to which Koehler set the words "There'll
G39 1720  6    be no more work/ There'll be no more worry", matching
G39 1730  4    the spiritual feeling of the jot. This grew into the
G39 1740  3    song "Big Time Comin'". By September 1940 the suite
G39 1750  1    had developed into a collection of six songs, "four
G39 1750 10    spirituals, a dream, and a lullaby".
G39 1760  5       The Negro composer Hall Johnson studied the Americanegro
G39 1770  3    Suite and said of it, "Of all the many songs written
G39 1780  3    by white composers and employing what claims to be
G39 1780 12    a Negroid idiom in both words and music, these six
G39 1790  9    songs by Harold Arlen and Ted Koehler easily stand
G39 1800  6    far out above the rest. Thoroughly modern in treatment,
G39 1810  4    they are at the same time, full of simple sincerity
G39 1820  1    which invariably characterizes genuine Negro folk-music
G39 1820  8    and are by no means to be confused with the average
G39 1830  9    'Broadway Spirituals' which depend for their racial
G39 1840  6    flavor upon sundry allusions to the 'Amen Corner',
G39 1850  2    'judgement day', 'Gabriel's horn', and a frustrated
G39 1860  2    devil- with a few random 'Hallelujahs' thrown in for
G39 1870  1    good measure.
G40 0010  1       I feel obliged to describe this cubbyhole. It had
G40 0010 10    a single porcelain stall and but one cabinet for the
G40 0020  8    chairing of the bards. It was here that the terror-stricken
G40 0030  6    Dennis Moon played an unrehearsed role during the children's
G40 0040  4    party. A much larger room, adjacent to the lavatory,
G40 0050  2    served as a passageway to and from the skimpy toilet.
G40 0050 12    That unused room was large enough for- well, say an
G40 0060 10    elephant could get into it **h and, as a matter of
G40 0070  9    fact, an elephant did **h
G40 0080  1       Something occurred on the morning of the children's
G40 0080  8    party which may illustrate the kind of trouble our
G40 0090  7    restricted toilet facilities caused us. It so happened
G40 0100  5    that sports writer Arthur Robinson got out of the hospital
G40 0110  2    that morning after promising his doctor that he would
G40 0110 11    be back in an hour or two to continue his convalescence.
G40 0120  9    Arthur Robinson traveled with the baseball clubs as
G40 0130  6    staff correspondent for the American. He was ghost
G40 0140  4    writer for Babe Ruth, whose main talent for literary
G40 0150  1    composition was the signing of his autograph. Robbie
G40 0150  9    was a war veteran with battle-shattered knees.
G40 0160  5       He arrived on crutches at the Newspaper Club with
G40 0170  4    one of his great pals, Oliver Herford, artist, author,
G40 0180  2    and foe of stupidity. Mr& Herford's appearance was
G40 0180 10    that of a frustrated gnome. He seemed timid (at first),
G40 0190 10    wore nose glasses from which a black ribbon dangled,
G40 0200  7    and was no bigger than a jockey. Robinson asked Herford
G40 0210  4    to escort him to the club's lavatory before they sat
G40 0220  3    down for a highball and a game of cards. In the jakes,
G40 0230  1    after Robbie and his crutches were properly stowed,
G40 0230  9    Mr& Herford went to the adjoining facility. He had
G40 0240  8    barely assumed his stance there when a fat fellow charged
G40 0250  6    through the doorway. Without any regard for rest-room
G40 0260  3    protocol, the hulking stranger almost knocked Herford
G40 0260 10    off his pins. The artist-author said nothing, but stood
G40 0270 10    to one side. He waited a long time. Nothing was said,
G40 0280  8    nothing accomplished. The unrelieved stranger eventually
G40 0290  3    turned away from the place of his- shall we dare say
G40 0300  4    his Waterloo?- to go to the door.
G40 0300 11       Mr& Herford touched the fat man's arm. "Pardon me,
G40 0310  8    sir. May I say that you have just demonstrated the
G40 0320  6    truth of an old proverb- the younger Pliny's, if memory
G40 0330  4    serves me- which, translated freely from the archaic
G40 0340  2    Latin, says, 'The more haste, the less peed'".
G40 0350  1       Governor Alfred E& Smith was the official host at
G40 0350 10    the children's party. United States Senator Royal S&
G40 0360  7    Copeland was wearing the robes of Santa Claus and a
G40 0370  8    great white beard; the Honorable Robert Wagner, Sr&,
G40 0380  4    at that time a justice of the New York Supreme Court,
G40 0390  2    was on the reception committee. I was in charge of
G40 0390 12    the arrangements- which were soon enough disarranged.
G40 0400  6       I had had difficulties from the very first day.
G40 0410  7    When, in my enthusiasm, I proposed the party, my city
G40 0420  5    editor (who disliked the club and many of its members)
G40 0430  2    tried to block my participation in the gala event.
G40 0430 11    Even earlier than that he had resented the fact that
G40 0440  9    I had been chosen to edit the club's Reporter.
G40 0450  4       City editor Victor Watson of the New York American
G40 0460  4    was a man of brooding suspicions and mysterious shifts
G40 0470  2    of mood. Mr& Hearst's telegraphic code word for Victor
G40 0480  1    Watson was "fatboy". The staff saw in him the qualities
G40 0480 11    of a Don Cossack, hence, as mentioned before, his nickname
G40 0490  9    "the Hetman".
G40 0500  1       The Hetman's physical aspects were not those of
G40 0500  9    a savage rider of the steppes. Indeed, he looked more
G40 0510  9    like a well-fleshed lay brother of the Hospice of St&
G40 0520  8    Bernard. Nor were his manners barbaric. He had a purring
G40 0530  6    voice and poker player's immobility of features which
G40 0540  2    somehow conveyed the feeling that he knew where all
G40 0540 11    the bodies were buried. He was the son of a Scottish
G40 0550 11    father and an American Jewish mother, long widowed,
G40 0560  5    with whom he lived in a comfortable home in Flushing.
G40 0570  4    He had worked in the newspaper business since he was
G40 0580  2    nineteen years old, always for the Hearst service.
G40 0580 10    From the very first he regarded himself as Mr& Hearst's
G40 0590  8    disciple, defender, and afterward his prime minister,
G40 0600  5    self-ordained.
G40 0600  7       It was said that the Hetman plotted to take over
G40 0610  7    the entire Hearst newspaper empire one day by means
G40 0620  5    of various coups: the destruction of editors who tried
G40 0630  2    to halt his course, the unfrocking of publishers whose
G40 0630 11    mistakes of judgment might be magnified in secret reports
G40 0640  9    to Mr& Hearst. Whatever the Hetman's ambitions, his
G40 0650  5    colleagues were kept ill at ease. Among the outstanding
G40 0660  4    members of the Hearst cabinet whom he successfully
G40 0670  1    opposed for a time were the great Arthur Brisbane,
G40 0670 10    Bradford Merrill, S&S& Carvalho, and Colonel Van Hamm.
G40 0680  8    He also disliked Runyon, for no good reason other than
G40 0690  8    the fact that the Demon's talent was so marked as to
G40 0700  7    put him well beyond the Hetman's say-so or his supervision.
G40 0710  4       Runyon, for his part, had a contemptuous regard
G40 0720  2    for Mr& Watson. "He's a wrong-o", said Runyon, "and
G40 0730  2    I wouldn't trust him as far as I could throw the Statue
G40 0730 14    of Liberty".
G40 0740  2       Arthur "Bugs" Baer wrote to me just recently, "Vic
G40 0750  2    wanted to die in harness, with his head towards the
G40 0750 12    wagon. He supported his mother and his brother, who
G40 0760  9    afterwards committed suicide. Watson told me that his
G40 0770  7    brother always sent roses to his mother, blossoms bought
G40 0780  3    with Vic's allowance to him. 'And would you believe
G40 0790  2    it', Vic added, 'she likes him better than she does
G40 0790 12    me. Why'"?
G40 0800  2       About the only time the Hetman seemed excited was
G40 0810  1    when one of his own pet ideas was born. Then he would
G40 0810 13    get to his feet, as though rising in honor of his own
G40 0820  9    remarkable powers, and say almost invariably, "Gentlemen,
G40 0830  3    this is an amazing story! It's bigger than the Armistice".
G40 0840  4       Some of the Hetman's "ideas" were dream-ridden,
G40 0850  4    vaguely imparted, and at times preposterous. One day
G40 0860  2    he assigned me to lay bare a "plot" by the Duponts
G40 0860 13    to supply munitions to a wholly fictitious revolution
G40 0870  7    he said was about to occur in Cuba. He said that his
G40 0880  7    information was so secret that he would not be able
G40 0890  4    to confide in me the origin of his pipeline tip.
G40 0900  1       "I can tell you this much", he said. It's bigger
G40 0900 10    than the Armistice".
G40 0910  1       I worked for a day on this plainly ridiculous assignment
G40 0920  1    and consulted several of my own well-informed sources.
G40 0920 10    Then I spent the next two days at the baseball park
G40 0930  9    and at Jack Doyle's pool parlors. When I returned to
G40 0940  6    make my report, the Hetman did not remember having
G40 0950  2    sent me on the secret mission. He was busy, he said,
G40 0950 13    in having someone submit to a monkey-gland operation.
G40 0960  9    And I was to go to work on that odd matter. I shall
G40 0970  9    tell of it later on.
G40 0970 14       The Hetman had a strong liking for a story, any
G40 0980 10    story which was to be had by means of much sleuthing
G40 0990  6    or by roundabout methods. Most of my stories were obtained
G40 1000  3    by simply seeking out the person who could give me
G40 1010  1    the facts, and not as a rule by playing clever tricks.
G40 1010 12       One day I tired of following the Hetman's advice
G40 1020  8    of "shadowing" and of the "ring-around-the-rosie" approach
G40 1030  8    to a report that Enrico Caruso had pinched a lady's
G40 1040  5    hip while visiting the Central Park monkey house. I
G40 1050  3    explained my state of mind to artist Winsor McCay and
G40 1060  1    to "Bugs" Baer. Mr& Baer obtained a supply of crepe
G40 1060 11    hair and spirit-gum from an actor at the Friars. We
G40 1070 10    fashioned beards, put them on, and reported to the
G40 1080  7    Hetman at the city desk.
G40 1080 12       Mr& Baer had an auburn beard, like Longfellow's.
G40 1090  8    Mr& McCay had on a sort of Emperor Maximilian beard
G40 1100  7    and mustache. As for myself, I had on an enormous black
G40 1110  6    "muff". This, together with a derby hat and horn-rim
G40 1120  4    eyeglasses, gave me the appearance of a Russian nihilist.
G40 1130  1       "We are ready for your next mysterious assignment",
G40 1130  9    said Mr& Baer to the Hetman. "Where to, sir"?
G40 1140  9       Mr& Watson did not have much humor in his make-up,
G40 1150 10    but he managed a mirthless smile. Just then a reporter
G40 1160  6    telephoned in from the Bronx to give the rewrite desk
G40 1170  4    an account of a murder. The Hetman told me to take
G40 1180  1    the story over the phone and to write it. While I was
G40 1180 13    sitting at one of the rewrite telephones with my derby
G40 1190  8    and my great beard, Arthur Brisbane whizzed in with
G40 1200  5    some editorial copy in his hand. He paused for a moment
G40 1210  4    to look at me, then went on to the city desk to deliver
G40 1220  1    his "Today" column.
G40 1220  4       I thought it expedient to take off my derby, my
G40 1230  3    glasses, and the beard; and also to change telephones.
G40 1230 12    I managed to do this by the time the great A&B& returned
G40 1240 12    to the place where he last had seen the fierce nihilist.
G40 1250  9    He stood there staring with disbelief at the vacant
G40 1260  6    desk. Then he wrinkled his huge brow and went slowly
G40 1270  4    out of the room. He had a somewhat goggle-eyed expression.
G40 1280  1    He had been "seeing things".
G40 1280  6       The Hetman's "ideas" for news stories or editorial
G40 1290  6    campaigns were by no means always fruitless or lacking
G40 1300  3    in merit. He campaigned successfully for the riddance
G40 1310  1    of "Death Avenue" and also brought about the ending
G40 1310 10    of pollution of metropolitan beaches by sewage. He
G40 1320  7    exposed the bucket-shop racket with the able assistance
G40 1330  5    of two excellent reporters, Nat Ferber and Carl Helm.
G40 1340  4    In the conduct of these and many other campaigns, the
G40 1350  1    Hetman proved to be a much abler journalist than his
G40 1350 11    critics allowed.
G40 1360  1       It seems to me now, in a long backward glance, that
G40 1360 12    many of the Hetman's conceits and odd actions- together
G40 1370  8    with his grim posture when brandishing the hatchet
G40 1380  5    in the name of Mr& Hearst- were keyed with the tragedy
G40 1390  5    which was to close over him one day. Alone, rejected
G40 1400  2    on every hand, divorced, and in financial trouble,
G40 1400 10    he leaped from an eleventh-floor window of the Abbey
G40 1410  9    Hotel in 1937.
G40 1410 12       One finds it difficult to pass censure on the lonely
G40 1420 10    figure who waited for days for a saving word from his
G40 1430  9    zealously served idol, W&R& Hearst. That word was withheld
G40 1440  6    when the need of it seemed the measure of his despair.
G40 1450  4    The unfinished note, written in pencil upon the back
G40 1460  1    of a used envelope, and addressed to the coroner, makes
G40 1460 11    one wonder about many things: "God forgive me for everything.
G40 1470  9    I cannot **h"
G40 1480  2       Much to Damon Runyon's amazement, as well as my
G40 1480 11    own, I got along splendidly with the Hetman; that is,
G40 1490 10    until I became an editor, hence, in his eyes, a rival.
G40 1500  9    Not long after Colonel Van Hamm had foisted me on the
G40 1510  7    Watson staff I received a salary raise and a contract
G40 1520  4    on the Hetman's recommendation. During the next years
G40 1530  1    he gave me the second of the five contracts I would
G40 1530 12    sign with the Hearst Service. It was a somewhat unusual
G40 1540  8    thing for a reporter to have a contract in those days
G40 1550  7    before the epidemic of syndicated columnists. I would
G40 1560  3    like to believe that my ability warranted this advancement.
G40 1570  1    Somehow I think that Watson paid more attention to
G40 1570 10    me than he otherwise might have because his foe, Colonel
G40 1580  8    Van Hamm, wouldn't touch me with a ten-foot blue pencil.
G40 1590  9       I remember one day when Mr& Hearst (and I never
G40 1600  6    knew why he liked me, either) sent the Hetman a telegram:
G40 1610  4    "Please find some more reporters like that young man
G40 1620  3    from Denver". Watson showed this wire to Colonel Van
G40 1620 12    Hamm. The colonel grunted, then made a remark which
G40 1630  9    might be construed in either of two ways. "Don't bother
G40 1640  8    to look any further. We already have the only one of
G40 1650  6    its kind".
G40 1650  8       The Hetman did have friends, but they were mostly
G40 1660  6    outside the newspaper profession. Sergeant Mike Donaldson,
G40 1670  3    Congressional Medal of Honor soldier, was one of them.
G40 1680  4    Dr& Menas S& Gregory was another. I used to go with
G40 1690  2    Watson to call on the eminent neurologist at his apartment,
G40 1690 12    to sit among the doctor's excellent collection of statues,
G40 1700  8    paintings, and books and drink Oriental coffee while
G40 1710  7    Watson seemed to thaw out and become almost affable.
G40 1720  4       There was one time, however, when his face clouded
G40 1730  3    and he suddenly blurted, "Why did my brother commit
G40 1740  1    suicide"?
G40 1740  2       I cannot remember Dr& Gregory's reply, if, indeed,
G40 1750  2    he made one.
G41 0010  1    If she were not at home, Mama would see to it that
G41 0010 13    a fresh white rose was there. Sometimes, Mrs& Coolidge
G41 0020  6    would close herself in the Green Suite on the second
G41 0030  6    floor, and play the piano she had brought to the White
G41 0040  4    House. Mama knew she was playing her son's favorite
G41 0050  1    pieces and feeling close to him, and did not disturb
G41 0050 11    her.
G41 0050 12       All the rest of the days in the White House would
G41 0060 11    be shadowed by the tragic loss, even though the President
G41 0070  6    tried harder than ever to make his little dry jokes
G41 0080  4    and to tease the people around him.
G41 0080 11       A little boy came to give the President his personal
G41 0090  9    condolences, and the President gave word that any little
G41 0100  6    boy who wanted to see him was to be shown in. Backstairs,
G41 0110  4    the maids cried a little over that, and the standing
G41 0120  1    invitation was not mentioned to Mrs& Coolidge.
G41 0120  8       The President was even more generous with the First
G41 0130  9    Lady than he had been before the tragedy. He would
G41 0140  6    bring her boxes of candy and other presents to coax
G41 0150  3    a smile to her lips.
G41 0150  8       He brought her shawls. Dresses were short in the
G41 0160  5    days of Mrs& Coolidge, and Spanish shawls were thrown
G41 0170  3    over them. He got her dozens of them. One shawl was
G41 0170 14    so tremendous that she could not wear it, so she draped
G41 0180 11    it over the banister on the second floor, and it hung
G41 0190  8    over the stairway. The President used to look at it
G41 0200  6    with a ghost of a smile.
G41 0200 12       Mrs& Coolidge spent more time in her bedroom among
G41 0210  8    her doll collection. She kept the dolls on the Lincoln
G41 0220  6    bed. At night, when Mama would turn back the covers,
G41 0230  2    she would have to take all the dolls off the bed and
G41 0230 14    place them elsewhere for the night. Mama always felt
G41 0240  9    that the collection symbolized Mrs& Coolidge's wish
G41 0250  4    for a little girl.
G41 0250  8       Among the dolls was one that meant very much to
G41 0260  9    the First Lady, who would pick it up and look at it
G41 0270  7    often. It had a tiny envelope tied to its wrist. An
G41 0280  2    accompanying sympathetic letter explained that inside
G41 0280  8    the envelope was a name for Mrs& Coolidge's first granddaughter.
G41 0290  9    Mama knew this doll was meant to help Mrs& Coolidge
G41 0300 10    overcome her grief by turning her eyes to the future.
G41 0310  8    The name inside the envelope was "Cynthia".
G41 0320  1       The Coolidges' life, after the death of their son,
G41 0330  2    was quieter than ever. John was away at school most
G41 0330 12    of the time. Mrs& Coolidge would knit, and the President
G41 0340  8    would sit reading, or playing with the many pets around
G41 0350  8    them.
G41 0350  9       Now and then, the President would call for "Little
G41 0360  6    Jack, Master of the Hounds", which was his nickname
G41 0370  5    for a messenger who had worked in the White House since
G41 0380  2    Teddy Roosevelt's administration, and discuss the welfare
G41 0390  1    of some one of the animals. It was part of Little Jack's
G41 0390 13    work to look after the dogs.
G41 0400  6       One White House dog was immortalized in a painting.
G41 0410  4    That was Rob Roy, who posed with Mrs& Coolidge for
G41 0420  2    the portrait by Howard Chandler Christy. To get him
G41 0420 11    to pose, Mrs& Coolidge would feed him candy, so he
G41 0430  9    enjoyed the portrait sessions as well as she did.
G41 0440  6       I would like to straighten out a misconception about
G41 0450  2    the dress Mrs& Coolidge is wearing in this painting.
G41 0460  1    It is not the same dress as the one on her manikin
G41 0460 13    in the Smithsonian. People think the dress in the picture
G41 0470  8    was lengthened by an artist much later on. This is
G41 0480  6    not true. The dress in the painting is a bright red,
G41 0490  3    with rhinestones forming a spray on the right side.
G41 0490 12    There is a long train flowing from the shoulders.
G41 0500  9       Mrs& Coolidge gave Mama this dress for me, and I
G41 0510  9    wore it many times. I still have the dress, and I hope
G41 0520  6    to give it to the Smithsonian Institution as a memento,
G41 0530  4    or, as I more fondly hope, to present it to a museum
G41 0530 16    containing articles showing the daily lives of the
G41 0540  8    Presidents- if I can get it organized.
G41 0550  5       But to get back to the Coolidge household, Mrs&
G41 0560  2    Coolidge so obviously loved dogs, that the public sent
G41 0560 11    her more dogs- Calamity Jane, Timmy, and Blackberry.
G41 0570  8    The last two were a red and a black chow. Rob Roy remained
G41 0580 11    boss of all the dogs. He showed them what to do, and
G41 0590  8    taught them how to keep the maids around the White
G41 0600  3    House in a state of terror.
G41 0600  9       The dogs would run through the halls after him like
G41 0610  7    a burst of bullets, and all the maids would run for
G41 0620  4    cover. Mama didn't know what to do- whether to tell
G41 0630  1    on Rob Roy or not- since she had the ear of Mrs& Coolidge
G41 0640  1    more than the other maids. But she was afraid the First
G41 0640 12    Lady would not understand, because Rob Roy was a perfect
G41 0650  9    angel with the First Family.
G41 0660  2       Every day, when the President took his nap, Rob
G41 0660 11    Roy would stretch out on the window seat near him,
G41 0670 10    like a perfect gentleman, and stare thoughtfully out
G41 0680  5    the window, or he would take a little nap himself.
G41 0690  3    He would not make a sound until the President had wakened
G41 0700  1    and left for the office; then he would bark to let
G41 0700 12    everyone know the coast was clear. His signal was for
G41 0710  9    the other dogs to come running, but it was also the
G41 0720  6    signal for Mama and the other maids to watch out.
G41 0730  2       Rob Roy was self-appointed to accompany the President
G41 0730 11    to his office every morning. Rob Roy was well aware
G41 0740 10    of the importance of this mission, and he would walk
G41 0750  8    in front of the President, looking neither to the right
G41 0760  5    nor to the left.
G41 0760  9       At dinner, lunch, or breakfast, the President would
G41 0770  4    call out, "Supper"!- he called all meals supper- after
G41 0780  5    the butler had announced the meal. All the dogs would
G41 0790  3    dash to get on the elevator with the President and
G41 0790 13    go to the dining room. They would all lie around on
G41 0800 10    the rug during the meal, a very pretty sight as Rob
G41 0810  7    Roy, Prudence, and Calamity Jane were all snow-white.
G41 0820  4       When Prudence and Blackberry were too young to be
G41 0830  3    trusted in the dining room, they were tied to the radiator
G41 0830 14    with their leashes, and they would cry. Mama tried
G41 0840  9    to talk to them and keep them quiet while she tidied
G41 0850  6    up the sitting room before the First Family returned.
G41 0860  3       Finally, Mama did mention to Mrs& Coolidge that
G41 0870  2    she felt sorry for the little dogs, and then Mrs& Coolidge
G41 0880  1    decided to leave the radio on for them while she was
G41 0880 12    gone, even though her husband disapproved of the waste
G41 0890  7    of electricity.
G41 0890  9       Mama was now the first maid to Mrs& Coolidge, because
G41 0900  9    Catherine, the previous first maid, had become ill
G41 0910  6    and died. Mrs& Coolidge chose Mama in her place. It
G41 0920  5    was a high mark for Mama.
G41 0920 11       Every First Family seems to have one couple upon
G41 0930  8    whom it relies for true friendship. For the Coolidges,
G41 0940  4    it was Mr& and Mrs& Frank W& Stearns of Boston, Massachusetts,
G41 0950  4    owners of a large department store. They seemed to
G41 0960  3    be at the White House half the time. The butlers were
G41 0970  1    amused because when the Stearns were there, the President
G41 0970 10    would say grace at breakfast. If the Stearns were not
G41 0980  9    there, grace would be omitted.
G41 0990  1       Speaking of breakfast, the President inaugurated
G41 0990  7    a new custom- that of conducting business at the breakfast
G41 1000  8    table. The word was that this too was part of an economy
G41 1010 10    move on his part. A new bill had been passed under
G41 1020  5    Harding that designated the Government, rather than
G41 1030  2    the President, as the tab-lifter for official meals.
G41 1030 11    So the President would make a hearty breakfast official
G41 1040  8    by inviting Government officials to attend.
G41 1050  4       He caused a lot of talk when he also chose the breakfast
G41 1060  4    hour to have the barber come in and trim his hair while
G41 1070  2    he ate. Mama said that if Presidents were supposed
G41 1070 11    to be colorful, Mr& Coolidge certainly made a good
G41 1080  7    president. He knew exactly how to be colorful!
G41 1090  5       The favorite guest of the house, as far as the staff
G41 1100  5    was concerned, was Mr& Wrigley, the chewing gum king.
G41 1110  1    The White House had chewing gum until it could chew
G41 1110 11    no more, and every Christmas, Mr& Wrigley sent the
G41 1120  7    President a check for $100, to be divided among all
G41 1130  6    the help. You can imagine that he got pretty good service.
G41 1140  3       Another good friend of the Coolidges' was George
G41 1150  2    B& Harvey, who was the Ambassador to Great Britain
G41 1150 11    from 1921 to 1923. He had been a friend of the Hardings,
G41 1160 12    and continued to be invited by the Coolidges.
G41 1170  7       The first royalty whom Mama ever waited on in the
G41 1180  6    White House was Queen Marie of Rumania, who came to
G41 1190  4    a State dinner given in her honor on October 21, 1926.
G41 1200  1    She was not an overnight guest in the White House,
G41 1200 11    but Mr& Ike Hoover, the chief usher, had Mama check
G41 1210  8    her fur coat when she came in, and take care of her
G41 1220  7    needs. Mama said she was one of the prettiest ladies
G41 1230  2    she had ever seen.
G41 1230  6       Mama was very patriotic, and one of the duties she
G41 1240  4    was proudest of was repairing the edges of the flag
G41 1240 14    that flew above the White House. Actually, two flags
G41 1250  9    were used at the mansion- a small one on rainy days,
G41 1260  7    and a big one on bright days. The wool would become
G41 1270  5    frazzled around the edges from blowing in the wind,
G41 1280  1    and Mama would mend it. She would often go up on the
G41 1280 13    roof to see the attendant take down the flag in the
G41 1290  9    evening. She used to tell me, "When I stand there and
G41 1300  6    look at the flag blowing this way and that way, I have
G41 1310  4    the wonderful, safe feeling that Americans are protected
G41 1320  1    no matter which way the wind blows".
G41 1320  8       Even when Mrs& Coolidge was in mourning for her
G41 1330  7    son, she reached out to help other people in trouble.
G41 1340  3    One person she helped was my brother. Mama had told
G41 1350  1    her how Emmett's lungs had been affected when he was
G41 1350 11    gassed in the war. He was in and out of Mount Alto
G41 1360 10    Hospital for veterans any number of times.
G41 1370  3       Taking a personal interest, she had the doctor assigned
G41 1380  2    to the White House, Dr& James Coupal, look Emmett over.
G41 1390  1    As a result, he was sent to a hospital in Arizona until
G41 1390 13    his health improved enough for him to come back to
G41 1400  9    Washington to work in the Government service. But again,
G41 1410  5    there was danger that his lungs would suffer in the
G41 1420  4    muggy Washington weather, and he had to return to the
G41 1430  1    dry climate of the West to live and work.
G41 1430 10       When Mrs& Coolidge was in mourning, she did not
G41 1440  7    wear black. She wore grey every day, and white every
G41 1450  4    evening. Mama knew that she was out of mourning when
G41 1460  1    she finally wore bright colors. The President helped
G41 1460  9    her a lot by selecting some lovely colored dresses
G41 1470  5    to get her started. She opened the boxes with a tear
G41 1480  5    in her eye and a sad smile on her face.
G41 1480 15       On the social side, the chore Mama had at the formal
G41 1490 11    receptions at the White House thrilled her the most.
G41 1500  7    It was her job to stand at the foot of the stairs,
G41 1510  5    and, just as the First Lady stepped off the last tread,
G41 1520  2    Mama would straighten out her long train before she
G41 1520 11    marched to the Blue Room to greet her guests with the
G41 1530 10    President. Mama would enjoy the sight of the famous
G41 1540  7    guests as much as anyone, and would note a gown here
G41 1560  4    and there to tell me about that night.
G41 1560 12       One night, Mama came home practically in a state
G41 1570  8    of shock. She had stood at the bottom of the stairs,
G41 1580  5    as usual, when Mrs& Coolidge came down, in the same
G41 1590  3    dress that is now in the Smithsonian, to greet her
G41 1590 13    guests. Mama stooped down to fix the train, but there
G41 1600 10    was no train there! She reached and reached around
G41 1610  5    the dress, but there was nothing there. She looked
G41 1620  3    up and saw that, without knowing it, Mrs& Coolidge
G41 1620 12    was holding it aloft. Mrs& Coolidge looked down, saw
G41 1630  9    Mama's horrified expression and quickly let the whole
G41 1640  7    thing fall to the floor. Mama swirled the train in
G41 1650  5    place, and not a step was lost.
G41 1650 12       The Coolidges did not always live at the White House
G41 1660  9    during the Presidency.
G42 0010  1       Impressive as this enumeration is, it barely hints
G42 0010  9    at the diverse perceptions of Jews, collectively or
G42 0020  6    individually, that have been attested by their Gentile
G42 0030  5    environment. It is reasonable to affirm two propositions:
G42 0040  3    Jews have been perceived by non-Jews as all things
G42 0050  1    to all men; some Jews have in fact been all things
G42 0050 12    to all men. In the arena of power Jews have at one
G42 0060 10    time or another been somebody's ally; they have observed
G42 0070  5    correct neutrality; they have been someone's enemy.
G42 0080  3    In the market place Jews have in fact under various
G42 0090  1    circumstances been valued customers and suppliers,
G42 0090  7    or clannish monopolists and cutthroat competitors.
G42 0100  4    And so on through the roles referred to in the previous
G42 0110  5    paragraph. Diversity of perception, yes; diversity
G42 0120  1    of fact, yes.
G42 0120  4       But the two do not invariably or even typically
G42 0130  2    coincide. The "conventional" image of a particular
G42 0130  9    time and place is not necessarily congruent with the
G42 0140  9    image of the facts as established over the years by
G42 0150  6    scholarly and scientific research. Conventional images
G42 0160  2    of Jews have this in common with all perceptions of
G42 0170  1    a configuration in which one feature is held constant:
G42 0170 10    images can be both true and false.
G42 0180  5       The genuinely interesting question, then, becomes:
G42 0190  2    What factors determine the degree of realism or distortion
G42 0200  1    in conventional images of Jews? The working test of
G42 0200 10    "the facts" must always be the best available description
G42 0210  8    obtainable from scholars and scientists who have applied
G42 0220  6    their methods of investigation to relevant situations.
G42 0230  4    Granted, such "functional" images are subject to human
G42 0240  3    error; they are self-correcting in the sense that they
G42 0250  1    are subject to disciplined procedures that check and
G42 0250  9    recheck against error.
G42 0260  2       In accounting for realism or distortion two sets
G42 0260 10    of factors can be usefully distinguished: current intelligence;
G42 0270  7    predispositions regarding intelligence. General Grant
G42 0280  5    may have been the victim of false information in the
G42 0290  6    instance reported in this book; if so, he would not
G42 0300  4    be the first or last commanding officer who has succumbed
G42 0310  1    to bad information and dubious estimates of the future.
G42 0310 10    But General Grant may have been self-victimized. He
G42 0320  8    may have entered the situation with predispositions
G42 0330  3    that prepared him to act uncritically in the press
G42 0340  2    of affairs.
G42 0340  4       Predispositions, in turn, fall conveniently into
G42 0360  2    two categories for purposes of analysis. To some extent
G42 0360 11    predispositions are shaped by exposure to group environments.
G42 0370  8    In some measure they depend upon the structure of individual
G42 0380  8    personality. The anti-Semitism of Hitler owed something
G42 0390  5    to his exposure to the ideology of Lueger's politically
G42 0400  3    successful Christian socialist movement in Vienna.
G42 0410  1    But millions of human beings were exposed to Lueger's
G42 0410 10    propaganda and record. After allowing for group exposures,
G42 0420  8    it is apparent that other factors must be considered
G42 0430  7    if we are to comprehend fanaticism. These are personality
G42 0440  4    factors; they include harmonies and conflicts within
G42 0450  2    the whole man, and mechanisms whereby inner components
G42 0450 10    are more or less smoothly met. Modern psychiatric knowledge
G42 0460  9    provides us with many keys to unlock the significance
G42 0470  8    of behavior of the kind.
G42 0480  1       The foregoing factors are pertinent to the analysis
G42 0480  9    of perceptual images and the broad conditions under
G42 0490  7    which they achieve realism or fall short of it. Undoubtedly
G42 0500  6    one merit of the vast panorama of Gentile conceptions
G42 0510  2    of the Jew unfolded in the present anthology is that
G42 0520  1    it provides a formidable body of material that invites
G42 0520 10    critical examination in terms of reality. Many selections
G42 0530  7    are themselves convincing contributions to this appraisal.
G42 0540  5       Undoubtedly, however, the significance of the volume
G42 0550  4    is greater than the foregoing paragraphs suggest. Speaking
G42 0560  2    as a non-Jew I believe that its primary contribution
G42 0560 12    is in the realm of future policy. Since we can neither
G42 0570 11    undo nor redo the past, we are limited to the events
G42 0580  8    of today and tomorrow. In this domain the simple fact
G42 0590  5    of coexistence in the same local, national, and world
G42 0600  2    community is enough to guarantee that we cannot refrain
G42 0600 11    from having some effect, large or small, upon Gentile-Jewish
G42 0610  9    relations. What shall these effects be?
G42 0620  5       I am deliberately raising the policy problems involved
G42 0630  3    in Gentile-Jewish relations. Comprehensive examination
G42 0640  1    of any policy question calls for the performance of
G42 0640 10    the intellectual tasks inseparable from any problem-solving
G42 0650  7    method. The tasks are briefly indicated by these questions:
G42 0660  7    What are my goals in Gentile-Jewish relations? What
G42 0670  3    are the historical trends in this country and abroad
G42 0680  3    in the extent to which these goals are effectively
G42 0680 12    realized? What factors condition the degree of realization
G42 0690  8    at various times and places? What is the probable course
G42 0700  9    of future developments? What policies if adopted and
G42 0710  6    applied in various circumstances will increase the
G42 0720  3    likelihood that future events will coincide with desired
G42 0730  1    events and do so at least cost in terms of all human
G42 0730 13    values?
G42 0740  1       It is beyond the province of this epilogue to cover
G42 0740 11    policy questions of such depth and range. The discussion
G42 0750  8    is therefore limited to a suggested procedure for realizing
G42 0760  5    at least some of the potential importance of this volume
G42 0770  4    for future policy. As a groundwork for the proposal
G42 0780  1    I give some attention to the first task enumerated
G42 0780 10    above, the clarification of goal.
G42 0790  3       My reply is that I associate myself with all those
G42 0800  3    who affirm that Gentile-Jewish relations should contribute
G42 0810  1    to the theory and practice of human dignity. The basic
G42 0810 11    goal finds partial expression in the Universal Declaration
G42 0820  6    of Human Rights, a statement initiated and endorsed
G42 0830  4    by individuals and organizations of many religious
G42 0840  2    and philosophical traditions.
G42 0840  5       Within this frame of reference policies appropriate
G42 0850  4    to claims advanced in the name of the Jews depend upon
G42 0860  4    which Jewish identity is involved, as well as upon
G42 0870  1    the nature of the claim, the characteristics of the
G42 0870 10    claimant, the justifications proposed, and the predispositions
G42 0880  5    of the community decision makers who are called upon
G42 0890  6    to act. If Jews are identified as a religious body
G42 0900  2    in a controversy that comes before a national or international
G42 0910  1    tribunal, it is obviously compatible with the goal
G42 0910  9    of human dignity to protect freedom of worship. When
G42 0920  7    decision makers act within this frame they determine
G42 0930  4    whether a claim put forward in the name of religion
G42 0940  1    is to be accepted by the larger community as appropriate
G42 0940 11    to religion. Since the recognition of Israel as a nation
G42 0950  9    state, claims are made in many cases which identify
G42 0960  6    the claimant as a member of the new body politic. Community
G42 0970  3    decision makers must make up their minds whether a
G42 0980  2    claim is acceptable to the larger community in terms
G42 0980 11    of prevailing expectations regarding members of nation
G42 0990  6    states. In free countries many controversies involve
G42 1000  4    self-styled Jews who use the symbol in asserting a
G42 1010  2    vaguely "cultural" rather than religious or political
G42 1010  9    identity. The decision maker who acts for the community
G42 1020  9    as a whole must decide whether the objectives pursued
G42 1030  6    and the methods used are appropriate to public policy
G42 1040  4    regarding cultural groups.
G42 1040  7       We know that much is made of the multiplicity and
G42 1050  8    ambiguity of the identities that cluster around the
G42 1060  4    key symbol of the Jew. Many public and private controversies
G42 1070  1    will undoubtedly continue to reflect these confusions
G42 1070  8    in the mind and usage of Gentile and Jew. However,
G42 1080 10    in the context of legal and civic policy, these controversies
G42 1090  6    are less than novel. They involve similar uncertainties
G42 1100  4    regarding the multiple identities of any number of
G42 1110  3    non-Jewish groups. So far as the existing body of formal
G42 1120  1    principle and procedure is concerned, categorical novelties
G42 1120  8    are not to be anticipated in Jewish-Gentile relationships;
G42 1130  8    claims are properly disposed of according to norms
G42 1140  6    common to all parties.
G42 1140 10       It is not implied that formal principles and procedures
G42 1150  9    are so firmly entrenched within the public order of
G42 1160  6    the world community or even of free commonwealths that
G42 1170  3    they will control in all circumstances involving Jews
G42 1180  1    and Gentiles during coming years. Social process is
G42 1180  9    always anchored in past predisposition; but it is perennially
G42 1190  8    restructured in situations where anchors are dragged
G42 1200  5    or lost. In conformance with the maximization principle
G42 1210  3    we affirm that Gentile-Jewish relations will be harmonious
G42 1220  3    or inharmonious to the degree that one relation or
G42 1220 12    the other is expected by the active participants to
G42 1230  9    yield the greatest net advantage, taking all value
G42 1240  5    outcomes and effects into consideration. It is not
G42 1250  4    difficult to anticipate circumstances in which negative
G42 1250 11    tensions will cumulate; for instance, imagine the situation
G42 1260  8    if Israel ever joins an enemy coalition. The formal
G42 1270  8    position of Americans who identify themselves with
G42 1280  4    one or more of the several identities of the Jewish
G42 1290  2    symbol is already clear; the future weight of informal
G42 1290 11    factors cannot be so easily assessed.
G42 1300  6       When we consider the disorganized state of the world
G42 1310  5    community, and the legacy of predispositions adversely
G42 1320  1    directed against all who are identified as Jews, it
G42 1320 10    is obvious that the struggle for the minds and muscles
G42 1330  9    of men needs to be prosecuted with increasing vigor
G42 1340  4    and skill. During moments of intense crisis the responsibility
G42 1350  3    of political leaders is overwhelming. But their freedom
G42 1360  2    of policy is limited by the pattern of predisposition
G42 1360 11    with which they and the people around them enter the
G42 1370  9    crisis. At such critical moments predispositions favorable
G42 1380  4    to human dignity most obviously "pay off". By the same
G42 1390  5    test predispositions destructive of human personality
G42 1400  1    exercise their most sinister impact, with the result
G42 1400  9    that men of good will are often trapped and nullified.
G42 1410  9       Among measures in anticipation of crisis are plans
G42 1420  7    to inject into the turmoil as assistants of key decision
G42 1430  4    makers qualified persons who are cognizant of the corrosive
G42 1440  3    effect of crisis upon personal relationships and are
G42 1440 11    also able to raise calm and realistic voices when overburdened
G42 1450 10    leaders near the limit of self-control. We are learning
G42 1460  9    how to do these things in some of the vast organized
G42 1470  7    structures of modern society; the process can be accelerated.
G42 1480  4       A truism is that the time to prepare for the worst
G42 1490  4    is when times are best. During intercrisis periods
G42 1490 12    the educational facilities of the community have the
G42 1500  8    possibility of remolding the perspectives and altering
G42 1510  5    the behavior of vast numbers of human beings of every
G42 1520  4    age and condition. As more men and women are made capable
G42 1530  1    of living up to the challenge of decency the chances
G42 1530 11    are improved that the pattern of predisposition prevailing
G42 1540  7    in positions of strength in future crises can be favorably
G42 1550  7    affected.
G42 1550  8       Now an abiding difficulty of paragraphs like the
G42 1560  6    foregoing is that they appear to preach; and in contemporary
G42 1570  4    society we often complain of too much reaffirmation
G42 1580  1    of the goodness of the good. In any case I do not intend
G42 1580 14    to let the present occasion pass without dealing more
G42 1590  9    directly with the problem of implementing good intentions.
G42 1600  6    I assume that the number of readers of this anthology
G42 1610  5    who regard themselves as morally perfect is small,
G42 1620  2    and that most readers are willing to consider procedures
G42 1620 11    by which they may gain more insight into themselves
G42 1630  8    and better understanding of others. Properly used,
G42 1640  5    the present book is an excellent instrument of enlightenment.
G42 1650  3       Let us not confuse the issue by labeling the objective
G42 1660  3    or the method "psychoanalytic", for this is a well
G42 1660 12    established term of art for the specific ideas and
G42 1670  9    procedures initiated by Sigmund Freud and his followers
G42 1680  7    for the study and treatment of disordered personalities.
G42 1690  2    The traditional method proceeds by the technique of
G42 1700  2    free association, punctuated by interpretations proposed
G42 1700  8    by the psychoanalytic interviewer.
G42 1710  3       What we have in mind does have something in common
G42 1720  4    with the goals of psychoanalysis and with the methods
G42 1730  1    by which they are sought. For what we propose, however,
G42 1730 11    a psychoanalyst is not necessary, even though one aim
G42 1740  8    is to enable the reader to get beneath his own defenses-
G42 1750  6    his defenses of himself to himself. For this purpose
G42 1760  4    a degree of intellectual and emotional involvement
G42 1760 11    is necessary; but involvement needs to be accompanied
G42 1770  8    by a special frame of mind.
G42 1780  3       The relatively long and often colorful selections
G42 1790  1    in this anthology enable the reader to become genuinely
G42 1790 10    absorbed in what is said, whether he responds with
G42 1800  8    anger or applause. But simple involvement is not enough;
G42 1810  5    self-discovery calls for an open, permissive, inquiring
G42 1820  2    posture of self-observation.
G42 1820  6       The symposium provides an opportunity to confront
G42 1830  5    the self with specific statements which were made at
G42 1840  4    particular times by identifiable communicators who
G42 1840 10    were addressing definite audiences- and throughout
G42 1850  6    several hundred pages everyone is talking about the
G42 1860  6    same key symbol of identification.
G42 1870  1       An advantage of being exposed to such specificity
G42 1870  9    about an important and recurring feature of social
G42 1880  6    reality is that it can be taken advantage of by the
G42 1890  4    reader to examine covert as well as overt resonances
G42 1900  1    within himself, resonances triggered by explicit symbols
G42 1900  8    clustering around the central figure of the Jew.
G43 0010  1       Two facets of this aspect of the literary process
G43 0010 10    have special significance for our time. One, a reservation
G43 0020  8    on the point I have just made, is the phenomenon of
G43 0030  6    pseudo-thinking, pseudo-feeling, and pseudo-willing,
G43 0040  1    which Fromm discussed in The Escape from Freedom. In
G43 0050  2    essence this involves grounding one's thought and emotion
G43 0050 10    in the values and experience of others, rather than
G43 0060  8    in one's own values and experience. There is a risk
G43 0070  7    that instead of teaching a person how to be himself,
G43 0090  1    reading fiction and drama may teach him how to be somebody
G43 0100  1    else. Clearly what the person brings to the reading
G43 0100 10    is important. Moreover, if the critic instructs his
G43 0110  7    audience in what to see in a work, he is contributing
G43 0120  6    to this pseudo-thinking; if he instructs them in how
G43 0130  4    to evaluate a work, he is helping them to achieve their
G43 0140  1    own identity.
G43 0140  3       The second timely part of this sketch of literature
G43 0150  1    and the search for identity has to do with the difference
G43 0150 12    between good and enduring literary works and the ephemeral
G43 0160  9    mass culture products of today. In the range and variety
G43 0170  8    of characters who, in their literary lives, get along
G43 0180  5    all right with life styles one never imagined possible,
G43 0190  2    there is an implicit lesson in differentiation. The
G43 0190 10    reader, observing this process, might ask "why not
G43 0200  8    be different"? and find in the answer a license to
G43 0210  8    be a variant of the human species. The observer of
G43 0220  4    television or other products for a mass audience has
G43 0230  1    only a permit to be, like the models he sees, even
G43 0230 12    more like everybody else. And this, I think, holds
G43 0240  7    for values as well as life styles. One would need to
G43 0250  5    test this proposition carefully; after all, the large
G43 0260  1    (and probably unreliable) Reader's Digest literature
G43 0260  7    on the "most unforgettable character I ever met" deals
G43 0270  8    with village grocers, country doctors, favorite if
G43 0280  5    illiterate aunts, and so forth. Scientists often turn
G43 0290  3    out to be idiosyncratic, too. But still, the proposition
G43 0300  1    is worth examination.
G43 0300  4       It is possible that the study of literature affects
G43 0310  4    the conscience, the morality, the sensitivity to some
G43 0320  2    code of "right" and "wrong". I do not know that this
G43 0320 13    is true; both Flu^gel and Ranyard West deal with the
G43 0330 10    development and nature of conscience, as do such theologians
G43 0340  9    as Niebuhr and Buber. It forms the core of many, perhaps
G43 0350  8    most, problems of psychotherapy. I am not aware of
G43 0360  6    great attention by any of these authors or by the
G43 0370  1    psychotherapeutic
G43 0370  2    profession to the role of literary study in the development
G43 0380  1    of conscience- most of their attention is to a pre-literate
G43 0390  1    period of life, or, for the theologians of course,
G43 0390 10    to the influence of religion.
G43 0400  3       Still, it would be surprising if what one reads
G43 0400 12    did not contribute to one's ideas of right and wrong;
G43 0410 10    certainly the awakened alarm over the comic books and
G43 0420  8    the continuous concern over prurient literature indicate
G43 0430  3    some peripheral aspects of this influence. Probably
G43 0440  2    the most important thing to focus on is not the development
G43 0450  1    of conscience, which may well be almost beyond the
G43 0450 10    reach of literature, but the contents of conscience,
G43 0460  6    the code which is imparted to the developed or immature
G43 0470  3    conscience available. This is in large part a code
G43 0480  1    of behavior and a glossary of values: what is it that
G43 0480 12    people do and should do and how one should regard it.
G43 0490  9    In a small way this is illustrated by the nineteenth-century
G43 0500  5    novelist who argued for the powerful influence of literature
G43 0510  4    as a teacher of society and who illustrated this with
G43 0520  3    the way a girl learned to meet her lover, how to behave,
G43 0520 15    how to think about this new experience, how to exercise
G43 0530 10    restraint.
G43 0540  1       Literature may be said to give people a sense of
G43 0540 11    purpose, dedication, mission, significance. This, no
G43 0550  5    doubt, is part of what Gilbert Seldes implies when
G43 0560  3    he says of the arts, "They give form and meaning to
G43 0570  2    life which might otherwise seem shapeless and without
G43 0570 10    sense". Men seem almost universally to want a sense
G43 0580  8    of function, that is, a feeling that their existence
G43 0590  4    makes a difference to someone, living or unborn, close
G43 0600  2    and immediate or generalized. Feeling useless seems
G43 0600  9    generally to be an unpleasant sensation. A need so
G43 0610  9    deeply planted, asking for direction, so to speak,
G43 0620  6    is likely to be gratified by the vivid examples and
G43 0630  2    heroic proportions of literature. The terms "renewal"
G43 0640  1    and "refreshed", which often come up in aesthetic discussion,
G43 0640 10    seem partly to derive their import from the "renewal"
G43 0650  9    of purpose and a "refreshed" sense of significance
G43 0660  6    a person may receive from poetry, drama, and fiction.
G43 0670  4    The notion of "inspiration" is somehow cognate to this
G43 0680  3    feeling. How literature does this, or for whom, is
G43 0680 12    certainly not clear, but the content, form, and language
G43 0690  9    of the "message", as well as the source, would all
G43 0700  8    play differentiated parts in giving and molding a sense
G43 0710  5    of purpose.
G43 0710  7       One of the most salient features of literary value
G43 0720  4    has been deemed to be its influence upon and organization
G43 0730  2    of emotion. Let us differentiate a few of these ideas.
G43 0730 12    The Aristotelian notion of catharsis, the purging of
G43 0740  8    emotion, is a persistent and viable one. The idea here
G43 0750  7    is one of discharge but this must stand in opposition
G43 0760  5    to a second view, Plato's notion of the arousal of
G43 0770  3    emotion. A third idea is that artistic literature serves
G43 0780  1    to reduce emotional conflicts, giving a sense of serenity
G43 0780 10    and calm to individuals. This is given some expression
G43 0790  9    in Beardsley's notion of harmony and the resolution
G43 0800  7    of indecision. A fourth view is the transformation
G43 0810  3    of emotion, as in Housman's fine phrase on the arts:
G43 0820  2    they "transform and beautify our inner nature". It
G43 0820 10    is possible that the idea of enrichment of emotion
G43 0830  8    is a fifth idea. F&S&C& Northrop, in his discussion
G43 0840  5    of the "Functions and Future of Poetry", suggests this:
G43 0850  5    "One of the things which makes our lives drab and empty
G43 0860  6    and which leaves us, at the end of the day, fatigued
G43 0870  2    and deflated spiritually is the pressure of the taxing,
G43 0870 11    practical, utilitarian concern of common-sense objects.
G43 0880  7    If art is to release us from these postulated things
G43 0890  6    [things we must think symbolically about] and bring
G43 0900  4    us back to the ineffable beauty and richness of the
G43 0910  1    aesthetic component of reality in its immediacy, it
G43 0910  9    must sever its connection with these common sense entities".
G43 0920  6    I take the central meaning here to be the contrast
G43 0930  6    between the drab empty quality of life without literature
G43 0940  2    and a life enriched by it. Richards' view of the aesthetic
G43 0950  1    experience might constitute a sixth variety: for him
G43 0950  9    it constitutes, in part, the organization of impulses.
G43 0960  7       A sketch of the emotional value of the study of
G43 0970  8    literature would have to take account of all of these.
G43 0980  5    But there is one in particular which, it seems to me,
G43 0990  3    deserves special attention. In the wide range of experiences
G43 1000  1    common to our earth-bound race none is more difficult
G43 1000 11    to manage, more troublesome, and more enduring in its
G43 1010  7    effects than the control of love and hate. The study
G43 1020  5    of literature contributes to this control in a curious
G43 1030  1    way. William Wimsatt and Cleanth Brooks, it seems to
G43 1030 10    me, have a penetrating insight into the way in which
G43 1040  9    this control is effected: "For if we say poetry is
G43 1050  7    to talk of beauty and love (and yet not aim at exciting
G43 1060  4    erotic emotion or even an emotion of Platonic esteem)
G43 1070  1    and if it is to talk of anger and murder (and yet not
G43 1070 14    aim at arousing anger and indignation)- then it may
G43 1080  7    be that the poetic way of dealing with these emotions
G43 1090  4    will not be any kind of intensification, compounding,
G43 1100  1    or magnification, or any direct assault upon the affections
G43 1110  1    at all. Something indirect, mixed, reconciling, tensional
G43 1110  8    might well be the strategem, the devious technique
G43 1120  7    by which a poet indulged in all kinds of talk about
G43 1130  5    love and anger and even in something like "expressions"
G43 1140  1    of these emotions, without aiming at their incitement
G43 1140  9    or even uttering anything that essentially involves
G43 1150  7    their incitement". The rehearsal through literature
G43 1160  5    of emotional life under controlled conditions may be
G43 1170  3    a most valuable human experience. Here I do not mean
G43 1180  1    catharsis, the discharge of emotion. I mean something
G43 1180  9    more like Freud's concept of the utility of "play"
G43 1190  7    to a small child: he plays "house" or "doctor" or "fireman"
G43 1200  6    as a way of mastering slightly frightening experiences,
G43 1210  4    reliving them imaginatively until they are under control.
G43 1220  4       There is a second feature of the influences of literature,
G43 1230  3    good literature, on emotional life which may have some
G43 1240  2    special value for our time. In B& M& Spinley's portrayal
G43 1250  1    of the underprivileged and undereducated youth of London,
G43 1250  9    a salient finding was the inability to postpone gratification,
G43 1260  8    a need to satisfy impulses immediately without the
G43 1270  5    pleasure of anticipation or of savoring the experience.
G43 1280  3    Perhaps it is only an analogy, but one of the most
G43 1290  1    obvious differences between cheap fiction and fiction
G43 1290  8    of an enduring quality is the development of a theme
G43 1300  8    or story with leisure and anticipation. Anyone who
G43 1310  3    has watched children develop a taste for literature
G43 1320  1    will understand what I mean. It is at least possible
G43 1320 11    that the capacity to postpone gratification is developed
G43 1330  6    as well as expressed in a continuous and guided exposure
G43 1340  6    to great literature.
G43 1340  9       In any inquiry into the way in which great literature
G43 1350  9    affects the emotions, particularly with respect to
G43 1360  4    the sense of harmony, or relief of tension, or sense
G43 1370  3    of "a transformed inner nature" which may occur, a
G43 1370 12    most careful exploration of the particular feature
G43 1380  7    of the experience which produces the effect would be
G43 1390  6    required. In the calm which follows the reading of
G43 1400  3    a poem, for example, is the effect produced by the
G43 1400 13    enforced quiet, by the musical quality of words and
G43 1410  9    rhythm, by the sentiments or sense of the poem, by
G43 1420  7    the associations with earlier readings, if it is familiar,
G43 1430  3    by the boost to the self-esteem for the semi-literate,
G43 1435  1    by the diversion of attention, by the sense of security
G43 1440 10    in a legitimized withdrawal, by a kind license for
G43 1450  7    some variety of fantasy life regarded as forbidden,
G43 1460  3    or by half-conscious ideas about the magical power
G43 1460 12    of words? These are, if the research is done with subtlety
G43 1470 11    and skill, researchable topics, but the research is
G43 1480  7    missing.
G43 1480  8       One of the most frequent views of the value of literature
G43 1490  9    is the education of sensibility that it is thought
G43 1500  5    to provide. Sensibility is a vague word, covering an
G43 1510  3    area of meaning rather than any precise talent, quality,
G43 1520  1    or skill. Among other things it means perception, discrimination,
G43 1520 10    sensitivity to subtle differences. Both the extent
G43 1530  7    to which this is true and the limits of the field of
G43 1540  8    perceptual skill involved should be acknowledged. Its
G43 1550  2    truth is illustrated by the skill, sensitivity, and
G43 1550 10    general expertise of the English professor with whom
G43 1560  8    one attends the theatre. The limits are suggested by
G43 1570  6    an imaginary experiment: contrast the perceptual skill
G43 1580  4    of English professors with that of their colleagues
G43 1590  1    in discriminating among motor cars, political candidates,
G43 1590  8    or female beauty. Along these lines, the particular
G43 1600  7    point that sensitivity in literature leads to sensitivity
G43 1610  6    in human relations would require more proof than I
G43 1620  4    have seen. In a symposium and general exploration of
G43 1630  1    the field of Person Perception and Interpersonal Behavior
G43 1630  9    the discussion does not touch upon this aspect of the
G43 1640 10    subject, with one possible exception; Solomon Asch
G43 1650  5    shows the transcultural stability of metaphors based
G43 1660  4    on sensation (hot, sweet, bitter, etc&) dealing with
G43 1670  2    personal qualities of human beings and events. But
G43 1670 10    to go from here to the belief that those more sensitive
G43 1680  8    to metaphor and language will also be more sensitive
G43 1690  5    to personal differences is too great an inferential
G43 1700  1    leap.
G43 1700  2       I would say, too, that the study of literature tends
G43 1710  2    to give a person what I shall call depth. I use this
G43 1710 14    term to mean three things: a search for the human significance
G43 1720 11    of an event or state of affairs, a tendency to look
G43 1730  9    at wholes rather than parts, and a tendency to respond
G43 1740  6    to these events and wholes with feeling. It is the
G43 1750  3    obverse of triviality, shallowness, emotional anaesthesia.
G43 1750  9    I think these attributes cluster, but I have no evidence.
G43 1760 10    In fact, I can only say this seems to me to follow
G43 1770 10    from a wide, continuous, and properly guided exposure
G43 1780  4    to literary art.
G44 0010  1       THE late R& G& Collingwood, a philosopher whose
G44 0010  9    work has proved helpful to many students of literature,
G44 0020  9    once wrote "We are all, though many of us are snobbish
G44 0030  9    enough to wish to deny it, in far closer sympathy with
G44 0040  5    the art of the music-hall and picture-palace than with
G44 0050  3    Chaucer and Cimabue, or even Shakespeare and Titian.
G44 0050 11    By an effort of historical sympathy we can cast our
G44 0060 10    minds back into the art of a remote past or an alien
G44 0070  9    present, and enjoy the carvings of cavemen and Japanese
G44 0080  4    colour-prints; but the possibility of this effort is
G44 0100  2    bound up with that development of historical thought
G44 0100 10    which is the greatest achievement of our civilization
G44 0110  6    in the last two centuries, and it is utterly impossible
G44 0120  6    to people in whom this development has not taken place.
G44 0130  3    The natural and primary aesthetic attitude is to enjoy
G44 0140  1    contemporary art, to despise and dislike the art of
G44 0140 10    the recent past, and wholly to ignore everything else".
G44 0150  7       One might argue that the ultimate purpose of literary
G44 0160  6    scholarship is to correct this spontaneous provincialism
G44 0170  2    that is likely to obscure the horizons of the general
G44 0180  1    public, of the newspaper critic, and of the creative
G44 0180 10    artist himself. There results a study of literature
G44 0190  7    freed from the tyranny of the contemporary. Such study
G44 0200  4    may take many forms. The study of ideas in literature
G44 0210  2    is one of these. Of course, it goes without saying
G44 0210 12    that no student of ideas can justifiably ignore the
G44 0220  8    contemporary scene. He will frequently return to it.
G44 0230  5    The continuities, contrasts, and similarities discernible
G44 0240  2    when past and present are surveyed together are inexhaustible
G44 0250  1    and the one is often understood through the other.
G44 0250 10       When we assert the value of such study, we find
G44 0260 10    ourselves committed to an important assumption. Most
G44 0270  5    students of literature, whether they call themselves
G44 0280  2    scholars or critics, are ready to argue that it is
G44 0280 12    possible to understand literary works as well as to
G44 0290  9    enjoy them. Many will add that we may find our enjoyment
G44 0300  8    heightened by our understanding. This understanding,
G44 0310  2    of course, may in its turn take many forms and some
G44 0320  1    of these- especially those most interesting to the
G44 0320  9    student of comparative literature- are essentially
G44 0330  3    historical. But the historian of literature need not
G44 0340  4    confine his attention to biography or to stylistic
G44 0350  1    questions of form, "texture", or technique. He may
G44 0350  9    also consider ideas. It is true that this distinction
G44 0360  8    between style and idea often approaches the arbitrary
G44 0370  4    since in the end we must admit that style and content
G44 0380  2    frequently influence or interpenetrate one another
G44 0380  8    and sometimes appear as expressions of the same insight.
G44 0390  8    But, in general, we may argue that the student can
G44 0400  7    direct the primary emphasis of his attention toward
G44 0410  2    one or the other.
G44 0410  6       At this point a working definition of idea is in
G44 0420  5    order, although our first definition will have to be
G44 0430  2    qualified somewhat as we proceed. The term idea refers
G44 0430 11    to our more reflective or thoughtful consciousness
G44 0440  6    as opposed to the immediacies of sensuous or emotional
G44 0450  5    experience. It is through such reflection that literature
G44 0460  3    approaches philosophy. An idea, let us say, may be
G44 0470  1    roughtly defined as a theme or topic with which our
G44 0470 11    reflection may be concerned. In this essay, we are,
G44 0480  1    along with most historians, interested in the more
G44 0490  4    general or more inclusive ideas, that are so to speak
G44 0500  1    "writ large" in history of literature where they recur
G44 0500 10    continually. Outstanding among these is the idea of
G44 0510  8    human nature itself, including the many definitions
G44 0520  4    that have been advanced over the centuries; also secondary
G44 0530  3    notions such as the perfectibility of man, the depravity
G44 0540  1    of man, and the dignity of man. One might, indeed,
G44 0540 11    argue that the history of ideas, in so far as it includes
G44 0550 10    the literatures, must center on characterizations of
G44 0560  4    human nature and that the great periods of literary
G44 0570  2    achievement may be distinguished from one another by
G44 0570 10    reference to the images of human nature that they succeed
G44 0580 10    in fashioning.
G44 0590  1       We need not, to be sure, expect to find such ideas
G44 0590 12    in every piece of literature. An idea, of the sort
G44 0600  7    that we have in mind, although of necessity readily
G44 0610  3    available to imagination, is more general in connotation
G44 0620  1    than most poetic or literary images, especially those
G44 0620  9    appearing in lyric poems that seek to capture a moment
G44 0630  9    of personal experience. Thus Burns's "My love is like
G44 0640  6    a red, red rose" and Hopkins' "The thunder-purple sea-beach,
G44 0650  6    plumed purple of thunder" although clearly intelligible
G44 0660  5    in content, hardly present ideas of the sort with which
G44 0670  7    we are here concerned. On the other hand, Arnold's
G44 0680  2    "The unplumbed, salt, estranging sea", taken in its
G44 0690  4    context, certainly does so.
G44 0690  8       Understanding a work of art involves recognition
G44 0700  5    of the ideas that it reflects or embodies. Thus the
G44 0710  3    student of literature may sometimes find it helpful
G44 0710 11    to classify a poem or an essay as being in idea or
G44 0720 11    in ideal content or subject matter typical or atypical
G44 0730  5    of its period. Again, he may discover embodied within
G44 0740  2    its texture a theme or idea that has been presented
G44 0740 12    elsewhere and at other times in various ways. Our understanding
G44 0750 10    will very probably require both these commentaries.
G44 0760  6    Very likely it will also include a recognition that
G44 0770  4    the work we are reading reflects or "belongs to" some
G44 0780  3    way of thought labelled as a "school" or an "-~ism",
G44 0790  1    i&e& a complex or "syndrome" of ideas occurring together
G44 0800  1    with sufficient prominence to warrant identification.
G44 0800  7    Thus ideas like "grace", "salvation", and "providence"
G44 0810  5    cluster together in traditional Christianity. Usually
G44 0820  5    the work studied offers us a special or even an individualized
G44 0830  5    rendering or treatment of the ideas in question, so
G44 0840  3    that the student finds it necessary to distinguish
G44 0840 11    carefully between the several expressions of an "-~ism"
G44 0850  9    or mode of thought. Accordingly we may speak of the
G44 0860  7    Platonism peculiar to Shelley's poems or the type of
G44 0870  6    Stoicism present in Henley's "Invictus", and we may
G44 0880  4    find that describing such Platonism or such Stoicism
G44 0890  1    and contrasting each with other expressions of the
G44 0890  9    same attitude or mode of thought is a difficult and
G44 0900  8    challenging enterprise. After all, Shelley is no "orthodox"
G44 0910  5    or Hellenic Platonist, and even his "romantic" Platonism
G44 0920  3    can be distinguished from that of his contemporaries.
G44 0930  1    Again, Henley's attitude of defiance which colors his
G44 0930  9    ideal of self-mastery is far from characteristic of
G44 0940  9    a Stoic thinker like Marcus Aurelius, whose gentle
G44 0950  5    acquiescence is almost Christian, comparable to the
G44 0960  4    patience expressed in Milton's sonnet on his own blindness.
G44 0970  2       In recent years, we have come increasingly to recognize
G44 0980  1    that ideas have a history and that not the least important
G44 0980 12    chapters of this history have to do with thematic or
G44 0990 10    conceptual aspects of literature and the arts, although
G44 1000  5    these aspects should be studied in conjunction with
G44 1010  2    the history of philosophy, of religion, and of the
G44 1010 11    sciences. When these fields are surveyed together,
G44 1020  7    important patterns of relationship emerge indicating
G44 1030  4    a vast community of reciprocal influence, a continuity
G44 1040  3    of thought and expression including many traditions,
G44 1040 10    primarily literary, religious, and philosophical, but
G44 1050  6    frequently including contact with the fine arts and
G44 1060  7    even, to some extent, with science.
G44 1070  1       Here we may observe that at least one modern philosophy
G44 1070 11    of history is built on the assumption that ideas are
G44 1080  9    the primary objectives of the historian's research.
G44 1090  5    Let us quote once more from R& G& Collingwood: "History
G44 1100  3    is properly concerned with the actions of human beings
G44 1110  4    **h Regarded from the outside, an action is an event
G44 1120  1    or series of events occurring in the physical world;
G44 1120 10    regarded from the inside, it is the carrying into action
G44 1130  8    of a certain thought **h The historian's business is
G44 1140  4    to penetrate to the inside of the actions with which
G44 1150  3    he is dealing and reconstruct or rather rethink the
G44 1150 12    thoughts which constituted them. It is a characteristic
G44 1160  8    of thoughts that **h in re-thinking them we come, ipso
G44 1170  8    facto, to understand why they were thought". Such an
G44 1180  4    understanding, although it must seek to be sympathetic,
G44 1190  1    is not a matter of intuition. "History has this in
G44 1190 11    common with every other science: that the historian
G44 1200  8    is not allowed to claim any single piece of knowledge,
G44 1210  6    except where he can justify his claim by exhibiting
G44 1220  3    to himself in the first place, and secondly to any
G44 1220 13    one else who is both able and willing to follow his
G44 1230 11    demonstration, the grounds upon which it is based.
G44 1240  6    This is what was meant, above, by describing history
G44 1250  2    as inferential. The knowledge in virtue of which a
G44 1250 11    man is an historian is a knowledge of what the evidence
G44 1260 11    at his disposal proves about certain events". It is
G44 1270  6    obvious that the historian who seeks to recapture the
G44 1280  4    ideas that have motivated human behavior throughout
G44 1290  1    a given period will find the art and literature of
G44 1290 11    that age one of his central and major concerns, by
G44 1300  7    no means a mere supplement or adjunct of significant
G44 1310  3    historical research.
G44 1310  5       The student of ideas and their place in history
G44 1320  5    will always be concerned with the patterns of transition,
G44 1330  2    which are at the same time patterns of transformation,
G44 1330 11    whereby ideas pass from one area of activity to another.
G44 1340 10    Let us survey for a moment the development of modern
G44 1350  8    thought- turning our attention from the Reformation
G44 1360  4    toward the revolutionary and romantic movements that
G44 1370  2    follow and dwelling finally on more recent decades.
G44 1370 10    We may thus trace the notion of individual autonomy
G44 1380  7    from its manifestation in religious practice and theological
G44 1390  4    reflection through practical politics and political
G44 1400  3    theory into literature and the arts. Finally we may
G44 1400 12    note that the idea appears in educational theory where
G44 1410  9    its influence is at present widespread. No one will
G44 1420  7    deny that such broad developments and transitions are
G44 1430  4    of great intrinsic interest and the study of ideas
G44 1440  1    in literature would be woefully incomplete without
G44 1440  8    frequent reference to them. Still, we must remember
G44 1450  7    that we cannot construct and justify generalizations
G44 1460  2    of this sort unless we are ready to consider many special
G44 1470  1    instances of influence moving between such areas as
G44 1470  9    theology, philosophy, political thought, and literature.
G44 1480  5    The actual moments of contact are vitally important.
G44 1490  4    These moments are historical events in the lives of
G44 1500  3    individual authors with which the student of comparative
G44 1500 11    literature must be frequently concerned.
G44 1510  5       Perhaps the most powerful and most frequently recurring
G44 1520  5    literary influence on the Western world has been that
G44 1530  4    of the Old and New Testament. Certainly one of the
G44 1540  2    most important comments that can be made upon the spiritual
G44 1540 12    and cultural life of any period of Western civilization
G44 1550  8    during the past sixteen or seventeen centuries has
G44 1560  5    to do with the way in which its leaders have read and
G44 1570  4    interpreted the Bible. This reading and the comments
G44 1580  1    that it evoked constitute the influence. A contrast
G44 1580  9    of the scripture reading of, let us say, St& Augustine,
G44 1590  8    John Bunyan, and Thomas Jefferson, all three of whom
G44 1600  6    found in such study a real source of enlightenment,
G44 1610  1    can tell us a great deal about these three men and
G44 1610 12    the age that each represented and helped bring to conscious
G44 1620  9    expression. In much the same way, we recognize the
G44 1630  8    importance of Shakespeare's familarity with Plutarch
G44 1640  3    and Montaigne, of Shelley's study of Plato's dialogues,
G44 1650  2    and of Coleridge's enthusiastic plundering of the writings
G44 1660  1    of many philosophers and theologians from Plato to
G44 1660  9    Schelling and William Godwin, through which so many
G44 1670  8    abstract ideas were brought to the attention of English
G44 1680  6    men of letters.
G44 1680  9       We may also recognize cases in which the poets have
G44 1690  7    influenced the philosophers and even indirectly the
G44 1700  4    scientists. English philosopher Samuel Alexander's
G44 1710  1    debt to Wordsworth and Meredith is a recent interesting
G44 1710 10    example, as also A& N& Whitehead's understanding of
G44 1720  8    the English romantics, chiefly Shelley and Wordsworth.
G44 1730  5    Hegel's profound admiration for the insights of the
G44 1740  6    Greek tragedians indicates a broad channel of classical
G44 1750  3    influence upon nineteenth-century philosophy. Again
G44 1750  9    the student of evolutionary biology will find a fascinating,
G44 1760  9    if to our minds grotesque, anticipation of the theory
G44 1770  6    of chance variations and the natural elimination of
G44 1780  4    the unfit in Lucretius, who in turn seems to have borrowed
G44 1790  3    the concept from the philosopher Empedocles.
G44 1790  9       Here an important caveat is in order. We must avoid
G44 1800 10    the notion, suggested to some people by examples such
G44 1810  7    as those just mentioned, that ideas are "units" in
G44 1820  4    some way comparable to coins or counters that can be
G44 1830  2    passed intact from one group of people to another or
G44 1830 12    even, for that matter, from one individual to another.
G45 0010  1       "Suppose you take Mr& Hearst's morning American
G45 0010  8    at $10,000 a year", Brisbane proposed. "You could come
G45 0020  9    down to the office once a day, look over a few exchanges,
G45 0030 10    dictate an editorial, and then have the remainder of
G45 0040  7    your time for your more serious literary labors. If
G45 0050  3    within one year you can make a success out of the American,
G45 0060  1    you can practically name your own salary thereafter.
G45 0060  9    Of course, if you don't make the American a success,
G45 0070  9    Hearst will have no further use for you".
G45 0080  6       The blue-eyed Watson decided that he would dislike
G45 0090  4    living in New York, and the deal fell through. Hearst's
G45 0100  1    luck was even poorer when he had a chat with Franklin
G45 0100 12    K& Lane, a prominent California journalist and reform
G45 0110  8    politician, whom he asked for his support. Lane was
G45 0120  8    still burning because he had narrowly missed election
G45 0130  3    as governor of California in 1902 and laid his defeat
G45 0140  1    to the antagonism of Hearst's San Francisco Examiner.
G45 0140  9    Hearst disclaimed blame for this, but the conversation,
G45 0150  8    according to Lane, ended on a tart note.
G45 0160  6       "Mr& Lane", Hearst said, "if you ever wish anything
G45 0170  5    that I can do, all you will have to do will be to send
G45 0180  4    me a telegram asking, and it will be done".
G45 0180 13       "Mr& Hearst", Lane replied as he left, "if you ever
G45 0190 10    get a telegram from me asking you to do anything, you
G45 0200  9    can put the telegram down as a forgery".
G45 0210  4       Hearst took a brief respite to hurry home to New
G45 0220  2    York to become a father. On April 10, 1904, his first
G45 0220 13    child was born, a son named George after the late Senator.
G45 0230 10    Hearst saw his wife and child, sent a joyful message
G45 0240  7    to his mother in California, and soon returned to Washington,
G45 0250  5    where on April 22, for the first time, he opened his
G45 0260  4    mouth in Congress.
G45 0260  7       This was not before the House but before the Judiciary
G45 0270  5    Committee, where he asked for action on one of his
G45 0280  4    pet bills, that calling for an investigation of the
G45 0280 13    coal-railroad monopoly. Attorney Shearn had worked
G45 0290  6    on this for two years and had succeeded in getting
G45 0300  5    a report supporting his stand from the United States
G45 0310  2    Attorney for the Southern District of New York. Hearst
G45 0320  1    had spent more than $60,000 of his own money in the
G45 0320 12    probe, but still Attorney General Knox was quiescent.
G45 0330  6       Six of the railroads carrying coal to tidewater
G45 0340  5    from the Pennsylvania fields, Hearst said, not only
G45 0350  3    had illegal agreements with coal operators but owned
G45 0350 11    outright at least eleven mines. They had watered their
G45 0360  9    stock at immense profit, then had raised the price
G45 0370  7    of coal fifty cents a ton, netting themselves another
G45 0380  2    $20,000,000 in annual profit.
G45 0380  6       "The Attorney General has been brooding over that
G45 0390  7    evidence like an old hen on a doorknob for eighteen
G45 0400  4    months", Hearst said. "He has not acted in any way,
G45 0410  3    and won't let anyone take it away from him **h What
G45 0410 14    I want is to have this evidence come before Congress
G45 0420  9    and if the Attorney General does not report it, as
G45 0430  7    I am very sure he won't, as he has refused to do anything
G45 0440  5    of the kind, I then wish that a committee of seven
G45 0450  2    Representatives be appointed with power to take the
G45 0450 10    evidence **h".
G45 0460  1       The Congressman tried hard, but failed. This was
G45 0460  9    the very sort of legislation that Roosevelt himself
G45 0470  7    had in mind. There can be little doubt that there was
G45 0480  7    a conspiracy in Washington, overt or implied, to block
G45 0490  4    anything Hearst wanted, even if it was something good.
G45 0500  1    Hatred tied his hands in Congress. Roosevelt and others
G45 0500 10    considered him partly responsible for the murder of
G45 0510  8    McKinley. They were repelled by his noisy newspapers,
G45 0520  5    his personal publicity, his presumptuous campaign for
G45 0540  3    the Presidential nomination, and by the swelling cloud
G45 0550  1    of rumor about his moral lapses. He might get votes
G45 0550 11    from his constituents, but he would never get a helping
G45 0560  8    hand in Congress. He was the House pariah. Even the
G45 0570  5    regular Democrats disowned him. Inherently incapable
G45 0580  2    of cooperating with others, he ran his own show regardless
G45 0590  1    of how many party-line Democratic toes he stepped on.
G45 0590 11    He was a political maverick, a reformer with his own
G45 0600  7    program, determined to bulldoze it through or to blazon
G45 0610  6    the infamy of those who balked him. He showed little
G45 0620  2    interest in measures put forward by the regular Democrats.
G45 0630  1    He sought to run Congress as he ran his New York American
G45 0630 13    or Journal, a scheme veteran legislators resisted.
G45 0640  7    For a freshman Congressman to read political lessons
G45 0650  5    to graybeard Democrats was poor policy for one who
G45 0660  5    needed to make friends. He soon quarreled with all
G45 0670  1    the party leaders in the House, and came to be regarded
G45 0670 12    with detestation by regular Democrats as a professional
G45 0680  7    radical leading a small pack of obedient terriers whose
G45 0690  6    constant snapping was demoralizing to party discipline.
G45 0700  3       To old-line Democrats, the Hearst Presidential boom,
G45 0710  2    now in full cry, was the joke of the new century. Yet
G45 0710 14    no leader had come to the fore who seemed likely to
G45 0720 11    give the puissant T& R& a semblance of a race. There
G45 0730  8    was talk of dragging old ex-President Cleveland out
G45 0740  3    of retirement for another try. Some preferred Judge
G45 0750  2    Alton B& Parker of New York. There was a host of dark
G45 0760  1    horses. The sneers at Hearst changed to concern when
G45 0760 10    it was seen that he had strong support in many parts
G45 0770  8    of the country. Platoons of Hearst agents were traveling
G45 0780  4    from state to state in a surprisingly successful search
G45 0790  2    for delegates at the coming convention, and there were
G45 0790 11    charges that money was doing a large part of the persuading.
G45 0800 11    Just when it was needed for the campaign, Hearst Paper
G45 0810  9    No& 8, the Boston American, began publication. A Bay
G45 0820  5    State supporter said, "Mr& Hearst's fight has been
G45 0830  5    helped along greatly by the starting of his paper in
G45 0840  4    Boston". His candidacy affected his journalism somewhat.
G45 0850  1    He ordered his editors to tone down on sensationalism
G45 0850 10    and to refrain from using such words as "seduction",
G45 0860  7    "rape", "abortion", "criminal assault" and "born out
G45 0870  6    of wedlock".
G45 0870  8       In a story headed, "HEARST OFFERS CASH", the Republican
G45 0880  9    New York Tribune spread the money rumor, quoting an
G45 0890  8    unnamed "Hearst supporter" as saying:
G45 0900  4       "The argument that is cutting most ice is that Hearst
G45 0910  5    is the only candidate who is fighting the trusts fearlessly
G45 0920  2    and who would use all the powers of government to disrupt
G45 0930  1    them if he were elected. The Hearst men say that if
G45 0930 12    Hearst is nominated, he and his immediate friends will
G45 0940  7    contribute to the Democratic National Committee the
G45 0950  4    sum of $1,500,000. This, it is urged, would relieve
G45 0960  2    the national committee from the necessity of appealing
G45 0960 10    to the trust magnates. The alternative to this is that
G45 0970  9    if a conservative candidate is nominated the national
G45 0980  5    committee will have to appeal to the trusts for their
G45 0990  4    campaign funds, and in doing this will incur obligations
G45 1000  1    which would make a Democratic victory absolutely fruitless
G45 1000  9    **h. the average Democratic politician, especially
G45 1010  6    in the country districts, is hungry for the spoils
G45 1020  6    of office. It has been a long time since he has seen
G45 1030  4    any campaign money, and when the proposition is laid
G45 1030 13    down to him as the friends of Mr& Hearst are laying
G45 1040 11    it down these days he is quite likely to get aboard
G45 1050  8    the Hearst bandwagon".
G45 1050 11       If anything, the conservative Democrats were more
G45 1060  7    opposed to Hearst than the Republicans. In his own
G45 1070  6    state of New York, the two Democratic bellwethers,
G45 1080  2    State Leader Hill and Tammany Boss Murphy, were saying
G45 1090  2    nothing openly against Hearst but industriously boosting
G45 1090  9    their own favorites, Murphy being for Cleveland and
G45 1100  8    Hill for Parker. They had lost twice with the radical
G45 1110  7    Bryan, and were having no part of Hearst, whom they
G45 1120  4    considered more radical than Bryan. But his increasing
G45 1130  1    strength in the West looked menacing. It caused Henry
G45 1130 10    Watterson to sound a blast in his Louisville Courier-Journal:
G45 1160  1       "**h Does any sane Democrat believe that Mr& Hearst,
G45 1160 10    a person unknown even to his constituency and his colleagues,
G45 1170  9    without a word or act in the public life of his country,
G45 1180  9    past or present, that can be shown to be his to commend
G45 1190  7    him, could by any possibility be elected President
G45 1200  1    of the United States? But there is a Hearst barrel
G45 1205  2    **h"
G45 1210  1       More splenetic was Senator Edward Carmack of Tennessee,
G45 1220  1    a Parker man. "**h the nomination of Hearst would compass
G45 1220 11    the ruin of the party", Carmack said. "It would be
G45 1230  9    a disgrace, and, as I have already said to the people
G45 1240  7    of Tennessee, if Hearst is nominated, we may as well
G45 1250  5    pen a dispatch, and send it back from the field of
G45 1260  1    battle: 'All is lost, including our honor'".
G45 1260  8       A lone pro-Hearst voice from New York City was that
G45 1270 10    of William Devery, who had been expelled as a Tammany
G45 1280  8    leader but still claimed strong influence in his own
G45 1290  4    district. "I understand [Hearst] is a candidate for
G45 1300  2    Presidential honors", Devery said without cracking
G45 1300  8    a smile. "There's nothing like buildin' from the bottom
G45 1310  8    up. If he's going to the St& Louis convention as a
G45 1320  9    delegate we ought to know it. He's got a lot of friends,
G45 1330  7    and he ought to come along and let us know if he wants
G45 1340  5    our help".
G45 1340  7       Hearst won the Iowa state convention, but ran into
G45 1350  4    a bitter battle in Indiana before losing to Parker,
G45 1360  1    drawing an angry statement from Indiana's John W& Kern:
G45 1370  1       "We are menaced for the first time in the history
G45 1370 11    of the Republic by the open and unblushing effort of
G45 1380  8    a multi-millionaire to purchase the Presidential nomination.
G45 1390  4    Our state has been overrun with a gang of paid agents
G45 1400  5    and retainers **h As for the paid Hessians from other
G45 1410  2    states, we are here to instruct the Indiana Democracy
G45 1410 11    in their duty, I have nothing but contempt **h The
G45 1420  9    Hearst dollar mark is all over them **h"
G45 1430  1       The talk of a Hearst "barrel" was increasing. Another
G45 1440  2    Indiana observer later commented, "Perhaps we shall
G45 1450  1    never know how much was spent [by Hearst], but if as
G45 1450 12    much money was expended elsewhere as in Indiana a liberal
G45 1460  9    fortune was squandered".
G45 1470  1       In his fight for the Illinois and Indiana delegations,
G45 1480  1    Hearst made several trips to Chicago to confer with
G45 1480 10    Andrew Lawrence, the former San Francisco Examiner
G45 1490  6    man who was now his Chicago kingpin, and once to meet
G45 1500  6    with Bryan. On one visit he stopped at the office of
G45 1510  4    the American, where he was known surreptitiously as
G45 1520  1    "the Great White Chief", and for the first time met
G45 1520 11    his managing editor, fat Moses Koenigsberg. Koenigsberg
G45 1530  6    never did learn what Hearst wanted, for the latter
G45 1540  6    shook hands and moved toward the door.
G45 1550  1       "Never mind, thank you", he said. "I must hurry
G45 1550 10    to catch my train".
G45 1560  3       Another editor pointed despairingly at a bundle
G45 1570  1    of letters that had accumulated for him, saying, "But
G45 1570 10    Mr& Hearst, what shall I do with this correspondence"?
G45 1580  8       "I'll show you", Hearst replied, grinning. He took
G45 1590  8    the stack of mail and tossed it into the waste basket.
G45 1600  7    "Don't bother. Every letter answers itself in a couple
G45 1610  5    of weeks".
G45 1610  7    #/2,. THE HEARST "BARREL"#
G45 1620  1    HEARST hopped into a private railroad car with Max
G45 1620 10    Ihmsen and made an arduous personal canvass for delegates
G45 1630  9    in the western and southern states, always wearing
G45 1640  5    a frock coat, listening intently to local politicians,
G45 1650  2    and generally making a good impression. He laughed
G45 1660  1    at a story that he planned to bolt the party if he
G45 1660 13    was not nominated.
G45 1670  1       "I should, of course", he said, "like any other
G45 1670 10    man, be honored and gratified should the Democrats
G45 1680  7    see fit to nominate me. But I do not have to be bribed
G45 1690  8    by office to be a Democrat. I have supported the Democratic
G45 1700  3    party in the last five campaigns. I supported Cleveland
G45 1710  2    three times and Bryan twice. I intend to support the
G45 1710 12    nominee of the party at St& Louis, whoever he may be".
G45 1720 11       The Hearst press followed the Chief's progress at
G45 1730  8    the various state conventions with its usual admiring
G45 1740  5    attention, stressing the "enthusiasm" and "loyalty"
G45 1750  3    he inspired. This was historic in its way, for it marked
G45 1760  3    the first time an American Presidential aspirant had
G45 1760 11    advertised his own virtues in his own string of newspapers
G45 1770 10    spanning the land.
G45 1780  1       Yet his editors did not abandon their sense of story
G45 1780 11    value. When Nan Patterson, a stunning and money-minded
G45 1790  9    chorus girl who had appeared in a Florodora road show,
G45 1800  8    rode down Broadway in a hansom cab with her married
G45 1810  5    lover, Frank Young, she stopped the cab to disclose
G45 1820  2    that Young had been shot dead, tearfully insisting
G45 1820 10    that he had shot himself although experts said he could
G45 1830  9    not have done so.
G46 0010  1    Trevelyan's Liberalism was above all a liberalism of
G46 0010  9    the spirit, a deep feeling of communion with men fighting
G46 0020  8    for country and for liberty. His passion and enthusiasm
G46 0030  5    convey the courage and high adventure of Garibaldi's
G46 0040  3    exploits and give the reader a unique sense of participation
G46 0050  1    in the events described.
G46 0050  5       The three volumes brought to the fore a characteristic
G46 0060  5    of Trevelyan's prose which remained conspicuous through
G46 0070  2    his later works- a genius for describing military action
G46 0080  1    with clarity and with authority. The confused rambling
G46 0080  9    of guerrilla warfare, such as most of Garibaldi's campaigns
G46 0090  8    were, was brought to life by Trevelyan's pen in some
G46 0100  8    of the best passages in the books. His personal familiarity
G46 0110  4    with the scenes of action undoubtedly contributed much
G46 0120  2    to the final result, but familiarity alone would not
G46 0120 11    have been enough without other qualities. Military
G46 0130  7    knowledge, love of detail, and a sure feeling for the
G46 0140  8    portrayal of action were the added ingredients.
G46 0150  2       But the Garibaldi volumes were more than a romantic
G46 0160  1    story. Trevelyan contributed considerable new knowledge
G46 0160  7    of the issues connected with his subject. The outstanding
G46 0170  7    example was in Garibaldi and the Thousand, where he
G46 0180  6    made use of unpublished papers of Lord John Russell
G46 0190  4    and English consular materials to reveal the motives
G46 0200  1    which led the British government to permit Garibaldi
G46 0200  9    to cross the Straits of Messina.
G46 0210  5       In looking back over the volumes, it is possible
G46 0220  3    to find errors of interpretation, some of which were
G46 0220 12    not so evident at the time of writing. Thus Trevelyan
G46 0230 10    repeats the story which pictured Victor Emmanuel as
G46 0240  6    refusing to abandon the famous Statuto at the insistence
G46 0250  4    of General Radetzky. Later research has shown this
G46 0260  3    part of the legend of the Re Galantuomo to be false.
G46 0270  1    Trevelyan accepts Italian nationalism with little analysis,
G46 0270  8    he is unduly critical of papal and French policy, and
G46 0280  9    he is more than generous in assessing British policy.
G46 0290  5    But fifty years later the trilogy still maintains a
G46 0300  3    firm place in the list of standard works on the unification
G46 0310  1    of Italy, a position cautiously prophesied by the reviewers
G46 0310 10    at the time of publication.
G46 0320  5       Trevelyan's Manin and the Venetian revolution of
G46 0330  3    1848, his last major volume on an Italian theme, was
G46 0340  2    written in a minor key. Published in 1923, it did not
G46 0340 13    gain the popular acclaim of the Garibaldi volumes,
G46 0350  6    probably because Trevelyan felt less at home with Manin,
G46 0360  7    the bourgeois lawyer, than with Garibaldi, the filibuster.
G46 0370  3    The complexities of Venetian politics eluded him, but
G46 0380  2    the story of the revolution itself is told in restrained
G46 0380 12    measures, with no superfluous passages and only an
G46 0390  8    occasional overemphasis of the part played by its leading
G46 0400  7    figure. If it is not one of his best books, it can
G46 0410  4    only be considered unsatisfactory when compared with
G46 0410 11    his own Garibaldi.
G46 0420  3       Already Trevelyan had begun to parallel his nineteenth-century
G46 0430  4    Italian studies with several works on English figures
G46 0440  2    of the same period. First The life of John Bright appeared
G46 0450  1    and seven years later Lord Grey of the Reform Bill.
G46 0450 11    Of the two, the life of Bright is incomparably the
G46 0460 10    better biography. Trevelyan centers too exclusively
G46 0470  4    on Bright, is insufficiently appreciative of the views
G46 0480  4    of Bright's opponents and critics, and makes light
G46 0490  1    of the genuine difficulties faced by Peel. Yet he is
G46 0490 11    right when he claims in his autobiography that he drew
G46 0500  8    the real features of the man, his tender and selfless
G46 0510  5    motives and his rugged fearless strength. In the story
G46 0520  3    of Bright and the Corn Law agitation, the Crimean War,
G46 0530  1    the American Civil War, and the franchise struggle
G46 0530  9    Trevelyan reflects something of the moral power which
G46 0540  7    enabled this independent man to exercise so immense
G46 0550  5    an influence over his fellow countrymen for so long.
G46 0560  2    Because Bright's speeches were so much a part of him,
G46 0560 12    there are long and numerous quotations, which, far
G46 0570  8    from making the biography diffuse, help to give us
G46 0580  6    the feel of the man. Associated in a sense with the
G46 0590  3    Manchester School through his mother's family, Trevelyan
G46 0600  1    conveys in this biography something of its moral conviction
G46 0600 10    and drive. Nineteenth-century virtues, however, seem
G46 0610  6    somehow to have gone out of fashion and the Bright
G46 0620  6    book has never been particularly popular.
G46 0630  1       The biography of Lord Grey is strictly speaking
G46 0630  9    not a biography at all. It is a Whig history of the
G46 0640 10    "Tory reaction" which preceded the Reform Bill of 1832,
G46 0650  6    and it uses the figure of Grey to give some unity to
G46 0660  5    the narrative. The volume is a piece of passionate
G46 0670  1    special pleading, written with the heat- and often
G46 0670  9    with the wisdom, it must be said- of a Liberal damning
G46 0680  9    the shortsightedness of politicians from 1782 to 1832.
G46 0690  5    Characteristically, Trevelyan enjoyed writing the work.
G46 0700  3    The theme of glorious summer coming after a long winter
G46 0710  1    of discontent and repression was, he has told us, congenial
G46 0710 11    to his artistic sense. And Grey's Northumberland background
G46 0720  6    was close to Trevelyan's own. But his concentration
G46 0730  6    on personalities and his categorical assessment of
G46 0740  3    their actions fail to convey the political complexities
G46 0750  1    of a long generation harassed by world-wide war and
G46 0750 11    confronted with the problem of adjustment to an unprecedented
G46 0760  9    industrial and social transformation. Some historians
G46 0770  4    have found his point of view not to their taste, others
G46 0780  5    have complained that he makes the Tory tradition appear
G46 0790  2    "contemptible rather than intelligible", while a sympathetic
G46 0800  1    critic has remarked that the "intricate interplay of
G46 0800  9    social dynamics and political activity of which, at
G46 0810  7    times, politicians are the ignorant marionettes is
G46 0820  4    not a field for the exercise of his talents". The Liberal-Radical
G46 0830  4    heritage which informs all of Trevelyan's interpretations
G46 0840  2    of history here seems clearly to have distorted the
G46 0840 11    issues and oversimplified the period. For once his
G46 0850  8    touch deserted him.
G46 0860  1       Research in the period of Grey and Bright led naturally
G46 0860 11    to a more ambitious work. Britain in the nineteenth
G46 0870  9    century is a textbook designed "to give the sense of
G46 0880  7    continuous growth, to show how economic led to social,
G46 0890  5    and social to political change, how the political events
G46 0900  2    reacted on the economic and social, and how new thoughts
G46 0900 12    and new ideals accompanied or directed the whole complicated
G46 0910  9    process". The plan is admirably fulfilled for the period
G46 0920  9    up to 1832. More temperately than in the study of Grey
G46 0930  7    and despite his Liberal bias, Trevelyan vividly sketches
G46 0940  3    the England of pre-French Revolution days, portrays
G46 0950  2    the stresses and strains of the revolutionary period
G46 0950 10    in rich colors, and brings developments leading to
G46 0960  7    the Reform Bill into sharp and clear focus. His technique
G46 0970  6    is genuinely masterful. By what one reader called a
G46 0980  4    "series of dissolving views", he merges one period
G46 0990  1    into another and gives a sense of continuous growth.
G46 0990 10       But after 1832, the narrative tends to lose its
G46 1000  8    balanced, many-sided quality and to become a medley
G46 1010  6    of topics, often unconnected by any single thread.
G46 1020  1    Economic analysis was never Trevelyan's strong point
G46 1020  8    and the England of the industrial transformation cries
G46 1030  7    out for economic analysis. Yet after 1832, the interrelations
G46 1040  6    of economic and social and political affairs become
G46 1050  3    blurred and the narrative becomes largely a conventional
G46 1060  1    political account. Finally, the period after 1870 receives
G46 1070  1    little attention and that quite superficial. Yet Britain
G46 1070  9    in the nineteenth century became the vade mecum of
G46 1080  7    beginning students of history, went through edition
G46 1090  5    after edition, and continues to be reprinted up to
G46 1100  3    the very present. Its success is a tribute, above all,
G46 1100 13    to Trevelyan's brilliance as a literary stylist.
G46 1110  7       In 1924 Trevelyan traveled to the United States,
G46 1120  6    where he delivered the Lowell lectures at Harvard University.
G46 1130  5    These lectures formed the nucleus of a general survey
G46 1140  4    of English development which took form afterward as
G46 1150  1    a History of England. In short order, the general history
G46 1150 11    became his most popular work and has remained, aside
G46 1160  9    from his later Social history, the work most widely
G46 1170  6    favored by the public.
G46 1170 10       The History of England has often been compared with
G46 1180  9    Green's Short history. Like Green, Trevelyan aimed
G46 1190  6    to write a history not of "English kings or English
G46 1200  6    conquests", but of the English people. The result was
G46 1210  4    fortunate. The History takes too much for granted to
G46 1220  3    serve as a text for other than English schoolboys,
G46 1220 12    and like Britain in the nineteenth century it deteriorates
G46 1230  8    badly as it goes beyond 1870. Trevelyan's excursions
G46 1240  5    into contemporary history were rarely happy ones. But
G46 1250  5    as a stimulating, provocative interpretation of the
G46 1260  3    broad sweep of English development it is incomparable.
G46 1260 11    Living pictures of the early boroughs, country life
G46 1270  8    in Tudor and Stuart times, the impact of the industrial
G46 1280  7    revolution compete with sensitive surveys of language
G46 1290  4    and literature, the common law, parliamentary development.
G46 1300  1    The strength of the History is also its weakness. Trevelyan
G46 1310  1    is militantly sure of the superiority of English institutions
G46 1310 10    and character over those of other peoples. His nationalism
G46 1330  2    was not a new characteristic, but its self-consciousness,
G46 1340  1    even its self-satisfaction, is more obvious in a book
G46 1340 11    that stretches over the long reach of English history.
G46 1350  8    And yet the elements which capture his liberal and
G46 1360  5    humanistic imagination are those which make the English
G46 1370  2    story worth telling and worth remembering. Tolerance
G46 1370  9    and compromise, social justice and civil liberty, are
G46 1380  8    today too often in short supply for one to be overly
G46 1390  7    critical of Trevelyan's emphasis on their central place
G46 1400  4    in the English tradition. Like most major works of
G46 1410  2    synthesis, the History of England is informed by the
G46 1410 11    positive views of a first-class mind, and this is surely
G46 1420 11    a major work.
G46 1430  1       Four years after the publication of the History
G46 1430  9    of England, the first volume of Trevelyan's Queen Anne
G46 1440  7    trilogy appeared. By now he had become Regius Professor
G46 1450  6    of Modern History at Cambridge and had been honored
G46 1460  5    by the award of the Order of Merit. His academic duties
G46 1470  2    had little evident effect on his prolific pen. Blenheim
G46 1480  1    was followed in rapid succession by Ramillies and the
G46 1480 10    union with Scotland and by The peace and the Protestant
G46 1490  9    succession, the three forming together a detailed picture
G46 1500  7    of England under Queen Anne. Like his volume on Wycliffe,
G46 1510  6    the work was accompanied by the publication of a selected
G46 1520  5    group of documents, in this case illustrative of the
G46 1530  3    history of Queen Anne's reign down to 1707.
G46 1530 11       Trevelyan was at least in part attracted to the
G46 1540  9    period by an almost unconscious desire to take up the
G46 1550  6    story where Macaulay's History of England had broken
G46 1560  3    off. In addition, he believed in the "dramatic unity
G46 1570  2    and separateness of the period from 1702-14, lying
G46 1570 11    between the Stuart and Hanoverian eras with a special
G46 1580  7    ethos of its own". He saw the age as one in which Britain
G46 1590  8    "settled her free constitution" and attained her modern
G46 1600  5    place in the world. To most observers, there is little
G46 1610  3    doubt that he placed an artificial strait jacket of
G46 1610 12    unity upon the years of Anne's reign which in reality
G46 1620  9    existed only in the pages of his history.
G46 1630  4       Of the three volumes, Blenheim is easily the best.
G46 1640  3    In four opening chapters reminiscent of Macaulay's
G46 1640 10    famous third chapter, Trevelyan surveys the state of
G46 1650  8    England at the opening of the eighteenth century. His
G46 1660  6    delightful picture of society and institutions is filled
G46 1670  4    with warm detail that brings the period vividly to
G46 1680  2    life. He tends to underestimate- or perhaps to view
G46 1680 11    charitably- the brutality and the violence of the age,
G46 1690 11    so that there is an idyllic quality in these pages
G46 1700  5    which hazes over some of its sharp reality. Yet as
G46 1710  3    an evocation of time past, there are few such successful
G46 1715  1    portraits in English historical literature. Once the
G46 1720  7    scene is set, Trevelyan skilfully builds up the tense
G46 1730  6    story until it reaches its climax in the dramatic victory
G46 1740  5    of Marlborough and Eugene of Savoy at Blenheim. The
G46 1760  2    account of the battle is, next to his descriptions
G46 1760 11    of Garibaldi's campaigns, Trevelyan's outstanding military
G46 1770  5    narrative. The scene is etched in sharp detail, the
G46 1780  8    military problems brilliantly explained, and the excitement
G46 1790  5    and importance of the battle made evident. If only
G46 1800  3    for this modest masterpiece of military history, Blenheim
G46 1810  1    is likely to be read and reread long after newer interpretations
G46 1820  1    have perhaps altered our picture of the Marlborough
G46 1820  9    wars.
G46 1830  1       Ramillies and the union with Scotland has fewer
G46 1830  8    high spots than Blenheim and much less of its dramatic
G46 1840  7    unity. Yet in several chapters on Scotland in the eighteenth
G46 1850  6    century, Trevelyan copes persuasively with the tangled
G46 1860  4    confusion of Scottish politics against a vivid background
G46 1870  1    of Scottish religion, customs, and traditions.
G47 0010  1       I stood on a table, surrounded by hundreds of expectant
G47 0010 11    young faces. Questions came to me from all sides about
G47 0020 10    my world citizenship activities. After making a short
G47 0030  6    statement about human rights, and the freedom to travel,
G47 0040  4    I told them I would be going to the Kehl bridge the
G47 0050  2    next morning in order to cross the Rhine into Germany.
G47 0060  1       "May we come with you"? called out a dozen young
G47 0060 10    voices.
G47 0070  1       "Well, I might not get that far", I told them, "as
G47 0070 12    actually I have no papers to enter Germany and, as
G47 0080 10    a matter of fact, no permit to return to France once
G47 0090  6    I leave".
G47 0090  8       That was all they needed. They would champion me.
G47 0100  5    We would all meet at ten o'clock at the Kehl bridge,
G47 0110  4    five miles from Strasbourg, and march triumphantly
G47 0120  1    across into Germany.
G47 0120  4       There was only one hitch: the small town of Kehl,
G47 0130  3    on the other side of the Rhine, was still under French
G47 0140  1    jurisdiction. The real Franco-German frontier was beyond
G47 0140  9    the town's limits. In fact, all persons were permitted
G47 0150  8    to cross the Rhine into Kehl, there being no sentry
G47 0160  6    posted on the west side of the river.
G47 0170  1       That evening, as I learned later, the students,
G47 0170  9    enjoying that spontaneous immodesty in action known
G47 0180  6    only to university students, surged out onto the streets
G47 0190  5    of Strasbourg, overturning empty streetcars, marking
G47 0200  2    up store fronts, and shouting imprudently, "Garry Davis
G47 0210  1    to power"!
G47 0210  3       As I got off the trolley at Kehl bridge the next
G47 0220  2    morning, I was met by what looked like 5,000 students,
G47 0220 12    some of whom were carrying sticks apparently for the
G47 0230  7    coming "battle" with the police. Alarmed by this display
G47 0240  6    of weapons, I looked toward the bridge and there saw,
G47 0250  4    stretched across the near side, a cordon of policemen,
G47 0260  1    their bicycles forming a roadblock before which stood
G47 0260  9    several French officers in uniform and a small waspish
G47 0270  8    man in a brown derby.
G47 0280  1       "Listen please", I called to the students in French.
G47 0280 10    "I thank you most heartily for being here. This is
G47 0290 10    full evidence of your support for my principles. These
G47 0300  6    principles, however, will not be served by violence
G47 0310  3    in any form. If they are right, they will prevail of
G47 0320  1    and by themselves. I ask you all to support me in this.
G47 0320 13    If one finger is raised against the authorities, all
G47 0330  7    our moral power will vanish. Your self-control in this
G47 0340  6    respect will be the only witness to your understanding
G47 0350  2    of what I am saying. I have full confidence in you.
G47 0350 13    Now, let's go".
G47 0360  3       I marched up to the waiting officials, the students
G47 0370  1    massed behind me. As usual, the press photographers
G47 0370  9    were on hand. The waspish man stopped me three paces
G47 0380  8    from the bicycle barricade, and asked me in French
G47 0390  6    if I had papers to leave France. I replied in the affirmative,
G47 0400  4    taking out my recently acquired titre d'identite et
G47 0410  2    de voyage, on which was stamped a permission to leave
G47 0410 12    Fran e. He examined it carefully, handed it back and
G47 0420 10    said, "Eh bien, you may leave France".
G47 0430  5       I took one step **h eastward.
G47 0440  1       One of the uniformed officers stepped in my way,
G47 0440 10    demanding to know whether I had permission to enter
G47 0450  7    Germany.
G47 0450  8       "No, I have no permission to enter Germany", I told
G47 0460  8    him.
G47 0460  9       "Alors, you may go no farther", he said imperiously.
G47 0470  9       "Is this then the frontier"? I asked him.
G47 0480  6       "Yes".
G47 0480  7       At this, the students let out a yell, knowing full
G47 0490  9    well the actual frontier was beyond the town of Kehl.
G47 0500  6       "But I have no permission to re-enter France, and
G47 0510  3    I have just left", I told him. "I must then be standing
G47 0520  3    on the line between France and Germany".
G47 0520 10       The waspish man stepped forward. "Line? Line? But
G47 0530  8    there is no line between France and Germany, that is,
G47 0540  7    no actual line **h I mean **h"
G47 0550  2       "No line"? I asked. "But if there is no line, how
G47 0560  2    can there be two countries? You have just given me
G47 0560 12    permission to leave France, which I did. I have witnesses.
G47 0570 10    And as you know, I have no permission to re-enter France
G47 0580  9    once out. Now I learn I cannot enter Germany. Obviously
G47 0600  4    I'm stuck on the line between the two countries".
G47 0610  2       The students were laughing uproariously at this
G47 0620  1    piece of logic, and even the policemen were trying
G47 0620 10    hard not to smile.
G47 0630  1       "Mais non", the Interior Ministry man coaxed, "you
G47 0640  1    may come back to Strasbourg, now, if you wish".
G47 0640 10       "Oh? Then will you give me a visa to re-enter France"?
G47 0650 11       "Visa? But there is no question of a visa. You are
G47 0660 11    still in France".
G47 0670  1       "Ah, then please tell me where the frontier is because
G47 0670 11    this gentleman here"- I indicated the French occupation
G47 0680  8    officer- "informs me that Germany is just on the other
G47 0690  9    side of him".
G47 0700  1       The Interior man looked uneasily at his French compatriot.
G47 0700  9    From the crowd were coming cries of "He's right"! "There
G47 0710  9    must be a line"! and "Bravo, Garry, continue"!
G47 0720  7       Seeing their hesitation, I said, "Well, until I
G47 0730  7    have permission to enter Germany, or a visa to re-enter
G47 0740  7    France, I shall be obliged to remain here **h on the
G47 0750  4    line between two countries", whereupon I moved to the
G47 0760  1    side of the road, parked my backpack against the small
G47 0760 11    guardhouse on the sidewalk, sat down, took out my typewriter,
G47 0770  9    and began typing the above conversation.
G47 0780  3       The reporters were questioning the Interior man
G47 0790  2    and the French officer, both of whom remained noncommittal
G47 0790 11    as to what action, if any, would be taken in my regard.
G47 0800 12    Finally they went off to file their stories, after
G47 0820  7    the photographers had taken pictures of my latest vigil.
G47 0830  5    The students crowded around asking questions, slapping
G47 0840  1    me on the back, and generally being friendly.
G47 0840  9       "But what will you do this evening, Mr& Davis"?
G47 0850  8    asked a young mustached Frenchman. "It will be very
G47 0860  6    cold".
G47 0860  7       "I don't know", I told him, "except that I will
G47 0870  8    be here".
G47 0870 10       "I shall see about getting you a tent", he said.
G47 0880  9    "I have a small sports shop in Strasbourg".
G47 0890  3       That would be a great help, I told him, thanking
G47 0900  2    him for his thoughtfulness. A special guard was posted
G47 0900 11    at my end of the bridge to make sure I didn't cross,
G47 0910 12    the ludicrousness of the situation being revealed fully
G47 0920  7    in that everyone else- men, women, and children, dogs,
G47 0930  5    cats, horses, cars, trucks, baby carriages- could cross
G47 0940  5    Kehl bridge into Kehl without surveillance.
G47 0940 11       The day passed eventfully enough, with a constant
G47 0950  8    stream of visitors, some stopping only to say hello,
G47 0960  6    others getting into serious conversations, such as
G47 0970  3    one Andre Fuchs, a free-lance journalist from Strasbourg
G47 0980  1    who wrote an article for the Nouvelle Alsatian in highly
G47 0980 11    sympathetic terms. Some students from the University
G47 0990  7    returned around six with a large pot containing enough
G47 1000  7    hot soup to last me a week. A volunteer food brigade
G47 1010  3    had been arranged, they told me, which would supply
G47 1020  1    me with the necessities as long as I remained at the
G47 1020 12    bridge. A little later, the sports shop man returned
G47 1030  7    with a small pup tent. One of the girl students, sitting
G47 1040  5    by while I ate the thick soup, asked me if I had a
G47 1050  4    sleeping bag. When I informed her that I didn't, she
G47 1050 14    said she would borrow her brother's and bring it to
G47 1060 10    me later that evening.
G47 1070  1       "You do not know me", she said in good English,
G47 1070 11    "but my mother was your governess in Philadelphia when
G47 1080  9    you were a child". Her name was Esther Peter. I was
G47 1090  8    delighted to make that personal contact in such trying
G47 1100  5    and unusual circumstances. The Peter family proved
G47 1110  2    wonderful and helpful friends in the following days,
G47 1110 10    Mrs& Peter, little Esther, and Raoul, who generously
G47 1120  8    lent me his sleeping bag for my "Watch on the Rhine".
G47 1130  8       Sighting a line from the bridge to a small field
G47 1140  7    directly to the side, I pitched the tent that evening
G47 1150  3    on the stateless "line", digging a small trench around
G47 1160  1    it as best I could with a toy spade donated by a neighborhood
G47 1160 14    child. The wind from the Rhine was damp and chill,
G47 1170 10    necessitating a fire for warmth. After scouring around
G47 1180  6    a bit in the open area, I came across what proved to
G47 1190  4    be tar-soaked logs which crackled and burned brightly,
G47 1200  1    giving off vast rolls of smoke into the ashen sky.
G47 1200 11       Each evening the students appeared with the soup
G47 1210  7    kettle and several petits pains, Esther usually being
G47 1220  5    among them. I had advised friends to write me to "No
G47 1230  5    Man's Land, Pont Kehl, Between Strasbourg and Kehl,
G47 1240  2    France-Germany". Sure enough, mail began trickling
G47 1240  9    in, delivered by a talkative, highly amused French
G47 1250  8    postman who informed me there had been quite a debate
G47 1260  7    at the post office as to whether that address would
G47 1270  3    be recognized.
G47 1270  5       On Christmas Eve, students brought out two small
G47 1280  4    Christmas trees which I placed on either side of the
G47 1290  1    tent. As the field on which my tent was pitched was
G47 1290 12    a favorite natural playground for the kids of the neighborhood,
G47 1300  8    I had made many friends among them, taking part in
G47 1310  6    their after-school games and trying desperately to
G47 1320  2    translate Grimm's Fairy Tales into an understandable
G47 1330  1    French as we gathered around the fire in front of the
G47 1330 12    tent. To my great surprise and delight, when they saw
G47 1340  7    the two trees they went rushing off, returning shortly
G47 1350  4    with decorations from their own trees.
G47 1360  1       It was a merry if somewhat soggy Christmas for me
G47 1360 11    that year.
G47 1360 13    ##
G47 1370  1    In the mail were invitations to speak at the universities
G47 1370 11    of Cologne, Heidelberg, and Baden-Baden. Twenty thousand
G47 1380  7    world citizens at Stuttgart had signed a petition inviting
G47 1390  7    me to visit their town. When Dr& Adenauer was approached
G47 1400  5    by a world citizen delegation to find out his disposition
G47 1410  4    of my case, he gave them his personal approval of my
G47 1420  3    entry, saying that all men advocating peace should
G47 1420 11    be welcomed into Germany. The special guard, however,
G47 1430  6    was still posted on Kehl bridge.
G47 1440  1       As it began raining at around eight o'clock on December
G47 1450  1    26th, I retired into my tent early, somewhat tired
G47 1450 10    and discouraged, my body reacting sluggishly because
G47 1460  2    of the continued exposure. No matter how large the
G47 1470  4    fire, I couldn't seem to shake off the chill that day.
G47 1480  2       "Oh, Mr& Davis, are you there"? a voice drifted
G47 1490  1    in to me above the patter of the rain shortly after
G47 1490 12    I had fallen into a fitful sleep.
G47 1500  5       "Who is it"?
G47 1500  8       "We're from the Council of Europe, British delegation.
G47 1510  7    May we have a word with you"?
G47 1520  2       "I'm sorry. I've had a trying day and I just can't
G47 1530  2    make it out again", I told them.
G47 1530  9       I heard nothing more. Later I learned that Sir Hugh
G47 1540  8    Dalton had expressed a desire to see me, hence their
G47 1550  6    trip to "No Man's Land".
G47 1550 11       On the evening of December 27th, Esther noticed
G47 1560  8    my pallid look and rasping voice. She entreated me
G47 1570  5    to see a doctor, and when I refused, brought one out
G47 1580  3    to see me. He advised immediate hospitalization. I
G47 1580 11    wouldn't hear of it because it meant giving up the
G47 1590 10    "line", though I realized I was in poor shape physically.
G47 1600  8    Esther, mistaking my hesitation, assured me that the
G47 1610  5    hospital expense would be taken care of by a leading
G47 1620  3    merchant in Strasbourg whom she had already approached.
G47 1620 11       "No, it's not that", I told her. "You see, once
G47 1630 11    I relinquish the position I've already established
G47 1640  6    here, I couldn't regain it without sacrificing the
G47 1650  5    logic of it".
G47 1650  8       At that moment, up walked a tall young man with
G47 1660  8    glasses who announced himself as a world citizen from
G47 1670  4    Basel, Switzerland. Without preliminaries, Esther asked
G47 1680  2    him, "If you are a world citizen, will you take Garry
G47 1680 13    Davis' place in his tent while he goes to the hospital"?
G47 1700  1       "But of course, with pleasure", he replied.
G47 1700  7       Esther looked at me. I looked from her to him.
G47 1710  8       "What is your name"? I asked him.
G47 1720  3       "Jean Babel".
G47 1720  5       "Shake", I said. "You have just enlisted for the
G47 1730  6    'Rhine Campaign'".
G47 1730  8       Esther jumped up, ran to him and gave him a little
G47 1740 11    hug.
G47 1740 12       "I am so happy. Now come, Garry, we must go quickly.
G47 1750 10    There is a police car outside. Maybe they will take
G47 1760  6    us".
G47 1760  7       Such were the incongruities of the situation that
G47 1770  5    the very police assigned to check up on me were drafted
G47 1780  3    into driving me to the Strasbourg Hospital while World
G47 1790  1    Citizen Jean Babel waved adieu from the "Line"!
G48 0010  1    He remembered every detail of his pre-assault movements
G48 0010 10    but nothing of the final, desperate rush to come to
G48 0020  8    grips with the enemy. When the victory cheer went up
G48 0030  5    this officer found himself still mounted, with his
G48 0040  1    horse pressed broadside against Cleburne's log parapet
G48 0040  8    in a tangled group of infantrymen. His hat was gone,
G48 0050  8    the tears were streaming from his eyes. He never knew
G48 0060  7    how he got there. Six climactic minutes in an individual's
G48 0070  4    life left no memory.
G48 0070  8       Eight hundred and sixty-five Rebels surrendered
G48 0080  3    within their works and a thousand more were captured
G48 0090  2    or surrendered themselves that night and the next day.
G48 0090 11    Eight field guns were captured in position. Seven battle
G48 0100  9    flags and fourteen officers' swords were sent to Thomas'
G48 0110  7    headquarters. It was the only sizable assault upon
G48 0120  6    infantry and artillery behind breastworks successfully
G48 0130  2    made by either side during the Atlanta campaign. The
G48 0140  1    Fourteenth Regiment of Ohio Volunteers lost one-third
G48 0140  9    of its numbers within a few minutes, among them being
G48 0150  8    several men whose time of service had expired but who
G48 0160  5    had volunteered to advance with their regiment. The
G48 0170  2    Thirty-eighth Regiment of Ohio Volunteers, one of the
G48 0170 11    regiments in Thomas' First Division during Buell's
G48 0180  7    command, suffered its greatest loss of the war in this
G48 0190  9    action.
G48 0190 10       A popular belief grew up after the war that the
G48 0200  8    only time during the Civil War that Thomas ever put
G48 0210  4    his horse to a gallop was when he went to hurry up
G48 0220  1    Stanley for this assault. Sherman was responsible for
G48 0220  9    the story when he said in his memoirs that this was
G48 0230  9    the only time he could recall seeing Thomas ride so
G48 0240  5    fast. While Thomas' injured back led him to restrain
G48 0250  2    his mount from its most violent gait he moved quickly
G48 0250 12    enough when he had to. It is not in the record, but
G48 0260 12    he must have galloped his horse at Peach Tree Creek
G48 0270  6    when he brought up Ward's guns to save Newton's crumbling
G48 0280  3    line.
G48 0280  4       While the final combat of the campaign was being
G48 0290  4    worked out at Jonesborough, Thomas, on Sherman's instructions,
G48 0300  2    ordered Slocum, now commanding the Twentieth Corps,
G48 0310  1    to make an effort to occupy Atlanta if he could do
G48 0310 12    so without exposing his bridgehead to a counterattack.
G48 0320  6    The dispatch must have been sent after sundown on September
G48 0330  5    1. Slocum made his reconnaissanace the next morning,
G48 0340  3    found the town empty, accepted the surrender of the
G48 0340 12    mayor and occupied the city a little before noon.
G48 0350  9       On the morning of September 2 the Fourth Corps and
G48 0360  8    the Armies of the Tennessee and the Ohio followed the
G48 0370  5    line of Hardee's retreat. About noon they came up with
G48 0380  4    the enemy two miles from Lovejoy's Station and deployed.
G48 0390  1    The Fourth Corps assaulted and carried a small portion
G48 0390 10    of the enemy works but could not hold possession of
G48 0400  9    the gain for want of cooperation from the balance of
G48 0410  5    the line. That night a note written in Slocum's hand
G48 0420  3    and dated from inside the captured city came to Sherman
G48 0430  1    stating that the Twentieth Corps was in possession
G48 0430  9    of Atlanta. Before making the news public Sherman sent
G48 0440  8    an officer with the note to Thomas. In a short time
G48 0450  7    the officer returned and Thomas followed on his heels.
G48 0460  4    The cautious Thomas re-examined the note and then,
G48 0460 13    making up his mind that it was genuine, snapped his
G48 0470 10    fingers, whistled and almost danced in his exuberance.
G48 0480  6       The next day Sherman issued his orders ending the
G48 0490  5    campaign and pulled his armies back to Atlanta. The
G48 0500  2    measure of combat efficiency in an indecisive campaign
G48 0500 10    is a matter of personal choice. Sherman laid great
G48 0510  7    store by place captures. Hood refused to notice anything
G48 0520  6    except captured guns and colors. By both standards
G48 0530  3    Thomas had the right to be proud.
G48 0530 10       Thomas thanked his men for their tenacity of purpose,
G48 0540  8    unmurmuring endurance, cheerful obedience, brilliant
G48 0550  3    heroism and high qualities in battle.
G48 0560  1       Sherman felt that his own part in the campaign was
G48 0560 10    skillful and well executed but that the slowness of
G48 0570  7    a part of his army robbed him of the larger fruits
G48 0580  3    of victory. He supposed the military world would approve
G48 0590  1    of his accomplishment.
G48 0590  4       Whatever the military world thought, the political
G48 0600  3    world approved it wholeheartedly. For some time, despondency
G48 0610  1    in some Northern quarters had been displayed in two
G48 0610 10    ways- an eagerness for peace and a dissatisfaction
G48 0620  7    with Lincoln. Proposals were in the air for a year's
G48 0630  8    armistice. Lincoln was sure that he would not be re-elected.
G48 0640  5    In the midst of this gloom, at 10:05 P&M& on September
G48 0650  3    2, Slocum's telegram to Stanton, "General Sherman has
G48 0660  2    taken Atlanta", shattered the talk of a negotiated
G48 0660 10    peace and boosted Lincoln into the White House. To
G48 0670  9    the Republicans no victory could have been more complete.
G48 0680  6       Official congratulations showered upon Sherman and
G48 0690  5    his army. Lincoln mentioned their distinguished ability,
G48 0700  2    courage and perseverance. He felt that this campaign
G48 0700 10    would be famous in the annals of war. Grant called
G48 0710 10    it prompt, skillful and brilliant. Halleck described
G48 0720  5    it as the most brilliant of the war.
G48 0730  1       Actually the Atlanta campaign was a military failure.
G48 0730  9    Next best to destroying an army is to deprive it of
G48 0740 11    its freedom of action. Sherman had accomplished this
G48 0750  5    much of his job and then inexplicably nullified it
G48 0760  3    by his thirty-mile retreat from Lovejoy's to Atlanta.
G48 0770  1    But, so far as its territorial objectives were concerned,
G48 0770 10    the campaign was successful. Within the narrow frame
G48 0780  7    of military tactics, too, the experts agree that the
G48 0790  6    campaign was brilliant. In seventeen weeks the military
G48 0800  3    front was driven southward more than 100 miles. There
G48 0810  1    was a battle on an average of once every three weeks.
G48 0810 12    The skirmishing was almost constant. In the summary
G48 0820  7    of the principal events of the campaign compiled from
G48 0830  3    the official records there are only ten days which
G48 0840  1    show no fighting. The casualties in the Army of the
G48 0840 11    Cumberland were 22,807, while for all three armies
G48 0850  7    they were 37,081. Men were killed in their camps, at
G48 0860  5    their meals and in their sleep. Rifle fire often kept
G48 0870  2    the opposing gunners from manning their pieces. Modern
G48 0870 10    warfare was born in this campaign- periscopes, camouflage,
G48 0880  8    booby traps, land mines, extended order, trench raids,
G48 0890  6    foxholes, armored cars, night attacks, flares, sharpshooters
G48 0900  4    in trees, interlaced vines and treetops, which were
G48 0910  3    the forerunners of barbed wire, trip wires to thwart
G48 0910 12    a cavalry charge, which presaged the mine trap, and
G48 0920  8    the general use of anesthetics. The use of map coordinates
G48 0930  6    was begun when the senior officers began to select
G48 0940  4    tactical points by designating a spot as "near the
G48 0950  1    letter ~o in the word mountain". A few weeks later
G48 0950 11    the maps were being divided into squares and a position
G48 0960  8    was described as being "about lots 239, 247 and 272
G48 0970  6    with pickets forward as far as 196". This system was
G48 0980  3    dependent upon identical maps and Thomas supplied them
G48 0985  1    from a mobile lithograph press. Orders of the day began
G48 0990  6    to specify the standard map for the movement.
G48 1000  6       Sherman proved that a railway base could be movable
G48 1010  5    and the most brilliant feature of the Atlanta campaign
G48 1020  2    was the rapid repair of the tracks. To the Rebels it
G48 1020 13    seemed as if Sherman carried tunnels and bridges in
G48 1030  9    his pockets. The whistle of Sherman's locomotives often
G48 1040  5    drowned out the rattle of the skirmish fire. As always,
G48 1050  4    the ranks worked out new and better tactics, but there
G48 1060  2    was brilliance in the way the field commands adopted
G48 1060 11    these methods and in the way the army commanders incorporated
G48 1070  9    them into their military thinking. The fossilized,
G48 1080  5    formalized, precedent-based thinking of the legendary
G48 1090  4    military brain was not evident in Sherman's armies.
G48 1100  1    Sherman could never be accused of sticking too long
G48 1100 10    with the old.
G48 1110  1       One of Sherman's most serious shortcomings, however,
G48 1110  8    was his mistrust of his cavalry. He never saw that
G48 1120 10    it was a complement to his infantry and not a substitute
G48 1130  7    for it. Then, in some way, this lack of faith in the
G48 1140  5    cavalry became mixed up in his mind with the dragging
G48 1150  1    effect of wagon trains and was hardened into a prejudice.
G48 1150 11    A horse needed twenty pounds of food a day but the
G48 1160 10    infantryman got along with two pounds. The horseman
G48 1170  5    required eleven times more than the footman. So Sherman
G48 1180  3    tried a compromise. He would ship by rail five pounds
G48 1180 13    per day per animal and the other fifteen pounds that
G48 1190 10    were needed could be picked up off the country. It
G48 1200  8    failed to work. Already debilitated by the Chattanooga
G48 1210  4    starvation, the quality of Sherman's horseflesh ran
G48 1220  2    downhill as the campaign progressed. Every recorded
G48 1220  9    request by Thomas for a delay in a flank movement or
G48 1230 10    an advance was to gain time to take care of his horses.
G48 1240  4       Well led, properly organized cavalry, in its complementary
G48 1250  4    role to infantry, had four functions. First, it could
G48 1260  3    locate the enemy infantry, learn what they were doing,
G48 1260 12    and hold them until the heavy foot columns could come
G48 1270  9    up and take over. Second, it could screen its own infantry
G48 1280  7    from the sight of the enemy. Third, it could threaten
G48 1290  4    at all times, and destroy when possible, the enemy
G48 1300  1    communications. It could reach key tactical points
G48 1300  8    faster than infantry and destroy them or hold them
G48 1310  7    as the case might be for the foot soldier. Its climactic
G48 1320  4    role was to pursue and demoralize a defeated enemy
G48 1330  2    but this chance never came in the Atlanta campaign.
G48 1330 11    Thomas tried hard to have his cavalry ready for the
G48 1340  9    test it was to meet, but his plans were wrecked when
G48 1350  5    it was forced into a campaign without optimum mobility
G48 1360  2    and with its commander stripped from it.
G48 1360  9       Sherman knew the uses of cavalry as well as Thomas
G48 1370  9    but he imagined a moving base with infantry wings instead
G48 1380  5    of cavalry wings. His conception proved workable but
G48 1390  3    slower and it enabled his enemy to make clean, deft,
G48 1390 13    well organized retreats with small materiel losses.
G48 1400  7    Sherman insisted that cavalry could not successfully
G48 1410  5    break up hostile railways, yet Garrard's Covington
G48 1420  2    raid and Rousseau's Opelika raid cut two-thirds of
G48 1430  2    the rail lines he had to break and Sherman lived in
G48 1430 13    mortal fear of what Forrest might do to his communications.
G48 1440  8       When McPherson pushed blindly through Snake Creek
G48 1450  6    Gap in a potentially decisive movement, the only cavalry
G48 1460  5    in his van was the Ninth Illinois Mounted Infantry,
G48 1470  2    totally inadequate for its role. It stumbled on infantry
G48 1480  1    where no infantry should have been and McPherson's
G48 1480  9    aggressive impulse faded out, overwhelmed by fears
G48 1490  6    of the unknown. A proper cavalry command in his front
G48 1500  5    would have developed the fact that he had run into
G48 1510  1    one division of Polk's Army of the Mississippi moving
G48 1510 10    up from the direction of Mobile to join Johnston at
G48 1520  9    Dalton. From the night of August 30 to the morning
G48 1530  7    of September 2 there was no Union cavalry east of the
G48 1540  4    Macon railway to disclose to Sherman that he was missing
G48 1550  1    the greatest opportunity of his career. A great part
G48 1550 10    of the time, Thomas' infantry never knew the location
G48 1560  7    of the enemy line. At such times Thomas wondered when
G48 1570  5    and where a counterattack would strike him. It was
G48 1580  4    the hard way to fight a war but Thomas did it without
G48 1580 16    making any disastrous mistakes.
G48 1590  4       Heat during the Atlanta campaign, coupled with unsuitable
G48 1600  4    clothing, caused individual irritation that was compounded
G48 1610  3    by a lack of opportunity to bathe and shift into clean
G48 1620  1    clothing. To relieve the itch and sweat galls, the
G48 1620 10    men got into the water whenever they could and since
G48 1630  7    each sizable stream was generally the dividing line
G48 1640  4    between the armies the pickets declared a private truce
G48 1650  2    while the men went swimming. Johnston believed that
G48 1650 10    Sherman put his naked engineers into the swimming parties
G48 1660  8    to locate the various fords. Lieutenant Colonel James
G48 1670  5    P& Brownlow, who commanded the First Brigade of Thomas'
G48 1680  5    First Cavalry Division, was ordered across one of these
G48 1690  4    fords. The water was deep and Brownlow took his troopers
G48 1700  1    across naked- except for guns, cartridge boxes and
G48 1700  9    hats. They kicked their horses through the deep water
G48 1710  8    with their bare heels, drove the Rebels out of their
G48 1730  6    rifle pits and captured four men. Most of the Rebels
G48 1740  3    got away since they could make better time through
G48 1740 12    the stiff brush than their naked pursuers.
G48 1750  6       Rank was becoming an explosive issue in all three
G48 1760  5    of Sherman's armies. Merited recommendations from army
G48 1770  3    commanders were passed over in favor of political appointees
G48 1780  1    from civil life.
G49 0010  1       In one of the very few letters in which he ever
G49 0010 12    complained of Meynell, Thompson told Patmore of his
G49 0020  7    distress at having had to leave London before this
G49 0030  4    new friendship had developed further: "
G49 0040  1       That was a very absurd and annoying situation in
G49 0040 10    which I was placed by W& M&'s curious methods of handling
G49 0050  7    me. He never let me know that my visit was about to
G49 0060  7    terminate until the actual morning I was to leave for
G49 0070  4    Lymington. The result was that I found myself in the
G49 0080  1    ridiculous position of having made a formal engagement
G49 0080  9    by letter for the next week, only two days before my
G49 0090  9    departure from London. Luckily both women knew my position
G49 0100  6    and if anyone suffered in their opinion it was not
G49 0110  4    I". It need hardly be remarked that Thompson was not
G49 0120  1    generally known for his scrupulosity about keeping
G49 0120  8    his social engagements, which makes his irritation
G49 0130  5    in this letter all the more significant.
G49 0140  1       When Thompson and her daughter began a correspondence
G49 0140  9    which included fervent verses from Pantasaph, Mrs&
G49 0150  7    King felt a proper Victorian alarm. Some, she knew,
G49 0160  6    looked upon Thompson almost as a saint, but others
G49 0180  3    read in "The Hound of Heaven" what they took to be
G49 0190  2    the confessions of a great sinner, who, like Oscar
G49 0190 11    Wilde, had- as one pious writer later put it- thrown
G49 0200 11    himself "on the swelling wave of every passion".
G49 0210  5       Consequently, on October 31, 1896, Mrs& King wrote
G49 0220  4    to Thompson, quite against her daughter's wishes, asking
G49 0230  2    him not to "recommence a correspondence which I believe
G49 0240  1    has been dropped for some weeks". Katherine was staying
G49 0240 10    at a convent, and her mother felt that, as Thompson
G49 0250  8    himself seems to have suggested, she might eventually
G49 0260  4    stay there. This prospect did not please Mrs& King
G49 0270  2    any more than did the possibility that her daughter
G49 0270 11    might marry a Bohemian, but she used it to suggest
G49 0280 10    to Thompson that, "It is not in her nature to love
G49 0300  8    you".
G49 0300  9       For his part, Thompson had explained in a previous
G49 0310  6    letter that there would be nothing but an honorable
G49 0320  2    friendship between Katie and himself. At no time does
G49 0320 11    he seem to have proposed marriage, and Mrs& King was
G49 0330 10    evidently torn between a concern for her daughter's
G49 0340  6    emotions and the desire to believe that the friendship
G49 0350  4    might be continued without harm to her reputation.
G49 0360  1    In any case, she told Thompson that she saw no reason
G49 0360 12    why he might not see Katie again, "now that this frank
G49 0370  9    explanation has been made + no one can misunderstand".
G49 0380  6    She ended her letter with the assurance that she considered
G49 0390  4    his friendship for her daughter and herself to be an
G49 0400  4    honor, from which she could not part "without still
G49 0400 13    more pain".
G49 0410  1       After Thompson came to London to live, he received
G49 0410 10    a letter from Katie, which was dated February 8, 1897.
G49 0420 10    She regretted what she described as the "unwarrantable
G49 0430  7    + unnecessary" check to their friendship and said that
G49 0440  5    she felt that they understood one another perfectly.
G49 0450  2    This letter concluded with an invitation: "
G49 0450  8       I am a great deal at the little children's Hospital.
G49 0460 10    Mr& Meynell knows the way. I know you are very busy
G49 0470 10    now, you are writing a great deal + your book is coming
G49 0480  7    out, isn't it? but if you are able + care to come,
G49 0490  3    you know how glad I shall be.
G49 0490 10       Ever yours sincerely,
G49 0500  1       Katherine Douglas King" The invitation was accepted
G49 0500  8    and other letters followed, in which she spoke of her
G49 0510 10    concern for his health and her delight in seeing him
G49 0520  7    so much at home among the crippled children she served.
G49 0530  4    It is difficult to say what Thompson expected would
G49 0540  2    come of their relationship, which had begun so soon
G49 0540 11    after his emotions had been stirred by Maggie Brien,
G49 0550  7    but when Katie wrote on April 11, 1900, to tell him
G49 0560  6    that she was to be married to the Rev& Godfrey Burr,
G49 0570  2    the vicar of Rushall in Staffordshire, the news evidently
G49 0580  1    helped to deepen his discouragement over the failure
G49 0580  9    of his hopes for a new volume of verse. In a letter
G49 0590 10    to Meynell, which was written in June, less than a
G49 0600  6    month before Katie's wedding, he was highly melodramatic
G49 0610  2    in his despair and once again announced his intention
G49 0610 11    of returning to the life of the streets: "
G49 0620  8       A week in arrears, and without means to pay, I must
G49 0630  8    go, it is the only right thing. **h Perhaps Mrs& Meynell
G49 0640  4    would do me the undeserved kindness to keep my own
G49 0650  3    copy of the first edition of my first book, with all
G49 0650 14    its mementos of her and the dear ones. **h Last, not
G49 0660 10    least, there are some poems which K& King sent me (addressed
G49 0670  7    to herself) when I was preparing a fresh volume, asking
G49 0680  5    me to include them. The terrible blow of the New Year
G49 0690  4    put an end to that project. I wish you would return
G49 0690 15    them to her. I have not the heart. **h I never had
G49 0700 12    the courage to look at them, when my projected volume
G49 0710  7    became hopeless, fearing they were poor, until now
G49 0720  4    when I was obliged to do so. **h O my genius, young
G49 0730  1    and ripening, you would swear,- when I wrote them;
G49 0730 10    and now! What has it all come to? All chance of fulfilling
G49 0740 11    my destiny is over. **h I want you to be grandfather
G49 0750  9    to these orphaned poems, dear father-brother, now I
G49 0760  5    am gone; and launch them on the world when their time
G49 0770  2    comes. For them a box will be lodgment enough. **h
G49 0770 12    Katie cannot mind your seeing them now; since my silence
G49 0780  9    must have ended when I gave the purposed volume to
G49 0790  7    you. **h I ask you to do me the last favour of reading
G49 0800  4    them by 8 to-morrow evening, about which time I shall
G49 0810  1    come to say my sad good-bye. If you don't think much
G49 0810 13    of them, tell me the wholesome truth. If otherwise,
G49 0820  7    you will give me a pleasure. O Wilfrid! it is strange;
G49 0830  6    but this- yes, terrible step I am about to take **h
G49 0840  6    is lightened with an inundating joy by the new-found
G49 0850  1    hope that here, in these poems, is treasure- or at
G49 0850 11    least some measure of beauty, which I did not know
G49 0860  9    of". **h Thompson, of course, was persuaded not to
G49 0880  5    take the "terrible step"; Meynell once again paid his
G49 0890  4    debts and it was Katie, rather than Thompson, whose
G49 0900  1    life was soon ended, for she died in childbirth in
G49 0900 11    April, 1901, in the first year of her marriage.
G49 0910  7       The "orphaned poems" mentioned in the letter to
G49 0920  5    Meynell comprised a group of five sonnets, which were
G49 0930  2    published in the 1913 edition of Thompson's works under
G49 0930 11    the heading "Ad Amicam", plus certain other completed
G49 0940  8    pieces and rough drafts gathered together in one of
G49 0950  7    the familiar exercise books. The publication of Father
G49 0960  4    Connolly's The Man Has Wings has made more of the group
G49 0970  5    available in print so that a general picture of what
G49 0980  2    it contained can now be had without difficulty. Some
G49 0980 11    of the poems express a mood of joy in a newly discovered
G49 0990 10    love; others suggest its coming loss or describe the
G49 1000  6    poet's feelings when he learns of a final separation.
G49 1010  2       The somewhat Petrarchan love story which these poems
G49 1020  2    suggest cannot obscure the fact that undoubtedly they
G49 1020 10    have more than a little of autobiographical sincerity.
G49 1030  7    When they were first written, there was evidently no
G49 1040  6    thought of their being published, and those which refer
G49 1050  4    to the writer's love for Mrs& Meynell particularly
G49 1060  1    have the ring of truth. In "My Song's Young Virgin
G49 1060 11    Date", for example, Thompson wrote: "Yea, she that
G49 1070  8    had my song's young virgin date Not now, alas, that
G49 1080  8    noble singular she, I nobler hold, though marred from
G49 1090  5    her once state, Than others in their best integrity.
G49 1100  1    My own stern hand has rent the ancient bond, And thereof
G49 1100 12    shall the ending not have end: But not for me, that
G49 1110 11    loved her, to be fond Lightly to please me with a newer
G49 1120  9    friend. Then hold it more than bravest-feathered song,
G49 1130  4    That I affirm to thee, with heart of pride, I knew
G49 1140  3    not what did to a friend belong Till I stood up, true
G49 1140 15    friend, by thy true side; Whose absence dearer comfort
G49 1150  9    is, by far, Than presences of other women are"!
G49 1160  6       Taking into account Thompson's capacity for self-dramatization
G49 1170  5    and the possibility of a wish to identify his own life
G49 1180  6    with the misfortunes of other poets who had known unhappy
G49 1190  2    loves, there can be no doubt about his genuine emotion
G49 1190 12    for Katie King. That she was affected by his protestations
G49 1200 10    seems obvious, but since she was evidently a sensible
G49 1210  8    young woman- as well as an outgoing and sympathetic
G49 1220  5    type- it would seem that for her the word friendship
G49 1230  2    had a far less intense emotional significance than
G49 1230 10    that which Thompson gave it. From the outset, she must
G49 1240 10    have realized that marriage with him was out of the
G49 1250  8    question, and although she was displeased by the "unwarrantable"
G49 1260  4    interference, it seems probable that she did agree
G49 1270  4    with her mother's suggestion that the poet was "perhaps"
G49 1280  1    a man "most fitted to live + die solitary, + in the
G49 1280 13    love only of the Highest Lover".
G49 1290  6       The poems which were addressed to her, while they
G49 1300  5    are far more restrained than those of "Love in Dian's
G49 1310  2    Lap", show no great technical advance over those of
G49 1310 11    the "Narrow Vessel" group and are, if anything, somewhat
G49 1320  8    more labored. Their interest remains chiefly biographical,
G49 1330  6    for they throw some light on the utter despair which
G49 1340  6    overtook Thompson in the spring and early summer of
G49 1350  3    1900.
G49 1350  4       Whether or not Danchin is correct in suggesting
G49 1360  1    that Thompson's resumption of the opium habit also
G49 1360  9    dates from this period is, of course, a matter of conjecture.
G49 1370 10    Reid simply states, without offering any supporting
G49 1380  5    evidence, that "after he returned to London, he resumed
G49 1390  5    his draughts of laudanum, and continued this right
G49 1400  2    up to his death". There is every reason to recognize
G49 1400 12    that in the very last years of his life, as we shall
G49 1410 11    see, Thompson did take the drug in carefully rationed
G49 1420  6    doses to ease the pains of his illness, but the exact
G49 1430  4    date at which this began has never been determined.
G49 1430 13    If, as Reid says, "nearly all his poetry was produced
G49 1440 10    when he was not taking opium", there may be some reason
G49 1450  8    to doubt that he was under its influence in the period
G49 1460  6    from 1896 to 1900 when he was writing the poems to
G49 1470  3    Katie King and making plans for another book of verse.
G49 1470 13    In any event, the critical productivity of that time
G49 1480  9    is abundant proof that if he was taking laudanum, it
G49 1490  7    was never in command of him to the extent that it had
G49 1500  4    been during his vagrant years.
G49 1500  9       Meynell's remedy for Thompson's despondent mood
G49 1510  5    was typically practical. He simply found more work
G49 1520  4    for him to do, and the articles and reviews continued
G49 1530  1    without an evident break.
G49 1530  5    #@ /3, @#
G49 1530  8    As a reviewer, Thompson generally displayed a judicious
G49 1540  5    attitude. That he read some of the books assigned to
G49 1550  6    him with a studied carefulness is evident from his
G49 1560  2    notes, which are often so full that they provide an
G49 1560 12    unquestionable basis for the identification of reviews
G49 1570  7    that were printed without his signature. On the basis
G49 1580  6    of this careful reading, Thompson frequently gave a
G49 1590  3    clear, complete, and interesting description of a prose
G49 1590 11    work or chose effective quotations to illustrate his
G49 1600  8    discussions of poetry.
G49 1610  1       He was seldom an unmethodical critic, and his reviews
G49 1610 10    generally followed a systematic pattern: a description
G49 1620  7    of what the work contained, a treatment of the things
G49 1630  7    that had especially interested him in it, and, wherever
G49 1640  5    possible, a balancing of whatever artistic merits and
G49 1650  2    faults he might have found.
G49 1650  7       It was, of course, in this drawing of the balance
G49 1660  4    sheet of judgment that he most clearly displayed his
G49 1660 13    desire to do full justice to an author. Reviewing Davidson's
G49 1670 10    The Testament of an Empire Builder, for example, Thompson
G49 1680  9    found that there was "too much metrical dialectic".
G49 1700  7    Poetry, he said, must be "dogmatic": it must not stoop
G49 1710  6    to argue like a "K&C& in cloth-of-gold". Yet Davidson
G49 1720  6    impressed him as a poet capable of "sustained power,
G49 1730  2    passion, or beauty", and he cited specific passages
G49 1740  1    to illustrate not only these qualities but Davidson's
G49 1740  9    command of imagery as well. Similarly, he wrote that
G49 1750  8    Laurence Housman had a "too deliberate manner" as well
G49 1760  5    as a lack of "inevitable felicity in diction". But
G49 1770  4    he admired Housman's "subtle intellectuality" and delighted
G49 1780  3    in the inversion by which Divine Love becomes the most
G49 1790  1    "fatal" allurement in "Love the Tempter".
G49 1790  7       Of course, there were books about which nothing
G49 1800  7    good could be said. Understanding, as he did, the difficulty
G49 1810  6    of the art of poetry, and believing that the "only
G49 1820  4    technical criticism worth having in poetry is that
G49 1820 12    of poets", he felt obliged to insist upon his duty
G49 1830 10    to be hard to please when it came to the review of
G49 1840  8    a book of verse.
G50 0010  1       As he had done on his first Imperial sortie a year
G50 0010 12    and a half before, Lewis trekked southeast through
G50 0020  6    Red Russia to Kamieniec. Thence he pushed farther south
G50 0030  6    than he had ever been before into Podolia and Nogay
G50 0040  3    Tartary or the Yedisan. There, along the east bank
G50 0050  1    of the Southern Bug, opposite the hamlet of Zhitzhakli
G50 0050 10    a few miles north of the Black Sea, he arrived at General
G50 0060 10    Headquarters of the Russian Army. By June 19, 1788,
G50 0070  7    he had presented himself to its Commander in Chief,
G50 0080  3    the Governor of the Southern Provinces, the Director
G50 0090  1    of the War College- The Prince.
G50 0090  7    ##
G50 0090  8    Catherine's first war against the Grand Turk had ended
G50 0100  8    in 1774 with a peace treaty quite favorable to her.
G50 0110  5    By 1783 her legions had managed to annex the Crimea
G50 0120  2    amid scenes of wanton cruelty and now, in this second
G50 0120 12    combat with the Crescent, were aiming at suzerainty
G50 0130  7    over all of the Black Sea's northern shoreline.
G50 0140  3       Through most of 1787 operations on both sides had
G50 0150  4    been lackadaisical; those of 1788 were going to prove
G50 0160  1    decisive, though many of their details are obscure.
G50 0160  9    To consolidate what her Navy had won, the Czarina was
G50 0170  8    fortunate that, for the first time in Russian history,
G50 0180  5    her land forces enjoyed absolute unity of command under
G50 0190  2    her favorite Giaour. Potemkin was directing this conflict
G50 0200  1    on three fronts: in the Caucasus; along the Danube
G50 0200 10    and among the Carpathians, in alliance with the Emperor
G50 0210  7    Joseph's armies; and in the misty marshlands and shallow
G50 0220  7    coastal waters of Nogay Tartary and Taurida, including
G50 0230  4    the Crimean peninsula. Here the war would flame to
G50 0240  3    its focus, and here Lewis Littlepage had come.
G50 0240 11       Potemkin's Army of Ekaterinoslav, totaling, it was
G50 0260  7    claimed, 40,000 regular troops and 6,000 irregulars
G50 0270  5    of the Cossack Corps, had invested Islam's principal
G50 0280  3    stronghold on the north shore of the Black Sea, the
G50 0290  2    fortress town of Oczakov, and was preparing to test
G50 0290 11    the Turk by land and sea. During a sojourn of slightly
G50 0300  9    more than three months Chamberlain Littlepage sould
G50 0310  3    see action on both elements.
G50 0310  8       As his second in command The Prince had Marshal
G50 0320  8    Repnin, one-time Ambassador to Poland. Repnin, who
G50 0330  5    had a rather narrow face, longish nose, high forehead,
G50 0340  3    and arching brows, looked like a quizzical Mephistopheles.
G50 0350  1    Some people thought he lacked both ability and character,
G50 0350 10    but most agreed that he was noble in appearance and,
G50 0370  9    for a Russian, humane. The Marshal came to know Littlepage
G50 0380  7    quite well. At General Headquarters the newcomer in
G50 0390  4    turn got to know others. There was the Neapolitan,
G50 0400  1    Ribas, a capable conniver whose father had been a blacksmith
G50 0410  1    but who had fawned his way up the ladder of Catherine's
G50 0410 12    and Potemkin's favor till he was now a brigadier (and
G50 0420  9    would one day be the daggerman designated to do in
G50 0430  5    Czar Paul /1,, after traveling all the way to Naples
G50 0450  3    to procure just the right stiletto).
G50 0450  9       Then there were the distinguished foreign volunteers.
G50 0460  5    Representing the Emperor were the Prince de Ligne,
G50 0470  5    still as impetuous as a youth of twenty; and General
G50 0480  2    the Count Pallavicini, founder of the Austrian branch
G50 0480 10    of that celebrated Italian house, a courtier Littlepage
G50 0490  8    could have met at Madrid in December, 1780. From Milan
G50 0500  8    came the young Chevalier de Litta, an officer in the
G50 0510  7    service of Malta. Out of Saxony rode the Prince of
G50 0520  4    Anhalt-Bernburg, one of the Czarina's cousins and a
G50 0530  2    lieutenant general in her armies, a frank, sensitive,
G50 0530 10    popular soldier whose kindnesses Littlepage would "always
G50 0540  6    recall with the sincerest gratitude".
G50 0550  2       Though Catherine was vexed at the number of French
G50 0560  2    officers streaming to the Turkish standard, there were
G50 0560 10    several under her own, such as the Prince de Nassau;
G50 0570 10    the energetic Parisian, Roger de Damas, three year's
G50 0580  6    Littlepage's junior, to whom Nassau had taken a liking;
G50 0590  6    and the artillerist, Colonel Prevost, whom the Count
G50 0600  4    de Segur had persuaded to lend his technical skills
G50 0610  1    to Nassau. England contributed a young subaltern named
G50 0610  9    Newton and the naval architect Samuel Bentham, brother
G50 0620  7    to the economist, who far his colonel's commission
G50 0630  4    was proving a godsend to the Russian fleet. From America
G50 0640  3    were the Messrs& Littlepage and Jones.
G50 0650  1       Lewis had expected to report at once to Jones's
G50 0650 10    and Nassau's naval command post. On arrival at headquarters
G50 0660  7    he had, however- in King Stanislas' words to Glayre-
G50 0670  5    "found such favor with ~Pe Potemkin that he made him
G50 0680  6    his aide-de-camp and up to now does not want him to
G50 0690  3    go join Paul Jones **h". So of course he stayed put.
G50 0690 14    Having done so, he began to experience all the frustrations
G50 0700 10    of others who attempted to get along with Serenissimus
G50 0710  7    and do a job at the same time.
G50 0720  2       The Prince's perceptions were quick and his energy
G50 0720 10    monstrous, but these qualities were sapped by an Oriental
G50 0730  9    lethargy and a policy of letting nothing interfere
G50 0740  7    with personal passions. At headquarters- sufficiently
G50 0750  4    far from the firing line to make you forget occasionally
G50 0760  1    that you were in a war- Lewis found that the Commander
G50 0770  1    in Chief's only desk was his knees (and his only comb,
G50 0770 12    his fingers). An entire theater had been set up for
G50 0780  9    his diversion, with a 200-man Italian orchestra under
G50 0790  4    the well-known Sarti. In the great one's personal quarters,
G50 0800  3    a portable house, almost every evening saw an elegant
G50 0810  1    banquet or reception. Lewis could let his eye caress
G50 0810 10    The Prince's divan, covered with a rose-pink and silver
G50 0820  9    Turkish cloth, or admire the lovely tapis, interwoven
G50 0830  5    with gold, that spread across the floor. Filigreed
G50 0840  2    perfume boxes exuded the aromas of Araby. Around the
G50 0850  1    billiard tables were always at least a couple of dozen
G50 0850 11    beribboned generals. At dinner the courses were carried
G50 0860  7    in by tall cuirassiers in red capes and black fur caps
G50 0870  6    topped with tufts of feathers, marching in pairs like
G50 0880  3    guards from a stage tragedy.
G50 0880  8       Among the visitors arriving every now and then there
G50 0890  6    were, of course, women. For if Serenissimus made the
G50 0900  3    sign of the Cross with his right hand, and meant it,
G50 0910  1    with his left he beckoned lewdly to any lady who happened
G50 0910 12    to catch his eye. Usually Lewis would find at headquarters
G50 0920  8    one or more of The Prince's various nieces.
G50 0930  4       Right now he found Sophie de Witt, that magnificent
G50 0940  3    young matron he had spotted at Kamieniec fours years
G50 0950  1    ago. The Prince took her with him on every tour around
G50 0950 12    the area, and it was rumored he was utilizing her knowledge
G50 0960 10    of Constantinople as part of his espionage network.
G50 0970  7    One evening he passed around the banquet table a crystal
G50 0980  4    cup full of diamonds, requesting every female guest
G50 0990  1    to select one as a souvenir. When a lady chanced to
G50 0990 12    soil a pair of evening slippers, Brigadier Bauer was
G50 1000  6    dispatched to Paris for replacements.
G50 1010  1       But if The Prince fancied women and was fascinated
G50 1020  1    by foreigners, he could be haughtiness personified
G50 1020  8    to his subordinates. He had collared one of his generals
G50 1030  8    in public. His coat trimmed in sable, diamond stars
G50 1040  5    of the Orders of Saints Andrew or George agleam, he
G50 1050  2    was often prone to sit sulkily, eye downcast, in a
G50 1050 12    Scheherazade trance. When this happened, everything
G50 1060  6    stopped. As Littlepage noted: "A complete picture of
G50 1070  6    Prince Potemkin may be had in his 1788 operations.
G50 1080  3    He stays inactive for half the summer in front of Oczakov,
G50 1090  1    a quite second-rate spot, begins to besiege it formally
G50 1090 11    only during the autumn rains, and finally carries it
G50 1100  9    by assault in the heart of winter. There's a man who
G50 1110  9    never goes by the ordinary road but still arrives at
G50 1120  5    his goal, who gratuitously gets himself into difficulty
G50 1130  2    in order to get out of it with eclat, in a word a man
G50 1130 16    who creates monsters for himself in order to appear
G50 1140  8    a Hercules in destroying them".
G50 1150  2       To help him do so The Prince had conferred control
G50 1160  1    of his land forces on a soldier who was different from
G50 1160 12    him in almost every respect save one: both were eccentrics
G50 1170  8    of the purest ray serene.
G50 1180  2       Alexander Vasilievitch Suvorov, now in his fifty-ninth
G50 1190  1    year (ten years Potemkin's senior), was a thin, worn-faced
G50 1190 11    person of less than medium height who looked like a
G50 1200 10    professor of botany. He had a small mouth with deep
G50 1210  7    furrows on either side, a large flat nose, and penetrating
G50 1220  3    blue eyes. His gray hair was thin, his face beginning
G50 1230  1    to attract a swarm of wrinkles. He was ugly. But Suvorov's
G50 1230 12    face was also a theater of vivacity, and his tough,
G50 1240 10    stooping little frame was briskness embodied. Like
G50 1250  5    all Russians he was an emotional man, and in him the
G50 1260  5    emotions warred. Kind by nature, he never refused charity
G50 1270  1    to a beggar or help to anyone who asked him for it
G50 1270 13    (as Lewis would one day discover). But he was perpetually
G50 1280  8    engaged in a battle to command his own temper.
G50 1290  5       When Littlepage was introduced, if the General behaved
G50 1300  3    as usual, the newcomer faced a staccato salvo of queries:
G50 1310  1    origin? age? mission? current status? Woe betide the
G50 1320  1    interviewee if he answered vaguely. Suvorov's contempt
G50 1320  8    for don't-know's was proverbial; better to give an
G50 1330  7    asinine answer than none at all. Despising luxuries
G50 1340  5    of any sort for a soldier, he slept on a pile of hay
G50 1350  4    with his cloak as blanket. He rose at 4:00 A&M& the
G50 1360  1    year round and was apt to stride through camp crowing
G50 1370  8    like a cock to wake his men. His breakfast was tea;
G50 1380  7    his dinner fell anywhere from nine to noon; his supper
G50 1390  5    was nothing. He hadn't worn a watch or carried pocket
G50 1400  2    money for years because he disliked both, but highest
G50 1400 11    among his hates were looking glasses: he had snatched
G50 1410  9    one from an officer's grasp and smashed it to smithereens.
G50 1420  7    He kept several pet birds and liked cats well enough
G50 1430  6    that if one crept by, he would mew at it in friendly
G50 1440  2    fashion. Passing dogs were greeted with a cordial bark.
G50 1440 11       Yet General Suvorov- who had never forgotten hearing
G50 1450  9    his adored Czarina declare that all truly great men
G50 1460  8    had oddities- was mad only north, northwest. He had
G50 1470  6    come to learn that a reputation for peculiarity allowed
G50 1480  2    mere field officers a certain leeway at Court; in camp
G50 1490  2    he knew it won you the affection of your men. He had
G50 1490 14    accordingly cultivated eccentricity to the point of
G50 1500  7    second nature. Underneath, he remained one of the best-educated
G50 1510  7    Russians of his day. He dabbled in verse, could get
G50 1520  5    along well among most of the European languages, and
G50 1530  2    was fluent in French and German. He had also mastered
G50 1530 12    the Cossack tongue.
G50 1540  2       For those little men with the short whiskers, shaven
G50 1550  1    polls, and top knots Suvorov reserved a special esteem.
G50 1550 10    Potemkin- as King Stanislas knew, and presently informed
G50 1560 10    Littlepage- looked on the Cossacks as geopolitical
G50 1570  6    tools. To Serenissimus such tribes as the Cossacks
G50 1580  4    of the Don or those ex-bandits the Zaporogian Cossacks
G50 1590  1    (in whose islands along the lower Dnieper the Polish
G50 1590 10    novelist Sienkiewicz would one day place With Fire
G50 1600  8    and Sword) were just elements for enforced resettlement
G50 1610  5    in, say, Bessarabia, where, as "the faithful of the
G50 1620  5    Black Sea borders", he could use their presence as
G50 1630  2    baragining points in the Czarina's territorial claims
G50 1630  9    against Turkey. Suvorov saw in these scimitar-wielding
G50 1640  8    skirmishers not demographic units but military men
G50 1650  5    of a high potential. He knew how to channel their exuberant
G50 1660  4    disorderliness so as to transform them from mere plunderers
G50 1665  2    into A-1 guerrilla fighters. He always kept a few on
G50 1670  8    his personal staff. He often donned their tribal costumes,
G50 1680  9    such as the one featuring a tall, black sheepskin hat
G50 1690  8    from the top of which dangled a little red bag ornamented
G50 1700  6    by a chain of worsted lace and tassels; broad red stripes
G50 1710  4    down the trouser leg; broader leather belt round the
G50 1720  2    waist, holding cartridges and light sabre. Suvorov
G50 1720  9    played parent not just to his Cossacks but to all his
G50 1730 10    troops. It was probably at this period that Littlepage
G50 1740  5    got his first good look at the ordinary Russian soldier.
G50 1750  3       These illiterate boors conscripted from villages
G50 1760  1    all across the Czarina's empire had, Suvorov may have
G50 1760 10    told Lewis, just two things a commander could count
G50 1770  8    on: physical fitness and personal courage. When their
G50 1780  5    levies came shambling into camp, they were all elbows,
G50 1790  4    hair, and beard. They emerged as interchangeable cogs
G50 1800  1    in a faulty but formidable machine: shaved nearly naked,
G50 1800 10    hair queued, greatcoated, jackbooted, and best of all-
G50 1810  7    in the opinion of the British professional, Major Semple-Lisle-
G50 1820  6    "their minds are not estranged from the paths of obedience
G50 1830  7    by those smatterings of knowledge which only serve
G50 1840  4    to lead to insubordination and mutiny".
G51 0010  1    Mando, pleading her cause, must have said that Dr&
G51 0010 10    Brown was the most distinguished physician in the United
G51 0020  7    States of America, for our man poured out his symptoms
G51 0030  7    and drew a madly waving line indicating the irregularity
G51 0040  3    of his pulse. "He's got high blood pressure, too, and
G51 0050  2    bum kidneys", the doctor said to me. "Transparent look,
G51 0050 11    waxy skin- could well be uremia". He looked disapprovingly
G51 0060  8    at an ash tray piled high with cigarette stubs, shook
G51 0070  8    his head, and moved his hand back and forth in a strong
G51 0080  8    negative gesture. The little official hung his head
G51 0090  4    in shame. Seeing this, his colleague at the next desk
G51 0100  1    gave a short, contemptuous laugh, pushed forward his
G51 0100  9    own ash tray, innocent of a single butt, thumped his
G51 0110  7    chest to show his excellent condition, and looked proud.
G51 0120  4    The doctor gravely nodded approval.
G51 0130  1       At this moment Mando came hurrying up to announce
G51 0130 10    that the problem was solved and all Norton had to do
G51 0140  9    was to sign a sheaf of papers. We went out of the office
G51 0150  6    and down the hall to a window where documents and more
G51 0160  3    officials awaited us, the rest of the office personnel
G51 0160 12    hot upon our heels. By this time word had got around
G51 0170 11    that an American doctor was on the premises. One fellow
G51 0180  7    who had liver spots held out his hands to the great
G51 0190  5    healer. It was funny but it was also touching. "You
G51 0200  1    know", Norton said to me later, "I am thinking of setting
G51 0210  1    up the Klinico Brownapopolus. I might not make any
G51 0210 10    money but I'd sure have patients".
G51 0220  4       After luncheon we took advantage of the siesta period
G51 0230  4    to try to get in touch with a few people to whom our
G51 0240  1    dear friend Deppy had written. Deppy is Despina Messinesi,
G51 0240 10    a long-time member of the Vogue staff who, although
G51 0250  8    born in Boston, was born there of Greek parents. Several
G51 0260  5    years of her life have been spent in the homeland,
G51 0270  3    and she had written to friends to alert them of our
G51 0270 14    coming. "All you have to do, Ilka dear, is to phone
G51 0280 11    on your arrival. They are longing to see you". The
G51 0290  8    wear and tear of life have taught me that very few
G51 0300  5    friends of mutual friends long to see foreign strangers,
G51 0310  1    but I planned on being the soul of tact, of giving
G51 0310 12    them plenty of outs was there the tiniest implication
G51 0320  8    that their cups were already running over without us.
G51 0330  5    My diplomacy was needless. Greek phone service is worse
G51 0340  3    than French, so that it was to be some little time
G51 0340 14    before contact of any sort was established.
G51 0350  7       In the late afternoon Mando came back to fetch us,
G51 0360  7    and we drove to the Acropolis. We stopped first at
G51 0370  3    the amphitheater that lies at the foot of the height
G51 0370 13    crowned by the Parthenon. The curving benches are broken,
G51 0380  9    chipped, tumbled, but still in place, as are the marble
G51 0390  9    chairs, the seats of honor for the legislators. The
G51 0400  5    carved statues of the frieze against the low wall are
G51 0420  3    for the most part headless, but their exquisitely graceful
G51 0420 12    nude and draped torsos and the kneeling Atlantes are
G51 0430  9    well preserved in their perfect proportion.
G51 0440  4       Having completed our camera work, we started our
G51 0450  3    climb. I suppose the same emotion holds, if to a lesser
G51 0460  1    degree, with any famous monument. Will it live up to
G51 0460 11    its reputation? The weight of fame and history is formidable,
G51 0470  9    and dreary steel engravings in schoolbooks do little
G51 0480  5    to quicken interest and imagination. Uh huh, we think,
G51 0490  4    looking at them, so that's the Parthenon. And then
G51 0500  1    perhaps one day we get to Athens. We are here! We've
G51 0500 12    come a long way and spent a lot of money. It had better
G51 0510 12    be good. Don't worry about the Acropolis. It is awe-inspiring.
G51 0520  8    Probably every visitor has a favorite time for his
G51 0530  7    first sight of it. We saw it frequently afterward,
G51 0540  2    but our suggestion for the very first encounter is
G51 0540 11    near sunset. The light at that time is a benediction.
G51 0550  9    The serene, majestic columns of the Parthenon, tawny
G51 0560  6    in color against the pure deep blue sky, frame incredible
G51 0570  3    vistas. All we wanted to do was to stand very quietly
G51 0580  1    and look and look and look.
G51 0580  7       More than twenty-four hundred years old, bruised,
G51 0590  4    battered, worn and partially destroyed, combining to
G51 0600  2    an astounding degree solidity and grace, it still stands,
G51 0600 11    incomparable testimony to man's aspiration. In 1687
G51 0610  7    the Turks, who had been in control of the city since
G51 0620  7    the fifteenth century, with a truly shattering lack
G51 0630  2    of prudence used the Parthenon as a powder magazine.
G51 0630 11    It was hit by a shell fired by the bombarding Venetian
G51 0640 11    army and the great central portion of the temple was
G51 0650  7    blown to smithereens.
G51 0650 10       Nearby is the temple of Athena. The architectural
G51 0660  8    feature, the caryatides upholding the portico, famous
G51 0670  5    around the world as the Porch of the Maidens, was referred
G51 0680  4    to airily by Mando as the Girls' Place. Another beautiful
G51 0690  3    building is the Propylaea, the entrance gate of the
G51 0700  1    Acropolis.
G51 0700  2       My other nugget of art and architectural knowledge-
G51 0710  3    besides remembering that it was Ghiberti who designed
G51 0710 11    the doors of the baptistery in Florence- is the three
G51 0720  9    styles of Greek columns. For some happy reason Doric,
G51 0730  6    Ionic, and Corinthian have always stuck in my mind.
G51 0740  5    Furthermore I can identify each design. It remained,
G51 0750  1    however, for Mando to teach me that Doric symbolized
G51 0750 10    strength, Ionic wisdom, and Corinthian beauty, the
G51 0760  7    three pillars of the ancient world. The columns of
G51 0770  5    the Parthenon are fluted Doric.
G51 0770 10       Another classic sight that gave us considerable
G51 0780  7    pleasure was the evzone sentry, in his ballet skirt
G51 0790  5    with great pompons on his shoes, who was patrolling
G51 0800  1    up and down in front of the palace. Gun on shoulder,
G51 0800 12    he would march smartly for a few yards, bring his heels
G51 0810 10    together with a click, make a brisk pirouette, skirts
G51 0820  6    flaring, and march back to his point of departure.
G51 0830  3    We did not dare speak to so exalted a being, but Norton
G51 0840  1    aimed his camera and shot him, so to speak, on the
G51 0840 12    rise, the split second between the halt and the turn.
G51 0850  7       The evening of our first day we drove with Christopher
G51 0860  6    and Judy Sakellariadis, who were friends and patients
G51 0870  3    of Norton, to dine at a restaurant on the shores of
G51 0880  1    the Aegean. On the way out Mr& Sakellariadis detoured
G51 0880 10    up a special hill from which one may obtain a matchless
G51 0890  9    view of the Acropolis lighted by night.
G51 0900  3       The great spectacle was a source of rancor, and
G51 0910  1    Son et Lumiere, which the French were trying to promote
G51 0910 11    with the Athenians, was the reason. These performances
G51 0930  6    were being staged at historical monuments throughout
G51 0940  3    Europe. By a combination of music, lighting effects,
G51 0950  2    and narration, famous events that have transpired in
G51 0955  1    these locations are evoked and re-created for large
G51 0960  9    audiences usually to considerable acclaim. The Acropolis
G51 0970  5    had been scheduled for the treatment too, but apparently
G51 0980  4    it was to take place at the time of the full moon when
G51 0990  3    the Athenians themselves, out of respect for the natural
G51 0990 12    beauty of the occasion, were wont to forgo their own
G51 1000 10    usual nocturnal illumination.
G51 1010  1       Athenian society was split into two factions, the
G51 1010  9    Philistines and the Artists. The Artists contended
G51 1020  7    that the Philistines, gross of soul, were all for having
G51 1030  8    Son et Lumiere, since the French were footing the bill
G51 1040  6    and the attraction, wherever it had been done, had
G51 1050  3    proven popular. This was the crassest kind of materialism
G51 1060  1    and they, the Artists, would have no truck with it.
G51 1060 11    The Acropolis was unique in the world and if that imcomparable
G51 1070 10    work flooded by moonlight wasn't enough for both natives
G51 1080  6    and tourists, then they were quite simply barbarians
G51 1090  1    and the hell with them. It was very stimulating.
G51 1100  1       The restaurant to which the Sakellariadises took
G51 1100  8    us on this night of controversy was the Asteria, on
G51 1110  7    Asteria beach. This is a public bathing beach, easily
G51 1120  4    accessible by tramway from the center of Athens. Office
G51 1130  2    workers frequently go out there to lunch and swim during
G51 1140  1    the siesta period, which, during the summer, lasts
G51 1140  9    from two until five in the afternoon, when shops and
G51 1150  7    offices are again open for business. They close sometime
G51 1160  4    after eight. Nine o'clock is the rush hour, when the
G51 1170  3    busses are jammed, and by nine-thirty the restaurants
G51 1170 12    are beginning to fill. Bedtime is late, for the balmy
G51 1180  9    evenings are delightful and everyone wants to linger
G51 1190  6    under the stars.
G51 1190  9       The sand is fine and pleasant, the cabanas are clean,
G51 1200  7    and the parasols, green, raspberry, and butter yellow,
G51 1210  4    are very gay. Although open to the general public it
G51 1220  3    is not overcrowded; the atmosphere is that of an attractive
G51 1230  1    private beach club at home. We went there a couple
G51 1230 11    of times to swim and enjoyed ourselves thoroughly.
G51 1240  5    This agreeable state of affairs is explicable, I think,
G51 1250  4    on two counts. One is Greece is not yet suffering from
G51 1260  2    overpopulation. The public may still find pleasure
G51 1260  9    in public places. The other is that the charge for
G51 1270  9    cabanas and parasols, though modest from an American
G51 1280  5    point of view, still is a little high for many Athenians.
G51 1290  3    We were struck by the notable absence of banana skins
G51 1300  1    and beer cans, but just so that we wouldn't go overboard
G51 1300 12    on Greek refinement, perfection was side-stepped by
G51 1310  7    a couple of braying portable radios. Greek boys and
G51 1320  5    girls also go for rock-and-roll, and the stations most
G51 1330  2    tuned to are those carrying United States overseas
G51 1330 10    programs. A good deal of English was spoken on the
G51 1340 10    beach, most educated Greeks learn it in childhood,
G51 1350  5    and there were also American wives and children of
G51 1360  3    our overseas servicemen.
G51 1360  6       For a delightful drive out of Athens I should recommend
G51 1370  6    Sounion, at the end of the Attic Peninsula. The road,
G51 1380  3    a comparatively new one, is very good, winding along
G51 1390  1    inlets, coves, and bays of deep and brilliant blue.
G51 1390 10    I suppose the day will inevitably come when the area
G51 1400  8    will be encrusted with developments, but at present
G51 1410  4    it is deserted and seductive. Three beneficial hurdles
G51 1420  2    to progress are the lack of water, electricity, and
G51 1420 11    telephones.
G51 1430  1       At Sounion there is a group of beautiful columns,
G51 1430 10    the ruins of a temple to Poseidon, of particular interest
G51 1440  9    at that time, as active reconstruction was in progress.
G51 1450  5    Gaunt scaffoldings adjoined the ruins, and on the ground
G51 1460  5    segments of columns two and a half to three feet in
G51 1470  2    thickness were being fitted with sections cunningly
G51 1470  9    chiseled to match exactly the fluting and proportion
G51 1480  7    of the original. Later they would be hoisted into place.
G51 1490  6       There is a mediocre restaurant at Sounion and I
G51 1500  4    fed a thin little Grecian cat and gave it two saucers
G51 1510  1    of water- there was no milk- which it lapped up as
G51 1510 12    though it were nectar. I think its thirst had never
G51 1520  8    been assuaged before.
G51 1530  1       Norton and I dined one night in a sea-food restaurant
G51 1530 11    in Piraeus right on the water's edge. To enter it,
G51 1540  8    you go down five or six steps from the road. Across
G51 1550  5    the road is the kitchen, and waiters bearing great
G51 1560  1    trays of dishes dodge traffic as nimbly as their French
G51 1560 11    colleagues at the restaurant in the Place du Tertre
G51 1570  9    in Paris.
G51 1570 11       This restaurant, too, had a cat, a dusty, thin little
G51 1580  9    creature. How can a cat be thin in a fish restaurant?
G51 1590  9    But this one was. When offered a morsel it glanced
G51 1600  5    right and left and winced, obviously frightened and
G51 1610  2    expecting a kick, but too hungry not to snatch the
G51 1610 12    tidbit. Greece was one of the highlights of our trip,
G51 1620  9    but beginning in Greece and continuing around the world
G51 1630  4    throughout Southeast Asia the treatment of animals
G51 1640  2    was horrifying, ranging from callous indifference to
G51 1640  9    active cruelty. This of course was not true of the
G51 1650 10    educated and sophisticated people we met, who loved
G51 1660  6    their pets, but kindness is not a basic human instinct.
G51 1670  2       We met some charming Athenians, and among them our
G51 1680  1    chauffeur Panyotis ranked high. His English was limited,
G51 1680  9    and the little he knew he found irritating. A particularly
G51 1690  9    galling phrase was "O&K&, Panyotis, we have time at
G51 1700  7    our disposal". This he claimed was the favorite refrain
G51 1710  6    of the English. They would be lolling under a tree
G51 1720  4    sipping Ouzo, relishing the leisurely life, assuring
G51 1730  1    him that the day was yet young.
G52 0010  1    "Let him become honest, and they discard him.- But
G52 0010 10    let him be ready to invent whatever falsehood- to assail
G52 0020  7    whatever character- and to prostitute his paper to
G52 0030  6    whatever ends- and they hug him to their heart. In
G52 0040  3    proportion to the degradation of his moral worth, is
G52 0040 12    the increase of his worth to them".
G52 0050  7       To exonerate the legislature and thereby extricate
G52 0060  4    himself from a sticky situation, Pike took another
G52 0070  1    course and made it appear that the legislature had
G52 0070 10    been bilked. He claimed in his attacks that Woodruff,
G52 0080  7    with scurrilous underhandedness, had deliberately written
G52 0090  4    an ambiguous bid that had so confused the honest members
G52 0100  3    of the legislature that they had awarded him the contract
G52 0110  1    without knowing what they were doing.
G52 0110  7       The charge was so farfetched that Woodruff paid
G52 0120  4    little attention to it, and answered Pike in a rather
G52 0130  4    bored way, wearily declaring that a "new hand" was
G52 0140  1    pumping the bellows of the Crittenden organ, and concluding:
G52 0140 10    "In a controversy with an adversary so utterly destitute
G52 0150  9    of moral principles, even a triumph would entitle the
G52 0160  7    victor to no laurels. The game is not worth the ammunition
G52 0170  6    it would cost. We therefore leave the writer to the
G52 0180  3    enjoyment of the unenvied reputation which the personal
G52 0180 11    abuse he has heaped on us will entitle him to from
G52 0190 11    the low and vulgar herd to which he belongs".
G52 0200  5       Despite Woodruff's continuing refusal to debate
G52 0210  3    with Pike through the columns of his newspaper, Pike
G52 0220  1    did not let up his attack for a moment. Over the months
G52 0220 13    he became a political gadfly with an incessant barrage
G52 0230  7    of satirical poems ridiculing Woodruff, the "Casca"
G52 0240  4    letters belittling Woodruff, and long analytical articles
G52 0250  3    vilifying Woodruff. So persistent were these attacks
G52 0260  1    that in March of the following year, Woodruff was finally
G52 0260 11    moved to action, and Pike was to learn his first lesson
G52 0270 11    in frontier politics, the subtle art of diversion.
G52 0280  6       To attack Pike directly would gain Woodruff little,
G52 0290  4    for as a penniless newcomer Pike had nothing to lose.
G52 0300  3    By this time Woodruff had accurately measured Pike
G52 0300 11    as a man of great personal pride, a man who would fly
G52 0310 11    into a towering rage if his integrity were questioned,
G52 0320  6    and who would be anxious to avenge himself. Pike's
G52 0330  2    honor would now come under attack, but not by Woodruff
G52 0340  1    himself. The charges would be made in the Gazette by
G52 0340 11    an anonymous correspondent, and Pike would be so busy
G52 0350  8    trying to track down the illusive character assassin
G52 0360  4    that he would forget about harassing Woodruff. The
G52 0370  2    strategy worked perfectly.
G52 0370  5       Pike was stunned by the first blast against his
G52 0380  5    character, which was published in the March 4th issue
G52 0390  3    of the Gazette under the name "Vale". The anonymous
G52 0400  1    correspondent did not resort to innuendoes. He called
G52 0400  9    Pike a thief. He said Pike had stolen mules from Harris
G52 0410  9    during the Santa Fe expedition; he accused Pike of
G52 0420  6    continuing his sticky-fingered career in Arkansas with
G52 0430  4    the theft of some otter skins in Van Buren. The charges
G52 0440  2    caught Pike off balance, coming as they did from an
G52 0440 12    unexpected quarter. Outraged, he used the Advocate
G52 0450  7    of March 7th for a denial, sending immediately to Santa
G52 0460  6    Fe and Van Buren for documents to vindicate himself,
G52 0470  4    and demanding that Woodruff reveal the name of this
G52 0480  3    perfidious slanderer who disguised himself under a
G52 0480 10    pastoral pseudonym.
G52 0490  1       Woodruff said nothing, and Pike, frustrated, stormed
G52 0500  1    throughout Little Rock in an unsuccessful search for
G52 0500  9    "Vale", asking his friends to keep their ears open.
G52 0510  8    Finally he learned through the grapevine that the culprit
G52 0520  6    might be one James W& Robinson in Pope County. Without
G52 0530  4    further inquiry, Pike jumped to the conclusion that
G52 0540  2    Robinson was guilty, and, following the honorable route
G52 0540 10    that would eventually lead to the dueling ground, sent
G52 0560  8    a message to Robinson through his friends, demanding
G52 0570  5    that he either confirm or deny his complicity. Robinson
G52 0580  2    did neither. To Pike, silence was tantamount to an
G52 0590  1    admission of guilt, and he determined to get Robinson
G52 0590 10    onto the dueling ground at all costs. On April 11th
G52 0600  8    he wrote an open letter in the Advocate, making it
G52 0610  4    known "to the world that Jas& W& Robinson is by his
G52 0620  4    own admission a base LIAR and a SLANDERER".
G52 0630  1       If Robinson was a liar and a slanderer, he was also
G52 0640  1    a very canny gentleman, for nothing that Pike could
G52 0640 10    do would pry so much as a single word out of him. Preoccupied
G52 0650 10    with his own defense and his attempts to get Robinson
G52 0660  6    to fight, Pike lessened his attacks on Woodruff, and
G52 0670  4    finally stopped them altogether. And Pike never did
G52 0680  1    find out if Robinson was really responsible for the
G52 0680 10    "Vale" letter. Woodruff's strategy had been immensely
G52 0690  6    successful.
G52 0690  7       It took Pike a long time to realize what Woodruff
G52 0700 10    had done, and it had a profound effect on him. Once
G52 0710  7    he learned a lesson, he never forgot it. In the next
G52 0720  4    few months of comparative silence, Pike waited patiently
G52 0730  1    until conditions were perfect for a new attack, and
G52 0730 10    then, displaying a remarkable grasp of the subtleties
G52 0740  7    of political infighting, gained from his first bout
G52 0750  5    with Woodruff, he used these changed conditions to
G52 0760  2    excellent advantage.
G52 0760  4       Shortly after the "Vale" incident, a rift began
G52 0770  4    to develop between William Woodruff and Governor Pope.
G52 0780  1    One-armed, gruff, frugally honest, Governor Pope had
G52 0780  9    been the ideal man to assume office in Arkansas after
G52 0790  9    the disgraceful antics of political bosses like Crittenden,
G52 0800  5    and he ruled the state with an iron fist, tolerating
G52 0810  3    no nonsense. Woodruff had supported him all the way,
G52 0820  1    both as a chief executive and as a man. Besides being
G52 0820 12    political allies, they were also friends. This warm
G52 0830  7    relationship came to an abrupt end in June of 1834
G52 0840  6    when the National Congress appropriated $3,000 for
G52 0850  2    compiling and printing the laws of Arkansas Territory,
G52 0850 10    and, taking note of the recent wave of corruption in
G52 0860 10    the legislature, left it to the governor to award the
G52 0870  8    contract.
G52 0870  9       Woodruff wanted this political windfall very badly,
G52 0880  5    and everyone assumed that he would get it because he
G52 0890  4    was a close friend of the governor and his stanchest
G52 0890 14    supporter. After all, Woodruff owned a competent printing
G52 0900  8    plant and was the logical man for the job. But because
G52 0910  9    the governor was determined that friendship should
G52 0920  4    not influence him one way or the other, he looked for
G52 0930  2    a printer with a knowledge of the law (which Woodruff
G52 0930 12    did not have), and awarded the contract to a lawyer
G52 0940  9    named John Steele who had started a newspaper in Helena
G52 0950  7    the year before.
G52 0950 10       Woodruff was furious. Considering the governor's
G52 0960  5    act a personal rebuff, he aired his feelings in the
G52 0970  5    Gazette on August 26, 1834: "We think the governor
G52 0980  3    treated us rather shabbily, to say the least of it.
G52 0980 13    **h It is but justice to Mr& Steele for us to add that,
G52 0990 13    in the above remarks, nothing is intended to his disparagement,
G52 1000  8    either as a lawyer or as a printer. He got a good fat
G52 1010 10    job and we congratulate him on his good luck. We hope
G52 1020  5    that he will execute it in a manner that will entitle
G52 1030  1    him to credit".
G52 1030  4       As summer cooled into fall and winter, even so the
G52 1040  4    relationship between the two men continued to grow
G52 1040 12    colder by the day, and by December of 1834 it was icy.
G52 1050 12    It was at this point that Pike decided to capitalize
G52 1060  6    on the bad feelings between the two men. The eventual
G52 1070  4    prize in this new battle was the public printing contract
G52 1080  1    that Woodruff still held.
G52 1080  5       From his first bout with the canny Woodruff, Pike
G52 1090  4    had learned that it was better not to attack him directly,
G52 1100  2    so, harping on the theme that the cost of printing
G52 1100 12    was too high, he condemned the governor for permitting
G52 1110  8    such a state of affairs to exist. To document his charge,
G52 1120  7    Pike set up two parallel columns in the Advocate showing
G52 1130  5    the price charged by the Gazette and the considerably
G52 1140  3    lower price for which the work could be done elsewhere.
G52 1150  1    Then he called on the governor to explain why.
G52 1150 10       The governor was not used to having his integrity
G52 1160  8    questioned, and he promptly passed the charges on to
G52 1170  6    Woodruff, demanding that Woodruff answer them. If Woodruff
G52 1180  3    could not furnish a strong explanation, the governor
G52 1190  1    insisted that he lower his prices in accord with the
G52 1190 11    scale printed in the Advocate. Woodruff was now impaled
G52 1200  7    on the horns of a dilemma. As a proud man, his prestige
G52 1210  7    would suffer if he let Pike dictate to him through
G52 1220  4    the governor's office, but to lower his prices would
G52 1230  1    be tantamount to an admission that they had been too
G52 1230 11    high in the first place. As a consequence, he did neither.
G52 1240  8    Very angry at Woodruff, the governor used his personal
G52 1250  6    influence to have the printing contract withdrawn from
G52 1260  3    the Gazette and awarded to the lowest bidder, which,
G52 1270  1    by a strange coincidence, happened to be Pike's Advocate.
G52 1280  1    And, for the moment at least, the governor now found
G52 1280 11    himself allied with the head of the Crittenden faction
G52 1290  7    he had formerly opposed, and Pike was credited with
G52 1300  4    a clear triumph over Woodruff.
G52 1300  9       But in the confused atmosphere of frontier politics,
G52 1320  6    alliances were as quickly broken as they were formed,
G52 1330  6    and as Pike came to favor with the governor of the
G52 1340  3    Territory, the governor fell out of favor with the
G52 1340 12    President of the United States. On January 28, 1835,
G52 1350  9    Andrew Jackson removed Pope from office and elevated
G52 1360  6    Territorial Secretary William S& Fulton to the position.
G52 1370  6    Fulton was a very close friend of Jackson, and had
G52 1380  3    been his private secretary for a number of years in
G52 1380 13    the old days. As a stanch party man and a rabid Democrat,
G52 1390 12    he had little tolerance for Whigs like Pike, and Pike
G52 1400  8    lost any immediate personal advantage his victory over
G52 1410  5    Woodruff might have gained him.
G52 1410 10    #2#
G52 1420  1    As Pike proved himself adept in the political arena,
G52 1420 10    he also became a social lion in the village of Little
G52 1430  9    Rock, where he served as a symbol of the culture that
G52 1440  5    the ladies of the town were striving so eagerly to
G52 1450  2    cultivate. After all, Pike was an established poet
G52 1450 10    and his work had been published in the respectable
G52 1460  7    periodicals of that center of American culture, Boston.
G52 1470  4    His accomplishments, and the fact that he was resident,
G52 1480  3    did much to offset the unkind words travelers used
G52 1480 12    to describe Little Rock after a visit there. For some
G52 1490 10    reason, none of them were impressed with the territorial
G52 1500  7    capital. The internationally known sportsman and traveler
G52 1510  5    Friedrich Gersta^cker was typical of its detractors
G52 1520  3    in the mid-thirties. "Little Rock is a vile, detestable
G52 1530  1    place **h". he wrote. "Little Rock is, without any
G52 1530 10    flattery, one of the dullest towns in the United States
G52 1540 10    and I would not have remained two hours in the place,
G52 1550  7    if I had not met with some good friends who made me
G52 1560  4    forget its dreariness".
G52 1560  7       Pike enjoyed his new social position tremendously,
G52 1570  5    and cultivated in himself those traits necessary to
G52 1580  3    its preservation. He was especially popular with women,
G52 1590  1    for, like the romantic poetry he wrote, he was personally
G52 1590 11    gracious, gallant, and chivalrous. He again began to
G52 1600  8    play the violin, and tucking the instrument beneath
G52 1610  4    his chin, performed soulful and romantic airs to match
G52 1620  3    the expressions on the faces of the lovely women who
G52 1620 13    gathered to hear him. His artistic accomplishments
G52 1630  7    guaranteed him entry into any social gathering. He
G52 1640  5    composed songs and set them to music and sang them
G52 1650  3    in a soft, melodious voice, and when his audience had
G52 1650 13    had enough of music he would discourse on politics
G52 1660  8    or tell stories of his western adventures guaranteed
G52 1670  3    to excite the emotions of men and women alike.
G52 1690  1       The bulk of his early reputation, however, came
G52 1690  9    not from his poetry or his music, but from his excellence
G52 1700 10    as an orator. By 1834 the art of oratory had reached
G52 1710  7    a very high level in the United States as a literary
G52 1720  4    form. The orator of this period, in order to earn a
G52 1730  1    reputation, had to pay close attention to the formal
G52 1730 10    composition of his speech, judging how it would appear
G52 1740  7    in print as well as the effect it would have on the
G52 1750  6    audience that heard it.
G52 1750 10       Very soon after his arrival in Little Rock, Pike
G52 1760  6    had joined one of the most influential organizations
G52 1770  2    in town, the Little Rock Debating Society, and it was
G52 1780  2    with this group that he made his debut as an orator,
G52 1780 13    being invited to deliver the annual Fourth of July
G52 1790  8    address the club sponsored every year.
G53 0010  1    SAMUEL GORTON, founder of Warwick, was styled by the
G53 0010 10    historian Samuel Greene Arnold "one of the most remarkable
G53 0020  9    men who ever lived". A biographer called him "the premature
G53 0030  7    John the Baptist of New England Transcendentalism".
G53 0040  4    The historian Charles Francis Adams called him "a crude
G53 0050  6    and half-crazy thinker". His contemporaries in Massachusetts
G53 0060  3    called him an arch-heretic, a beast, a miscreant, a
G53 0070  2    proud and pestilent seducer, a prodigious minter of
G53 0070 10    exorbitant novelties. Edward Rawson, secretary of the
G53 0080  7    colony of Massachusetts Bay, described him as "a man
G53 0090  7    whose spirit was stark drunk with blasphemies and insolence,
G53 0100  3    a corrupter of the truth, a disturber of the peace
G53 0110  1    wherever he comes". Nathaniel Morton stated he "was
G53 0110  9    deeply leavened with blasphemous and familistical opinions".
G53 0120  6    He was thrown out, more or less, from Boston, Plymouth,
G53 0130  8    Pocasset, Newport, and Providence.
G53 0140  1       On the other hand, Dr& Ezra Styles recorded the
G53 0150  1    following testimony of John Angell, the last disciple
G53 0150  9    of Gorton: "
G53 0160  1       He said Gorton was a holy man; wept day and night
G53 0160 12    for the sins and blindness of the world **h had a long
G53 0170 12    walk through the trees and woods by his house, where
G53 0180  7    he constantly walked morning and evening, and even
G53 0190  3    in the depths of the night, alone by himself, for contemplation
G53 0200  1    and the enjoyment of the dispensation of light. He
G53 0200 10    was universally beloved by his neighbours, and the
G53 0210  7    Indians, who esteemed him, not only as a friend, but
G53 0220  7    one high in communion with God in Heaven". Gorton sometimes
G53 0230  3    signed himself "a professor of the mysteries of Christ".
G53 0240  2       There is plenty more to recommend Gorton, the facts
G53 0250  1    of whose life are given in The Life and Times of Samuel
G53 0250 13    Gorton, by Adelos Gorton. He fought like a fiend for
G53 0260 10    the helpless and oppressed, worked for the abolition
G53 0270  6    of slavery, helped the Quakers and Indians, and worked
G53 0280  5    against the prosecution of witches. He defied the Boston
G53 0290  3    hierarchy, and after they sent a small army to get
G53 0290 13    him he befuddled the court, including John Cotton,
G53 0300  8    with one of the most complicated religious discourses
G53 0310  4    ever heard.
G53 0310  6       Samuel Gorton was born at Gorton, England, near
G53 0320  6    the present city of Manchester, about 1592. Although
G53 0330  3    he did not attend any celebrated schools or universities,
G53 0340  1    he was a master of Greek and Hebrew and could read
G53 0340 12    the Bible in the original. He worked as a "clothier"
G53 0350  9    in London, but was greatly concerned with religion.
G53 0360  4       Gorton left England, he said, "to enjoy libertie
G53 0370  4    of conscience in respect to faith towards God, and
G53 0380  2    for no other end". With his wife and three or more
G53 0380 13    children he arrived in Boston in March, 1637, and soon
G53 0390  9    found it was no place for anyone looking for liberty
G53 0400  5    of conscience. Roger Williams had recently been thrown
G53 0410  3    out, and Anne Hutchinson and her Antinomians were slugging
G53 0420  1    it out with the powers-that-be. Gorton and his family
G53 0420 12    moved to Plymouth.
G53 0430  2       Soon he was in trouble there, for defending a woman
G53 0440  1    who was accused of smiling in church. She was Ellen
G53 0440 11    Aldridge, a widow of good repute who was employed by
G53 0450  8    Gorton's wife and lived with the family. The report
G53 0460  5    was: "
G53 0460  6       It had been whispered privately that she had smiled
G53 0470  5    in the congregation, and the Governor Prence sent to
G53 0480  3    knoe her business, and command, after punishment as
G53 0480 11    the bench see fit, her departure and also anyone who
G53 0490  9    brought her "to the place from which she came"". Gorton
G53 0500  6    said they were preparing to deport her as a vagabond,
G53 0510  5    and to escape the shame she fled to the woods for several
G53 0520  2    days, returning at night. He advised the poor woman
G53 0520 11    not to appear in court as what she was charged with
G53 0530 10    was not in violation of law. Gorton appeared for her,
G53 0540  6    however, and what he told the magistrates must have
G53 0550  3    been plenty, for he was charged with deluding the court,
G53 0560  1    fined, and told to leave the colony within fourteen
G53 0560 10    days. He left in a storm for Pocasset, December 4,
G53 0570  7    1638. His wife was in delicate health and nursing an
G53 0580  4    infant with measles.
G53 0580  7       The unconquerable Mrs& Hutchinson was residing at
G53 0590  5    Pocasset, after having been excommunicated by the Boston
G53 0600  4    church and thrown out of the colony. One can imagine
G53 0610  1    that with her and Gorton there it was no place for
G53 0610 12    anyone with weak nerves. William Coddington, who was
G53 0620  7    running the colony, felt constrained to move seven
G53 0630  4    miles south where, with others- as mentioned above-
G53 0640  1    he founded Newport. When, in March, 1640, the two towns
G53 0650  1    were united under Coddington, Gorton claimed the union
G53 0650  9    was irregular and illegally constituted and that it
G53 0660  7    had never been sanctioned by the majority of freeholders.
G53 0670  4       Then he became involved in a ruckus remarkably similar
G53 0680  3    to the one in Plymouth. A cow owned by an old woman
G53 0690  1    trespassed on Gorton's land. While driving the cow
G53 0690  9    back home the woman was assaulted by a servant maid
G53 0700  8    of Gorton. The old woman complained to the deputy governor,
G53 0710  5    who ordered the servant brought before the court. Gorton
G53 0720  4    reverted to his Plymouth tactics, refused to let her
G53 0730  2    go, and appeared himself before the Portsmouth grand
G53 0730 10    jury. During the trial he told off the jury, called
G53 0740  9    them "Just Asses" and called a freeman "a saucy boy
G53 0750  7    and Jack-an-Apes". He was jailed and banished.
G53 0760  3       Gorton then moved to Providence and soon put the
G53 0770  1    town in a turmoil. He held that no group of colonists
G53 0770 12    could set up or maintain a government without royal
G53 0780  7    sanction. Since Rhode Island at that time did not have
G53 0790  7    such sanction, his opinion was not popular. Roger Williams
G53 0800  3    wrote his friend Winthrop as follows: "
G53 0810  1       Master Gorton, having foully abused high and low
G53 0810  8    at Aquidneck is now bewitching and bemaddening poor
G53 0820  5    Providence, both with his unclean and foul censures
G53 0830  3    of all the ministers of this country (for which myself
G53 0840  1    have in Christ's name withstood him), and also denying
G53 0840 10    all visible and external ordinances in depth of Familism:
G53 0850  8    almost all suck in his poison, as at first they did
G53 0860  8    at Aquidneck. Some few and myself withstand his inhabitation
G53 0870  3    and town privileges, without confession and reformation
G53 0880  2    of his uncivil and inhuman practices at Portsmouth;
G53 0880 10    yet the tide is too strong against us, and I fear (if
G53 0890 12    the framer of hearts help not) it will force me to
G53 0900  8    little Patience, a little isle next to your Prudence".
G53 0910  4    Williams also stated: "Our peace was like the peace
G53 0920  3    of a man who hath the tertian ague".
G53 0920 11       Providence finally managed to get Gorton out of
G53 0930  7    the town, and he and some friends bought land at Pawtuxet
G53 0940  5    on the west side of Narragansett Bay, five miles south
G53 0950  3    but still within the jurisdiction of the Providence
G53 0950 11    colony. This town should not be confused with Pawtucket,
G53 0960  9    just north of Providence, or Pawcatuck, Connecticut,
G53 0970  4    on the Pawcatuck River, opposite Westerly, Rhode Island.
G53 0980  4       Up to now, Gorton had been looking for trouble,
G53 0990  3    and now that he was trying to get away from it, trouble
G53 1000  1    started looking for him. Upon intelligence that the
G53 1000  9    formidable agitator was to favor them with his presence,
G53 1010  9    the benighted inhabitants of Pawtuxet, alas, gave their
G53 1020  6    allegiance to Massachusetts and asked that colony to
G53 1030  4    expel the newcomers. As it was the custom of that alert
G53 1040  1    colony to take over the property of persons asking
G53 1040 10    for protection, this was an act roughly equivalent
G53 1050  7    to throwing open the door to a pack of wolves and saying
G53 1060  5    "Come and get it".
G53 1060  9       Gorton and company, however, promptly bought land
G53 1070  5    from Miantonomi a few miles south of Pawtuxet, extending
G53 1080  4    from the present Gaspee Point south to Warwick Neck
G53 1090  2    and twenty miles inland. The settlement was called
G53 1090 10    Shawomet. It was not within the jurisdiction of anybody
G53 1100  9    or anything, including Providence and Massachusetts.
G53 1110  4    If Gorton wanted peace and quiet for his complicated
G53 1120  4    meditations this is where he should have had it. Instead
G53 1130  1    of that he was engulfed by bedlam.
G53 1130  8       Pomham and Soconoco, a couple of minor sachems (of
G53 1140  7    something less than exalted character) under Miantonomi,
G53 1150  3    declared that they had never assented to the sale of
G53 1160  2    land to Gorton and had never received anything for
G53 1160 11    it. Following the glorious lead of the heroes of Pawtuxet,
G53 1170  9    they also submitted themselves to the protection of
G53 1180  5    Massachusetts. One historical authority presents laborious
G53 1190  3    and circuitous testimony tending to arouse suspicion
G53 1200  1    that Massachusetts was behind the clouds settling down
G53 1200  9    on the embattled Gorton.
G53 1210  2       However, the General Court at Boston ordered the
G53 1220  2    purchasers of Shawomet to appear before them to answer
G53 1220 11    the sachems' claim. The purchasers rejected the order
G53 1230  7    in two letters written in vigorous terms. Then Massachusetts
G53 1240  6    switched to its standard tactics. It pointed out twenty-six
G53 1250  6    instances of blasphemy in the letters, and ordered
G53 1260  3    the writers to submit or force of arms would be used.
G53 1260 14    The next week, forty soldiers were sent to get the
G53 1270 10    miscreants. The latter tried to arbitrate through a
G53 1280  6    delegation from Providence, which offer was declined
G53 1290  3    by the invaders. The Commissioners at Boston wrote
G53 1300  1    the victims to see their misdeeds and repent or they
G53 1300 11    should "look upon them as men prepared for slaughter".
G53 1310  7       At Shawomet, women and children fled in terror across
G53 1320  7    the Bay. The men fortified a blockhouse and got ready
G53 1330  4    to fight, but meanwhile appealed to the King and again
G53 1340  2    tried to arbitrate. Gorton evidently still had plenty
G53 1340 10    to learn about Massachusetts, but he was learning fast.
G53 1350  8    Governor Winthrop wrote: "
G53 1360  1       You may do well to take notice, that besides the
G53 1360 11    title to land between the English and the Indians there,
G53 1370 10    there are twelve of the English that have subscribed
G53 1380  7    their names to horrible and detestable blasphemies,
G53 1390  2    who are rather to be judged as blasphemous than they
G53 1400  2    should delude us by winning time under pretence of
G53 1400 11    arbitration".
G53 1410  1       The attack started on October 2, 1643, and the Gortonists
G53 1410 11    held out for a day and a night. The attackers sent
G53 1420 11    for more soldiers, and the defenders, to save bloodshed,
G53 1430  6    surrendered under the promise that they would be treated
G53 1440  5    as neighbors. Promptly their livestock was taken and
G53 1450  2    according to Gorton the soldiers were ordered to knock
G53 1450 11    down anyone who should utter a word of insolence, and
G53 1460  9    run through anyone who might step out of line.
G53 1470  6       When the captives arrived in Boston, "the chaplain
G53 1480  3    [of their captors] went to prayers in the open streets,
G53 1490  1    that the people might take notice what they had done
G53 1490 11    in a holy manner, and in the name of the Lord". Gorton
G53 1500  9    and ten of his friends were thrown in jail.
G53 1510  5       On Sunday they refused to attend church. The magistrates
G53 1520  3    were determined to compel them. The prisoners agreed,
G53 1530  1    provided they might speak after the sermon, which was
G53 1530 10    permitted. Here was Gorton's chance to indulge in something
G53 1540  8    at which he was supreme. The Boston elders were great
G53 1550  6    at befuddling the opposition with torrents of ecclesiastical
G53 1560  4    obscurities, but Gorton was better. Reverend Cotton
G53 1570  2    preached to them about Demetrius and the shrines of
G53 1570 11    Ephesus. Gorton replied with blasts that scandalized
G53 1580  7    the congregation.
G53 1590  1       At the trial which took place later, the Pomham
G53 1590 10    matter was completely omitted. The Gortonists were
G53 1600  5    charged with blasphemy and tried for their lives. Four
G53 1610  5    ecclesiastical questions were presented by the General
G53 1620  2    Court to Gorton: "
G53 1620  5    _1._
G53 1620  6       Whether the Fathers, who died before Christ was
G53 1630  5    born of the Virgin Mary, were justified and saved only
G53 1640  3    by the blood which hee shed, and the death which hee
G53 1640 14    suffered after his incarnation?
G53 1650  4    _2._
G53 1650  5       Whether the only price of our redemption were not
G53 1660  4    the death of Christ on the cross, with the rest of
G53 1670  2    his sufferings and obediences, in the time of his life
G53 1670 12    here, after hee was born of the Virgin Mary?
G53 1680  8    _3._
G53 1680  9       Who was the God whom hee thinke we serve?
G53 1690  4    _4._
G53 1690  5       What hee means when hee saith, wee worship the starre
G53 1700  3    of our God Remphan, Chion, Moloch"?
G53 1700  9       Gorton answered in writing. All of the elders except
G53 1710  9    three voted for death, but a majority of the deputies
G53 1720  7    refused to sanction the sentence. Seven of the prisoners
G53 1730  5    were sentenced to be confined in irons for as long
G53 1740  2    as it pleased the court, set to work and, if they broke
G53 1740 14    jail or proclaimed heresy, to be executed if convicted.
G53 1750  7    The three others got off easier. The convicts were
G53 1760  5    put in chains, paraded before the congregation at the
G53 1770  3    Reverend Cotton's lecture as an example, and sent to
G53 1780  1    prisons in various towns, where they languished all
G53 1780  9    winter, chains included.
G54 0010  1    When Fred wheeled him back into his room, the big one
G54 0010 12    looking out on the back porch, and put him to bed,
G54 0020  9    Papa told him he was very tired but that he had enjoyed
G54 0030  6    greatly the trip downtown. "I've been cooped up so
G54 0040  3    long", he added. Getting out again, seeing old friends,
G54 0050  1    had given his spirits a lift.
G54 0050  7       That night after supper I went back over to 48 Spruce
G54 0060  6    Street- Ralph and I at that time were living at 168
G54 0070  3    Chestnut- and Ralph went with me. Papa was still elated
G54 0080  1    over his afternoon visit downtown. "Baby, I saw a lot
G54 0080 11    of old friends I hadn't seen in a long time", he told
G54 0090 10    me, his eyes bright. "It was mighty good for the old
G54 0100  8    man to get out again".
G54 0100 13       The next day he seemed to be in fairly good shape
G54 0110 11    and still in excellent spirits. But a few days after
G54 0120  7    Fred's return he began hemorrhaging and that was the
G54 0130  5    beginning of early and complete disintegration. It
G54 0140  1    began in the morning, and very quickly the hemorrhage
G54 0140 10    was a massive one. We got Dr& Glenn to him as quickly
G54 0150  9    as we could, and we wired Tom of Papa's desperate condition.
G54 0160  6    The hemorrhage was in the prostate region; Dr& Glenn
G54 0170  4    saw at once what had happened.
G54 0170 10       "He has lost much blood", he said. "It'll take a
G54 0180 10    lot to replace it".
G54 0190  2       "Dr& Glenn, I've got a lot of blood", Fred spoke
G54 0200  2    up, "plenty of it. Let me give Papa blood".
G54 0200 11       The doctor agreed, but explained that it would be
G54 0210  8    necessary first to check Fred's blood to ascertain
G54 0220  4    whether or not it was of the same type as Papa's. To
G54 0230  3    give a patient the wrong type of blood, said the doctor,
G54 0240  1    would likely kill him.
G54 0240  5       That was in the days before blood banks, of course,
G54 0250  3    and transfusions had to be given directly from donor
G54 0250 12    to patient. One had to find a donor, and usually very
G54 0260 11    quickly, whose blood corresponded with the patient's.
G54 0270  5    And then it took considerably longer to make preparations
G54 0280  5    for giving transfusions. They had to take blood samples
G54 0290  3    to the laboratory to test them, for one thing, and
G54 0290 13    there was much required preliminary procedure.
G54 0300  6       They made the tests and came to Fred; by now it
G54 0310  8    was perhaps two days or longer after Papa had begun
G54 0320  3    hemorrhaging.
G54 0320  4       "Fred, your blood matches your father's, all right",
G54 0330  4    Dr& Glenn said. "But we aren't going to let you give
G54 0340  5    him any".
G54 0340  7       "But why in the name of God can't I give my father
G54 0350  5    blood"? Fred demanded. "Why can't I, Doctor"?
G54 0360  2       "Because, Fred, it could do him no good. It's too
G54 0370  2    late now. He's past helping. He's as good as gone".
G54 0380  1       And in a few minutes Papa was dead. It was well
G54 0380 12    past midnight. Papa had left us about the same hour
G54 0390  9    of the night that Ben had passed on. The date was June
G54 0400  6    20, 1922.
G54 0400  8       "W& O& Wolfe, prominent business man and pioneer
G54 0410  6    resident of this section, died shortly after midnight
G54 0420  3    Tuesday at his home 48 Spruce Street", the Asheville
G54 0430  1    Times of Wednesday, June 21, announced. "Mr& Wolfe
G54 0440  1    had been in declining health for many years and death
G54 0440 11    was not unexpected". A biographical sketch followed.
G54 0450  5       Funeral services were held Thursday afternoon at
G54 0460  5    four o'clock at the home. Beloved Dr& R& F& Campbell,
G54 0470  4    our First Presbyterian Church pastor, was in charge.
G54 0480  3    The burial was out in Riverside Cemetery. All about
G54 0480 12    him stood tombstones his own sensitive great hands
G54 0490  8    had fashioned.
G54 0500  1       A few years before his death Papa had agreed with
G54 0500 11    Mama to make a joint will with her in which it would
G54 0510  9    be provided that in the event of the death of either
G54 0530  4    of them an accounting would be made to their children
G54 0540  1    whereby each child would receive a bequest of $5000
G54 0540 10    cash. At his death Fred and Ralph, my husband, were
G54 0550  7    named executors of the estate under the terms of the
G54 0560  5    will.
G54 0560  6       Fred and Ralph qualified as executors and paid off
G54 0570  4    what debts were currently due, and they were all current,
G54 0580  1    since Papa was never one to allow bills to go unpaid.
G54 0580 12    The bills were principally for hospitalization and
G54 0590  6    doctors' fees during the last years of his life, and
G54 0600  7    when he died he owed in the main only current doctor's
G54 0610  2    bills. After they had paid all his debts and the funeral
G54 0620  1    costs, Ralph and Fred had some fourteen thousand dollars,
G54 0620 10    as I remember, with which to pay the bequests. This,
G54 0630  8    manifestly, would not provide $5000 to each of the
G54 0640  7    surviving five children.
G54 0640 10       So what Fred and Ralph did was to attempt to prorate
G54 0650 10    the money fairly by taking into account what each of
G54 0660  6    the five had received, if anything, from the estate
G54 0670  3    before Papa's death. Consequently, Fred and Tom, the
G54 0680  1    two who had been provided college educations, signed
G54 0680  9    statements to the effect that each had received his
G54 0690  7    bequest in full, and Effie and I were each allotted
G54 0700  4    $5000. Frank had been given about half his legacy to
G54 0710  2    use in a business venture before Papa's death; he was
G54 0710 12    given the difference between that amount and $5000.
G54 0720  7    Tom had received four years of education at the University
G54 0730  6    of North Carolina and two at Harvard, and Fred had
G54 0740  4    been in and out of Georgia Tech and Carneigie Tech
G54 0750  2    and part of the time had been a self-help student.
G54 0750 13    So, because he had received less than Tom, it was felt
G54 0760 10    proper that Fred should receive the few hundred dollars
G54 0770  5    that remained. And that's how Papa's estate was divided.
G54 0780  4       Papa, I should emphasize, had been an invalid the
G54 0790  3    last several years of his life; his hospital and doctor
G54 0800  1    bills had been large and his income had been cut until
G54 0800 12    he was receiving little except small rentals on some
G54 0810  5    properties he still owned. Had he been able to escape
G54 0820  6    this long siege of invalidism, I'm convinced, Papa
G54 0830  2    would have left a sizable estate. But he had succeeded
G54 0830 12    well, we agreed. He had left us a legacy far more valuable
G54 0840 10    than houses and lands and stocks and bonds.
G54 0850  5       For years Papa and Mama had been large taxpayers.
G54 0860  2    I recall that several years their taxes exceeded $800.
G54 0870  1    In those years of lower property valuations and lower
G54 0870 10    tax rates, that payment represented ownership of much
G54 0880  6    property.
G54 0880  7       "Merciful God, Julia"! I have known Papa to exclaim
G54 0890  8    on getting his tax bill, "we're going to the dogs"!
G54 0900  6       But he never expected to do that. And he didn't,
G54 0910  6    by a long shot!
G54 0910 10    #35.#
G54 0910 11    In the spring of his second year at Harvard, Tom had
G54 0920  9    been offered a job at Northwestern University as an
G54 0930  4    instructor in the English Department. But he had delayed
G54 0940  4    accepting this job, and as he was leaving to come home
G54 0950  1    to Papa in response to our telegram, he dropped a postcard
G54 0950 12    to Miss McCrady, head of the Harvard Appointment Office,
G54 0960  8    asking her please to write Northwestern authorities
G54 0970  5    and explain the circumstances.
G54 0980  1       Actually Tom had been postponing giving them an
G54 0980  9    answer, I'm confident, because he did not want to go
G54 0990  9    out there to teach. In fact, he didn't want to teach
G54 1000  6    anywhere. He wanted to go back to Harvard for another
G54 1010  3    year of playwriting. But Papa's death had further complicated
G54 1020  1    the financing of Tom's hoped-for third year, and for
G54 1020 11    the weeks following it Tom did not know whether his
G54 1030 10    return to Harvard could be arranged.
G54 1040  3       But things were worked out in the family and late
G54 1050  2    in August he wrote Miss McCrady an explanatory letter
G54 1050 11    in which he told her that matters at home had been
G54 1060 10    in an unsettled condition after Papa's death and he
G54 1070  6    had not known whether he would stay at home with Mama,
G54 1080  3    accept the Northwestern job, or return to Harvard.
G54 1080 11    But he was happy to tell her that his finances were
G54 1090 11    now in such condition that he could go back to Harvard
G54 1100  8    for a third year with Professor Baker.
G54 1110  2       And that's what he did. That third year he wrote
G54 1110 12    plays with a fury. I believe there are seventeen short
G54 1120 10    plays by Tom now housed in the Houghton Library at
G54 1130  7    Harvard; I think I'm right in that figure. That fall
G54 1140  6    he submitted to Professor Baker the first acts and
G54 1150  3    outlines of the following acts of several plays, six
G54 1150 12    of them, according to some of his associates, and he
G54 1160  9    also worked on a play that he first called Niggertown,
G54 1170  6    the material for which he had collected during the
G54 1180  3    summer at home. Later this play would be called Welcome
G54 1190  1    to Our City. In the spring, it must have been, he began
G54 1200  1    working on the play that he called The House, which
G54 1200 11    later would be Mannerhouse. That spring Welcome to
G54 1210  7    Our City was selected for production by the 47 Workshop
G54 1220  7    and it was staged in the middle of May. It ran two
G54 1230  6    nights, and though it was generally praised, there
G54 1240  1    was considerable criticism of its length. It ran until
G54 1240 10    past one o'clock. That was Tom's weakness; it was demonstrated,
G54 1250  8    many critics would later point out, in the length of
G54 1260  9    his novels. In this play there were so many characters
G54 1270  6    and so much detail. Tom never knew how to condense,
G54 1290  3    to boil down. He was always concerned with life, and
G54 1290 13    he tried to picture it whole; he wanted nothing compressed,
G54 1300 10    tight. He was a big man, and he wanted nothing little,
G54 1310 10    squeezed; he despised parsimony, and particularly of
G54 1320  4    words. In this play there were some thirty or more
G54 1330  3    named characters and I don't know how many more unnamed.
G54 1340  1    In describing it to Professor Baker after it had been
G54 1340 11    chosen for production, he defended his great array
G54 1350  7    of characters by declaring that he had included that
G54 1360  5    many not because "I didn't know how to save paint",
G54 1370  2    but because the play required them. And he threatened
G54 1370 11    someday to write a play "with fifty, eighty, a hundred
G54 1380 10    people- a whole town, a whole race, a whole epoch".
G54 1390  8    He said he would do it, though probably nobody would
G54 1400  4    produce it, for his own "soul's ease and comfort".
G54 1410  2       That summer Tom attended the summer session at Harvard,
G54 1420  1    but he did not ask Mama to send him back in the fall.
G54 1420 14    Instead, he went down to New York and submitted Welcome
G54 1430 10    to Our City to the Theatre Guild, which had asked him
G54 1440  9    to let them have a look at it after Professor Baker
G54 1450  5    had recommended it highly. He hung around New York,
G54 1460  3    waiting to hear whether they would accept it for production
G54 1470  1    and in that time came down to Asheville and also paid
G54 1470 12    a short visit to Chapel Hill, where with almost childish
G54 1480  8    delight he visited old friends and favorite campus
G54 1490  5    spots. On returning to New York he had a job for several
G54 1500  5    weeks; it was visiting University of North Carolina
G54 1510  1    alumni in New York to ask them for contributions to
G54 1510 11    the Graham Memorial Building fund. The Graham Memorial
G54 1520  7    would be the campus student union honoring the late
G54 1530  6    and much beloved Edward Kidder Graham, who had been
G54 1540  4    president when Tom entered the university.
G54 1550  1       Well, the Theatre Guild kept that play, and kept
G54 1550  9    it, and finally in December they turned it down. But
G54 1560  7    they would reconsider it, they assured him, if he would
G54 1570  5    rewrite it. Tom told me about it, how one evening he
G54 1580  2    went over to see the Theatre Guild man. This man, Tom
G54 1580 13    said, had the play shut up in his desk, I believe,
G54 1590 11    and when Tom sat down, he pulled it out and apologetically
G54 1600  7    told Tom that they wouldn't be able to use it.
G54 1610  5       Tom said he almost burst into tears, he was so disappointed
G54 1620  2    and put out. The man, Tom said, explained that it was
G54 1630  1    not only too long and detailed but that as it stood
G54 1630 12    it wasn't the sort of thing the public wanted. The
G54 1640  7    public, Tom said the man told him, wanted realism,
G54 1650  3    and his play wasn't that. It was fantastic writing,
G54 1660  1    beautiful writing, the man declared, but the public,
G54 1660  9    he insisted, wanted realism.
G54 1670  3       Tom was not willing to revise the play according
G54 1680  1    to the plan the man suggested. Such a revision, he
G54 1680 11    said, would ruin it, would change his whole conception
G54 1690  7    of the play as well as the treatment. He thought about
G54 1700  4    it and he told the man he just couldn't do it over
G54 1710  3    in accordance with the suggestions he had made.
G55 0010  1    ##
G55 0010  2    It was not until we had returned to the city to live,
G55 0010 14    while I was still at Brown and Sharpe's, that I felt
G55 0020 10    the full impact of evangelical Christianity. I came
G55 0030  5    under the spell of a younger group in the church led
G55 0040  5    by the pastor's older son. The spirit of this group
G55 0050  1    was that we were- and are- living in a world doomed
G55 0050 12    to eternal punishment, but that God through Jesus Christ
G55 0060  8    has provided a way of escape for those who confess
G55 0070  6    their sins and accept salvation.
G55 0080  1       There are millions who accept this doctrine, but
G55 0080  9    few indeed are those who accept it so truly that the
G55 0090  8    fate of humanity lies as a weight on their souls night
G55 0100  4    and day. This group in Park Place Church was made up
G55 0110  2    of the earnest few. I was drawn deeper and deeper into
G55 0110 13    these concerns and responsibilities. I engaged more
G55 0120  6    and more in religious activities. Besides Church and
G55 0130  4    Sunday School I went to out-of-door meetings on the
G55 0140  3    sidewalk at the church door. I went to an afternoon
G55 0140 13    service at the ~YMCA. I went to the Christian Endeavor
G55 0150 10    Society and to the evening service of the church. Much
G55 0160 10    of this lacked the active support of the pastor. The
G55 0170  6    young people were self-energizing, and I was energized.
G55 0180  4    Once or twice my father asked me if I wasn't overdoing
G55 0190  1    a bit in my churchgoing.
G55 0190  6       Meanwhile I myself was not yet saved. At least I
G55 0200  5    had been unable to lay hold on the experience of conversion.
G55 0210  2    Try as I might to confess my sins and accept salvation,
G55 0220  1    no answer came to me from heaven. Finally, after years,
G55 0220 11    I gave up.
G55 0230  1       The basic difficulty, I suppose, was in my ultimate
G55 0230 10    inability to feel a burden of sin from which I sought
G55 0240 11    relief. I was familiar with Pilgrim's Progress, which
G55 0250  5    I read as literature. No load of sin had been laid
G55 0260  6    on my shoulders, nor did earnest effort enable me to
G55 0270  3    become conscious of one.
G55 0270  7       There is, of course, the doctrine of original sin,
G55 0280  4    which asserts that each of us as individuals partakes
G55 0290  1    of the guilt of our first ancestor. In the rhyming
G55 0290 11    catechism this doctrine is worded thus: "In Adam's
G55 0300  7    fall We sin-ned all".
G55 0310  1       This doctrine was repugnant to my moral sense. I
G55 0310 10    did not feel it presumptuous to expect that the Creator
G55 0320  8    would be at least as just as the most righteous of
G55 0330  6    His creatures; and the doctrine of original sin is
G55 0340  3    compounded of injustice.
G55 0340  6       Some of these thoughts- not all of them- have taken
G55 0350  6    organized form in later years. The actual impelling
G55 0360  2    force which severed me from evangelical effort was
G55 0360 10    of another sort. I became disgusted at being so preoccupied
G55 0370  9    with the state of my own miserable soul. I found myself
G55 0380  8    becoming one of that group of people who, in Carlyle's
G55 0390  5    words, "are forever gazing into their own navels, anxiously
G55 0400  3    asking 'Am I right, am I wrong'"? I bethought me of
G55 0410  3    the Lord's Prayer, and these words came to mind: "Thy
G55 0420  2    kingdom come, Thy will be done, on earth as it is in
G55 0420 14    heaven". They have remained on the opened page of my
G55 0430 10    mind in all the years which since have passed. From
G55 0440  6    that time to this my religious concern is that I might
G55 0450  5    give effective help to the bringing in of God's kingdom
G55 0460  1    on earth.
G55 0460  3       I do not claim to be free from sin, or from the
G55 0470  1    need for repentance and forgiveness. In my experience
G55 0470  9    the assurance of forgiveness comes only when I have
G55 0480  8    confessed to the wronged one and have made as full
G55 0490  5    reparation as I can devise.
G55 0490 10    ##
G55 0490 11    There was one further step in my religious progress.
G55 0500  7    This was taken after I came to live in Springfield,
G55 0510  5    and it was made under the guidance of the Reverend
G55 0520  1    Raymond Beardslee, a young preacher who came to the
G55 0520 10    Congregational Church there at about the same time
G55 0530  8    that I moved from New York. His father was a professor
G55 0540  6    at Hartford Theological Seminary, and from him he acquired
G55 0550  6    a conviction, which he passed along to me, that there
G55 0560  2    is in the universe of persons a moral law, the law
G55 0560 13    of love, which is a natural law in the same sense as
G55 0570 11    is the physical law.
G55 0580  1       It is most important that we recognize the law of
G55 0580 11    love as being unbreakable in all personal relationships,
G55 0590  5    whether individually, socially or as between whole
G55 0600  5    nations of people. If obeyed, the law brings order
G55 0610  1    and satisfaction. If disobeyed, the result is turmoil
G55 0610  9    and chaos.
G55 0620  1       As we observe moral law and physical law they appear
G55 0620 11    as being inevitable. We can conceive of no alternatives.
G55 0630  7    Their basis seems deeper than mere authority. They
G55 0640  5    are not true because scientists or prophets say they
G55 0650  3    are true. It is not the authority of God Himself which
G55 0660  1    makes them true. Because God is what He is, the laws
G55 0660 12    of the universe, material and spiritual, are what they
G55 0670  7    are. Deity and Law are one and inseparable.
G55 0680  3       With this conviction, the partition between the
G55 0690  2    sacred and the secular disappears. One's daily work
G55 0690 10    becomes sacred, since it is performed in the field
G55 0700  8    of influence of the moral law, dealing as it does with
G55 0710  6    people as well as with matter and energy.
G55 0720  1       In his book Civilization and Ethics Albert Schweitzer
G55 0720  9    faces the moral problems which arise when moral law
G55 0730  9    is recognized in business life, for example. His Ethics
G55 0740  6    defines "possessions as the property of the community,
G55 0750  5    of which the individual is sovereign steward. One serves
G55 0760  3    society by conducting a business from which a certain
G55 0770  1    number of employees draw their means of subsistence;
G55 0770  9    another by giving away his property in order to help
G55 0780  8    his fellow man. Each will decide on his own course
G55 0790  5    somewhere between these two extreme cases according
G55 0800  1    to the sense of responsibility which is determined
G55 0800  9    for him by the particular circumstances of his own
G55 0810  5    life. No one is to judge others".
G55 0820  1       He is uncompromising in assigning guilt to the man
G55 0820 10    who finds it necessary to inflict or permit injury
G55 0830  8    to one individual or group for the sake of a larger
G55 0840  6    good. For this decision a man must take personal responsibility.
G55 0850  2    Says he, "I may never imagine that in the struggle
G55 0860  1    between personal and supra-personal responsibility
G55 0860  7    it is possible to make a compromise between the ethical
G55 0870  8    and the purposive in the shape of a relative ethic;
G55 0880  5    or to let the ethical be superseded by the purposive.
G55 0890  1    On the contrary it is my duty to make my own decision
G55 0890 13    as between the two".
G55 0900  3       Schweitzer seems, in fact, to acquire for himself
G55 0910  1    a burden of sin, not bequeathed by Adam, but accumulated
G55 0910 11    in the inevitable judgments which life requires of
G55 0920  7    him as between greater and lesser responsibilities.
G55 0930  3    This viewpoint I find interesting, but it has never
G55 0940  3    weighed on my soul. Perhaps it should have. My own
G55 0940 13    experience has followed simpler lines.
G55 0950  5       An uncompromising belief in the moral law has the
G55 0960  5    advantage of making religion natural, even as physical
G55 0970  1    law is natural. Neither the engineer nor the ordinary
G55 0970 10    citizen feels any self-consciousness in obeying the
G55 0980  7    laws of matter and energy, nor can he achieve a sense
G55 0990  7    of self-righteousness in such obedience. To obey the
G55 1000  3    moral law is just ordinary common sense, applied to
G55 1000 12    a neglected field. Religion thus becomes integrated
G55 1010  6    with life.
G55 1010  8       This truth that the moral law is natural has other
G55 1020 10    important corollaries. One of them is that it gives
G55 1030  7    meaning and purpose to life. In seeking for such meaning
G55 1040  4    and purpose, Albert Schweitzer seized upon the concept
G55 1050  1    of the "sacredness of life". It is puzzling to the
G55 1050 11    occidental mind (to mine at least) to assign "sacredness"
G55 1060  9    to animal, insect, and plant life. These lives are
G55 1070  7    in themselves outside of the moral order and are unburdened
G55 1080  4    with moral responsibility. There is indeed a moral
G55 1090  2    responsibility on man himself, for his own soul's sake,
G55 1090 11    to respect lower life and to avoid the infliction of
G55 1100  9    suffering, but this viewpoint Schweitzer rejects.
G55 1110  3       So far as "sacredness" inheres in any aspect of
G55 1120  5    creation it seems to me to be found in human personality,
G55 1130  1    whether in Lambarene, Africa, or in Washington, D&C&.
G55 1130  9    One cannot read the records of scientists, officials
G55 1140  8    and travelers who have penetrated to the minds of the
G55 1150  8    most savage races without realizing that each individual
G55 1160  4    met with is a person. Read, for instance, in Malcolm
G55 1170  2    MacDonald's Borneo People of Segura and her wise father
G55 1180  2    Tomonggong Koh, and her final adjustment to encroaching
G55 1180 10    civilization. Above all read in Jens Bjerre's The Last
G55 1190  9    Cannibals how the old man of the Wailbri tribe (not
G55 1200 10    cannibals) in central Australia gave to the white man
G55 1210  6    his choicest possession, while the tears streamed down
G55 1220  3    his face. The Australian aborigine is the conventional
G55 1230  1    exemplar of degraded humanity; yet here was a depth
G55 1230 10    of sensibility which is lacking in a considerable portion
G55 1240  8    of the beneficiaries of our civilization.
G55 1250  2       Persons, whether white, black, brown or yellow,
G55 1260  1    are a concern of God. Respect for personality is a
G55 1260 11    privilege and a duty for us as brothers.
G55 1270  6       Such is the field for exercising our reverence.
G55 1280  2    As to our action, let us align ourselves with the purpose
G55 1290  1    expressed by Jesus in the Lord's Prayer: "Thy kingdom
G55 1290 10    come, Thy will be done, on earth as it is in heaven".
G55 1300 12    With the knowledge that the kingdom comes by obedience
G55 1310  7    to the moral law in our relations with all people,
G55 1320  4    we have a firm intellectual grasp on both the means
G55 1330  1    and the ends of our lives.
G55 1330  7       This intellectual approach to spiritual life suited
G55 1340  3    me well, because I was never content to lead a divided
G55 1350  1    life. As I have said, words from Tennyson remain ever
G55 1350 11    in my memory: "That mind and soul, according well,
G55 1360  7    May make one music as before".
G55 1370  2       Let us now give some thought to the soul. When the
G55 1380  1    young biologist, Dr& Ballard, began to show interest
G55 1380  9    in our daughter Elizabeth, this induced a corresponding
G55 1390  6    interest, on our part, in him. I asked one day what
G55 1400  7    he was doing. He told me that he had a big newt and
G55 1410  3    a little newt and that he was transplanting a big eye
G55 1410 14    of the big newt onto the little newt and a little eye
G55 1420 11    of the little newt onto the big newt. He was then noting
G55 1430  8    that the big eye on the little newt hung back until
G55 1440  4    the little eye had grown up to it, while the little
G55 1450  1    eye on the big newt grew rapidly until it was as big
G55 1450 13    as the other. Then I asked, "What does that teach you"?
G55 1460  8    Said he, "It teaches me to wonder".
G55 1470  4       This was a profound statement. In the face of the
G55 1480  3    unfolding universe, our ultimate attitude is that of
G55 1480 11    wonder. Wonder is indeed the intellectual gateway to
G55 1490  8    the spiritual world.
G55 1500  1       Gone are the days when, in the nineteenth century,
G55 1500 10    scientists thought that they were close to the attainment
G55 1510  8    of complete knowledge of the physical universe. For
G55 1520  5    them only a little more needed to be learned, and then
G55 1530  3    all physical knowledge could be neatly sorted, packaged
G55 1540  1    and put in the inventory to be drawn on for the solution
G55 1540 13    of any human problem.
G55 1550  2       This complacency was blown to bits by the relativity
G55 1560  1    of Einstein, the revelation of the complex anatomy
G55 1560  9    of the atom and the discovery of the expanding universe.
G55 1570  6    None of these discoveries were neatly rounded off bits
G55 1580  5    of knowledge. Each faded out into the unexplored areas
G55 1590  2    of the future.
G55 1590  5       It is as if we, in our center of human observation,
G55 1600  2    from time to time penetrate more deeply into the unknown.
G55 1610  1    As our radius of penetration, ~R, increases, the area
G55 1610 10    of new knowledge increases by **f, and the total of
G55 1630  8    human knowledge becomes measured in terms of **f. Wonder
G55 1640  6    grows. It is endless.
G55 1640 10       There are some people, intelligent people, who seem
G55 1650  7    to be untouched by the sea of wonder in which we are
G55 1660  7    immersed and in which we spend our lives. One such
G55 1670  2    is Abraham Meyer, the writer of a recent book, Speaking
G55 1670 12    of Man. This is a straightforward denial of the spiritual
G55 1680 10    world and a vigorous defense of pure materialism. His
G55 1690  8    inability to wonder vitiates his argument.
G55 1700  3       The subject of immortality brings to mind a vivid
G55 1710  2    incident which took place in 1929 at Montreux in Switzerland.
G56 0010  1       Criticism is as old as literary art and we can set
G56 0010 12    the stage for our study of three moderns if we see
G56 0020  9    how certain critics in the past have dealt with the
G56 0030  5    ethical aspects of literature. I have chosen five contrasting
G56 0040  2    pairs, ten men in all, and they are arranged in roughly
G56 0050  1    chronological order. Such a list must naturally be
G56 0050  9    selective, and the treatment of each man is brief,
G56 0060  7    for I am interested only in their general ideas on
G56 0070  3    the moral measure of literature. Altogether, the list
G56 0080  1    will give us considerable variety in attitudes and
G56 0080  9    some typical ones, for these critics range all the
G56 0090  7    way from censors to those who consider art above ethics,
G56 0100  4    all the way from Plato to Poe. And most of the great
G56 0110  2    periods are represented, because we will compare Plato
G56 0110 10    and Aristotle from the golden age of Greece; Stephen
G56 0120  8    Gosson and Sir Philip Sidney from renaissance England;
G56 0130  5    Dr& Johnson and William Hazlitt of the eighteenth and
G56 0140  6    early nineteenth centuries in England; and James Russell
G56 0150  4    Lowell and Edgar Allan Poe of nineteenth century American
G56 0160  3    letters.
G56 0160  4    #PLATO AND ARISTOTLE#
G56 0160  7    Plato and Aristotle agree on some vital literary issues.
G56 0170  7    They both measure literature by moral standards, and
G56 0180  5    in their political writings both allow for censorship,
G56 0190  2    but the differences between them are also significant.
G56 0190 10    While Aristotle censors literature only for the young,
G56 0200  8    Plato would banish all poets from his ideal state.
G56 0210  7    Even more important, in his Poetics, Aristotle differs
G56 0220  3    somewhat from Plato when he moves in the direction
G56 0230  2    of treating literature as a unique thing, separate
G56 0230 10    and apart from its causes and its effects.
G56 0240  7       All through The Republic, Plato attends to the way
G56 0250  6    art relates to the general life and ultimately to a
G56 0260  3    good life for his citizens. In short, he is constantly
G56 0260 13    concerned with the ethical effects. When he discusses
G56 0270  8    the subject matter of poetry, he asks what moral effect
G56 0280  8    the scenes will have. When he turns briefly to literary
G56 0290  5    style, in the Third Book, he again looks to the effect
G56 0300  3    on the audience. He explains that his citizens must
G56 0300 12    not be corrupted by any of the misrepresentations of
G56 0310  9    the gods or heroes that one finds in much poetry, and
G56 0320  7    he observes that all "these pantomimic gentlemen" will
G56 0330  3    be sent to another state. Only those story tellers
G56 0340  1    will remain who can "imitate the style of the virtuous".
G56 0350  1       Plato is, at times, just as suspicious of the poets
G56 0350 11    themselves as he is of their work. When he discusses
G56 0360  8    tyrants in the Eighth Book of The Republic, he pictures
G56 0370  5    the poets as willing to praise the worst rulers. But
G56 0380  3    the most fundamental objection he has to poets appears
G56 0390  1    in the Tenth Book, and it is derived from his doctrine
G56 0390 12    of ideal forms. In Plato's mind there is an irresolvable
G56 0400  8    conflict between the poet and the philosopher, because
G56 0410  6    the poet imitates only particular objects and is incapable
G56 0420  4    of rising to the first level of abstraction, much less
G56 0430  2    the highest level of ideal forms. True reality, of
G56 0430 11    course, is the ideal, and the poet knows nothing of
G56 0440  9    this; only the philosopher knows the truth.
G56 0450  4       Poets, moreover, dwell on human passions. And with
G56 0460  2    this point about the passions, we encounter Plato's
G56 0460 10    dualism. The same sort of thinking plays so large a
G56 0470 10    part in both Babbitt and More, that we must examine
G56 0480  6    it in some detail. Plato feels that man has two competing
G56 0490  4    aspects, his rational faculty and his irrational. We
G56 0500  2    can be virtuous only if we control our lower natures,
G56 0500 12    the passions in this case, and strengthen our rational
G56 0510  8    side; and poetry, with all its emphasis on the passions,
G56 0520  6    encourages the audience to give way to emotion. For
G56 0530  3    this reason, then, poetry tends to weaken the power
G56 0530 12    of control, the reason, because it tempts one to indulge
G56 0540 10    his passions, and even the best of men, he maintains,
G56 0550  8    may be corrupted by this subtle influence.
G56 0560  2       Plato's attitude toward poetry has always been something
G56 0570  1    of an enigma, because he is so completely sensitive
G56 0570 10    to its charm. His whole objection, indeed, seems to
G56 0580  7    rise out of a deep conviction that the poets do have
G56 0590  6    great power to influence, but Plato seldom pays any
G56 0600  3    attention to what might be called the poem itself.
G56 0600 12    He is, rather, concerned with the effect on society
G56 0610  8    and he wants the poets to join his fight for justice.
G56 0620  7    He wants them to use their great power to strengthen
G56 0630  3    man's rational side, to teach virtue, and to encourage
G56 0640  1    religion.
G56 0640  2       While Plato finally allows a few acceptable hymns
G56 0650  1    to the gods and famous men, still he clearly leaves
G56 0650 11    the way open for further discussion of the issue. He
G56 0660  7    even calls upon the poets to defend the Muse and to
G56 0670  5    show that poetry may contribute to virtue. He says:
G56 0675  1    "
G56 0675  1       We may further grant to those of her [Poetry's]
G56 0680  9    defenders who are lovers of poetry and yet not poets,
G56 0690 10    the permission to speak in prose on her behalf: let
G56 0700  8    them show not only that she is pleasant but also useful
G56 0710  4    to States and to human life, and we will listen in
G56 0720  2    a kindly spirit; for if this can be proved we shall
G56 0720 13    surely be the gainers- I mean, if there is a use in
G56 0730  9    poetry as well as a delight".
G56 0740  1       When we turn to Aristotle's ideas on the moral measure
G56 0750  1    of literature, it is at once apparent that he is at
G56 0750 12    times equally concerned about the influence of the
G56 0760  6    art. In the ideal state, for instance, he argues that
G56 0770  4    the young citizens should hear only the most carefully
G56 0780  1    selected tales and stories. For this reason, he would
G56 0780 10    banish indecent pictures and speeches from the stage;
G56 0790  7    and the young people should not even be permitted to
G56 0800  6    see comedies till they are old enough to drink strong
G56 0810  3    wine and sit at the public tables. By the time they
G56 0810 14    reach that age, however, Aristotle no longer worries
G56 0820  8    about the evil influence of comedies.
G56 0830  3       In Aristotle's analysis of tragedy in the Poetics,
G56 0840  2    we find an attempt to isolate the art, to consider
G56 0840 12    only those things proper to it, to discover how it
G56 0850 10    differs from other arts, and to deal with the effects
G56 0860  7    peculiar to it. He assures us, early in the Poetics,
G56 0870  4    that all art is "imitation" and that all imitation
G56 0880  1    gives pleasure, but he distinguishes between art in
G56 0880  9    general and poetic art on the basis of the means, manner,
G56 0890 10    and the objects of the imitation. Once the poetic arts
G56 0900  6    are separated from the other forms, he lays down his
G56 0910  5    famous definition of tragedy, which sets up standards
G56 0920  1    and so lends direction to the remainder of the work.
G56 0920 11    A tragedy, by his definition, is an imitation of an
G56 0930  8    action that is serious, of a certain magnitude, and
G56 0940  3    complete in itself. It should have a dramatic form
G56 0950  1    with pleasing language, and it should portray incidents
G56 0950  9    which so arouse pity and fear that it purges these
G56 0960  8    emotions in the audience. Any tragedy, he maintains,
G56 0970  4    has six elements: plot, character, and thought (the
G56 0980  2    objects of imitation), diction and melody (the means
G56 0980 10    of imitation), and spectacle (the manner of imitation).
G56 0990  7    Throughout the rest of the Poetics, Aristotle continues
G56 1000  5    to discuss the characteristics of these six parts and
G56 1010  3    their interrelationship, and he refers frequently to
G56 1010 10    the standards suggested by his definition of tragedy.
G56 1020  8       Aristotle's method in the Poetics, then, does suggest
G56 1030  8    that we should isolate the work. The Chicago contingent
G56 1040  6    of modern critics follow Aristotle so far in this direction
G56 1050  6    that it is hard to see how they can compare one poem
G56 1060  3    with another for the purpose of evaluation. But there
G56 1060 12    are, however, several features of Aristotle's approach
G56 1070  7    which open the way for the moral measure of literature.
G56 1080  8    For one thing, Aristotle mentions that plays may corrupt
G56 1090  5    the audience. In addition, his definition of a tragedy
G56 1100  4    invites our attention, because a serious and important
G56 1110  1    action may very well be one that tests the moral fiber
G56 1110 12    of the author or of the characters. And there is one
G56 1120  9    other point in the poetics that invites moral evaluation:
G56 1130  4    Aristotle's notion that the distinctive function of
G56 1140  3    tragedy is to purge one's emotions by arousing pity
G56 1150  1    and fear. He rejects certain plots because they do
G56 1150 10    not contribute to that end. The point is that an ethical
G56 1160  9    critic, with an assist from Freud, can seize on this
G56 1170  5    theory to argue that tragedy provides us with a harmless
G56 1180  3    outlet for our hostile urges. In his study Samuel Johnson,
G56 1190  1    Joseph Wood Krutch takes this line when he says that
G56 1190 11    what Aristotle really means by his theory of catharsis
G56 1200  8    is that our evil passions may be so purged by the dramatic
G56 1210  8    ritual that it is "less likely that we shall indulge
G56 1220  5    them through our own acts". In Krutch's view, this
G56 1230  2    is one way to show how literature may be moral in effect
G56 1230 14    without employing the explicit methods of a moralist.
G56 1240  8    And we can add that Krutch's interpretation of purgation
G56 1250  5    is also one answer to Plato's fear that poetry will
G56 1260  5    encourage our passions. If Krutch is correct, tragedy
G56 1270  2    may have quite the opposite effect. It may allay our
G56 1270 12    passions and so restore the rule of reason. Or in more
G56 1280 11    Freudian terms, the experience may serve to sublimate
G56 1290  7    our destructive urges and strengthen the ego and superego.
G56 1300  5    #GOSSON AND SIDNEY#
G56 1300  8    The second half of the sixteenth century in England
G56 1310  6    was the setting for a violent and long controversy
G56 1320  2    over the moral quality of renaissance literature, especially
G56 1330  1    the drama. No one suggested that the ethical effects
G56 1330 10    of the art were irrelevant. Both sides agreed that
G56 1340  7    the theater must stand a moral test, but they could
G56 1350  5    not agree on whether the poets were a good or a bad
G56 1360  3    influence. Both sides claimed that Plato and Aristotle
G56 1360 11    supported their cause. Those who wanted to close the
G56 1370  9    theaters, for example, pointed to Plato's Republic
G56 1380  5    and those who wished to keep them open called on the
G56 1390  5    Plato of the Ion to testify in their behalf.
G56 1400  1       The most famous document that comes out of this
G56 1400 10    dispute is perhaps Sir Philip Sidney's An Apologie
G56 1410  6    for Poetrie, published in 1595. Many students of literature
G56 1420  7    know that classical defense. What is not so well known,
G56 1430  7    however, and what is quite important for understanding
G56 1440  2    the issues of this early quarrel, is the kind of attack
G56 1450  1    on literature that Sidney was answering. For this reason,
G56 1450 10    then I want to describe, first, two examples of the
G56 1460  8    puritanical attacks: Stephen Gosson's The School of
G56 1470  5    Abuse, 1579, and his later Playes Confuted, published
G56 1480  3    in 1582. Second, we will see how Sidney answered the
G56 1490  3    charges, for while Sidney's essay was not specifically
G56 1500  1    a reply to Gosson, his arguments do support the new
G56 1500 11    theater.
G56 1510  1       According to William Ringler's study, Stephen Gosson,
G56 1510  8    the theater business in London had become a thriving
G56 1520  8    enterprise by 1577, and, in the opinion of many, a
G56 1530  7    thoroughly bad business. Aroused by what they considered
G56 1540  3    an evil influence, some members of the clergy, joined
G56 1550  1    by city authorities, merchants, and master craftsmen,
G56 1550  8    began the attack on the plays and the actors for what
G56 1560  9    they called "the abuses of the art", but by 1582 some
G56 1570  6    of them began to denounce the whole idea of acting.
G56 1580  2    Although this kind of wholesale objection came at first
G56 1580 11    from some men who were not technically Puritans, still,
G56 1590  9    once the Puritans gained power, they climaxed the affair
G56 1600  7    by passing the infamous ordinance of 1642 which decreed
G56 1610  5    that all "public stage-plays shall cease and be forborne".
G56 1620  4    With that act of Parliament the opponents of the stage
G56 1630  2    won the day, and for more than two decades after that
G56 1630 13    England had no legitimate public drama.
G56 1640  6       In the early days of this controversy over the theater
G56 1650  4    one of the interested parties, Stephen Gosson, published
G56 1660  2    a little tract in which he objected mildly to the abuses
G56 1670  1    of art, rather than the art itself. But his opposition
G56 1670 11    hardened and by 1579, in The School of Abuse, he was
G56 1680 10    ready to banish all "players". He advises women to
G56 1690  5    beware "of those places which in sorrows cheere you
G56 1700  3    and beguile you in mirth". He does not really approve
G56 1710  1    of levity and laughter, but sex is the deadly sin.
G56 1710 11    He warns that a single glance can lead us into temptation,
G56 1720  9    for "Looking eies have lyking hartes, and lyking hartes
G56 1730  6    may burne in lust".
G57 0010  1       But it would not be very satisfactory to leave our
G57 0010 11    conclusions at the point just reached. fortunately,
G57 0020  7    it is possible to be somewhat more concrete and factual
G57 0030  5    in diagnosing the involvement of values in education.
G57 0040  2    For this purpose we now draw upon data from sociological
G57 0040 12    and psychological studies of students in American colleges
G57 0050  8    and universities, and particularly from the Cornell
G57 0060  6    Values Studies. In the latter research program, information
G57 0070  2    is available for 2,758 Cornell students surveyed in
G57 0080  3    1950 and for 1,571 students surveyed in 1952. Of the
G57 0090  1    latter sample, 944 persons had been studied two years
G57 0090 10    earlier; hence changes in attitudes and values can
G57 0100  7    be analyzed for identical individuals at two points
G57 0110  4    in time. In addition, the 1952 study collected comparable
G57 0120  2    data from 4,585 students at ten other colleges and
G57 0120 11    universities scattered across the country: Dartmouth,
G57 0130  6    Harvard, Yale, Wesleyan, North Carolina, Fisk, Texas,
G57 0140  5    University of California at Los Angeles, Wayne, and
G57 0150  5    Michigan.
G57 0150  6       We find, in the first place, that the students overwhelmingly
G57 0160  6    approve of higher education, positively evaluate the
G57 0170  4    job their own institution is doing, do not accept most
G57 0180  3    of the criticisms levelled against higher education
G57 0180 10    in the public prints, and, on the whole, approve of
G57 0190  9    the way their university deals with value-problems
G57 0200  5    and value inculcation. It is not our impression that
G57 0210  2    these evaluations are naively uncritical resultants
G57 0210  8    of blissful ignorance; rather, the generality of these
G57 0220  7    students find their university experience congenial
G57 0230  4    to their own sense of values.
G57 0240  1       Students are approximately equally divided between
G57 0240  6    those who regard vocational preparation as the primary
G57 0250  6    goal of an ideal education and those who chose a general
G57 0260  5    liberal education. Other conceivable goals, such as
G57 0270  3    character-education and social adjustment, are of secondary
G57 0280  1    importance to them. The ideal of a liberal education
G57 0280 10    impresses itself upon the students more and more as
G57 0290  8    they move through college. Even in such technical curricula
G57 0300  5    as engineering, the senior is much more likely than
G57 0310  3    the freshman to choose, as an ideal, liberal education
G57 0310 12    over specific vocational preparation. In the university
G57 0320  7    milieu of scholarship and research, of social diversity,
G57 0330  6    of new ideas and varied and wide-ranging interests,
G57 0340  4    "socialization" into a campus culture apparently means
G57 0350  2    heightened appreciation of the idea of a liberal education
G57 0360  1    in the arts and sciences.
G57 0360  6       Students' choices of ideal educational goals are
G57 0370  4    not arbitrary or whimsical. There is a clear relationship
G57 0380  2    between their educational evaluations and their basic
G57 0390  1    pattern of general values. The selective and directional
G57 0390  9    qualities of basic value-orientations are clearly evident
G57 0400  7    in these data: the "success-oriented" students choose
G57 0420  3    vocational preparation, the "other-directed" choose
G57 0430  2    goals of social adjustment ("getting along with people"),
G57 0440  2    the "intellectuals" choose a liberal arts emphasis.
G57 0440  9       The same patterned consistency shows itself in occupational
G57 0450  9    choices. There is impressive consistency between specific
G57 0460  7    occupational preferences and the student's basic conception
G57 0470  7    of what is for him a good way of life. And, contrary
G57 0480  7    to many popular assertions, the goal-values chosen
G57 0490  2    do not seem to us to be primarily oriented to materialistic
G57 0500  1    success nor to mere conformity. Our students want occupations
G57 0510  1    that permit them to use their talents and training,
G57 0510 10    to be creative and original, to work with and to help
G57 0520  9    other people. They also want money, prestige, and security.
G57 0530  5    But they are optimistic about their prospects in these
G57 0540  4    regards; they set limits to their aspirations- few
G57 0550  4    aspire to millions of dollars or to "imperial" power
G57 0550 13    and glory. Within the fixed frame of these aspirations,
G57 0560  9    they can afford to place a high value on the expressive
G57 0570  9    and people-oriented aspects of occupation and to minimize
G57 0580  5    the instrumental-reward values of power, prestige,
G57 0590  2    and wealth.
G57 0590  4       Occupational choices are also useful- and interesting-
G57 0600  3    in bringing out clearly that values do not constitute
G57 0610  1    the only component in goals and aspirations. For there
G57 0610 10    is also the "face of reality" in the form of the individual's
G57 0620 10    perceptions of his own abilities and interests, of
G57 0630  7    the objective possibilities open to him, of the familial
G57 0640  6    and other social pressures to which he is exposed.
G57 0650  1    We find "reluctant recruits" whose values are not in
G57 0650 10    line with their expected occupation's characteristics.
G57 0660  5    Students develop occupational images- not always accurate
G57 0670  4    or detailed- and they try to fit their values to the
G57 0680  6    presumed characteristics of the imagined occupation.
G57 0690  1    The purely cognitive or informational problems are
G57 0690  8    often acute. Furthermore, many reluctant recruits are
G57 0700  6    yielding to social demands, or compromising in the
G57 0710  5    face of their own limitations of opportunity, or of
G57 0720  3    ability and performance. Thus, many a creativity-oriented
G57 0720 11    aspirant for a career in architecture, drama, or journalism,
G57 0730  9    resigns himself to a real estate business; many a people-oriented
G57 0740 10    student who dreams of the M&D& decides to enter his
G57 0750  8    father's advertising agency; and many a hopeful incipient
G57 0760  6    business executive decides it were better to teach
G57 0770  4    the theory of business administration than to practice
G57 0780  1    it. The old ideal of the independent entrepreneur is
G57 0780 10    extant- but so is the recognition that the main chance
G57 0790  9    may be in a corporate bureaucracy.
G57 0800  1       In their views on dating, courtship, sex, and family
G57 0810  1    life, our students prefer what they are expected to
G57 0810 10    prefer. For them, in the grim words of a once-popular
G57 0820  9    song, love and marriage go together like a horse and
G57 0830  5    carriage. Their expressed standards concerning sex
G57 0840  2    roles, desirable age for marriage, characteristics
G57 0840  8    of an ideal mate, number of children desired are congruent
G57 0850  7    with the values and stereotypes of the preceding generation-
G57 0860  5    minus compulsive rebellion. They even accept the "double
G57 0870  5    standard" of sex morality in a double sense, i&e&,
G57 0880  2    both sexes agree that standards for men differ from
G57 0880 11    standards for women, and women apply to both sexes
G57 0890  9    a standard different from that held by men.
G57 0900  5       "Conservatism" and "traditionalism" seem implied
G57 0910  3    by what has just been said. But these terms are treacherous.
G57 0920  1    In the field of political values, it is certainly true
G57 0920 11    that students are not radical, not rebels against their
G57 0930  9    parents or their peers. And as they go through college,
G57 0940  7    the students tend to bring their political position
G57 0950  3    in line with that prevalent in the social groups to
G57 0960  2    which they belong. Yet they have accepted most of the
G57 0960 12    extant "welfare state" provisions for health, security,
G57 0970  6    and the regulation of economic affairs, and they overwhelmingly
G57 0980  6    approve of the traditional "liberalism" of the Bill
G57 0990  5    of Rights. When their faith in civil liberties is tested
G57 1000  4    against strong pressures of social expediency in specific
G57 1010  1    issues, e&g&, suppression of "dangerous ideas", many
G57 1010  8    waver and give in. The students who are most willing
G57 1020 10    to acquiesce in the suppression of civil liberties
G57 1030  5    are also those who are most likely to be prejudiced
G57 1040  3    against minority groups, to be conformist and traditionalistic
G57 1050  1    in general social attitudes, and to lack a basic faith
G57 1050 11    in people.
G57 1060  1       As one looks at the existing evidence, one finds
G57 1060 10    a correlation, although only a slight one, between
G57 1070  7    high grades and "libertarian" values. But the correlation
G57 1080  5    is substantial only among upperclassmen. In other words,
G57 1090  4    as students go through college, those who are most
G57 1100  2    successful academically tend to become more committed
G57 1100  9    to a "Bill of Rights" orientation. College in gross-
G57 1110  7    just the general experience- may have varying effects,
G57 1120  7    but the the students who are successful emerge with
G57 1130  3    strengthened and clarified democratic values. This
G57 1140  2    finding is consistent also with the fact that student
G57 1140 11    leaders are more likely to be supporters of the values
G57 1150  9    implicit in civil liberties than the other students.
G57 1160  5       There is now substantial evidence from several major
G57 1170  4    studies of college students that the experience of
G57 1180  1    the college years results in a certain, selective homogenization
G57 1180 10    of attitudes and values. Detached from their prior
G57 1190  8    statuses and social groups and exposed to the pervasive
G57 1200  7    stimuli of the university milieu, the students tend
G57 1210  4    to assimilate a new common culture, to converge toward
G57 1220  2    norms characteristic of their own particular campus.
G57 1220  9    Furthermore, in certain respects, there are norms common
G57 1230  8    to colleges and universities across the country. For
G57 1240  5    instance, college-educated people consistently show
G57 1250  2    up in study after study as more often than others supporters
G57 1260  1    of the Bill of Rights and other democratic rights and
G57 1260 11    liberties. The interesting thing in this connection
G57 1270  7    is that the norms upon which students tend to converge
G57 1280  5    include toleration of diversity.
G57 1290  1       To the extent that our sampling of the orientations
G57 1290  9    of American college students in the years 1950 and
G57 1300  7    1952 may be representative of our culture- and still
G57 1310  3    valid in 1959- we are disposed to question the summary
G57 1320  2    characterization of the current generation as silent,
G57 1320  9    beat, apathetic, or as a mass of other-directed conformists
G57 1330 10    who are guided solely by social radar without benefit
G57 1340  7    of inner gyroscopes. Our data indicate that these students
G57 1350  5    of today do basically accept the existing institutions
G57 1360  2    of the society, and, in the face of the realities of
G57 1360 13    complex and large-scale economic and political problems,
G57 1370  8    make a wary and ambivalent delegation of trust to those
G57 1380  7    who occupy positions of legitimized responsibility
G57 1390  2    for coping with such collective concerns. In a real
G57 1400  3    sense they are admittedly conservative, but their conservatism
G57 1410  1    incorporates a traditionalized embodiment of the original
G57 1410  8    "radicalism" of 1776. Although we have no measures
G57 1420  8    of its strength or intensity, the heritage of the doctrine
G57 1430  6    of inalienable rights is retained. As they move through
G57 1440  5    the college years our young men and women are "socialized"
G57 1450  1    into a broadly similar culture, at the level of personal
G57 1460  1    behavior. In this sense also, they are surely conformists.
G57 1460 10    It is even true that some among them use the sheer
G57 1470 10    fact of conformity- "everyone does it"- as a criterion
G57 1480  6    for conduct. But the extent of ethical robotism is
G57 1490  4    easily overestimated. Few students are really so faceless
G57 1500  2    in the not-so-lonely crowd of the swelling population
G57 1500 12    in our institutions of higher learning. And it may
G57 1510  8    be well to recall that to say "conformity" is, in part,
G57 1520  5    another way of saying "orderly human society".
G57 1530  2       In the field of religious beliefs and values, the
G57 1540  1    college students seem to faithfully reflect the surrounding
G57 1540  9    culture. Their commitments are, for the most part,
G57 1550  8    couched in a familiar idiom. Students testify to a
G57 1560  5    felt need for a religious faith or ultimate personal
G57 1570  2    philosophy. Avowed atheists or freethinkers are so
G57 1570  9    rare as to be a curiosity. The religious quest is often
G57 1580 10    intense and deep, and there are students on every campus
G57 1590  8    who are seriously wrestling with the most profound
G57 1600  4    questions of meaning and value. At the same time, a
G57 1610  2    major proportion of these young men and women see religion
G57 1610 12    as a means of personal adjustment, an anchor for family
G57 1620  8    life, a source of emotional security. These personal
G57 1630  4    and social goals often overshadow the goals of intellectual
G57 1640  4    clarity, and spiritual transcendence. The "cult of
G57 1650  2    adjustment" does exist. It exists alongside the acceptance
G57 1650 10    of traditional forms of organized religion (church,
G57 1660  7    ordained personnel, ritual, dogma). Still another segment
G57 1670  6    of the student population consists of those who seek,
G57 1680  5    in what they regard as religion, intellectual clarity,
G57 1690  1    rational belief, and ethical guidance and reinforcement.
G57 1700  1       Our first impression of the data was that the students
G57 1700 11    were surprisingly orthodox and religiously involved.
G57 1710  5    Upon second thought we were forced to realize that
G57 1720  5    we have very few reliable historical benchmarks against
G57 1730  2    which we might compare the present situation, and that
G57 1730 11    conclusions that present-day students are "more" or
G57 1740  8    "less" religious could not be defended on the basis
G57 1750  8    of our data. As we looked more intently at the content
G57 1760  4    of our belief and the extent of religious participation,
G57 1770  1    we received the impression that many of the religious
G57 1770 10    convictions expressed represented a conventional acceptance,
G57 1780  6    of low intensity. But, here again, comparative benchmarks
G57 1790  6    are lacking, and we do not know, in any case, what
G57 1800  6    measure of profoundity and intensity to expect from
G57 1810  2    healthy, young, secure and relatively inexperienced
G57 1810  8    persons; after all, feelings of immortality and invulnerability
G57 1820  8    are standard illusions of youth. Nor are optimistic
G57 1830  6    and socially-oriented themes at all rare in the distinctive
G57 1840  6    religious history of this country.
G57 1850  1       Kluckhohn recently has summarized evidence regarding
G57 1850  7    changes in values during a period of years, primarily
G57 1860  7    1935-1955, but extending much farther back in some
G57 1870  4    instances. A variety of data are assembled to bear
G57 1880  1    upon such alleged changes as diminished puritan morality,
G57 1880  9    work-success ethic, individualism, achievement, lessened
G57 1890  5    emphasis on future-time orientation in favor of sociability,
G57 1900  6    moral relativism, consideration and tolerance, conformity,
G57 1910  3    hedonistic present-time orientation. Although he questions
G57 1920  3    the extent and nature of the alleged revival of religion
G57 1930  1    and the alleged increase in conformity, and thinks
G57 1930  9    that "hedonistic" present-time orientation does not
G57 1940  6    have the meaning usually attributed to it, he does
G57 1950  5    conclude that Americans increasingly enjoy leisure
G57 1960  1    without guilt, do not stress achievement so much as
G57 1960 10    formerly, are more accepting of group harmony as a
G57 1970  7    goal, more tolerant of diversity and aware of other
G57 1980  4    cultures.
G58 0010  1       From New Jersey, Morgan hastened to the headquarters
G58 0010  9    of Washington at Whitemarsh, Pennsylvania, arriving
G58 0020  5    there on November 18th. There was much sickness in
G58 0030  6    the corps, and the men were, in addition, without the
G58 0040  3    clothing, shoes, and blankets needed for the winter
G58 0040 11    weather. Morgan himself had sciatica again. Even on
G58 0050  8    his tough constitution, the exposure and strenuous
G58 0060  5    activity were beginning to tell in earnest.
G58 0070  1       On the morning of November 17th, Cornwallis and
G58 0070  9    2,000 men had left Philadelphia with the object of
G58 0080  9    capturing Fort Mercer at Red Bank, New Jersey. In order
G58 0090  8    to prevent this, Washington hastened to dispatch several
G58 0110  4    units to reinforce the fort, including a force under
G58 0120  2    the Marquis de Lafayette containing some 160 of Morgan's
G58 0130  1    riflemen, all who were fit for duty at this time, the
G58 0130 12    rest having no shoes. Although the fort was evacuated
G58 0140  6    in the face of the force of Cornwallis, Morgan and
G58 0150  3    his men did have a chance to take another swing at
G58 0160  2    the redcoats. A picket guard of about 350, mostly Hessians,
G58 0160 12    were attacked by the Americans under Lafayette, and
G58 0170  8    driven back to their camp, some twenty to thirty of
G58 0180  7    them falling before the riflemen's fire.
G58 0190  1       "I never saw men", Lafayette declared in regard
G58 0190  9    to the riflemen, "so merry, so spirited, and so desirous
G58 0200  9    to go on to the enemy, whatever force they might have,
G58 0210  7    as that small party in this fight". Nathanael Greene
G58 0220  3    told Washington that "Lafayette was charmed with the
G58 0230  3    spirited behavior of the militia and riflemen".
G58 0240  1       A few days later it was learned that General Howe
G58 0240 10    was planning an attack upon the American camp. The
G58 0250  7    British general moved his forces north from Philadelphia
G58 0260  4    to Chestnut Hill, near the right wing of the patriot
G58 0270  3    encampment. Here the Pennsylvania militia skirmished
G58 0270  9    with the British, but soon fled. Morgan was ordered
G58 0280  9    to attack the enemy, who had meantime moved to Edge
G58 0290  7    Hill on the left of the Americans. Similar orders were
G58 0300  4    given to the Maryland militia. Morgan immediately disposed
G58 0310  2    his troops for action and found he had not long to
G58 0310 13    wait. A body of redcoats were seen marching down a
G58 0320 10    nearby slope, a tempting target for the riflemen, who
G58 0330  6    threw a volley into their ranks and "messed up" the
G58 0340  3    smart formation considerably. Now the riflemen and
G58 0340 10    the Marylanders followed up their beginning and closed
G58 0350  8    in on the British, giving them another telling round
G58 0360  6    of fire. The redcoats ran like rabbits. But the Maryland
G58 0370  5    militia had likewise fled, all too typical of this
G58 0380  3    type of soldier during the Revolution, an experience
G58 0380 11    which gave Morgan little confidence in militia in general,
G58 0390  8    as he watched other instances of their breaking in
G58 0400  6    hot engagements. The British, although suffering considerable
G58 0410  3    losses, noted the defection of the Marylanders, made
G58 0420  2    a stand, then turned and attacked Morgan who became
G58 0420 11    greatly outnumbered and had to retire.
G58 0430  6       The Americans lost forty-four men, among them Major
G58 0440  5    Joseph Morris of Morgan's regiment, an officer who
G58 0450  3    was regarded with high esteem and affection, not only
G58 0450 12    by his commander, but by Washington and Lafayette as
G58 0460  8    well. The latter was so upset on learning of the death
G58 0470  8    of Morris, that he wrote Morgan a letter, showing his
G58 0480  5    own warmhearted generosity. After complimenting Morgan
G58 0490  2    and the riflemen and saying he was praising them to
G58 0490 12    Congress, too, the ardent Frenchman added he felt that
G58 0500  9    Congress should make some financial restitution to
G58 0510  5    the widow and family of Morris, but that he knew Morgan
G58 0520  3    realized how long such action usually required, if
G58 0520 11    it was done at all. "As Mrs& Morris may be in some
G58 0530 11    want before that time", Lafayette continued, "I am
G58 0540  6    going to trouble you with a commission which I beg
G58 0550  4    you will execute with the greatest secrecy. If she
G58 0560  2    wanted to borrow any sum of money in expecting the
G58 0560 12    arrangements of Congress, it would not become a stranger,
G58 0570  8    unknown to her, to offer himself for that purpose.
G58 0580  4    But you could (as from yourself) tell her that you
G58 0590  2    had friends who, being with the army, don't know what
G58 0590 12    to do with their money and **h would willingly let
G58 0600  8    her have one or many thousand dollars". This was accordingly
G58 0610  5    done, and the plight of the grateful Mrs& Morris was
G58 0620  4    much relieved as a result of the generous loan, the
G58 0630  2    amount of which is not known.
G58 0630  8       Apparently still sensitive about the idea with which
G58 0640  6    General Gates had approached him at Saratoga, namely,
G58 0650  2    that George Washington be replaced, Morgan was vehement
G58 0660  1    in his support of the commander-in-chief during the
G58 0660 11    campaign around Philadelphia. Richard Peters, Secretary
G58 0670  5    of the Board of War, thought Morgan was so extreme
G58 0680  5    on the subject that he accused him of trying to pick
G58 0710  3    a quarrel. Morgan hotly denied this and informed the
G58 0710 12    Board of War that the men in camp linked the name of
G58 0730 12    Peters with the plot against Washington. Peters insisted
G58 0740  5    that this impression was a great misunderstanding,
G58 0750  2    and evidently, from the quarrel, obtained an unfavorable
G58 0760  1    impression of Morgan's judgment. Such a situation regarding
G58 0770  1    the Board of War could hardly have helped Morgan's
G58 0770 10    chances for promotion when that matter came before
G58 0780  7    the group later on.
G58 0780 11       In late December, the American army moved from Whitemarsh
G58 0790  9    to Valley Forge, and although the distance was only
G58 0800  8    13 miles, the journey took more than a week because
G58 0810  6    of the bad weather, the barefooted and almost naked
G58 0820  2    men. The position of the new camp was admirably selected
G58 0820 12    and well fortified, its easily defensible nature being
G58 0830  8    one good reason why Howe did not attack it. Besides
G58 0840  7    helping to prevent the movement of the British to the
G58 0850  5    west, Valley Forge also obstructed the trade between
G58 0860  1    Howe's forces and the farmers, thus threatening the
G58 0860  9    vital subsistence of the redcoats and rendering their
G58 0870  7    foraging to obtain necessary supplies extremely hazardous.
G58 0880  4    In order to see that this hindering situation remained
G58 0890  3    effective, Washington detached several bodies of his
G58 0900  1    troops to the periphery of the Philadelphia area.
G58 0900  9       Morgan and his corps were placed on the west side
G58 0910  9    of the Schuylkill River, with instructions to intercept
G58 0920  4    all supplies found going to the city and to keep a
G58 0930  4    close eye on the movements of the enemy. The headquarters
G58 0940  1    of Morgan was on a farm, said to have been particularly
G58 0940 12    well located so as to prevent the farmers nearby from
G58 0950  9    trading with the British, a practice all too common
G58 0960  5    to those who preferred to sell their produce for British
G58 0970  2    gold rather than the virtually worthless Continental
G58 0970  9    currency. In his dealings with offenders, however,
G58 0980  7    Morgan was typically firm but just. For example, he
G58 0990  7    captured some persons from York County, who with teams
G58 1000  4    were taking to Philadelphia the furniture of a man
G58 1010  1    who had just been released from prison through the
G58 1010 10    efforts of his wife, and who apparently was helpless
G58 1020  6    to prevent the theft of his household goods. Morgan
G58 1030  3    took charge of the furniture and restored it to its
G58 1040  1    thankful owners, but he let the culprits who had stolen
G58 1040 11    it go free.
G58 1050  1       Morgan complained to Washington about the men detailed
G58 1050  9    to him for scouting duty, most of them he said being
G58 1060 10    useless. "They straggle at such a rate", he told the
G58 1070  8    commander-in-chief, "that if the enemy were enterprising,
G58 1080  4    they might get two from us, when we would take one
G58 1090  2    of them, which makes me wish General Howe would go
G58 1090 12    on, lest any incident happen to us".
G58 1100  5       If the hardships of the winter at Valley Forge were
G58 1110  4    trying for healthy men, they were, of course, much
G58 1120  1    more so for those not in good health. Daniel Morgan's
G58 1120 11    rheumatic condition worsened with the increase of the
G58 1130  7    cold and damp weather. He had braved the elements and
G58 1140  6    the enemy, but the strain, aided by the winter, was
G58 1150  2    catching up with him at last. Also, he was now forty-three
G58 1160  1    years old. The mild activity of his command during
G58 1160 10    the sojourn of the troops at Valley Forge could be
G58 1170  7    handled by a subordinate, he felt, so like Henry Knox,
G58 1180  5    equally loyal to Washington, who went to Boston at
G58 1190  2    this time, Morgan received permission to visit his
G58 1190 10    home in Virginia for several weeks. In his absence,
G58 1200  7    the rifle regiment was under the command of Major Thomas
G58 1210  6    Posey, another able Virginian.
G58 1220  1       But Morgan did not leave before he had written a
G58 1220 11    letter to a William Pickman in Salem, Massachusetts,
G58 1230  5    apparently an acquaintance, praising Washington and
G58 1240  3    saying that the slanders propagated about him were
G58 1250  1    "opposed by the general current of the people **h to
G58 1250 11    exalt General Gates at the expense of General Washington
G58 1260  8    was injurious to the latter. If there be a disinterested
G58 1270  6    patriot in America, 'tis General Washington, and his
G58 1280  4    bravery, none can question".
G58 1280  8       It is doubtful if Morgan was able to take home much
G58 1290  9    money to his wife and children, for his pay, as shown
G58 1300  6    by the War Department Abstracts of early 1778 was $75
G58 1310  4    a month as a colonel, and that apt to be delayed. He
G58 1320  1    was shown a warm welcome regardless, and spent the
G58 1320 10    time in Winchester recuperating from his ailment, enjoying
G58 1330  6    his family and arranging his private affairs which
G58 1340  4    were, of course, run down. His neighbors celebrated
G58 1350  1    his return, even if it was only temporary, and Morgan
G58 1350 11    was especially gratified by the quaint expression of
G58 1360  7    an elderly friend, Isaac Lane, who told him, "A man
G58 1370  7    that has so often left all that is dear to him, as
G58 1380  4    thou hast, to serve thy country, must create a sympathetic
G58 1390  1    feeling in every patriotic heart".
G58 1390  6       There must have been special feelings of joy and
G58 1400  5    patriotism in the heart of Daniel Morgan too, when
G58 1410  2    the news was received on April 30th of the recognition
G58 1410 12    by France of the independence of the United States.
G58 1420  8    His fellow Virginian, George Washington, had stated,
G58 1430  5    "I believe no event was ever received with more heartfelt
G58 1440  4    joy". The dreary camp at Valley Forge was turned into
G58 1450  4    an arena of rejoicing. Even the dignified Washington
G58 1460  1    indulged in a game of wickets with some children. His
G58 1460 11    soldiers on the whole did not celebrate so mildly.
G58 1470  7    On May 6th, Morgan, who had returned, received from
G58 1480  3    Washington orders to "send out patrols under vigilant
G58 1490  2    officers" to keep near the enemy. "The reason for this",
G58 1500  1    the orders said, "is that the enemy may think to take
G58 1500 12    advantage of the celebration of this day. The troops
G58 1510  8    must have more than the common quantity of liquor,
G58 1520  4    and perhaps there will be some little drunkenness among
G58 1530  2    them".
G58 1530  3       Apparently no serious disorders resulted from the
G58 1540  2    celebration, and within a few days, Morgan joined the
G58 1540 11    force of Lafayette who now had command of some 2,000
G58 1550  9    men at Barren Hill, not far above Philadelphia on the
G58 1560  6    Schuylkill. The Frenchman had been ordered to approach
G58 1570  4    the enemy's lines, harass them and get intelligence
G58 1580  1    of their movements. Interestingly enough, the order
G58 1580  8    transmitted to Morgan through Alexander Hamilton also
G58 1590  7    informed him that "A party of Indians will join the
G58 1600  6    party to be sent from your command at Whitemarsh, and
G58 1610  2    act with them". These were Oneida Indians.
G58 1620  1       Washington evidently was anxious for Morgan to be
G58 1620  8    cautious as well as aggressive, for on May 17th, 18th
G58 1630  8    and 20th he admonished the leader of the riflemen-rangers
G58 1640  5    to be on the alert. Obviously the commander-in-chief
G58 1650  1    had confidence that Morgan would furnish him good intelligence
G58 1660  1    too, for on the 23rd of May, he told Morgan that the
G58 1660 13    British were prepared to move, perhaps in the night,
G58 1670  8    and asked Morgan to have two of his best horses ready
G58 1680  6    to dispatch to General Smallwood with the intelligence
G58 1690  2    obtained. Meantime, however, this same General Smallwood
G58 1700  1    seemed to be serving chivalry as well as the American
G58 1700 11    army. Colonel Benjamin Ford wrote to Morgan from Wilmington
G58 1710  8    that he understood a Mrs& Sanderson from Maryland had
G58 1720  7    obtained permission from Smallwood to visit Philadelphia,
G58 1730  4    and would return on May 26th, escorted by several officers
G58 1740  4    from Maryland "belonging to the new levies in the British
G58 1750  4    service". Ford urged Morgan to capture these men, who,
G58 1760  2    he thought, might be disguised as Quakers or peasants.
G58 1760 11    Morgan took the suggested steps, but when Mrs& Sanderson
G58 1770  8    appeared, there was nobody with her but her husband,
G58 1780  7    whom he promptly sent to headquarters to be questioned.
G58 1790  4    But Morgan evidently reported matters of intelligence
G58 1800  1    much more important to his commanding general. A letter
G58 1800 10    of a few days later from Washington's aide to Morgan
G58 1810  9    stated, "His Excellency is highly pleased with your
G58 1820  6    conduct upon this occasion".
G59 0010  1    For by now the original cause of the quarrel, Philip's
G59 0010 11    seizure of Gascony, was only one strand in the spider
G59 0020  9    web of French interests that overlay all western Europe
G59 0030  5    and that had been so well and closely spun that the
G59 0040  4    lightest movement could set it trembling from one end
G59 0040 13    to the other. Even so, Edward's ambassadors can scarcely
G59 0050  9    have foreseen that five years of unremitting work lay
G59 0060  8    ahead of them before peace was finally made and that
G59 0070  6    when it did come the countless embassies that left
G59 0080  2    England for Rome during that period had very little
G59 0080 11    to do with it.
G59 0090  2       It is hard not to lay most of the blame for their
G59 0090 14    failures on the pope. Nogaret is hardly an impartial
G59 0100  9    witness, and even he did not make his charges against
G59 0120  6    Boniface until the latter was dead, but there is some
G59 0130  4    truth in what he said and more in what he did not say.
G59 0140  1    It was not merely a hunger for "money, gold and precious
G59 0140 12    objects" that delayed the papal pronouncement that
G59 0150  7    could have brought the war to an end; the pope was
G59 0170  7    playing a dangerous game, with so many balls in the
G59 0180  3    air at once that a misstep would bring them all about
G59 0180 14    his ears, and his only hope was to temporize so that
G59 0190 10    he could take advantage of every change in the delicate
G59 0200  7    balance of European affairs. When the negotiations
G59 0210  2    began, his quarrel with the king of France was temporarily
G59 0220  1    in abeyance, and he had no intention of reviving it
G59 0220 11    so long as there was hope that French money would come
G59 0230  8    to pay the troops who, under Charles of Valois, the
G59 0250  2    papal vicar of Tuscany, were so valuable in the crusade
G59 0260  3    against the Colonna cardinals and their Sicilian allies.
G59 0270  1    If his circumspection in regard to Philip's sensibilities
G59 0270  9    went so far that he even refused to grant a dispensation
G59 0280 10    for the marriage of Amadee's daughter, Agnes, to the
G59 0290  6    son of the dauphin of Vienne- a truly peacemaking move
G59 0300  5    according to thirteenth-century ideas, for Savoy and
G59 0310  2    Dauphine were as usual fighting on opposite sides-
G59 0310 10    for fear that he might seem to be favoring the anti-French
G59 0320 11    coalition, he would certainly never take the far more
G59 0330  7    drastic step of ordering the return of Gascony to Edward,
G59 0340  5    even though, as he admitted to the English ambassadors,
G59 0350  2    he had been advised that the original cession was invalid.
G59 0360  1    On the other hand, he did not want to offend Edward
G59 0360 12    either, and he found himself in a very difficult position.
G59 0370  9    On the surface, the whole question was purely feudal.
G59 0380  5    The French were now occupying Gascony and Flanders
G59 0390  3    on the technical grounds that their rulers had forfeited
G59 0400  1    them by a breach of the feudal contract. But Edward
G59 0400 11    was invading Scotland for precisely the same reason,
G59 0410  7    and his insubordinate vassal was the ally of the king
G59 0420  7    of France. Boniface had to uphold the sacredness of
G59 0430  2    the feudal contract at all costs, for it was only as
G59 0430 13    suzerain of Sicily and of the Patrimony of Peter that
G59 0440 10    he had any justification for his Italian wars, but
G59 0450  6    in the English-Scottish-French triangle it was almost
G59 0460  4    impossible for him to recognize the claims of any one
G59 0470  1    of the contestants without seeming to invalidate those
G59 0470  9    of the other two.
G59 0480  2       Because of these involvements in the matter at stake,
G59 0480 11    Boniface lacked the impartiality that is supposed to
G59 0490  8    be an essential qualification for the position of arbiter,
G59 0495  6    and in retrospect that would seem to be sufficient
G59 0510  2    reason why the English embassies to the Curia proved
G59 0520  1    so fruitless. But when the situation was so complicated
G59 0520 10    that even Nogaret, one of the principal actors in the
G59 0530  9    drama, could misinterpret the pope's motives, it is
G59 0540  6    possible that Othon and his companions, equally baffled,
G59 0550  3    attributed their difficulties to a more immediate cause.
G59 0560  1    This was Boniface's monumental tactlessness. "Tact",
G59 0560  7    by its very derivation, implies that its possessor
G59 0570  8    keeps in touch with other people, but the author of
G59 0580  6    Clericis Laicos and Unam Sanctam, the wielder of the
G59 0590  5    two swords, the papal sun of which the imperial moon
G59 0600  2    was but a dim reflection, the peer of Caesar and vice-regent
G59 0610  1    of Christ, was so high above other human beings that
G59 0610 11    he had forgotten what they were like. He was a learned
G59 0620  9    and brilliant man, one of the best jurists in Europe
G59 0630  5    and with flashes of penetrating insight, and yet in
G59 0640  2    his dealings with other people, particularly when he
G59 0640 10    tried to be ingratiating, he was capable of an abysmal
G59 0650  8    stupidity that can have come only from a complete incomprehension
G59 0660  6    of human nature and human motives.
G59 0670  1       This lofty disregard for others was not shared by
G59 0670 10    such men as Pierre Flotte and his associates, that
G59 0680  8    "brilliant group of mediocre men", as Powicke calls
G59 0690  5    them, who provided the brains for the French embassy
G59 0700  3    that came to Rome under the nominal leadership of the
G59 0710  1    archbishop of Narbonne, the duke of Burgundy, and the
G59 0710 10    count of St&-Pol. They had risen from humble beginnings
G59 0720  7    by their own diligence and astuteness, they were unfettered
G59 0730  6    by the codes that bound nobles like Othon or even the
G59 0740  6    older generation of clerks like Hotham, and they were
G59 0750  3    working for an end that their opponents had never even
G59 0750 13    visualized. Boniface was later to explain to the English
G59 0760  9    that Robert of Burgundy and Guy de St&-Pol were easy
G59 0770 10    enough to do business with; it was the clerks who caused
G59 0780  7    the mischief and who made him say that the ruling passion
G59 0790  5    of their race was covetousness and that in dealing
G59 0800  1    with them he never knew whether he had to do with a
G59 0800 13    Frenchman or with a devil. To the pope, head of the
G59 0810 10    universal Church, to the duke of Burgundy, taking full
G59 0820  5    advantage of his position on the borders of France
G59 0830  3    and of the Empire, or to Othon, who found it quite
G59 0830 14    natural that he should do homage to Edward for Tipperary
G59 0840 10    and to the count of Savoy for Grandson, Flotte's outspoken
G59 0850  7    nationalism was completely incomprehensible. And yet
G59 0860  4    he made no pretense about it; when the pope, trying
G59 0870  4    no doubt to appeal to his better nature, said to him,
G59 0880  1    "You have already taken Normandy. Do you want to drive
G59 0880 11    the king of England from all his overseas possessions"?
G59 0890  8    the Frenchman's answer was a terse "Vous dites vrai".
G59 0900  8    Loyal and unscrupulous, with a single-minded ambition
G59 0910  6    to which he devoted all his energies, he outmatched
G59 0920  2    the English diplomats time and time again until, by
G59 0920 11    a kind of poetic justice, he fell at the battle of
G59 0930 10    Courtrai, the victim of the equally nationalistic if
G59 0940  5    less articulate Flemings.
G59 0940  8       The English, relying on a prejudiced arbiter and
G59 0950  8    confronted with superior diplomatic skill, were also
G59 0960  5    hampered in their negotiations by the events that were
G59 0970  3    taking place at home. The Scots had found a new leader
G59 0980  1    in William Wallace, and Edward's yearly expeditions
G59 0980  8    across the Border called for evermounting taxes, which
G59 0990  6    only increased his difficulties with the barons and
G59 1000  5    the clergy. He was unable to send any more help to
G59 1010  3    his allies on the Continent, and during the next few
G59 1010 13    years many of them, left to resist French pressure
G59 1020  8    unaided, surrendered to the inevitable and made their
G59 1030  5    peace with Philip. The defeat and death of Adolf of
G59 1050  2    Nassau at the hands of Albert of Habsburg also worked
G59 1050 12    to the disadvantage of the English, for all the efforts
G59 1060 10    to revive the anti-French coalition came to nothing
G59 1070  7    when Philip made an alliance with the new king of the
G59 1080  6    Romans.
G59 1080  7       These shifts in alliance and allegiance not only
G59 1090  4    increased the difficulties confronting the English
G59 1100  1    embassy as a whole, but also directly involved the
G59 1100 10    two Savoyards, Amadee and Othon. In spite of the armistice
G59 1110  8    negotiated by Amadee two years earlier, the war between
G59 1120  6    Bishop Guillaume of Lausanne and Louis of Savoy was
G59 1130  4    still going on, and although little is known about
G59 1140  1    it, that little proves that it was yet another phase
G59 1140 11    of the struggle against French expansion and was closely
G59 1150  7    interwoven with the larger conflict. A second truce
G59 1160  4    had been arbitrated in April, 1298, by Jean d'Arlay,
G59 1170  2    lord of Chalon-sur-Saone, the most staunch of Edward's
G59 1190  1    Burgundian allies, and these last were represented
G59 1190  8    in the discussions at the Curia by Gautier de Montfaucon,
G59 1200  8    Othon's neighbor and a member of the Vaudois coalition.
G59 1210  6       But although in many of these discussions Othon
G59 1220  3    and Amadee might have been tempted to consider their
G59 1230  2    own interests as well as those of the king, Edward's
G59 1230 12    confidence in them was so absolute that they were made
G59 1240 10    the acknowledged leaders of the embassy. Amadee may
G59 1250  6    have owed this partly to his relationship with the
G59 1260  3    king, but Othon, who at sixty seems still to have been
G59 1260 14    a simple knight, merited his position solely by his
G59 1270  8    own character and ability. The younger men, Vere, and
G59 1280  6    Pembroke, who was also Edward's cousin and whose Lusignan
G59 1290  5    blood gave him the swarthy complexion that caused Edward
G59 1300  3    of Carnarvon's irreverent friend, Piers Gaveston, to
G59 1310  2    nickname him "Joseph the Jew", were relatively new
G59 1310 10    to the game of diplomacy, but Pontissara had been on
G59 1320  8    missions to Rome before, and Hotham, a man of great
G59 1330  7    learning, "jocund in speech, agreeable to meet, of
G59 1340  4    honest religion, and pleasing in the eyes of all",
G59 1340 13    and an archbishop to boot, was as reliable and experienced
G59 1350  9    as Othon himself. But all the reports of this first
G59 1360  8    embassy show that the two Savoyards were the heads
G59 1370  4    of it, for they were the only ones who were empowered
G59 1380  1    to swear for the king that he would abide by the pope's
G59 1380 13    decision and who were allowed to appoint deputies in
G59 1390  9    the event that one was unavoidably absent.
G59 1400  2       This also gave them the unpleasant duty of being
G59 1410  2    spokesmen for the mission, and they could foresee that
G59 1410 11    that would not be easy. Underneath all the high-sounding
G59 1420  9    phrases of royal and papal letters and behind the more
G59 1430  7    down-to-earth instructions to the envoys was the inescapable
G59 1440  4    fact that Edward would have to desert his Flemish allies
G59 1450  2    and leave them to the vengeance of their indignant
G59 1450 11    suzerain, the king of France, in return for being given
G59 1460 10    an equally free hand with the insubordinate Scots.
G59 1470  5    This was a doubly bitter blow to the king. In the eyes
G59 1480  5    of those who still cared for such things, it was a
G59 1490  2    reflection on his honor, and it gave further grounds
G59 1490 11    for complaint to his overtaxed subjects, who were already
G59 1500  7    grumbling- although probably not in Latin- "Non est
G59 1510  6    lex sana Quod regi sit mea lana". Bad relations between
G59 1520  4    England and Flanders brought hard times to the shepherds
G59 1530  2    scattered over the dales and downs as well as to the
G59 1530 13    crowded Flemish cities, and while the English, so far,
G59 1540  9    had done no more than grumble, Othon had seen what
G59 1550  6    the discontent might lead to, for before he left the
G59 1560  4    Low Countries the citizens of Ghent had risen in protest
G59 1570  1    against the expense of supporting Edward and his troops,
G59 1570 10    and the regular soldiers had found it unexpectedly
G59 1580  7    difficult to put down the nasty little riot that ensued.
G59 1590  6       In all the talk of feudal rights, the knights and
G59 1600  4    bishops must never forget the woolworkers, nor was
G59 1610  1    it easy to do so, for all along the road to Italy they
G59 1610 14    passed the Florentine pack trains going home with their
G59 1620  7    loads of raw wool from England and rough Flemish cloth,
G59 1630  5    the former to be spun and woven by the Arte della Lana
G59 1640  4    and the latter to be refined and dyed by the Arte della
G59 1650  2    Calimala with the pigment recently discovered in Asia
G59 1650 10    Minor by one of their members, Bernardo Rucellai, the
G59 1660  9    secret of which they jealously kept for themselves.
G59 1670  5    These chatty merchants made amusing and instructive
G59 1680  2    traveling companions, for their business took them
G59 1680  9    to all four corners of the globe, and Florentine gossip
G59 1690  9    had already reached a high stage of development as
G59 1700  7    even a cursory glance at the Inferno will prove. A
G59 1710  4    northern ambassador, willing to keep his mouth shut
G59 1720  1    and his ears open, could learn a lot that would stand
G59 1720 12    him in good stead at the Curia.
G59 1730  4       They had other topics of conversation, besides their
G59 1740  2    news from courts and fairs, which were of interest
G59 1740 11    to Othon, the builder of castles in Wales and churches
G59 1750  9    in his native country. Behind him lay the Low Countries,
G59 1760  7    where men were still completing the cathedrals that
G59 1770  4    a later Florentine would describe as "a malediction
G59 1780  1    of little tabernacles, one on top of the other, with
G59 1780 11    so many pyramids and spires and leaves that it is a
G59 1790  9    wonder they stand up at all, for they look as though
G59 1800  6    they were made of paper instead of stone or marble";
G59 1810  1    the Low Countries, where the Middle Ages were to last
G59 1810 11    for another two centuries and die out only when Charles
G59 1820 10    the Bold of Burgundy met his first defeat in the fields
G59 1830  8    and forests below the walls of Grandson.
G60 0010  1    It usually turned out well for him because either he
G60 0010 11    liked the right people or there were only a few wrong
G60 0020  9    people in the town. Alfred wanted to invest in my father's
G60 0030  6    hotel and advance enough money to build a larger place.
G60 0040  4    It was a very tempting offer. My father would have
G60 0040 14    done it if it hadn't been for my mother, who had a
G60 0050 12    fear of being in debt to anyone- even Alfred Alpert.
G60 0060  6       In spite of his being well liked there were a few
G60 0070  6    people who were very careful about Alfred. They had
G60 0075  3    my mother's opinion of him: that he was too sharp or
G60 0080 10    a little too good to be true. One of the people who
G60 0090 11    was afraid of Alfred was his own brother, Lew. I don't
G60 0100  8    know how and I don't know why but the two stores, the
G60 0110  6    one in Margaretville and the one in Fleischmanns that
G60 0120  2    had been set up as a partnership, were dissolved, separated
G60 0130  1    from each other. Everything was all very friendly,
G60 0130  9    except when it came to Harry, the youngest brother.
G60 0140  6    Alfred, who was a good deal older than Harry, had treated
G60 0150  5    him like a son, and when Harry decided to stay in business
G60 0160  3    with Lew instead of going with Alfred, Alfred looked
G60 0170  1    on the decision as a betrayal. From that day on he
G60 0170 12    never spoke to Harry or to Lew, or to Lew's two boys,
G60 0180  9    Mort and Jimmy. The six miles between the towns became
G60 0190  6    an ocean and the Alperts became a family of strangers.
G60 0200  3       Time went on and everybody got older. I became fifteen,
G60 0210  2    sixteen, then twenty, and still Tessie Alpert sat on
G60 0210 11    the porch with a rose in her hair, and Alfred got richer
G60 0220 12    and sicker with diabetes. It was in the spring of the
G60 0230  9    year when he took to his bed and Tessie and Alfred
G60 0240  4    found out that they didn't know each other. They were
G60 0250  2    like two strangers. The store was their marriage, and
G60 0250 11    when Alfred had to leave it there was nothing to hold
G60 0260 11    them together. Tessie, everybody thought, was a strong
G60 0270  6    woman, but she was only strong because she had Alfred
G60 0280  4    to lean on. And when Alfred was forced into his bed,
G60 0290  2    Tessie left the front porch of the store and sat at
G60 0290 13    home, rocking in her rocker in the living room, staring
G60 0300  9    out the window- the rose still in her hair. Tessie
G60 0310  6    could do nothing for Alfred. She couldn't cook or clean
G60 0320  4    or make him comfortable. Instead she waited for Alfred
G60 0330  1    to get better and take care of her.
G60 0330  9       Spring was life- and Alfred Alpert in his sickroom
G60 0340  6    was death. Alfred knew that, too. I remember him pointing
G60 0350  5    out of the window and saying that he wished he could
G60 0360  2    live to see another spring but that he wouldn't.
G60 0360 11       Alfred began to put his affairs in order, and he
G60 0370 10    went about it like a man putting his things into storage.
G60 0380  6    My father, who liked Alfred very much, was a constant
G60 0390  4    visitor. One day Alfred told him that he had decided
G60 0400  1    to leave everything to me. My father, a wise man, asked
G60 0400 12    him not to. He knew Alfred liked me; if he wanted to
G60 0410 11    leave me something let it be a trinket, nothing else.
G60 0420  7    By leaving me everything he wouldn't be doing me a
G60 0430  5    favor, my father told him, and he didn't want to see
G60 0440  1    his daughter involved in a lawsuit. He didn't want
G60 0440 10    Alfred to leave me trouble because that's all it would
G60 0450  8    be, and Alfred understood.
G60 0460  1       Alfred was getting too sick to stay in his own home.
G60 0460 12    The doctor wanted him in a hospital; the nearest one
G60 0470  9    was forty miles away in Kingston. The day Alfred left
G60 0480  7    his home and Fleischmanns he gave up the convictions
G60 0490  4    of a lifetime. He sent me for Meltzer the Butcher,
G60 0500  1    whom he wanted not as a friend but as a rabbi.
G60 0500 12       Meltzer knew why I had come for him. Solemnly he
G60 0510  9    walked me back to Alfred's house without a word passing
G60 0520  6    between us. He entered the house in silence, walked
G60 0530  2    into Alfred's room, and closed the door behind him.
G60 0530 11    I sat down to wait, and I watched Tessie Alpert, who
G60 0540 11    hadn't moved or said a word but kept staring out of
G60 0550 10    the window.
G60 0550 12       For a few minutes there was nothing to hear. Then
G60 0560  7    Meltzer's voice, quiet, calm, strong, started the Kaddish,
G60 0570  5    the prayer for the dead. I could hear Alfred's voice
G60 0580  3    a few words behind Meltzer's like a counterpoint, punctuated
G60 0590  2    by sobs of sorrow and resignation. There was a finality
G60 0600  1    in the rhythm of the prayer- it was the end of a life,
G60 0600 14    the end of hope, and the wondering if there would ever
G60 0610  8    be another beginning.
G60 0620  1       Meltzer stayed with Alfred, and when the door opened
G60 0620 10    they both came out. Alfred was dressed for his trip
G60 0630  8    to the hospital. The car was waiting for him. Alfred,
G60 0640  5    leaning on Meltzer, stopped for a minute to look at
G60 0650  3    Tessie. She didn't turn away from the window. Alfred
G60 0650 12    nodded a little nod and went out through the door.
G60 0660 10       Outside, his brother Harry was waiting for him-
G60 0670  6    he had come to say good-bye. Alfred walked past him
G60 0680  4    without a word and got into the car. Harry ran to the
G60 0690  2    side of the car where Alfred was sitting and looked
G60 0690 12    at him, begging him to speak. Alfred looked straight
G60 0700  7    ahead. The car began to move and Harry ran after it
G60 0710  6    crying, "Alfred! Alfred! Speak to me". But the car
G60 0720  4    moved off and Alfred just looked straight ahead. Harry
G60 0730  1    followed the car until it reached the main road and
G60 0730 11    turned towards Kingston. He stood there watching until
G60 0740  7    it had gone from his sight.
G60 0750  1       I went to visit Alfred in the Kingston Hospital
G60 0750 10    a few times. The first time I went there he asked me
G60 0760 10    to bring him water from Flagler's well- water that
G60 0770  5    reminded him of his first days in the mountains- and
G60 0780  2    before I came the next time I filled a five-gallon
G60 0790  1    jug for him and brought it to the hospital. I don't
G60 0790 12    think he ever got to drink any of it.
G60 0800  7       The jug stayed at the hospital and the water- what
G60 0810  2    can happen to water?- it evaporated, disappeared, and
G60 0820  1    came back to the earth as rain- maybe for another well
G60 0820 12    or another stream or another Alfred Alpert.
G60 0830  6    #12 "WHERE IS IT WRITTEN"?#
G60 0840  1    Mr& Banks was always called Banks the Butcher until
G60 0840 10    he left town and the shop passed over to Meltzer the
G60 0850 10    Scholar who then became automatically Meltzer the Butcher.
G60 0860  5    Meltzer was a boarder with the Banks family. He came
G60 0870  5    to Fleischmanns directly from the boat that brought
G60 0880  2    him to America from Russia. He was a learned man and
G60 0880 13    a very gentle soul. He was filled with knowledge of
G60 0890  9    the Bible and the Talmud. He knew the whyfores and
G60 0900  6    the wherefores but he was weak, very weak, on the therefores.
G60 0910  4    Banks the Butcher took Meltzer the Scholar as an apprentice
G60 0920  4    and he made it very clear that a man of learning must
G60 0930  1    be able to do more than just quote the Commentaries
G60 0930 11    of the Talmud in order to live. So Meltzer learned
G60 0940  7    a new trade from Banks, who supplied the town and the
G60 0950  5    hotels with meat.
G60 0950  8       Banks had a family- a wife, a daughter, and a son.
G60 0970  8    The daughter, Lilly, was a very good friend of mine
G60 0980  4    and I always had hopes that someday she and Meltzer
G60 0980 14    would find each other. They lived in the same house
G60 0990 10    and it didn't seem to be such a hard thing to do, but
G60 1010  5    the sad realities of Lilly's life and the fact that
G60 1020  5    Meltzer didn't love her never satisfied my wishful
G60 1030  1    thinking.
G60 1030  2       Banks the Butcher was a hard master and a hard father,
G60 1040  2    a man who didn't seem to know the difference between
G60 1040 12    the living flesh of his family and the hanging carcasses
G60 1050  9    of his stock in trade. He treated both with equal indifference
G60 1060  7    and with equal contempt; perhaps he was a little more
G60 1070  7    sympathetic to the sides of beef that hung silently
G60 1080  3    from his hooks.
G60 1080  6       Lilly Banks and I became friends. She was the opposite
G60 1090  5    of everything she should have been- a positive pole
G60 1100  2    in a negative home, a living reaction of warmth and
G60 1100 12    kindness to the harsh reality of her father. And Lilly's
G60 1110 10    whole family seemed to be an apology for Mr& Banks.
G60 1120  8    Her brother Karl was a very gentle soul, her mother
G60 1130  4    was a quiet woman who said little but who had hard,
G60 1140  1    probing eyes. For every rude word of Mr& Banks's the
G60 1140 11    family had five in apology.
G60 1150  5       Every chance I got I left the hotel to visit Lilly.
G60 1160  3    I was free but she was bound to her duties that not
G60 1160 15    even the coming of Meltzer lightened. She had to clean
G60 1170 10    the glass on the display cases in the butcher shop,
G60 1180  7    help her brother scrub the cutting tables with wire
G60 1190  4    brushes, mop the floors, put down new sawdust on the
G60 1200  1    floors and help check the outgoing orders. When these
G60 1200 10    chores were finished, only then, was she allowed whatever
G60 1210  8    freedom she could find.
G60 1220  1       I helped Lilly in the store. To me it was a game,
G60 1220 13    to her it was the deadly seriousness of life. I wanted
G60 1230  9    to help so that we could find time to play. And Lilly
G60 1240  7    allowed me to help so that she could have her few little
G60 1250  5    hours of escape.
G60 1250  8       When the work was finished, we would walk. The road
G60 1260  6    past the butcher shop took us along the side of a stream.
G60 1270  4    It ran north, away from the town and the people, through
G60 1280  1    woods and past the nothingness of a graveyard.
G60 1280  9       Lilly preferred the loneliness of that walk. I would
G60 1290  8    have liked the town and the busyness of its people
G60 1300  5    but I always followed Lilly into the peace of the silent
G60 1310  3    and unstaring road.
G60 1310  6       It wasn't hard to understand. To me Lilly was a
G60 1320  6    fine and lovely girl. To people who didn't know her
G60 1330  2    she was a gawky, badly dressed kid whose arms were
G60 1330 12    too long, whose legs were a little too bony. She had
G60 1340  9    the hips of a boy and a loose-jointed walk that reminded
G60 1350  4    me of a string of beads strolling down the street.
G60 1360  2    And she had the kind of crossed eyes that shocked.
G60 1360 12    It was unexpected, unexpected because Lilly walked
G60 1370  6    with her head bent down, down, and her mark of friendship
G60 1380  7    was to look into your face. I accepted her crossed
G60 1390  3    eyes as she accepted my childishness; childishness
G60 1390 10    compared to her grown-up understanding that life was
G60 1400  9    a punishment for as yet undisclosed sins. We were almost
G60 1410  7    the same age, she was fifteen, I was twelve, and where
G60 1420  6    I felt there was a life to look forward to Lilly felt
G60 1430  2    she had had as much of it as was necessary.
G60 1430 12       When we went for our walks Lilly's brother would
G60 1440  8    come along every once in a while. Karl was an almost
G60 1450  7    exact copy of his father physically and it was strange
G60 1460  3    to see the expected become the unexpected. This huge
G60 1460 12    hulk played the guitar and he would take it along on
G60 1470 11    our walks and play for us as we sat alone in the woods
G60 1480 10    or by the stream. Karl played well and his favorite
G60 1490  4    song was a Schubert lullaby. He spoke no German but
G60 1500  2    he could sing it and the words of the song were the
G60 1500 14    only ones he knew in a foreign language. The song,
G60 1510  7    he said, was called "The Stream's Lullaby", and when
G60 1520  4    he sang, "Gute ruh, Gute ruh, Mach't die augen zu"
G60 1530  4    there was such longing and such simple sadness that
G60 1540  1    it frightened me. Later, when I was older, I found
G60 1540 11    the song was part of Schubert's Die Scho^ne Mu^llerin.
G60 1550  6    And even hearing it in a concert hall surrounded by
G60 1560  8    hundreds of people the words and the melody would make
G60 1570  5    me a little colder and I would reach out for my husband's
G60 1580  2    hand.
G60 1580  3       The brother and sister seemed to be a sort of mutual-aid
G60 1590  4    society, a little fortress of kindness for each other
G60 1590 13    in a hard world. I felt very flattered to be included
G60 1600 11    in the protection of their company even though I had
G60 1610  8    nothing to be protected from.
G61 0010  1       The turn of the century, or to be more precise,
G61 0010 11    the two decades preceeding and following it, marks
G61 0020  6    a great change in the history of early English scholarship.
G61 0030  4    At the bottom of this change were great strides forward
G61 0040  2    in the technical equipment and technical standards
G61 0040  9    of the historian. In archaeology, for example, the
G61 0050  7    contributions of Frederick Haverfield and Reginald
G61 0060  4    Smith to the various volumes of the Victoria County
G61 0070  2    Histories raised the discipline from the status of
G61 0070 10    an antiquarian pastime to that of the most valuable
G61 0080  9    single tool of the early English historian. And with
G61 0090  6    the publication of E& T& Leeds' Archaeology of the
G61 0100  4    Anglo-Saxon Settlements the student was presented with
G61 0110  4    an organized synthesis of the archaeological data then
G61 0120  2    known.
G61 0120  3       What was true for archaeology was also true of place-name
G61 0130  1    studies. The value of place-names in the reconstruction
G61 0130 10    of early English history had long been recognized.
G61 0140  7    Place-names, in fact, had been extensively utilized
G61 0150  5    for this purpose from the time of Camden onwards. Without
G61 0160  3    a precise knowledge of Germanic philology, however,
G61 0170  1    it is debatable whether their use was not more often
G61 0170 11    a source of confusion and error than anything else.
G61 0180  6    Even in the nineteenth century such accomplished philologists
G61 0190  4    as Kemble and Guest were led into what now seem ludicrous
G61 0200  4    errors because of their failure to recognize that modern
G61 0210  2    forms of place names are not necessarily the result
G61 0210 11    of logical philological development. It was therefore
G61 0220  6    not until the publication of J&H& Round's "The Settlement
G61 0230  6    of the South and East Saxons", and W&H& Stevenson's
G61 0240  5    "Dr& Guest and the English Conquest of South Britain",
G61 0250  5    that a scientific basis for place-name studies was
G61 0260  3    established.
G61 0260  4       Diplomatic is another area for which the dawn of
G61 0270  5    the twentieth century marks the beginning of modern
G61 0280  1    standards of scholarship. Although because of the important
G61 0280  9    achievements of nineteenth century scholars in the
G61 0290  7    field of textual criticism the advance is not so striking
G61 0300  7    as it was in the case of archaeology and place-names,
G61 0310  4    the editorial principles laid down by Stevenson in
G61 0320  1    his great edition of Asser and in his Crawford Charters
G61 0320 11    were a distinct improvement upon those of his predecessors
G61 0330  8    and remain unimproved upon today.
G61 0340  3       In sum, it can be said that the techniques and standards
G61 0350  2    of present day have their origin at the turn of the
G61 0350 13    century. And it is this, particularly the establishment
G61 0360  8    of archaeology and place-name studies on a scientific
G61 0370  7    basis, which are immediately pertinent to the Saxon
G61 0380  4    Shore.
G61 0380  5       Almost inevitably, the first result of this technological
G61 0390  4    revolution was a reaction against the methods and in
G61 0400  2    many cases the conclusions of the Oxford school of
G61 0400 11    Stubbs, Freeman and (particularly) Green regarding
G61 0410  5    the nature of the Anglo-Saxon conquest of Britain.
G61 0420  4    Even before the century was out the tide of reaction
G61 0430  2    had set in. Charles Plummer in the introduction and
G61 0430 11    notes to his splendid edition of Bede voiced some early
G61 0440  9    doubts concerning the "elaborate superstructure" they
G61 0450  4    raised up over the slim foundations afforded by the
G61 0460  4    traditional narratives of the conquest. It was Plummer,
G61 0470  1    in fact, who coined the much quoted remark: "Mr& Green
G61 0480  1    indeed writes as if he had been present at the landing
G61 0480 12    of the Saxons and had watched every step of their subsequent
G61 0490  9    progress". Sir Henry Howorth, writing in 1898, put
G61 0500  6    himself firmly in the Lappenburg-Kemble tradition by
G61 0510  3    attacking the veracity of the West Saxon annals.
G61 0520  1       Early in the present century, W& H& Stevenson continued
G61 0530  1    the attack with a savage article against Guest. Following
G61 0530 10    him in varying degrees of scepticism were T&W& Shore,
G61 0540  7    H&M& Chadwick, Thomas Hodgkin and F& G& Beck. By 1913,
G61 0550  9    Ferdinand Lot could begin an article subtitled "La
G61 0560  7    conquete de la Grande-Bretagne par les Saxons" with
G61 0570  5    the words, "Il est difficile aujourd 'hui d'entretenir
G61 0580  3    des illusions sur la valeur du recit traditionnel de
G61 0590  2    la conquete de la Grande-Bretagne **h". It is also
G61 0590 12    worthy of note that Lot cited both Kemble and Lappenberg
G61 0600 10    with favor in that article. It would seem that the
G61 0610  8    wheel had turned full circle.
G61 0620  1       In fact, modern scholarly opinion in the main has
G61 0620 10    not retreated all the way back to the destructive scepticism
G61 0630  9    of the first half of the nineteenth century. Although
G61 0640  4    one meets with occasional extremists like Zachrisson
G61 0650  2    or, very recently, Arthur Wade-Evans the majority of
G61 0660  1    scholars have taken a middle position between the extremes
G61 0660 10    of scepticism and gullibility. Most now admit that
G61 0670  7    Bede, Gildas, Nennius and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles
G61 0680  5    cannot be the infallible guides to early English history
G61 0690  3    that Guest, Freeman and Green thought them to be. As
G61 0700  2    R&H& Hodgkin has remarked: "The critical methods of
G61 0710  1    the nineteenth century shattered most of this picturesque
G61 0710  9    narrative. On the other hand, the consensus of opinion
G61 0730  8    is that, used with caution and in conjunction with
G61 0740  5    other types of evidence, the native sources still provide
G61 0750  2    a valid rough outline for the English settlement of
G61 0750 11    southern Britain. As Sir Charles Oman once said, "it
G61 0760  9    is no longer fashionable to declare that we can say
G61 0770  7    nothing certain about Old English origins".
G61 0780  2       Therefore, in one way Kemble and Lappenberg have
G61 0790  2    been vindicated. Their conclusions concerning the
G61 0790  8    untrustworthiness
G61 0800  1    of the West Saxon annals, the confused chronology of
G61 0800 10    Bede, the unreliability of the early positions of the
G61 0810  8    Anglo-Saxon genealogies and the mythological elements
G61 0820  5    contained in Nennius are now mostly accepted. Nevertheless,
G61 0830  2    in another way modern historians still labor in the
G61 0840  2    vineyard of the Oxford school. For it is their catastrophic
G61 0840 12    concept of the Anglo-Saxon invasions rather than Kemble's
G61 0850  9    gradualist approach which dominates the field. Despite
G61 0860  7    the rejection of the traditional accounts on many points
G61 0870  5    of detail, as late as 1948 it was still possible to
G61 0880  3    postulate a massive and comparatively sudden (beginning
G61 0890  1    in ca& 450) influx of Germans as the type of invasions.
G61 0890 12       At this point, of course, the issue has become complicated
G61 0900 10    by a development unforeseen by Lappenberg and Kemble.
G61 0910  6    They, however much they were in disagreement with the
G61 0920  5    late Victorians over the method by which Britain was
G61 0930  3    Germanized, agreed with them that the end result was
G61 0930 12    the complete extinction of the previous Celtic population
G61 0950  8    and civilization. But beginning, for all practical
G61 0960  6    purposes, with Frederick Seebohm's English Village
G61 0970  3    Community scholars have had to reckon with a theory
G61 0980  4    involving institutional and agrarian continuity between
G61 0990  1    Roman and Anglo-Saxon times which is completely at
G61 0990 10    odds with the reigning concept of the Anglo-Saxon invasions.
G61 1000  7    Against Seebohm formidable foes have taken the field,
G61 1010  6    notably F& W& Maitland, whose Domesday Book and Beyond
G61 1020  5    was written expressly for this purpose, and Sir Paul
G61 1030  4    Vinogradoff whose The Growth of the Manor had a similar
G61 1050  3    aim. Largely due to their efforts the catastrophic
G61 1050 11    invasion-theory has maintained its position although
G61 1060  6    Seebohm has always found supporters. H&L& Gray in his
G61 1070  6    English Field Systems and Zachrisson's Romans, Kelts
G61 1080  4    and Saxons defended in part the Seebohm thesis while
G61 1090  4    at the present time H&P&R& Finberg and Gordon Copley
G61 1100  3    seem to fall into the Celtic survivalist camp. This
G61 1110  1    is nevertheless a minority view. Most scholars, while
G61 1110  9    willing to accept a survival (revival?) of Celtic art
G61 1120  7    forms and a considerable proportion of the Celtic population,
G61 1130  5    reject any institutional legacy from pre-Anglo-Saxon
G61 1140  4    Britain.
G61 1140  5       Therefore, it is plain that the clear distinctions
G61 1150  3    of the nineteenth century are no longer with us. In
G61 1160  2    the main stream of historical thinking is a group of
G61 1160 12    scholars, H&M& Chadwick, R&H& Hodgkin, Sir Frank Stenton
G61 1170  7    et al& who are in varying degrees sceptical of the
G61 1180  9    native traditions of the conquest but who defend the
G61 1190  5    catastrophic type of invasion suggested by them. They,
G61 1200  3    in effect, have compromised the opposing positions
G61 1200 10    of the nineteenth century. On the other side are the
G61 1210  9    Celtic survivalists who have taken a tack divergent
G61 1220  6    from both these schools of nineteenth century thought.
G61 1230  2    As a group they should be favorable to a concept of
G61 1230 13    gradual Germanic infiltration although the specialist
G61 1240  6    nature of much of their work, e&g& Seebohm, Gray and
G61 1250  7    Finberg, tends to obscure their sympathies. Those who
G61 1260  5    do have occasion to deal with the invasions in a more
G61 1270  4    general way, like T&W& Shore and Arthur Wade-Evans,
G61 1280  1    are on the side of a gradual and often peaceful Germanic
G61 1280 12    penetration into Britain. Wade-Evans, in fact, denies
G61 1290  8    that there were any Anglo-Saxon invasions at all other
G61 1300  5    than a minor Jutish foray in A&D& 514.
G61 1310  2       Now omitting for a moment some recent developments
G61 1320  1    we can say the Saxon Shore hypothesis of Lappenberg
G61 1320 10    and Kemble has undergone virtual eclipse in this century.
G61 1330  7    It is no longer possible to say that a sceptical attitude
G61 1340  7    towards the received accounts of the invasions almost
G61 1350  3    automatically produces a "shore occupied by" interpretation.
G61 1360  1    Everyone is more or less sceptical and virtually no
G61 1360 10    one has been willing to accept Lappenberg or Kemble's
G61 1370  8    position on that point. One reason is, of course, that
G61 1380  8    the new scepticism has been willing to maintain the
G61 1390  4    general picture of the invasions as portrayed in the
G61 1400  2    traditional sources. The few scholars who have adopted
G61 1400 10    the "shore occupied by" interpretation, Howorth, Shore,
G61 1410  6    and Wade-Evans, have all been Celtic survivalists.
G61 1420  6    Moreover, they have done so in rather special circumstances.
G61 1430  3       The primary reason for the abandonment of the "shore
G61 1440  4    occupied by" thesis has been the assimilation and accumulation
G61 1450  2    of archaeological evidence, the most striking feature
G61 1451  1    of early English studies in this century. Again omitting
G61 1451 10    recent developments, E&T& Leeds' dictum of 1913 has
G61 1460  6    stood unchallenged: "So far as archaeology is concerned,
G61 1470  5    there is not the least warrant for the second (shore
G61 1480  3    occupied by) of these theories". Even earlier Haverfield
G61 1490  1    had come to the same conclusion. What they meant was
G61 1490 11    that there was no evidence to show that the south and
G61 1500 10    east coasts of Britain received Germanic settlers conspicuously
G61 1510  4    earlier than some other parts of England. That is,
G61 1520  4    there was no trace of Anglo-Saxons in Britain as early
G61 1530  3    as the late third century, to which time the archaeological
G61 1540  1    evidence for the erection of the Saxon Shore forts
G61 1540 10    was beginning to point. In the face of a clear judgment
G61 1550  9    from archaeology, therefore, it became impossible for
G61 1560  4    a time for scholars to re-adopt the "shore settled
G61 1570  1    by" theory.
G61 1570  3       In recent years, however, a wind of change seems
G61 1580  2    to be blowing through early English historical circles.
G61 1580 10    The great increase in the amount of archaeological
G61 1590  8    activity, and therefore information, in the years immediately
G61 1600  6    preceeding and following the Second World War has brought
G61 1610  5    to light data which has changed the complection of
G61 1620  2    the Saxon Shore dispute. Where there were none fifteen
G61 1620 11    years ago, several scholars currently are edging their
G61 1630  8    way cautiously towards the acceptance of the "shore
G61 1640  6    occupied by" position. We must, therefore, have a look
G61 1650  5    at the new archaeological material and re-examine the
G61 1660  2    literary and place-name evidence which bears upon the
G61 1660 11    problem.
G61 1670  1    #@#
G61 1670  2    What exactly are we trying to prove? We know that the
G61 1680  1    Saxon Shore was a phenonenon of late Roman defensive
G61 1680 10    policy; in other words its existence belongs to the
G61 1690  8    period of Roman Britain. So whenever the Romans finally
G61 1700  5    withdrew from the island, the Saxon Shore disappeared
G61 1710  2    in the first decade of the fifth century. We also know
G61 1720  1    that the Saxon Shore as reflected in the Notitia was
G61 1720 11    created as a part of the Theodosian reorganization
G61 1730  8    of Britain (post-A&D& 369). My argument is that there
G61 1740  7    was no Saxon Shore prior to that time even though the
G61 1750  5    forts had been in existence since the time of Carausius.
G61 1760  1    Therefore, what we must prove or disprove is that there
G61 1760 11    were Saxons, in the broad sense in which we must construe
G61 1770 11    the word, in the area of the Saxon Shore at the time
G61 1780 10    it was called the Saxon Shore. That is, we must find
G61 1790  6    Saxons in East Anglia, Kent, Sussex and Hampshire in
G61 1800  3    the last half of the fourth century.
G61 1800 10       The problem, in other words, is strictly a chronological
G61 1810  8    one. In Gaul the Saxon element on its Saxon Shore was
G61 1820  7    plainly visible because there the Saxons were an intrusive
G61 1830  5    element in the population. In Britain, obviously, the
G61 1840  2    archaeological and place-name characteristics of the
G61 1840  9    Saxon Shore region are bound to be Saxon. It is a matter
G61 1850 12    of trying to sort out an earlier fourth-century Saxon
G61 1860  8    element from the later, fifth-century mainstream of
G61 1870  3    Anglo-Saxon invasions. This, naturally, will be difficult
G61 1880  3    to do since both the archaeological and place-name
G61 1880 12    evidence in this period, with some fortunate exceptions,
G61 1890  8    is insufficient for precise chronological purposes.
G61 1900  5       It might be well to consider the literary evidence
G61 1910  4    first because it can provide us with an answer to one
G61 1920  3    important question; namely, is the idea that there
G61 1920 11    were Saxon mercenaries in England at all reasonable?
G62 0010  1    To do so, something was necessary beyond volunteering
G62 0010  9    because there was little glamour or romance in the
G62 0020  7    European war; it meant instead hardship, dirt, and
G62 0030  4    death.
G62 0030  5       Baker gave Leonard Wood credit for the initiation
G62 0040  3    of the draft of soldiers; from the General's idea a
G62 0050  2    chain reaction occurred. Wood took the proposal to
G62 0050 10    Chief of Staff Hugh L& Scott, who passed it on to Baker
G62 0060 10    a month before the actual declaration of war against
G62 0070  5    Germany. The Secretary of War gave his assent after
G62 0080  4    studying the history of the draft in the American Civil
G62 0090  2    War as well as the British volunteer system in World
G62 0090 12    War /1,. He concluded that selective service would
G62 0100  7    not only prevent the disorganization of essential war
G62 0110  4    industries but would avoid the undesirable moral effects
G62 0120  3    of the British reliance on enlistment only- "where
G62 0130  1    the feeling of the people was whipped into a frenzy
G62 0130 11    by girls pinning white feathers on reluctant young
G62 0140  6    men, orators preaching hate of the Germans, and newspapers
G62 0150  4    exaggerating enemy outrages to make men enlist out
G62 0160  2    of motives of revenge and retaliation". Baker took
G62 0160 10    the plan to Wilson who said: "Baker, this is plainly
G62 0170  9    right on any ground. Start to prepare the necessary
G62 0180  6    legislation so that if I am obliged to go to Congress
G62 0190  5    the bills will be ready for immediate consideration".
G62 0200  1    The result was that by secret agreement draft machinery
G62 0200 10    was actually ready long before the country knew that
G62 0210  8    the device was to take the place of the volunteering
G62 0220  6    method which Theodore Roosevelt favored. Before the
G62 0230  3    Draft Act was passed Baker had confidentially briefed
G62 0240  1    governors, sheriffs, and prospective draft board members
G62 0240  8    on the administration of the measure- and the confidence
G62 0250  7    was kept so well that only one newspaper learned what
G62 0260  6    was going on. It was Baker, working through Provost
G62 0270  3    Marshal Enoch Crowder and Major Hugh S& ("Old Ironpants")
G62 0280  2    Johnson, who arranged for a secret printing by the
G62 0290  1    million of selective service blanks- again before the
G62 0290  9    Act was passed- until corridors in the Government Printing
G62 0300  9    Office were full and the basement of the Washington
G62 0310  7    Post Office was stacked to the ceiling. General Crowder
G62 0320  3    proposed that Regular Army officers select the draftees
G62 0330  3    in cities and towns throughout the nation; it was Baker
G62 0340  1    who thought of lessening the shock, which conscription
G62 0340  9    always brings to a country, by substituting "Greetings
G62 0350  7    from your neighbors" for the recruiting sergeant, and
G62 0360  5    registration in familiar voting places rather than
G62 0370  3    at military installations.
G62 0370  6       Even so, the Draft Act encountered rough sledding
G62 0380  4    in its progress through the Congress. Democratic Speaker
G62 0390  2    Champ Clark saw little difference between a conscript
G62 0400  1    and a convict. Democrat Stanley H& Dent, Chairman of
G62 0400 10    the House Military Affairs Committee, declined to introduce
G62 0410  8    the bill. Democratic Floor Leader Claude Kitchin would
G62 0420  7    have no part of the measure. In the judgment of Chief
G62 0430  7    of Staff Scott it was ironic that the draft policy
G62 0440  4    of a Democratic President, aimed at Germany, had to
G62 0450  2    be pushed through the House of Representatives by the
G62 0450 11    ranking minority member of the Military Affairs Committee-
G62 0460  7    a Republican Jew born in Germany! He was Julius Kahn
G62 0470  8    for whom the Chief of Staff thought no honor could
G62 0480  5    be too great. After Kahn's death in 1924 Scott wrote:
G62 0490  3    "May he rest in peace with the eternal gratitude of
G62 0500  2    his adopted country".
G62 0500  5       In spite of powerful opposition the Draft Act finally
G62 0510  4    passed Congress on May 17, 1917. In early June ten
G62 0520  2    million young men registered by name and number. The
G62 0520 11    day passed without incident in spite of the warning
G62 0530  8    of Senator James A& Reed of Missouri: "Baker, you will
G62 0540  6    have the streets of our American cities running with
G62 0550  4    blood on registration day". On July 20, the first drawing
G62 0560  3    of numbers occurred in the Senate Office Building before
G62 0570  1    a distinguished group of congressmen and high Army
G62 0570  9    officers. Secretary of War Baker, blindfolded, put
G62 0580  6    his hand into a large glass bowl and drew the initial
G62 0590  6    number of those to be called. It was 258. A man in
G62 0600  4    Mississippi wired: "Thanks for drawing 258- that's
G62 0610  1    me". He was the first of 2,800,000 called to the Army
G62 0610 12    through the selective service system.
G62 0620  4    ##
G62 0620  5    It was one thing to call men to the colors; it was
G62 0630  4    another to house, feed, and train them. The existing
G62 0640  1    Army posts were wholly inadequate. In a matter of months
G62 0640 11    the War Department built thirty-two camps, each one
G62 0650  8    accommodating fifty thousand men- sixteen were under
G62 0660  4    canvas in the South and sixteen with frame structures
G62 0670  2    in the North. It was a gargantuan task; a typical cantonment
G62 0680  2    in the North had twelve hundred buildings, an
G62 0680 10    electric-sewer-water
G62 0700  1    system, and twenty-five miles of roads. At Camp Taylor
G62 0700 11    in Kentucky a barracks was built in an hour and a half
G62 0710 11    from timber that had been standing in Mississippi forests
G62 0720  6    one week before. The total operation was a construction
G62 0730  4    project comparable in magnitude with the Panama Canal,
G62 0740  2    but in 1917 time was in short supply; in three months
G62 0750  1    the Army spent three-quarters as much as had been expended
G62 0750 12    on the "big Ditch" in ten years.
G62 0760  5       In later years Josephus Danielswas to claim that
G62 0770  3    World War /1, was the first in American history in
G62 0770 13    which there was great concern for both the health and
G62 0780 10    morals of our soldiers. It was the first American war
G62 0790  7    in which the death rate from disease was lower than
G62 0800  4    that from battle, due to the provision of trained medical
G62 0810  2    personnel (of the 200,000 officers, 42,000 were physicians),
G62 0810 10    compulsory vaccination, rigorous camp sanitation, and
G62 0820  6    adequate hospital facilities. To the middle of September
G62 0830  7    1918, there had been fewer than 10,000 deaths from
G62 0840  4    disease in the new army. This enviable record would
G62 0850  2    have been maintained but for a great and unexpected
G62 0850 11    disaster which struck the world with murderous stealth.
G62 0860  6    It was the influenza pandemic of 1918-19. The malady
G62 0870  6    was popularly known as the "Spanish flu" from the alleged
G62 0880  4    locale of its origin. The world-wide total of deaths
G62 0890  1    from "Spanish flu" was around twenty million; in the
G62 0890 10    United States 300,000 succumbed to it. In mid-September
G62 0900  9    1918, the influenza-pneumonia pandemic swept through
G62 0910  4    every American military camp; during the eight-week
G62 0920  4    blitz attack 25,000 soldiers died from the disease
G62 0930  1    and the death rate (formerly 5 per year per 1,000 men)
G62 0930 12    increased almost fifty times to 4 per week per 1,000
G62 0940  9    men. In spite of this catastrophe the final mortality
G62 0950  4    figure from disease in the American Army during World
G62 0960  3    War /1, was 15 per 1,000 per year, contrasted with
G62 0970  1    110 per 1,000 per year in the Mexican War, and 65 in
G62 0970 13    the American Civil War.
G62 0980  2       Both Secretary of War Baker and Secretary of Navy
G62 0990  1    Daniels devoted much time and effort to the problem
G62 0990 10    of providing reasonably normal and wholesome activities
G62 1000  6    in camp for the millions of men who had been removed
G62 1010  6    from their home environment. Their policy ran counter
G62 1020  3    to the traditional idea that a good fighter was usually
G62 1020 13    a libertine, and that in sex affairs "God-given passion"
G62 1030 10    was a proof of manliness. Baker moved first; six days
G62 1040  8    after war was declared he appointed Raymond Fosdick
G62 1050  5    chairman of the Commission on Training Camp Activities
G62 1060  3    (the ~CTCA). Fosdick, a brother of minister Harry Emerson
G62 1080  3    Fosdick, was a graduate of Princeton, and a member
G62 1080 12    of Phi Beta Kappa and the American Philosophical Association.
G62 1090  9    His assignment was not a new one because Baker had
G62 1100 10    sent him to the Mexican border in 1916 to investigate
G62 1110  6    lurid newspaper stories about lack of discipline, drunkenness,
G62 1120  4    and venereal disease in American military camps. Fosdick
G62 1130  3    had found the installations surrounded by a battery
G62 1130 11    of saloons and houses of prostitution, with filles
G62 1140  8    de joie from all over the country flocking to San Antonio,
G62 1150  8    Laredo, and El Paso to "woman the cribs". He also ascertained
G62 1160  7    that many officers were indifferent to the problem,
G62 1170  5    including Commanding General Frederick Funston who
G62 1180  3    gave Fosdick the nickname of "Reverend". On the basis
G62 1190  1    of the long chronicle of military history Funston and
G62 1190 10    his brethren assumed that the issue was insoluble and
G62 1200  8    that anyone interested in a mission like Fosdick's
G62 1210  4    was an impractical idealist or a do-gooder.
G62 1220  1       During the brief Mexican venture Fosdick's report
G62 1220  8    to the Secretary recommended a definite stand by the
G62 1230  8    War Department against the saloon and the excesses
G62 1240  6    of prostitution. The problem involved military necessity
G62 1250  2    as much as morality, for in pre-penicillin days venereal
G62 1260  1    disease was a crippling disability. Fosdick insisted
G62 1260  8    that a strong word was needed from Washington, and
G62 1270  7    it was immediately forthcoming. Baker put the "cribs"
G62 1280  5    and the saloons out of bounds, ordered the co-operation
G62 1290  3    of military officers with local law authorities, and
G62 1290 11    told communities that the troops would be moved unless
G62 1300  9    wholesome conditions were restored. Both Baker and
G62 1310  6    Fosdick knew that a substitute was necessary, that
G62 1320  3    a verboten approach was not the real answer. They were
G62 1330  2    aware that soldiers went to town, in more ways than
G62 1330 12    one, because of the monotony of camp life, to find
G62 1340  9    the only release available in the absence of movies,
G62 1350  5    reading rooms, and playing fields with adequate athletic
G62 1360  2    equipment. Both knew that when trains stopped at Texan
G62 1360 11    crossroads bored soldiers would sometimes enter to
G62 1370  7    ask the passengers if they had any reading material
G62 1380  6    to spare, even a newspaper. There was no time in the
G62 1390  5    short Mexican encounter to evolve a solution but the
G62 1400  1    area provided a proving ground for new departures in
G62 1400 10    the near future.
G62 1410  1       When the United States entered the First World War
G62 1410 10    Baker made certain that the Draft Act of 1917 prohibited
G62 1420 10    the sale of liquor to men in uniform and that it provided
G62 1430  9    for broad zones around the camps in which prostitution
G62 1440  4    was outlawed. Even so Fosdick, as the new Chairman
G62 1450  2    of the Commission on Training Camp Activities, encountered
G62 1460  1    strong and vociferous opposition. New Orleans had a
G62 1460  9    notorious red-light district extending over twenty-eight
G62 1470  6    city blocks, and the business-minded mayor of the city
G62 1480  5    journeyed to Washington to present the case for "the
G62 1490  4    God-given right of men to be men". In Europe, Premier
G62 1500  1    Clemenceau, showing his animal proclivities as the
G62 1500  8    "Tiger of France", asked Pershing by letter for the
G62 1510  8    creation of special houses where the sexual desires
G62 1520  5    of American men could be satisfied. When Fosdick showed
G62 1530  3    the letter to Baker his negative response was: "For
G62 1540  1    God's sake, Raymond, don't show this to the President
G62 1540 10    or he'll stop the war". Ultimately Fosdick's "Fit to
G62 1550  9    fight" slogan swept across the country and every well-known
G62 1560 10    red-light district in the United States was closed,
G62 1570  7    a hundred and ten of them. The result was that the
G62 1580  5    rate of venereal disease in the American Army was the
G62 1590  3    lowest in our military history.
G62 1590  8       This was the negative side of the situation. Affirmatively
G62 1600  6    Baker worked on the premise that "young men spontaneously
G62 1610  4    prefer to be decent, and that opportunities for wholesome
G62 1620  3    recreation are the best possible cure for irregularities
G62 1630  1    in conduct which arise from idleness and the baser
G62 1630 10    temptations". The wholesome activities were to be provided
G62 1640  8    by many organizations including the ~YMCA, the Knights
G62 1650  5    of Columbus, the Jewish Welfare Board, the American
G62 1660  4    Library Association, and the Playground and Recreation
G62 1670  2    Association- private societies which voluntarily performed
G62 1680  1    the job that was taken over almost entirely by the
G62 1680 11    Special Services Division of the Army itself in World
G62 1690  8    War /2,. Over these voluntary agencies, in 1917-18,
G62 1700  6    the ~CTCA served as a co-ordinating body in carrying
G62 1710  4    out what Survey called "the most stupendous piece of
G62 1720  3    social work in modern times". Under Fosdick the first
G62 1730  1    executive officer of the ~CTCA was Richard Byrd, whose
G62 1730 10    name in later years was to become synonymous with activities
G62 1740  9    at the polar antipodes. From the point of view of popularity
G62 1750  8    the best-known member of the Commission was Walter
G62 1760  5    Camp, the Yale athlete whose sobriquet was "the father
G62 1770  4    of American football". He was placed in charge of athletics,
G62 1780  2    and among other things adapted the type of calisthenics
G62 1780 11    known as the daily dozen. The ~CTCA program of activities
G62 1790 10    was profuse: William Farnum and Mary Pickford on the
G62 1800  8    screen, Elsie Janis and Harry Lauder on the stage,
G62 1810  7    books provided by the American Library Association,
G62 1820  3    full equipment for games and sports- except that no
G62 1830  2    "bones" were furnished for the all-time favorite pastime
G62 1830 11    played on any floor and known as "African golf". The
G62 1840 10    ~CTCA distributed a khaki-bound songbook that provided
G62 1850  7    the impetus for spirited renditions of the selections
G62 1860  5    found therein, plus a number of others whose lyrics
G62 1870  3    were more earthy- from "Johnny Get Your Gun" to "Keep
G62 1880  2    the Home Fires Burning" to "Mademoiselle from Armentieres".
G63 0010  1    In the imagination of the nineteenth century the Greek
G63 0010 10    tragedians and Shakespeare stand side by side, their
G63 0020  7    affinity transcending all the immense contrarieties
G63 0030  3    of historical circumstance, religious belief, and poetic
G63 0040  2    form.
G63 0040  3       We no longer use the particular terms of Lessing
G63 0050  1    and Victor Hugo. But we abide by their insight. The
G63 0050 11    word "tragedy" encloses for us in a single span both
G63 0060  9    the Greek and the Elizabethan example. The sense of
G63 0070  5    relationship overreaches the historical truth that
G63 0080  3    Shakespeare may have known next to nothing of the actual
G63 0090  1    works of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. It transcends
G63 0090  9    the glaring fact that the Elizabethans mixed tragedy
G63 0100  8    and comedy whereas the Greeks kept the two modes severely
G63 0110  8    distinct. It overcomes our emphatic awareness of the
G63 0120  4    vast difference in the shape and fabric of the two
G63 0130  2    languages and styles of dramatic presentation. The
G63 0130  9    intimations of a related spirit and ordering of human
G63 0140  8    values are stronger than any sense of disparity. Comparable
G63 0150  5    visions of life are at work in Antigone and Romeo and
G63 0160  4    Juliet. We see at once what Victor Hugo means when
G63 0170  3    he calls Macbeth a northern scion of the house of Atreus.
G63 0180  1    Elsinore seems to lie in a range of Mycenae, and the
G63 0180 12    fate of Orestes resounds in that of Hamlet. The hounds
G63 0190  8    of hell search out their quarry in Apollo's sanctuary
G63 0200  5    as they do in the tent of Richard /3,. Oedipus and
G63 0210  3    Lear attain similar insights by virtue of similar blindness.
G63 0220  1    It it not between Euripides and Shakespeare that the
G63 0220 10    western mind turns away from the ancient tragic sense
G63 0230  9    of life. It is after the late seventeenth century.
G63 0240  5    I say the late seventeenth century because Racine (whom
G63 0250  3    Lessing did not really know) stands on the far side
G63 0260  1    of the chasm. The image of man which enters into force
G63 0260 12    with Aeschylus is still vital in Phedre and Athalie.
G63 0270  8       It is the triumph of rationalism and secular metaphysics
G63 0280  7    which marks the point of no return. Shakespeare is
G63 0290  6    closer to Sophocles than he is to Pope and Voltaire.
G63 0300  3    To say this is to set aside the realness of time. But
G63 0310  1    it is true, nevertheless. The modes of the imagination
G63 0310 10    implicit in Athenian tragedy continued to shape the
G63 0320  7    life of the mind until the age of Descartes and Newton.
G63 0330  5    It is only then that the ancient habits of feeling
G63 0340  3    and the classic orderings of material and psychological
G63 0340 11    experience were abandoned. With the Discours de la
G63 0350  8    methode and the Principia the things undreamt of in
G63 0360  7    Horatio's philosophy seem to pass from the world.
G63 0370  6       In Greek tragedy as in Shakespeare, mortal actions
G63 0380  3    are encompassed by forces which transcend man. The
G63 0380 11    reality of Orestes entails that of the Furies; the
G63 0390  9    Weird Sisters wait for the soul of Macbeth. We cannot
G63 0400  8    conceive of Oedipus without a Sphinx, nor of Hamlet
G63 0410  5    without a Ghost. The shadows cast by the personages
G63 0420  1    of Greek and Shakespearean drama lengthen into a greater
G63 0420 10    darkness. And the entirety of the natural world is
G63 0430  9    party to the action. The thunderclaps over the sacred
G63 0440  6    wood at Colonus and the storms in King Lear are caused
G63 0450  5    by more than weather. In tragedy, lightning is a messenger.
G63 0460  4    But it can no longer be so once Benjamin Franklin (the
G63 0470  2    incarnation of the new rational man) has flown a kite
G63 0470 12    to it. The tragic stage is a platform extending precariously
G63 0480  8    between heaven and hell. Those who walk on it may encounter
G63 0490  9    at any turn ministers of grace or damnation. Oedipus
G63 0500  4    and Lear instruct us how little of the world belongs
G63 0510  4    to man. Mortality is the pacing of a brief and dangerous
G63 0520  1    watch, and to all sentinels, whether at Elsinore or
G63 0520 10    on the battlements at Mycenae, the coming of dawn has
G63 0530  8    its breath of miracle. It banishes the night wanderers
G63 0540  5    to fire or repose. But at the touch of Hume and Voltaire
G63 0550  4    the noble or hideous visitations which had haunted
G63 0560  1    the mind since Agamemnon's blood cried out for vengeance,
G63 0560 10    disappeared altogether or took tawdry refuge among
G63 0570  7    the gaslights of melodrama. Modern roosters have lost
G63 0580  5    the art of crowing restless spirits back to Purgatory.
G63 0590  2       In Athens, in Shakespeare's England, and at Versailles,
G63 0600  2    the hierarchies of worldly power were stable and manifest.
G63 0610  1    The wheel of social life spun around the royal or aristocratic
G63 0610 12    centre. From it, spokes of order and degree led to
G63 0620 10    the outward rim of the common man. Tragedy presumes
G63 0630  5    such a configuration. Its sphere is that of royal courts,
G63 0640  4    dynastic quarrels, and vaulting ambitions. The same
G63 0650  1    metaphors of swift ascent and calamitous decline apply
G63 0650  9    to Oedipus and Macbeth because they applied also to
G63 0660  8    Alcibiades and Essex. And the fate of such men has
G63 0670  7    tragic relevance because it is public. Agamemnon, Creon,
G63 0680  2    and Medea perform their tragic actions before the eyes
G63 0690  1    of the polis. Similarly the sufferings of Hamlet, Othello,
G63 0700  1    or Phedre engage the fortunes of the state. They are
G63 0700 11    enacted at the heart of the body politic. Hence the
G63 0710  8    natural setting of tragedy is the palace gate, the
G63 0720  4    public square, or the court chamber. Greek and Elizabethan
G63 0730  1    life and, to a certain extent, the life of Versailles
G63 0730 11    shared this character of intense "publicity". Princes
G63 0740  7    and factions clashed in the open street and died on
G63 0750  8    the open scaffold.
G63 0750 11       With the rise to power of the middle class the centre
G63 0760 10    of gravity in human affairs shifted from the public
G63 0770  5    to the private. The art of Defoe and Richardson is
G63 0780  2    founded on an awareness of this great change. Heretofore
G63 0790  1    an action had possessed the breadth of tragedy only
G63 0790 10    if it involved high personages and if it occurred in
G63 0800  7    the public view. Behind the tragic hero stands the
G63 0810  4    chorus, the crowd, or the observant courtier. In the
G63 0820  1    eighteenth century there emerges for the first time
G63 0820  9    the notion of a private tragedy (or nearly for the
G63 0830  7    first time, there having been a small number of Elizabethan
G63 0840  4    domestic tragedies such as the famous Arden of Feversham).
G63 0850  3    In La Nouvelle-Heloi^se and Werther tragedy is made
G63 0860  4    intimate. And private tragedy became the chosen ground
G63 0870  1    not of drama, but of the new, unfolding art of the
G63 0870 12    novel.
G63 0880  1       The novel was not only the presenter of the new,
G63 0880 11    secular, rationalistic, private world of the middle
G63 0890  6    class. It served also as a literary form exactly appropriate
G63 0900  3    to the fragmented audience of modern urban culture.
G63 0910  1    I have said before how difficult it is to make any
G63 0910 12    precise statements with regard to the character of
G63 0920  7    the Greek and Elizabethan public. But one major fact
G63 0930  5    seems undeniable. Until the advent of rational empiricism
G63 0940  2    the controlling habits of the western mind were symbolic
G63 0950  1    and allegoric. Available evidence regarding the natural
G63 0950  8    world, the course of history, and the varieties of
G63 0960  8    human action were translated into imaginative designs
G63 0970  4    or mythologies. Classic mythology and Christianity
G63 0980  1    are such architectures of the imagination. They order
G63 0980  9    the manifold levels of reality and moral value along
G63 0990  8    an axis of being which extends from brute matter to
G63 1000  6    the immaculate stars. There had not yet supervened
G63 1010  2    between understanding and expression the new languages
G63 1010  9    of mathematics and scientific formulas. The poet was
G63 1020  8    by definition a realist, his imaginings and parables
G63 1030  5    being natural organizations of reality. And in these
G63 1040  4    organizations certain primal notions played a radiant
G63 1050  1    part, radiant both in the sense of giving light and
G63 1050 11    of being a pole toward which all perspectives converge.
G63 1060  6    I mean such concepts as the presence of the supernatural
G63 1070  4    in human affairs, the sacraments of grace and divine
G63 1080  3    retribution, the idea of preordainment (the oracle
G63 1080 10    over Oedipus, the prophecy of the witches to Macbeth,
G63 1090  8    or God's covenant with His people in Athalie). I refer
G63 1100  7    to the notion that the structure of society is a microcosm
G63 1110  6    of the cosmic design and that history conforms to patterns
G63 1120  4    of justice and chastisement as if it were a morality
G63 1130  1    play set in motion by the gods for our instruction.
G63 1130 11       These conceptions and the manner in which they were
G63 1140  9    transposed into poetry or engendered by poetic form
G63 1150  5    are intrinsic to western life from the time of Aeschylus
G63 1160  3    to that of Shakespeare. And although they were, as
G63 1160 12    I have indicated, under increasing strain at the time
G63 1170  9    of Racine, they are still alive in his theatre. They
G63 1180  8    are the essential force behind the conventions of tragedy.
G63 1190  5    They are as decisively present in the Oresteia and
G63 1200  2    Oedipus as in Macbeth, King Lear, and Phedre.
G63 1210  1       After the seventeenth century the audience ceased
G63 1210  8    to be an organic community to which these ideas and
G63 1220 10    their attendant habits of figurative language would
G63 1230  5    be natural or immediately familiar. Concepts such as
G63 1240  3    grace, damnation, purgation, blasphemy, or the chain
G63 1240 10    of being, which are everywhere implicit in classic
G63 1250  8    and Shakespearean tragedy, lose their vitality. They
G63 1260  5    become philosophic abstractions of a private and problematic
G63 1270  5    relevance, or mere catchwords in religious customs
G63 1280  1    which had in them a diminishing part of active belief.
G63 1280 11    After Shakespeare the master spirits of western consciousness
G63 1290  7    are no longer the blind seers, the poets, or Orpheus
G63 1300  8    performing his art in the face of hell. They are Descartes,
G63 1310  6    Newton, and Voltaire. And their chroniclers are not
G63 1320  3    the dramatic poets but the prose novelists.
G63 1320 10       The romantics were the immediate inheritors of this
G63 1330  8    tremendous change. They were not yet prepared to accept
G63 1340  8    it as irremediable. Rousseau's primitivism, the anti-Newtonian
G63 1350  5    mythology of Blake, Coleridge's organic metaphysics,
G63 1360  3    Victor Hugo's image of the poets as the Magi, and Shelley's
G63 1370  3    "unacknowledged legislators" are related elements in
G63 1380  2    the rear-guard action fought by the romantics against
G63 1380 11    the new scientific rationalism. From this action sprang
G63 1390  7    the idea of somehow uniting Greek and Shakespearean
G63 1400  4    drama into a new total form, capable of restoring to
G63 1410  4    life the ancient moral and poetic responses. The dream
G63 1420  1    of achieving a synthesis between the Sophoclean and
G63 1420  9    the Shakespearean genius inspired the ambitions of
G63 1430  6    poets and composers from the time of Shelley and Victor
G63 1440  5    Hugo to that of Bayreuth. It could not really be fulfilled.
G63 1450  3    The conventions into which the romantics tried to breath
G63 1460  1    life no longer corresponded to the realities of thought
G63 1460 10    and feeling. But the attempt itself produced a number
G63 1470  8    of brilliant works, and these form a transition from
G63 1480  6    the early romantic period to the new age of Ibsen and
G63 1490  4    Chekhov.
G63 1490  5    ##
G63 1490  6    The wedding of the Hellenic to the northern genius
G63 1500  2    was one of the dominant motifs in Goethe's thought.
G63 1500 11    His Italian journey was a poet's version of those perennial
G63 1510 10    thrusts across the Alps of the German emperors of the
G63 1520 10    Middle Ages. The dream of a descent into the gardens
G63 1530  7    of the south always drew German ambitions toward Rome
G63 1540  3    and Sicily. Goethe asks in Wilhelm Meister whether
G63 1550  2    we know the land where the lemon trees flower, and
G63 1550 12    the light of the Mediterranean glows through Torquato
G63 1560  7    Tasso and the Roman Elegies. Goethe believed that the
G63 1570  6    Germanic spirit, with its grave strength but flagrant
G63 1580  5    streaks of brutality and intolerance, should be tempered
G63 1590  3    with the old sensuous wisdom and humanism of the Hellenic.
G63 1600  1    On the narrower ground of poetic form, he felt that
G63 1600 11    in the drama of the future the Greek conception of
G63 1610  8    tragic fate should be joined to the Shakespearean vision
G63 1620  4    of tragic will. The wager between God and Satan brings
G63 1630  3    on the destiny of Faust, but Faust assumes his role
G63 1640  1    voluntarily.
G63 1640  2       The third Act of Faust /2, is a formal celebration
G63 1650  1    of the union between the Germanic and the classic,
G63 1650 10    between the spirit of Euripides and that of romantic
G63 1660  9    drama. The motif of Faust's love for Helen of Troy
G63 1670  6    goes back to the sources of the Faustian legend. It
G63 1680  3    tells us of the ancient human desire to see the highest
G63 1690  1    wisdom joined to the highest sensual beauty. There
G63 1690  9    can be no greater magic than to wrest from death her
G63 1700  8    in whom the flesh was all, in whom beauty was entirely
G63 1710  4    pure because it was entirely corruptible. It is thus
G63 1720  2    that the brightness of Helen passes through Marlowe's
G63 1720 10    Faustus. Goethe used the fable to more elaborate ends.
G63 1730  9    Faust rescuing Helen from Menelaus' vengeance is the
G63 1740  7    genius of renaissance Europe restoring to life the
G63 1750  5    classic tradition. The necromantic change from the
G63 1760  2    palace at Sparta to Faust's Gothic castle directs us
G63 1760 11    to the aesthetic meaning of the myth- the translation
G63 1770  8    of antique drama into Shakespearean and romantic guise.
G63 1780  5       This translation, or rather the fusion of the two
G63 1790  6    ideals, creates the Gesamtkunstwerk, the "total art
G63 1800  4    form".
G64 0010  1    The Bishop of Gloucester described the elder Thomas
G64 0010  9    in 1577 as the richest recusant in his diocese, worth
G64 0020  7    five hundred pounds a year in lands and goods. When
G64 0030  5    Quiney and William Parsons wrote to Greville in 1593
G64 0040  3    asking his consent in the election for bailiff, they
G64 0040 12    sent the letter to Mr& William Sawnders, attendant
G64 0050  7    on the worshipful Mr& Thomas Bushell at Marston. Mr&
G64 0060  6    Bushell was mentioned in 1602 in the will of Joyce
G64 0070  6    Hobday, widow of a Stratford glover. Thomas the elder
G64 0080  3    married twice, had seventeen children, and died in
G64 0080 11    1615. His daughter Elinor married Quiney's son Adrian
G64 0090  7    in 1613, and his son Henry married Mary Lane of Stratford
G64 0100  7    in 1609. His son Thomas, aged fifteen when he entered
G64 0110  6    Oxford in 1582, married as his first wife Margaret,
G64 0120  2    sister of Sir Edward Greville. Bridges, a son by his
G64 0130  1    second wife, was christened at Pebworth in 1607, but
G64 0130 10    Thomas the younger was living at Packwood two years
G64 0140  7    later and sold Broad Marston manor in 1622. A third
G64 0150  6    Thomas Bushell (1594-1674), "much loved" by Bacon,
G64 0160  3    called himself "the Superlative Prodigall" in The First
G64 0170  2    Part of Youths Errors (1628) and became an expert on
G64 0170 12    silver mines and on the art of running into debt.
G64 0180 10       Edward Greville, born about 1565, had inherited
G64 0190  6    Milcote on the execution of his father Lodowick for
G64 0200  3    murder in 1589. He refused his consent to the election
G64 0210  1    of Quiney as bailiff in 1592, but gave it at the request
G64 0210 13    of the recorder, his cousin Sir Fulke Greville. The
G64 0220  8    corporation entertained him for dinner at Quiney's
G64 0230  6    house in 1596/7, with wine and sugar sent by the bailiff,
G64 0240  5    Sturley. At Milcote on November 3, 1597, the aldermen
G64 0250  2    asked him to support their petition for a new charter.
G64 0250 12    Sturley wrote to Quiney that Sir Edward "gave his allowance
G64 0260 10    and liking thereof, and affied unto us his best endeavour,
G64 0270  9    so that his rights be preserved", and that "Sir Edward
G64 0280  6    saith we shall not be at any fault for money for prosecuting
G64 0290  6    the cause, for himself will procure it and lay it down
G64 0300  5    for us for the time". Greville proposed Quiney as the
G64 0310  2    fittest man "for the following of the cause and to
G64 0310 12    attend him in the matter", and at his suggestion the
G64 0320  8    corporation allowed Quiney two shillings a day. "If
G64 0330  6    you can firmly make the good knight sure to pleasure
G64 0340  3    our Corporation", Sturley wrote, "besides that ordinary
G64 0350  1    allowance for your diet you shall have @20 for recompence".
G64 0350 11       In his letter mentioning Shakespeare on January
G64 0360  8    24, 1597/8, Sturley asked Quiney especially that "theare
G64 0370  6    might [be] bi Sir Ed& Grev& some meanes made to the
G64 0380  7    Knightes of the Parliament for an ease and discharge
G64 0390  5    of such taxes and subsedies wherewith our towne is
G64 0400  2    like to be charged, and I assure u I am in great feare
G64 0400 15    and doubte bi no meanes hable to paie. Sir Ed& Gre&
G64 0410 10    is gonne to Brestowe and from thence to Lond& as I
G64 0420  8    heare, who verie well knoweth our estates and wil be
G64 0430  4    willinge to do us ani good". The knights for Warwickshire
G64 0440  1    in this parliament, which ended its session on February
G64 0440 10    9, were Fulke Greville (the poet) and William Combe
G64 0450  9    of Warwick, as Fulke Greville and Edward Greville had
G64 0460  6    been in 1593. The corporation voted on September 27,
G64 0470  5    1598, that Quiney should ride to London about the suit
G64 0480  3    to Sir John Fortescue, chancellor of the Exchequer,
G64 0490  1    for discharging of the tax and subsidy. He had been
G64 0490 11    in London for several weeks when he wrote to Shakespeare
G64 0500  7    on October 25. Sturley on November 4 answered a letter
G64 0510  6    from Quiney written on October 25 which imported, wrote
G64 0520  3    Sturley, "that our countriman **f **f Shak& would procure
G64 0530  2    us monei: which I will like of as I shall heare when
G64 0530 14    wheare + howe: and I prai let not go that occasion
G64 0540 11    if it mai sort to ani indifferent condicions. Allso
G64 0550  5    that if monei might be had for 30 or **f a lease +c&
G64 0560  6    might be procured". Sturley quoted Quiney as having
G64 0570  2    written on November 1 that if he had "more monei presente
G64 0570 13    much might be done to obtaine our Charter enlargd,
G64 0580  9    ij& faires more, with tole of corne, bestes, and sheepe,
G64 0590  7    and a matter of more valewe then all that". Sturley
G64 0600  4    thought that this matter might be "the rest of the
G64 0610  3    tithes and the College houses and landes in our towne".
G64 0610 13    He suggested offering half to Sir Edward, fearing lest
G64 0620  9    "he shall thinke it to good for us and procure it for
G64 0630 10    himselfe, as he served us the last time". This refers
G64 0640  5    to what had happened after the Earl of Warwick died
G64 0650  2    in 1590, when the town petitioned Burghley for the
G64 0650 11    right to name the vicar and schoolmaster and other
G64 0660  8    privileges but Greville bought the lordship for himself.
G64 0670  5    Sturley's allusion probably explains why Greville took
G64 0680  4    out the patent in the names of Best and Wells, for
G64 0690  2    Sir Anthony Ashley described Best as "a scrivener within
G64 0690 11    Temple Bar, that deals in many matters for my L& Essex"
G64 0700 11    through Sir Gelly Merrick, especially in "causes that
G64 0710  7    he would not be known of".
G64 0720  2       Adrian Quiney wrote to his son Richard on October
G64 0730  1    29 and again perhaps the next day, since the bearer
G64 0730 11    of the letter, the bailiff, was expected to reach London
G64 0740  7    on November 1. In his second letter the old mercer
G64 0750  5    advised his son "to bye some such warys as yow may
G64 0760  2    selle presentlye with profet. yff yow bargen with **f
G64 0760 11    sha **h [so in the ~MS] or Receave money ther or brynge
G64 0770 11    your money home yow maye see howe knite stockynges
G64 0780  7    be sold ther ys gret byinge of them at Aysshom **h.
G64 0790  4    wherefore I thynke yow maye doo good yff yow can have
G64 0800  1    money". This seems to refer, not to the loan Richard
G64 0800 11    had asked for, but to a proposed bargain with Shakespeare.
G64 0810  9       Richard Quiney the younger, a schoolboy of eleven,
G64 0820  7    wrote a letter in Latin asking his father to buy copybooks
G64 0830  6    ("chartaceos libellos") for him and his brother. His
G64 0840  5    mother Bess, who could not write herself, reminded
G64 0850  1    her husband through Sturley to buy the apron he had
G64 0850 11    promised her and "a suite of hattes for 5 boies the
G64 0860 10    yongst lined + trimmed with silke" (for John, only
G64 0870  4    a year old). A letter signed "Isabell Bardall" entreated
G64 0880  2    "Good Cozen" Quiney to find her stepson Adrian, son
G64 0890  2    of George Bardell, a place in London with some handicraftsman.
G64 0900  1    William Parsons and William Walford, drapers, asked
G64 0900  8    Quiney to see to business matters in London. Daniel
G64 0910  8    Baker deluged his "Unckle Quyne" with requests to pay
G64 0920  6    money for him to drapers in Watling Street and at the
G64 0930  5    Two Cats in Canning Street. His letter of October 26
G64 0940  3    named two of the men about whom Quiney had written
G64 0940 13    to Shakespeare the day before. Baker wrote: "I tooke
G64 0950  8    order with **f E& Grevile for the payment of Ceartaine
G64 0960  7    monei beefore his going towardes London. + synce I
G64 0970  5    did write unto him to dessier him to paie **f for mee
G64 0980  3    which standeth mee greatly uppon to have paide. + **f
G64 0980 13    more **f peeter Rowswell tooke order with his master
G64 0990  6    to paie for mee". He asked Quiney to find out whether
G64 1000  7    the money had been paid and, if not, to send to the
G64 1010  5    lodging of Sir Edward and entreat him to pay what he
G64 1020  2    owed. Baker added: "I pray you delivre these inclosed
G64 1020 11    Letters And Comend mee to **f Rychard mytton whoe I
G64 1030 10    know will ffreind mee for the payment of this monei".
G64 1040  8    Further letters in November mention that Sir Edward
G64 1050  4    paid forty pounds.
G64 1050  7       Stratford's petition to the queen declared that
G64 1060  6    two great fires had burnt two hundred houses in the
G64 1070  4    town, with household goods, to the value of twelve
G64 1070 13    thousand pounds. The chancellor of the Exchequer wrote
G64 1080  8    on the petition: "in myn opinion it is very resonable
G64 1090  8    and conscionable for hir maiestie to graunt in relief
G64 1100  5    of this towne twise afflicted and almost wasted by
G64 1110  2    fire". The queen agreed on December 17, a warrant was
G64 1110 12    signed on January 27, and the Exchequer paid Quiney
G64 1120  9    his expenses on February 27, 1598/9. He listed what
G64 1130  6    he had spent for "My own diet in London eighteen weeks,
G64 1140  4    in which I was sick a month; my mare at coming up 14
G64 1150  3    days; another I bought there to bring me home 7 weeks;
G64 1160  1    and I was six days going thither and coming homewards;
G64 1160 11    all which cost me at the least @20". He was allowed
G64 1170 10    forty-four pounds in all, including fees to the masters
G64 1180  6    of requests, Mr& Fanshawe of the Exchequer, the solicitor
G64 1190  4    general, and other officials and their clerks. If he
G64 1200  3    borrowed money from Shakespeare or with his help, he
G64 1200 12    would now have been able to repay the loan.
G64 1210  9       Since more is known about Quiney than about any
G64 1220  5    other acquaintance of Shakespeare in Stratford, his
G64 1230  2    career may be followed to its sudden end in 1602. During
G64 1230 13    1598 and 1599 he made "manye Guiftes of myne owne provision
G64 1240 11    bestowed uppon Cowrtiers + others for the better effectinge
G64 1250  8    of our suites in hande". He was in London "searching
G64 1260  6    records for our town's causes" in 1600 with young Henry
G64 1270  6    Sturley, the assistant schoolmaster. When Sir Edward
G64 1280  3    Greville enclosed the town commons on the Bancroft,
G64 1290  1    Quiney and others leveled his hedges on January 21,
G64 1290 10    1600/1, and were charged with riot by Sir Edward. He
G64 1300  8    also sued them for taking toll of grain at their market.
G64 1310  6    Accompanied by "Master Greene our solicitor" (Thomas
G64 1320  2    Greene of the Middle Temple, Shakespeare's "cousin"),
G64 1330  1    Quiney tried to consult Sir Edward Coke, attorney general,
G64 1340  1    and gave money to a clerk and a doorkeeper "that we
G64 1340 12    might have access to their master for his counsel **h
G64 1350  9    butt colde nott have him att Leasure by the reason
G64 1360  6    of thees trobles" (the Essex rising on February 8).
G64 1370  2    He set down that "I gave **f Greene a pynte of muskadell
G64 1380  1    and a roll of bread that last morning I went to have
G64 1380 13    his company to Master Attorney". After returning to
G64 1390  7    Stratford he drew up a defense of the town's right
G64 1400  5    to toll corn and the office of collecting it, and his
G64 1410  3    list of suggested witnesses included his father and
G64 1410 11    Shakespeare's father. No one, he wrote, took any corn
G64 1420  9    of Greville's, for his bailiff of husbandry "swore
G64 1430  6    a greate oathe thatt who soe came to put hys hande
G64 1440  5    into hys sackes for anye corne shuld leave hys hande
G64 1450  1    be hynde hym". Quiney was in London again in June,
G64 1450 11    1601, and in November, when he rode up, as Shakespeare
G64 1460  8    must often have done, by way of Oxford, High Wycombe,
G64 1470  5    and Uxbridge, and home through Aylesbury and Banbury.
G64 1480  3       After Quiney was elected bailiff in September, 1601,
G64 1490  2    without Greville's approval, Greene wrote him that
G64 1490  9    Coke had promised to be of counsel for Stratford and
G64 1500 10    had advised "that the office of bayly may be exercised
G64 1510  8    as it is taken upon you, (**f Edwardes his consent
G64 1520  3    not beinge hadd to the swearinge of you)". Asked by
G64 1530  1    the townsmen to cease his suit, Greville had answered
G64 1530 10    that "hytt shulde coste hym **f first + sayed it must
G64 1540 10    be tried ether before my Lorde Anderson in the countrey
G64 1550  5    or his uncle ffortescue in the exchequer with whom
G64 1560  3    he colde more prevaile then we". The corporation proposed
G64 1570  1    Chief Justice Anderson for an arbiter, sending him
G64 1570  9    a gift of sack and claret. Lady Greville, daughter
G64 1580  6    of the late Lord Chancellor Bromley and niece of Sir
G64 1590  6    John Fortescue, was offered twenty pounds by the townsmen
G64 1600  4    to make peace; she "labored + thought she shuld effecte"
G64 1610  2    it but her husband said that "we shuld wynne it by
G64 1610 13    the sworde". His servant Robin Whitney threatened Quiney,
G64 1620  7    who had Whitney bound to "the good abaringe" to keep
G64 1630  8    the peace. A report of **f Edw: Grevyles minaces to
G64 1640  6    the Baileefe Aldermen + Burgesses of Stratforde" tells
G64 1650  4    how Quiney was injured by Greville's men: "in the tyme
G64 1660  4    **f Ryc' Quyney was bayleefe ther came some of them
G64 1670  2    whoe beinge druncke fell to braweling in ther hosts
G64 1670 11    howse wher thei druncke + drewe ther dagers uppon the
G64 1680  9    hoste: att a faier tyme the Baileefe being late abroade
G64 1690  5    to see the towne in order + comminge by in **f hurley
G64 1700  3    Burley. came into the howse + commawnded the peace
G64 1700 12    to be kept butt colde nott prevayle + in hys endevor
G64 1710 10    to sticle the brawle had his heade grevouselye brooken
G64 1720  5    by one of hys [Greville's] men whom nether hym selfe
G64 1730  4    [Greville] punnished nor wolde suffer to be punnished
G64 1740  1    but with a shewe to turne them awaye + enterteyned
G64 1740 11    agayne".
G65 0010  1    The fall of Rome, the discovery of precious metals,
G65 0010 10    and the Protestant Reformation were all links and could
G65 0020  7    only be explained and understood by comprehending the
G65 0030  4    links that preceded and those that followed.
G65 0040  1       Often the historian must consider the use of intuition
G65 0040 10    or instinct by those individuals or nations which he
G65 0050  8    is studying. Unconsciously, governments or races or
G65 0060  5    institutions may enter into some undertaking without
G65 0070  2    fully realizing why they are doing so. They react in
G65 0070 12    obedience to an instinct or urge which has itself been
G65 0080 10    impelled by natural law. A court may strike down a
G65 0090  8    law on the basis of an intuitive feeling that the law
G65 0100  4    is inimical to the numerical majority. A nation may
G65 0110  1    go to war on some trifling pretext, when in reality
G65 0110 11    it may have been guided by an unconscious instinct
G65 0120  6    that its very life was at stake. When the historian
G65 0130  3    encounters a situation in which he can perceive no
G65 0130 12    visible cause and effect sequence, he should be alert
G65 0140  9    to intuition and unconscious instinct as possible guides.
G65 0150  5       Adams firmly contended that the historian must never
G65 0160  6    underrate the impact of the geographical environment
G65 0170  2    on history. Here was another indispensable tool. Indeed,
G65 0180  1    he concluded that "geographical conditions have exercised
G65 0180  8    a great, possibly a preponderating, influence over
G65 0190  6    man's destiny". The failure of Greece to reach the
G65 0200  6    imperial destiny that Periclean Athens had seemed to
G65 0210  4    promise was almost directly attributable to her physical
G65 0220  1    conformation. All areas of history were either favorably
G65 0220  9    or adversely affected by the geographical environment,
G65 0230  6    and no respectable historian could pursue the study
G65 0240  5    of history without a thorough knowledge of geography.
G65 0250  2       Brooks Adams was consistent in his admonishments
G65 0260  1    to historians about the necessary tools or insights
G65 0260  9    they needed to possess. However, as a practicing historian,
G65 0270  6    he, himself, has left few clues to the amount of professional
G65 0280  6    scholarship that he used when writing history. In fact,
G65 0290  4    if judgments are to be rendered upon the soundness
G65 0300  1    of his historicism, they must be based on scanty evidence.
G65 0300 11    What evidence is available would seem to indicate that
G65 0310  8    Brooks, unlike his older brother Henry, had most of
G65 0320  6    the methodological vices usually found in the amateur.
G65 0330  4    A credulousness, a distaste for documentation, an uncritical
G65 0340  1    reliance on contemporary accounts, and a proneness
G65 0340  8    to assume a theory as true before adequate proof was
G65 0350  9    provided were all evidences of his failure to comprehend
G65 0360  6    the use of the scientific method or to evaluate the
G65 0370  2    responsibilities of the historian to his reading public.
G65 0370 10    This is not to assume that his work was without merit,
G65 0380 11    but the validity of his assumptions concerning the
G65 0390  6    meaning of history must always be considered against
G65 0400  3    this background of an unprofessional approach.
G65 0410  1       His credulity is perhaps best illustrated in his
G65 0410  9    introduction to The Emancipation of Massachusetts,
G65 0420  4    which purports to examine the trials of Moses and to
G65 0430  6    draw a parallel between the leader of the Israelite
G65 0440  1    exodus from Egypt and the leadership of the Puritan
G65 0440 10    clergy in colonial New England. Much criticism has
G65 0450  7    been leveled at this rather forced analogy, but what
G65 0460  5    is equally significant is Adams' complete acceptance
G65 0470  2    of the Biblical record as "good and trustworthy history".
G65 0480  1    In light of the scholarly reappraisals engendered by
G65 0480  9    the higher criticism this is a most remarkable statement,
G65 0490  8    particularly coming from one who was well known for
G65 0500  8    his antifundamentalist views. The desire to substantiate
G65 0510  3    a thesis at the expense of sound research technique
G65 0520  1    smacks more of the propagandist than the historian.
G65 0530  6       A similar amateurish characteristic is revealed
G65 0540  4    in Adams' failure to check the accuracy and authenticity
G65 0550  4    of his informational sources. If he found data that
G65 0560  2    fitted his general plan, he used it and counted his
G65 0560 12    sources trustworthy. Conversely, if statistics were
G65 0570  5    uncovered which contradicted a cherished theory, the
G65 0580  5    sources were denounced as faulty. Such manipulations
G65 0590  1    are frequently encountered in his essay on the suppression
G65 0600  1    of the monasteries during the English reformation.
G65 0600  8    Adams depended largely on the dispatches of foreign
G65 0610  6    ambassadors and observers in England, claiming that
G65 0620  3    the reports of such agents had to be accurate because
G65 0630  1    there were no newspapers. This is certainly an irrational
G65 0630 10    dogmatism, in which the modern mind attempts to understand
G65 0640  9    the spirit of the sixteenth century on twentieth-century
G65 0650  5    terms. Moreover, he rejects the contemporary accounts
G65 0660  3    of Englishmen, casually adjudging them to be distorted
G65 0670  1    by prejudice because "the opinions of Englishmen are
G65 0670  9    of no great value". What is exposited by this observation
G65 0680  9    is not the inherent prejudices of Englishmen but the
G65 0690  6    Anglophobia of Brooks Adams.
G65 0700  1       In all fairness it must be admitted that Adams made
G65 0700 11    no pretense at being an impartial historian. Impartiality
G65 0710  7    to him meant an unwillingness to generalize and to
G65 0720  5    search for a synthesis. He deplored the impact of German
G65 0730  4    historiography on the writing of history, terming it
G65 0740  2    a "dismal monster". Ranke and his disciples had reduced
G65 0740 11    history to a profession of dullness; Brooks Adams preferred
G65 0750  9    the chronicles of Froissart or the style and theorizing
G65 0760  8    of Edward Gibbon, for at least they took a stand on
G65 0770  8    the issues about which they wrote. He wrote eloquently
G65 0780  2    to William James that impartial history was not only
G65 0790  1    impossible but undesirable. If the historian was convinced
G65 0790  9    of his own correctness, then he should not allow his
G65 0800  8    vision to become fogged by disturbing facts. It was
G65 0810  5    history that must be in error, not the historian. It
G65 0820  2    was this basic trait that separated Adams from the
G65 0820 11    ranks of professional historians and led him to commit
G65 0830  9    time and time again what was his most serious offense
G65 0840  6    against the historical method- namely, the tendency
G65 0850  3    to assume the truth of an hypothesis before submitting
G65 0860  1    it to the test of facts.
G65 0860  7       All of Adams' work reflects this dogmatic characteristic.
G65 0870  3    No page seems to be complete without the statement
G65 0880  1    of at least one unproved generalization. One example
G65 0880  9    of this was his assertion that "**h all servile revolts
G65 0890  9    must be dealt with by physical force". There is no
G65 0900  6    explanation of terms nor a qualification that most
G65 0910  3    such revolts have been dealt with by force- only a
G65 0910 13    bald dogmatism that they must, because of some undefined
G65 0920  9    compulsion, be so repelled. On matters of race he was
G65 0930  9    similarly inflexible: "Most of the modern Latin races
G65 0940  6    seem to have inherited **h the rigidity of the Roman
G65 0950  4    mind". He cites the French Revolution as typifying
G65 0960  1    this rigidity but makes no mention of the Italians,
G65 0960 10    who have been able to adapt to all types of circumstances.
G65 0980  7    He pontificates that "one of the first signs of advancing
G65 0990  7    civilization is the fall in the value of women in men's
G65 1000  5    eyes". It made no difference that most evidence points
G65 1010  2    to an opposite conclusion. For Adams had made up his
G65 1010 12    mind before all the facts were available.
G65 1020  6       All critics of Adams and his methods have observed
G65 1030  5    this particular deficiency. J& T& Shotwell was appalled
G65 1040  3    by such spurious history as that which attributed the
G65 1050  1    fall of the Carolingian empire to the woolen trade,
G65 1050 10    and he urged Adams to "transform his essay into a real
G65 1060  8    history, embodying not merely those facts which fit
G65 1070  5    into his theory, but also the modifications and exceptions".
G65 1080  3    A& M& Wergeland called the Adams method literally antihistorical,
G65 1090  2    while Clive Day maintained that the assumptions were
G65 1100  2    not confined to theories alone but were also applicable
G65 1100 11    to straight factual evidence. Moreover, stated Day,
G65 1110  6    "He always omits facts which tend to disprove his hypothesis".
G65 1120  8    Even D& A& Wasson, who compared The Emancipation of
G65 1130  6    Massachusetts to the lifting of a fog from ancient
G65 1140  6    landscapes, was also forced to admit the methodological
G65 1150  1    deficiencies of the author.
G65 1150  5       In summary, Brooks Adams felt that the nature of
G65 1160  6    history was order and that the order so discovered
G65 1170  1    was as much subject to historical laws as the forces
G65 1170 11    of nature. Moreover, he believed that most professional
G65 1180  7    historians lacked some of the essential instruments
G65 1190  5    for a proper study of history. However, despite the
G65 1200  3    insight of many of his observations, his own conclusions
G65 1210  1    are open to suspicion because of his failure to employ
G65 1210 11    at all times the correct research methods. This should
G65 1220  6    not prejudice an evaluation of his findings, but they
G65 1230  5    were not the findings of a completely impartial investigator.
G65 1240  2    What was perhaps more important than his concept of
G65 1250  1    the nature of history and the historical method were
G65 1250 10    those forces which shaped the direction of his thought.
G65 1260  7    In the final analysis his contribution to American
G65 1270  3    historiography was founded on almost intuitive insights
G65 1280  1    into religion, economics, and Darwinism, the three
G65 1280  8    factors which conditioned his search for a law of history.
G65 1290  9    #RELIGION WITHOUT SUPERNATURALISM#
G65 1300  1    Brooks Adams considered religion as an extremely significant
G65 1310  1    manifestation of man's fear of the unknown. But it
G65 1310 10    was nothing more than that. Religion and the churches
G65 1320  8    were institutions which had been created by man, not
G65 1330  7    God. He did not deny God; he simply did not believe
G65 1340  4    that a Creator intervened or interfered in human affairs.
G65 1350  2    The historian need not be concerned with the philosophical
G65 1350 11    problems suggested by religion. There was no evidence,
G65 1360  8    either of a positive or negative type, of the actions
G65 1370  7    of a Divine Being in this world; and, since the historian
G65 1380  5    should only be interested in strictly terrestrial activity,
G65 1390  2    his research should eliminate the supernatural. Furthermore,
G65 1400  1    he must regard religion as the expression of human
G65 1400 10    forces. Certainly, he must recognize its power and
G65 1410  8    attempt to ascertain its influence on the flow of history,
G65 1420  7    but he must not confuse the natural and the mundane
G65 1430  4    with the divine.
G65 1430  7       Adams was not breaking new ground when he claimed
G65 1440  4    that the worship of an unseen power was in reality
G65 1450  1    a reflection of man's inability to cope with his environment.
G65 1450 11    Students of anthropology and comparative religion had
G65 1460  7    long been aware that there was, indeed, a direct connection.
G65 1470  7    But Adams was one of the first to suggest that this
G65 1480  5    human incompetence was the only motivating factor behind
G65 1490  2    religion. It was this fear which explained the development
G65 1500  1    of a priestly caste whose function in society was to
G65 1500 11    mollify and appease the angry deities. To keep themselves
G65 1510  7    entrenched in power, the priests were forced to demonstrate
G65 1520  6    their unique status through the miracle. It was the
G65 1530  4    use of the supernatural that kept them in business.
G65 1540  1    The German barbarians of the fourth century offered
G65 1540  9    an excellent example:
G65 1550  1       "The Germans in the fourth century were a very simple
G65 1560  1    race, who comprehended little of natural laws, and
G65 1560  9    who therefore referred phenomena they did not understand
G65 1570  6    to supernatural intervention. This intervention could
G65 1580  4    only be controlled by priests, and thus the invasions
G65 1590  2    caused a rapid rise in the influence of the sacred
G65 1590 12    class. The power of every ecclesiastical organization
G65 1600  6    has always rested on the miracle, and the clergy have
G65 1610  6    always proved their divine commission as did Elijah".
G65 1620  3       Adams contended that once such a special class had
G65 1630  2    been created it became a vested interest and sought
G65 1630 11    to maintain itself by assuming exclusive control over
G65 1640  7    the relationships between God and man. Thus, the Church
G65 1650  7    was born and because of its intrinsic character was
G65 1660  3    soon identified as a conservative institution, determined
G65 1670  1    to resist the forces of change, to identify itself
G65 1670 10    with the political rulers, and to maintain a kind of
G65 1680  8    splendid isolation from the masses. Doctrine was not
G65 1690  4    only mysterious; it was also sacred, "and no believer
G65 1700  2    in an inspired church could tolerate having her canons
G65 1700 11    examined as we should examine human laws". These basic
G65 1710  9    ideas concerning the nature of religion were, Adams
G65 1720  6    believed, some of the major keys to the understanding
G65 1730  3    of history and the movement of society. The dark views
G65 1740  1    about the Puritans found in The Emancipation of Massachusetts
G65 1750  1    were never altered.
G65 1750  4       Despite their adherence to the status quo, the forces
G65 1760  4    of organized religion were compelled to make adjustments
G65 1770  1    as increasing civilization augmented human knowledge.
G65 1770  7    In The Law of Civilization and Decay Brooks Adams traced
G65 1780  9    this evolution, always pointing to the fact that although
G65 1790  8    the forms became more rational, the substance remained
G65 1800  5    unchanged. The relic worship and monasticism of the
G65 1810  3    Middle Ages were more advanced forms than were primitive
G65 1820  1    fetish worship and nature myths. Yet, the idea imbedded
G65 1820 10    in each was identical: to surround the unknown with
G65 1830  8    mystery and to isolate that class which had been given
G65 1840  6    special dominion over the secrets of God. To Adams
G65 1850  3    that age in which religion exercised power over the
G65 1850 12    entire culture of the race was one of imagination,
G65 1860  9    and it is largely the admiration he so obviously held
G65 1870  6    for such eras that betrays a peculiar religiosity-
G65 1880  1    a sentiment he would have probably denied.
G66 0010  1    Stephens had written his classic "incidents of travel"
G66 0010  9    about these regions a hundred years before, and Catherwood,
G66 0020  8    who had studied Piranesi in London and the great ruins
G66 0030  7    of Egypt and Greece, had drawn the splendid illustrations
G66 0040  4    that accompanied the text. Catherwood, an architect
G66 0050  2    in New York, had been forgotten, like Stephens, and
G66 0050 11    Victor reconstructed their lives as one reconstructs,
G66 0060  7    for a museum, a dinosaur from two or three petrified
G66 0070  6    bones. He had unearthed Stephens's letters in a New
G66 0080  5    Jersey farmhouse and he discovered Stephens's unmarked
G66 0090  2    grave in an old cemetery on the east side of New York,
G66 0090 14    where the great traveller had been hastily buried during
G66 0100  9    a cholera epidemic. Victor had been stirred by my account
G66 0110  8    of him in Makers and Finders, for Stephens was one
G66 0120  5    of the lost writers whom Melville had seen in his childhood
G66 0130  4    and whom I was bent on resurrecting.
G66 0130 11       Victor had led an adventurous life. His metier was
G66 0140  9    the American tropics, and he had lived all over Latin
G66 0150  8    America and among the primitive tribes on the Amazon
G66 0160  5    river. Well he knew the sleepless nights, the howling
G66 0170  1    sore-ridden dogs and the biting insects in the villages
G66 0170 11    of the Kofanes and Huitotoes. He had not yet undertaken
G66 0180  9    the great exploit of his later years, the rediscovery
G66 0190  7    of the ancient Inca highway, the route of Pizarro in
G66 0200  5    Peru, but he had climbed to the original El Dorado,
G66 0210  1    the Andean lake of Guatemala, and he had scaled the
G66 0210 11    southern Sierra Nevada with its Tibetan-like people
G66 0220  7    and looked into the emerald mines of Muzo. As a naturalist
G66 0230  7    living for two years at the headwaters of the Amazon,
G66 0240  4    he had collected specimens for Mexican museums, and
G66 0250  2    he had taken to the London zoo a live quetzal, the
G66 0250 13    sacred bird of the old Mayans. In fact, he had raised
G66 0260  9    quetzal birds in his camp in the forest of Ecuador.
G66 0270  5    Moreover, he had spent six months on the Galapagos
G66 0280  1    islands, among the great turtles that Captain Cook
G66 0280  9    had found there, and now and then he would disappear
G66 0290  9    into some small island of the West Indies. Victor's
G66 0300  5    book on John Lloyd Stephens was largely written in
G66 0310  3    my study in the house at Weston.
G66 0310 10       I had had my name taken out of the telephone book,
G66 0320  8    and this was partly because of a convict who had been
G66 0330  6    discharged from Sing Sing and who called me night after
G66 0340  2    night. He said he was a friend of Heywood Broun who
G66 0340 13    had run a free employment bureau for several months
G66 0350  9    during the depression, but the generous Broun to whom
G66 0360  7    I wrote did not know his name and I somehow conceived
G66 0370  3    the morbid notion that the man in question was prowling
G66 0380  1    round the house. But one day came the voice of a man
G66 0380 13    I had known when he was a boy, and I later remembered
G66 0390 10    that this boy, thirty years before, had struck me as
G66 0400  6    coming to no good. There had been something sinister
G66 0410  2    about him that warned me against him,- I had never
G66 0410 12    felt that way about any other boy,- but when he uttered
G66 0420 11    his name on the telephone I had forgotten this and
G66 0430  7    I was glad to do what he asked of me. He was a captain,
G66 0440  6    he said, in the army, and on the train to New York
G66 0450  2    his purse and all his money had been stolen, and would
G66 0450 13    I lend him twenty-five dollars to be given him at the
G66 0460 11    General Delivery window? Never hearing from him again,
G66 0470  6    I remembered the little boy of whom I had had such
G66 0480  5    doubts when he was ten years old. We lived for a while
G66 0490  2    in a movie melodrama with a German cook and her son
G66 0490 13    who turned out to be Nazis. Finally we got them out
G66 0500 10    of the house, after the boy had run away four times
G66 0510  6    looking for other Nazis, threatening to murder village
G66 0520  2    schoolchildren and bragging that he was to be the next
G66 0520 12    Fu^hrer. Then he began to have epileptic fits. We found
G66 0530 10    that a charitable society in New York had a long case-history
G66 0540 10    of the two; and they agreed to see that the tragic
G66 0550  8    pair would not put poison in anybody else's soup.
G66 0560  3       To the Weston house came once William Allen Neilson,
G66 0570  2    the president of Smith College who had been one of
G66 0570 12    my old professors and who still called me "Boy" when
G66 0580  9    I was sixty. It reminded me of my other professor,
G66 0590  7    Edward Kennard Rand, of whom I had been so fond when
G66 0600  6    I was at Harvard, the great mediaevalist and classical
G66 0610  2    scholar who had asked me to call him "Ken", saying,
G66 0610 12    "Age counts for nothing among those who have learned
G66 0620  9    to know life sub specie aeternitatis". I had always
G66 0630  6    thought of that lovable man as many years older than
G66 0640  6    myself, although he was perhaps only twenty years older,
G66 0650  3    and he confirmed my feeling, along with the feeling
G66 0650 12    of both my sons, that teachers of the classics are
G66 0660  9    invariably endearing. I must have written to say how
G66 0670  7    much I had enjoyed his fine book The Building of Eternal
G66 0690  3    Rome, and I found he had not regretted giving me the
G66 0700  3    highest mark in his old course on the later Latin poets,
G66 0700 14    although in my final examination I had ignored the
G66 0720  9    questions and filled the bluebook with a comparison
G66 0730  5    of Propertius and Coleridge. He had written to me about
G66 0740  4    a dinner he had had with the Benedictine monks at St&
G66 0750  1    Anselm's Priory in Washington. There had been reading
G66 0750  9    at table, especially from two books, Pope Gregory the
G66 0760  8    Great's account of St& Scholastica in his Dialogues
G66 0770  7    and my own The World of Washington Irving. He said,
G66 0780  6    "Some have criticized your book as being neither literary
G66 0800  4    criticism nor history. Of course it was not meant to
G66 0810  3    be. Some have felt that Washington Irving comes out
G66 0810 12    rather slimly, but let them look at the title of the
G66 0820 11    book". He felt as I felt about this best of all my
G66 0830  9    books, that it was "really tops".
G66 0840  1       Two or three times, C& C& Burlingham came to lunch
G66 0840 11    with us in Weston, that wonderful man who lived to
G66 0850 10    be more than a hundred years old and whose birthplace
G66 0860  6    had been my Wall Street suburb. His reading ranged
G66 0870  3    from Agatha Christie to the Book of Job and he had
G66 0880  1    an insatiable interest in his fellow-creatures, while
G66 0880  9    his letters were full of gossip about new politicians
G66 0890  7    and old men of letters with whom he had been intimately
G66 0900  5    thrown six decades before. I could never forget the
G66 0910  2    gaiety with which, when he was both blind and deaf,
G66 0910 12    he let me lead him around his rooms to look at some
G66 0920 10    of the pictures; and once when he came to see us in
G66 0930  8    New York he walked away in a rainstorm, unwilling to
G66 0940  3    hear of a taxi or even an umbrella, although he was
G66 0940 14    at the time ninety years old. There were several men
G66 0950  9    of ninety or more whom I knew first or last, all of
G66 0960  8    whom were still productive and most of whom knew one
G66 0970  4    another as if they had naturally come together at the
G66 0970 14    apex of their lives. I never met John Dewey, whose
G66 0980 10    style was a sort of verbal fog and who had written
G66 0990  8    asking me to go to Mexico with him when he was investigating
G66 1000  5    the cause of Trotsky; but I liked to think of him at
G66 1010  4    ninety swimming and working at Key West long after
G66 1010 13    Hemingway had moved to Cuba. At Lee Simonson's house,
G66 1020  9    I had dined with Edith Hamilton, the nonogenarian rationalist
G66 1030  7    and the charming scholar who had a great popular success
G66 1040  7    with The Greek Way. Then there was Mark Howe and there
G66 1050  7    was Henry Dwight Sedgwick, an accomplished man of letters
G66 1060  4    who wrote in the spirit of Montaigne and produced in
G66 1070  2    the end a formidable body of work. I saw Sedgwick often
G66 1070 13    before his death at ninety-five,- he had remarried
G66 1080  9    at the age of ninety,- and he asked me, when once I
G66 1090 10    returned from Rome, if I knew the Cavallinis in the
G66 1100  4    church of St& Cecilia in Trastevere. I had to confess
G66 1110  2    that I had missed these frescoes, recently discovered,
G66 1110 10    that he had studied in his eighties. Sedgwick had chosen
G66 1120 10    to follow the philosophy of Epicurus whom, with his
G66 1130  6    followers, Dante put in hell; but he defended the doctrine
G66 1140  5    in The Art of Happiness, and what indeed could be said
G66 1150  4    against the Epicurean virtues, health, frugality, privacy,
G66 1160  2    culture and friendship? Of Mark Antony De Wolfe Howe
G66 1170  1    the philosopher Whitehead said the Earth's first visitors
G66 1170  9    to Mars should be persons likely to make a good impression,
G66 1180 10    and when he was asked, "Whom would you send"? he replied,
G66 1200  8    "My first choice would be Mark Howe". This friend of
G66 1210  8    many years came once to visit us in the house at Weston.
G66 1220  7    Then I spoke at the ninetieth birthday party of W&
G66 1230  4    E& Burghardt Du Bois, who embarked on a fictional trilogy
G66 1240  2    at eighty-nine and who, with The Crisis, had created
G66 1240 12    a Negro intelligentsia that had never existed in America
G66 1250  9    before him. As their interpreter and guide, he had
G66 1260  7    broken with Tuskegee and become a spokesman of the
G66 1270  5    coloured people of the world.
G66 1270 10       Mr& Burlingham,- "C&C&B&"- wrote to me once about
G66 1280  9    an old friend of mine, S& K& Ratcliffe, whom I had
G66 1290  9    first met in London in 1914 and who also came out for
G66 1300  8    a week-end in Weston. "Did you ever know a man with
G66 1310  5    greater zest for information? And his memory, like
G66 1320  1    an elephant's, stored with precise knowledge of men
G66 1320  9    and things and happenings". His wife, Katie, "as gay
G66 1330  7    as a lark and as lively as a gazelle",- she was then
G66 1340  7    seventy-six,- had a "a sense of humour that has been
G66 1350  4    denied S&K&, but neither has any aesthetic perceptions.
G66 1360  1    People and books are enough for them". S&K& was visiting
G66 1370  1    C&C&B& and, not waiting for breakfast, he was off to
G66 1380  1    the University Club, where he spent hours writing obituaries
G66 1380 10    of living Americans for the Manchester guardian or
G66 1390  7    the Glasgow Herald. Later, rising ninety, he was beset
G66 1400  7    by publishers for the story of his life and miracles,
G66 1410  6    as he put it, but, calling himself the Needy Knife-grinder,
G66 1420  3    he had spent his time writing short articles and long
G66 1430  1    letters and could not get even a small popular book
G66 1430 11    done. Then, all but blind, he said there was nothing
G66 1440  8    in Back to Methuselah,- "G&B&S& ought to have known
G66 1450  6    that",- and "I look at my bookshelves despairingly,
G66 1460  3    knowing that I can have nothing more to do with them".
G66 1470  3    However, at eighty-five, he had still been busy writing
G66 1480  1    articles, reviewing and speaking, and I had never before
G66 1480 10    known an Englishman who had visited and lectured in
G66 1490  8    three quarters of the United States. Finally, colleges
G66 1500  4    and clubs took the line that speakers from England
G66 1510  3    were not wanted any longer, even speakers like S&K&,
G66 1520  1    so unlike the novelists and poets who had patronized
G66 1520 10    the Americans for many years. With their facile generalizations
G66 1530  8    about the United States, these mediocrities, as they
G66 1540  6    often were, had been great successes. While S&K& did
G66 1550  4    not like Dylan Thomas, I liked his poems very much,
G66 1560  3    but I made the mistake of telling Dylan Thomas so,
G66 1560 13    whereupon he said to me, "I suppose you think you know
G66 1570 11    all about me". I should have replied, "I probably know
G66 1580  8    something about the best part of you". But I only thought
G66 1590  8    of that in the middle of the night.
G66 1600  1       Many years later I went to see S&K& in England,
G66 1600 11    where he was living at Whiteleaf, near Aylesbury, and
G66 1620  9    he showed me beside his cottage there the remains of
G66 1630  7    the road on which Boadicea is supposed to have travelled.
G66 1640  4    He was convinced that George Orwell's 1984 was nearly
G66 1650  3    all wrong as it applied to England, which was "driving
G66 1660  1    forward into uncharted waters", with the danger of
G66 1660  9    a new tyranny ahead. "But however we go, whatever our
G66 1670  8    doom, it will not take the Orwellian shape". With facts
G66 1680  5    mainly in his mind, he was often acute in the matter
G66 1690  4    of style, and he said, "The young who have as yet nothing
G66 1700  2    to say will try larks with initial letters and broken
G66 1700 12    lines. But put them before a situation which they are
G66 1710 10    forced to depict",- he was speaking of the Spanish
G66 1720  9    civil war,- "and they have no hesitation; they merely
G66 1730  3    do their best to make it real for others".
G67 0010  1    He looked at her as she spoke, then got up as she was
G67 0010 14    speaking still, and, simply and wordlessly, walked
G67 0020  6    out. And that was the end. Or nearly.
G67 0030  1       He went to the Hotel Mayflower and telegraphed Mencken.
G67 0040  1    Would he meet him in Baltimore in Drawing Room ~A,
G67 0040 11    Car Three on the train leaving Washington at nine o'clock
G67 0050  9    next morning? They would go to New York together, where
G67 0060  9    parties would be piled on weariness and on misery.
G67 0070  5    But not for long. Both Alfred Harcourt and Donald Brace
G67 0080  3    had written him enthusiastic praise of Elmer Gantry
G67 0090  1    (any changes could be made in proof, which was already
G67 0090 11    coming from the printer) and they had ordered 140,000
G67 0100  8    copies- the largest first printing of any book in history.
G67 0110  7    But none of this could soothe the exacerbated nerves.
G67 0120  3    On New Year's Eve, Alfred Harcourt drove him up the
G67 0130  4    Hudson to Bill Brown's Training Camp, a well-known
G67 0130 13    establishment for the speedy if temporary rehabilitation
G67 0140  7    of drunkards who could no longer help themselves. But,
G67 0150  7    in departing, Lewis begged Breasted that there be no
G67 0160  6    liquor in the apartment at the Grosvenor on his return,
G67 0170  3    and he took with him the first thirty galleys of Elmer
G67 0180  1    Gantry.
G67 0180  2       On January 4, with the boys back at school and college,
G67 0190  1    Mrs& Lewis wrote Harcourt to say that she was "thro,
G67 0190 11    quite thro". "This whole Washington venture was my
G67 0200  8    last gesture, and it has failed. Physically as well
G67 0210  8    as mentally I have reached the limit of my endurance.
G67 0220  5    My last gift to him is complete silence until the book
G67 0230  3    is out and the first heated discussion dies down. For
G67 0230 13    him to divorce God and wife simultaneously would be
G67 0240  8    bad publicity. I am really ill at the present moment,
G67 0250  7    and I will go to some sort of a sanitarium to normalize
G67 0260  3    myself". And she withdrew then to Cromwell Hall, in
G67 0270  3    Cromwell, Connecticut.
G67 0270  5       Harcourt replied: "I do really hope you can achieve
G67 0280  6    serenity in the course of time. Of course I hope Hal
G67 0290  4    can also, but those hopes are much more faint".
G67 0300  1    #8#
G67 0300  1    ON JANUARY 8, 1927, he returned to the Grosvenor in
G67 0300 11    high spirits, and looking fit. He had been, he wrote
G67 0310 10    Mencken at once, "in the country", a euphemism for
G67 0320  6    an experience that had not greatly changed him. Charles
G67 0330  4    Breasted remembers that, before unpacking his bag,
G67 0340  1    he telephoned his bootlegger with a generous order,
G67 0340  9    and almost at once "the familiar procession of people
G67 0350  7    began milling through our living room at any hour between
G67 0360  6    two P&M& and three A&M&". They were strays of every
G67 0370  6    kind- university students and journalists, Village
G67 0380  2    hangers-on and barflies, taxi drivers and editors and
G67 0380 11    unknown poets, as well as friends like Elinor Wylie
G67 0390  9    and William Rose Benet, the Van Dorens and Nathan,
G67 0400  6    Rebecca West and Hugh Walpole and Osbert Sitwell, Laurence
G67 0410  5    Stallings, Lewis Browne, William Seabrook, Arthur Hopkins,
G67 0420  3    the Woodwards. When he came home from his office at
G67 0430  3    the end of the afternoon, Breasted never knew what
G67 0430 12    gathering he should expect to find, but there almost
G67 0440  9    always was one.
G67 0450  1       He did not neglect his wife in Cromwell Hall, but
G67 0450 11    telephoned her and wrote her with assurances of his
G67 0460  7    continuing interest and of his wish to "stand behind"
G67 0470  4    her in their separation and of his hope that there
G67 0480  1    would be no bitterness between them. She was occupying
G67 0480 10    herself in an attempt to write an article about the
G67 0490  9    variety of houses that they had rented abroad. He was
G67 0500  6    of unsettled mind as to whether he should go abroad
G67 0510  2    when the Gantry galleys were finished. For a time,
G67 0510 11    urging Breasted to give up his public relations work
G67 0520  9    and take up writing instead, he hoped to persuade him
G67 0530  7    to become his assistant in research for the labor novel;
G67 0540  5    if Breasted agreed, they would get a car and tour the
G67 0550  2    country, visiting every kind of industrial center.
G67 0550  9    When Breasted insisted that this was impossible for
G67 0560  7    him, Lewis decided to go abroad.
G67 0570  1       He telephoned L& M& Birkhead and asked him and his
G67 0580  1    wife to come to Europe as his guests, but Birkhead
G67 0580 11    declined on the grounds that one of them must be in
G67 0590  9    the United States when Elmer Gantry was published.
G67 0600  4    Lewis was spending his mornings, with the help of two
G67 0610  4    secretaries, on the galleys of that long novel, making
G67 0610 13    considerable revisions, and the combination of hard
G67 0620  7    work and hard frivolity exhausted him once more, so
G67 0630  6    that he was compelled to spend three days in the Harbor
G67 0640  4    Sanatorium in the last week of January. Before he made
G67 0650  2    that retreat, he telephoned Earl Blackman in Kansas
G67 0650 10    City and asked him to come to Europe with him. Blackman
G67 0660 10    was to be in New York by February 2, because they were
G67 0670  7    sailing at 12:01 next morning. Lewis told him what
G67 0680  5    clothes he should bring along, and enjoined him not
G67 0690  2    to buy anything that he did not already own, they would
G67 0690 13    do that in New York. Blackman arrived a day or two
G67 0700 10    early, and Lewis took him to a department store immediately
G67 0710  6    and outfitted him, luggage and all, and then he took
G67 0720  5    him to a party at the Woodwards that went on until
G67 0730  1    four in the morning.
G67 0730  5       On the evening that they were to sail, Lewis himself
G67 0740  3    gave a party, but he was too indisposed to appear at
G67 0740 14    it. Woodward took occasion to warn Blackman about Lewis's
G67 0750  9    drinking and urged him to "try to keep him sober".
G67 0760 10    After a dinner party for which she had come down to
G67 0770  7    New York, Mrs& Lewis and Casanova arrived to see them
G67 0780  5    off, and Elinor Wylie made tart observations that indicated
G67 0790  2    that Lewis had been less discreet than he had promised
G67 0790 12    to be about the real nature of their separation. Nevertheless,
G67 0800 10    Mrs& Lewis was still solicitous of his condition: let
G67 0810  9    him do as he wished, let him sleep with chambermaids
G67 0820  6    if he must, but, she begged Blackman, try to keep him
G67 0830  5    from drinking a great deal and bring him back in good
G67 0840  2    health. As they stood at the first-class rail, waving
G67 0840 12    down to his wife and Casanova below, Lewis said, "Earl,
G67 0850  8    there is Gracie's future husband". And when questioned
G67 0860  6    by ship's reporters about the separation, she said,
G67 0870  5    "I adore him, and he adores me".
G67 0880  1       Blackman had brought news from Kansas City. Before
G67 0880  8    his departure, a group of his friends, the Reverend
G67 0890  8    Stidger among them, had given him a luncheon, and Stidger
G67 0900  6    had seen advance sheets of Elmer Gantry. He was outraged
G67 0910  4    by the book and announced that he had discovered fifty
G67 0920  2    technical errors in its account of church practices.
G67 0920 10    L& M& Birkhead challenged him to name one and he was
G67 0930 10    silent. But his rancor did not cease, and presently,
G67 0940  6    on March 13, when he preached a sermon on the text,
G67 0950  4    "And Ben-hadad Was Drunk", he told his congregation
G67 0960  1    how disappointed he was in Mr& Lewis, how he regretted
G67 0960 11    having had him in his house, and how he should have
G67 0970 11    been warned by the fact that the novelist was drunk
G67 0980  6    all the time that he was working on the book. But that
G67 0990  4    sermon, like those of hundreds of other ministers,
G67 0990 12    was yet to be delivered.
G67 1000  5       In London Lewis took the usual suite in Bury Street.
G67 1010  4    To the newspapers he talked about his unquiet life,
G67 1020  1    about his wish to be a newspaperman once more, about
G67 1020 11    the prevalence of American slang in British speech,
G67 1030  6    about the loquacity of the English and the impossibility
G67 1040  4    of finding quiet in a railway carriage, about his plans
G67 1050  3    to wander for two years "unless stopped and made to
G67 1050 13    write another book". The Manchester Guardian wondered
G67 1060  7    how anyone in a railway carriage would have an opportunity
G67 1070  9    to talk to Mr& Lewis, since it was well known that
G67 1080  7    Mr& Lewis always did all of the talking. His English
G67 1090  3    friends, it said, had gone into training to keep up
G67 1100  2    with him vocally and with his "allegro movements around
G67 1100 11    the luncheon table". The New York Times editorialist
G67 1110  7    wondered just who would stop Mr& Lewis and make him
G67 1120  8    write a book.
G67 1120 11       Lewis's remarks about his marriage were suggestive
G67 1130  7    enough to induce American reporters to invade the offices
G67 1140  6    of Harcourt, Brace + Company for information, to pursue
G67 1150  4    Mrs& Lewis to Cromwell Hall, and, after she had returned
G67 1160  4    to New York, to ferret her out at the Stanhope on upper
G67 1170  2    Fifth Avenue where she had taken an apartment. There,
G67 1170 11    to the Evening Post, she emphatically denied the divorce
G67 1180  8    rumors and explained that she had stayed behind because
G67 1190  7    of the schooling of their son, which henceforth would
G67 1200  4    be strictly American. These rumors of permanent separation
G67 1210  2    started up a whole crop of stories about her. One had
G67 1220  1    it that a friend, protesting her snobbery, said, "But,
G67 1220 10    Gracie, you are an American, aren't you"? and she replied,
G67 1230 10    "I was born in America, but I was conceived in Vienna".
G67 1240  9    Lewis himself furthered these tales. He is said to
G67 1250  9    have reported that once, when she went to a hospital
G67 1260  7    to call on a friend after a serious operation, and
G67 1270  2    the friend protested that it had been "nothing", she
G67 1270 11    replied, "Well, it was your healthy American peasant
G67 1280  8    blood that pulled you through". With these and similar
G67 1290  7    tales he was entertaining his English friends, all
G67 1300  4    of whom he was seeing when he was not showing Blackman
G67 1310  2    the sights of London and its environs.
G67 1310  9       At once upon his arrival, he telephoned Lady Sybil
G67 1320  7    Colefax who invited them to tea, and then Lewis decided
G67 1330  6    to give a party as a quick way of rounding up his friends.
G67 1340  4    He invited Lady Sybil, Lord Thomson, Bechhofer Roberts,
G67 1350  2    and a half dozen others. It was a dinner party, Lewis
G67 1350 13    had been drinking during the afternoon, and long before
G67 1360  9    the party really got under way, he was quite drunk,
G67 1370  8    with the result that the party broke up even before
G67 1380  4    dinner was over. Lewis, at the head of the table, would
G67 1390  1    leap up and move around behind the chairs of his guests
G67 1390 12    making remarks that, when not highly offensive, were
G67 1400  7    at least highly inappropriate, and then presently he
G67 1410  5    collapsed and was put to bed.
G67 1410 11       When Blackman emerged from the bedroom, everyone
G67 1420  7    was gone except the tolerant Lord Thomson, who stayed
G67 1430  5    and chatted with him for half an hour, and then Blackman
G67 1440  4    lay awake most of that night, despairing of what he
G67 1450  1    must expect on the Continent. Finally, at dawn, he
G67 1450 10    fell asleep, and when he awoke and came into the living
G67 1460  9    room, he found Lewis in his pajamas before the fire,
G67 1470  4    smoking a cigarette. Blackman said that he wanted to
G67 1480  2    apologize for not having prevented Lewis from making
G67 1480 10    that horrible spectacle of himself, that he should
G67 1490  7    have seized him by the neck at once and forcibly hauled
G67 1500  6    him into his bedroom. Lewis warned him never to lay
G67 1510  3    a hand on him, and then Blackman asked for his fare
G67 1510 14    back to the United States. Lewis looked at him and
G67 1520 10    began to cry, and then, saying that he was going to
G67 1530  7    make a promise, he asked Blackman to call the porter
G67 1540  3    and to tell him to take out all the liquor that he
G67 1540 15    did not want. "And from now on, for the rest of this
G67 1550 12    trip, I will only drink what you agree that I should
G67 1560  8    drink". Blackman called the porter and had him remove
G67 1570  5    everything but one bottle of brandy, and after that
G67 1580  2    they would have a cocktail or two before dinner, or,
G67 1580 12    on one of their walking trips, beer, or, in France
G67 1590  7    and Italy, wine in moderation.
G67 1600  1       Lewis gave him a guidebook tour of London and, motoring
G67 1600 11    and walking, took him to Stratford, but the London
G67 1610  9    stay was for only ten days, and on the twentieth they
G67 1620  7    took the train for Southampton, where they spent the
G67 1630  4    night for an early morning Channel crossing. Near Southampton,
G67 1640  2    in a considerable establishment, lived Homer Vachell,
G67 1650  1    a well-known pulp writer, and his brother, Horace-
G67 1650 10    both friends of Lewis's. He suggested that they call
G67 1660  7    on these brothers, who received them pleasantly. Then
G67 1670  4    they returned to their hotel and got ready for bed.
G67 1680  3    It was late, and Blackman was ready to go to sleep,
G67 1680 14    but Lewis was not. He said, "We had a good time tonight,
G67 1690 11    didn't we, Earl"? Earl agreed, and Lewis said that
G67 1700  7    it would have been very different if his wife had been
G67 1710  6    with him. Then he kept Blackman awake for more than
G67 1720  4    an hour while he did an imaginary dialogue between
G67 1720 13    his wife and himself in which, discussing the evening,
G67 1730  8    he was continually berated. He began the dialogue by
G67 1740  6    having his wife announce that one does not invade people's
G67 1750  4    homes without warning them that one is coming, and
G67 1760  2    went on from that with the entire catalogue of his
G67 1760 12    social gaucheries.
G68 0010  1    From 1613 on, if the lists exist, they contain between
G68 0010 11    twenty to thirty names. As the total number of incepting
G68 0020  8    bachelors in 1629 was, according to Masson (Life, 1:218
G68 0030  5    and ~n), two hundred fifty-nine, the twenty-four names
G68 0040  5    listed in the ordo senioritatis for that year constitute
G68 0050  3    slightly less than one tenth of the total number of
G68 0050 13    bachelors who then incepted. There were four from St&
G68 0060  9    John's and four from Christ's, three from Pembroke,
G68 0070  7    and two from each of the colleges, Jesus, Peterhouse,
G68 0080  4    Queens', and Trinity, with Caius, Clare, King's, Magdalene,
G68 0090  4    and Sidney supplying one each in the ordo senioritatis.
G68 0100  2    The list was headed by [Henry] Hutton of St& John's
G68 0110  2    who was matriculated from St& John's at Easter, 1625.
G68 0120  2    He became a fellow of Jesus in 1629, proceeded M&A&
G68 0120 12    from Jesus in 1632, and was proctor in 1639-40. The
G68 0130 11    second name was [Edward] Kempe, matriculated from Queens'
G68 0140  5    College at Easter, 1625. He proceeded M&A& in 1632,
G68 0150  6    and B&D& in 1639, being made fellow in 1632. He was
G68 0160  6    ordained deacon 16 June and priest 22 December 1633.
G68 0170  2    The third name was [John] Ravencroft, who was admitted
G68 0180  1    to the Inner Temple in November 1631. The fourth name
G68 0180 11    was [John] Milton of Christ's College, followed by
G68 0190  7    [Richard] Manningham of Peterhouse, who matriculated
G68 0200  5    16 October 1624. Venn gave his B&A& as 1624, a mistake
G68 0210  5    for 1629. Manningham also proceeded M&A& in 1632 and
G68 0220  4    became a fellow of his college in that year. [John]
G68 0230  1    Boutflower of Christ's was twelfth in the list, coming
G68 0230 10    from Perse School under Mr& Lovering as pensioner 20
G68 0240  8    April 1625 under Mr& Alsop. The fourteenth name was
G68 0250  6    [Richard] Buckenham, written Buckman, admitted to Christ's
G68 0260  5    College under Scott 2 July 1625. The fifteenth name
G68 0270  4    was [Thomas] Baldwin, admitted to Christ's 4 March
G68 0280  3    1625 under Alsop. Christ's College was well represented
G68 0290  1    that year in the ordo, and the name highest on the
G68 0290 12    list from that college was Milton's, fourth in the
G68 0300  7    entire university. Small wonder that Milton later boasted
G68 0310  5    of how well his work had been received there, since
G68 0320  3    he attained a rank in the order of commencing bachelors
G68 0320 13    higher than that of any other inceptor from Christ's
G68 0330  9    of that year.
G68 0350  1       It is not possible to reconstruct fully the arrangements
G68 0350 10    whereby these honors lists were then made up or even
G68 0360 10    how the names that they contained assumed the order
G68 0370  5    in which we find them. The process usually began with
G68 0380  3    a tutor boasting about a boy, as Chappell had boasted
G68 0380 13    about Lightfoot, to the higher officers of the college
G68 0390  9    and university. Then the various officers of the college
G68 0400  8    might take up the case. It would, however, reach the
G68 0410  5    proctors and other officers in charge of the public-school
G68 0420  3    performances of the incepting bachelors, and the place
G68 0430  1    that any individual obtained in the lists depended
G68 0430  9    greatly on how he comported himself in the public schools
G68 0440  6    during his acts therein as he was incepting. Of course
G68 0450  4    the higher officials could add or place a name on the
G68 0460  3    list wherever they wished. Milton's name being fourth
G68 0460 11    is neither too high nor too low to be assigned to the
G68 0470 11    arbitrary action of vice-chancellor, proctor, master,
G68 0480  5    or other mighty hand. He evidently earned the place
G68 0490  4    assigned him.
G68 0490  6    #RECAPITULATION OF MILTON'S UNDERGRADUATE CAREER#
G68 0500  2    Looking back from the spring of 1629 over the four
G68 0500 12    years of Milton's undergraduate days, certain phases
G68 0510  7    of his college career stand out as of permanent consequence
G68 0520  8    to him and hence to us. Of course the principal factor
G68 0530  5    in the whole experience was the kind of education he
G68 0540  3    received. It differed from what an undergraduate receives
G68 0550  1    today from any American college or university mainly
G68 0550  9    in the certainty of what he was forced to learn compared
G68 0560  9    with the loose and widely scattered information obtained
G68 0570  4    today by most of our undergraduates. Milton was required
G68 0580  3    to absorb and display an intensive and accurate knowledge
G68 0590  1    of Latin grammar, logic-rhetoric, ethics, physics or
G68 0590  9    natural philosophy, metaphysics, and Latin, Greek,
G68 0600  5    and Hebrew. He had also sampled various special fields
G68 0610  5    of learning, being unable to miss some study of divinity,
G68 0620  4    Justinian (law), and Galen (medicine). Above all, he
G68 0630  2    had learned to write formal Latin prose and verse to
G68 0630 12    a remarkable degree of artistry. He had learned to
G68 0640  8    dispute devastatingly, both formally and informally
G68 0650  3    in Latin, and according to the rules on any topic,
G68 0660  1    pro or con, drawn from almost any subject, more especially
G68 0660 11    from Aristotle's works. He could produce carefully
G68 0670  6    constructed orations, set and formal speeches, artfully
G68 0680  6    and prayerfully made by writing and rewriting with
G68 0690  3    all the aid his tutor and others could provide, and
G68 0690 13    then delivered verbatim from memory. He had also learned
G68 0700  9    to dispute extempore remarkably well, the main evidence
G68 0710  6    for which of course is the presence of his name in
G68 0720  5    the honors list of 1628/29. He also displayed the ability
G68 0730  3    to write Latin verse on almost any topic of dispute,
G68 0730 13    the verses, of course, to be delivered from memory.
G68 0740  9    Then we have surviving at least one instance of a poem
G68 0750  8    prepared for another in Naturam non Pati Senium, and
G68 0760  4    perhaps also the De Idea Platonica. But his greatest
G68 0770  3    achievement, in his own eyes and in the eyes of his
G68 0770 14    colleagues and teachers, was his amazing ability to
G68 0780  8    produce literary Latin pieces, and he was often called
G68 0790  7    on to do so. These were his public academic activities,
G68 0800  3    domi forisque, in the college and in the university.
G68 0810  1    And his performances attracted much attention, as the
G68 0810  9    frequency of his surviving pieces in any calendar that
G68 0820  9    may be set up for his undergraduate activities testifies.
G68 0830  4       His other activities are not so easily recovered.
G68 0840  5    His statements about sports and exercises of a physical
G68 0850  3    nature are suggestive, but inconclusive. His later
G68 0850 10    boastings of his skill with the small sword are indicative
G68 0860 10    of much time and practice devoted to the use of that
G68 0870  8    weapon. Venn and others have dealt with sports and
G68 0880  4    pastimes at Cambridge in Milton's day with not very
G68 0890  1    specific results. Milton himself, uncommunicative as
G68 0890  7    he is about his lesser and nonliterary activities,
G68 0900  6    at least gives us some evidence that he was a great
G68 0910  6    walker, under any and all conditions. His early poems
G68 0920  2    and some of his prose prolusions speak of wanderings
G68 0920 11    in the city and the neighboring country that may be
G68 0930  8    extended to Cambridge and its surrounding countryside.
G68 0940  3    The town itself and the "reedy Cam" he often visited,
G68 0950  3    as did all in the university. The churches, the taverns,
G68 0960  1    and the various other places of the town must have
G68 0960 11    known his figure well as he roved to and about them.
G68 0970  9    The tiny hamlet of Chesterton to the north, with the
G68 0980  6    fens and marshes lying on down the Ouse River, may
G68 0990  2    have attracted him often, as it did many other youths
G68 0990 12    of the time. The Gog Magog Hills to the southeast afforded
G68 1000  9    him and all other students a vantage point from which
G68 1010  7    to view the town and university of their dwelling.
G68 1020  4    The country about Cambridge is flat and not particularly
G68 1030  1    spectacular in its scenery, though it offers easy going
G68 1030 10    to the foot traveler. Ball games, especially football,
G68 1040  7    required some attention, and other organized sports
G68 1050  5    may have attracted him as participant or spectator.
G68 1060  3    He smoked, as did everybody, and imbibed the various
G68 1060 12    alcoholic beverages of that day, although his protestations
G68 1070  8    while at Cambridge and after that he was no drunkard
G68 1080  8    point to reasonable abstinence from the wild drinking
G68 1090  5    bouts of some of the undergraduates and, we must add,
G68 1100  3    of some of their elders including many of the regents
G68 1100 13    or teachers.
G68 1110  1       What manner of person does Milton appear to have
G68 1110 10    been when as an undergraduate he resided at Christ's
G68 1120  9    College? He was then a slightly built young man of
G68 1130  8    pleasing appearance, medium stature, and handsome face.
G68 1140  4    Graceful as his fencing and dancing lessons had taught
G68 1150  2    him to be in addition to the natural grace of his slight,
G68 1150 14    wiry frame, he cut enough of a figure to have evoked
G68 1160 11    a nickname in the college, to which he himself referred
G68 1170  6    in Prolusion /6,: A quibusdam, audivi nuper Domina.
G68 1180  4    That is, if we can trust that most specious of prolusions,
G68 1190  3    packed as it is with wit and persiflage. The Domina
G68 1200  1    sounds real enough, if we could only trust the conditions
G68 1200 11    under which we learn of its use; but anyone who would
G68 1210 11    put much trust in any phase of Prolusion /6, except
G68 1220  6    its illusive allusiveness deserves whatever fate may
G68 1230  4    be meted out to him by virtue of the egregiously stilted
G68 1240  2    banter. In short, the traditional epithet for Milton
G68 1240 10    of 'Lady of Christ's', while eminently fitting, rests
G68 1250  7    only on this baffling passage in the midst of the most
G68 1260  9    treacherous piece of writing Milton left us. Aubrey's
G68 1270  5    mention of it (2:67, and Bodleian ~MS Aubr& 8, f& 63)
G68 1280  5    comes from this prolusion, through Christopher Milton
G68 1290  2    or Edward Phillips. It is not a question of truth or
G68 1290 13    falsity; the prolusion in which the autobiographic
G68 1300  7    statement about the epithet occurs is such a mass of
G68 1310  8    intentionally buried allusions that almost nothing
G68 1320  3    in it can be accepted as true- or discarded as false.
G68 1330  1    The entire exercise, Latin and English, is most suggestive
G68 1330 10    of the kind of person Milton had become at Christ's
G68 1340  9    during his undergraduate career; the mere fact that
G68 1350  6    he was selected, though as a substitute, to act as
G68 1360  4    interlocutor or moderator for it, or perhaps we should
G68 1360 13    say with Buck as 'father of the act', is in itself
G68 1370 11    a difficult phase of his development to grasp. Milton
G68 1380  7    was to act as the archfool, the supreme wit, the lightly
G68 1390  5    bantering pater, Pater Liber, who could at once trip
G68 1400  4    lightly over that which deserved such treatment, or
G68 1400 12    could at will annihilate the common enemies of the
G68 1410  9    college gathering, and with words alone. From an exercise
G68 1420  7    involving merely raucous, rough-and-tumble comedy,
G68 1430  2    in his hands the performance turned into a revel of
G68 1440  1    wit and word play, indecent at times, but always learned,
G68 1440 11    pointed, and carefully aimed at some individuals present,
G68 1450  7    and at the whole assembly. To do this successfully
G68 1460  5    required great skill and a special talent for both
G68 1470  3    solemn and ribald raillery, a talent not bestowed on
G68 1470 12    many persons, but one with which Milton was marked
G68 1480  8    as being endowed and in which, at least in this performance,
G68 1490  6    he obviously reveled. It may be thought unfortunate
G68 1500  2    that he was called on entirely by accident to perform,
G68 1510  1    if again we may trust the opening of the oratio, for
G68 1510 12    it marks the beginning for us of his use of his peculiar
G68 1520 11    form of witty word play that even in this Latin banter
G68 1530  7    has in it the unmistakable element of viciousness and
G68 1540  3    an almost sadistic delight in verbally tormenting an
G68 1550  1    adversary. But the real beginnings of this development
G68 1550  9    in him go back to the opposing of grammar school, and
G68 1560  8    probably if it had not been this occasion and these
G68 1570  4    Latin lines it would have been some others, such as
G68 1580  2    the first prolusion, that set off this streak in him
G68 1580 12    of unbridled and scathing verbal attack on an enemy.
G68 1590  8    All western Europe would hear and listen to him in
G68 1600  6    this same vein about the middle of the century.
G68 1610  1       But these prolusions that we have surviving from
G68 1610  9    the Christ's College days are only one phase of his
G68 1620  9    existence then. Perhaps his most important private
G68 1630  5    activity was the combination of reading, discussion
G68 1640  2    with a few- if we can trust his writings to Diodati
G68 1640 13    and the younger Gill, very few- congenial companions.
G68 1650  8    Lines 23-36 of Lycidas later point to a friendship
G68 1660  6    with Edward King, who entered Christ's College 9 June
G68 1670  5    1626. No other names among the young men in residence
G68 1680  3    at the time seem to have been even suggested by Milton
G68 1690  1    as those of persons with whom he in any way consorted.
G68 1690 12    But that scarcely means that he was the aloof, forbidding
G68 1700  8    type of student who shared few if any activities with
G68 1710  6    his fellows, the banter of the surviving prolusions
G68 1720  2    providing enough evidence to deny this. Apparently
G68 1720  9    he was not a participant in the college or university
G68 1730  9    theatricals, which he once attacked as utterly unworthy
G68 1740  6    performances (see Apology, 3:300); but even in that
G68 1750  5    famous passage, Milton was aiming not at the theatricals
G68 1760  2    as such but at their performance by 'persons either
G68 1760 11    enter'd, or presently to enter into the ministry'.
G68 1770  8    The fact that he nowhere mentioned theatrical performances
G68 1780  5    as part of the activities of the boys later in his
G68 1790  6    hypothetical academy (1644) should not be taken too
G68 1800  2    seriously as evidence that he desired them to eschew
G68 1800 11    such performances. Perhaps, in that short piece or
G68 1810  7    letter written to Hartlib in which he sketched his
G68 1820  5    scheme for educating young men, he merely overlooked
G68 1830  1    that phase of their exercises.
G69 0010  1    Writers of this class of science fiction have clearly
G69 0010 10    in mind the assumptions that man can master the principles
G69 0020  7    of this cause-and-effect universe and that such mastery
G69 0030  5    will necessarily better the human lot. On the other
G69 0040  3    hand, the bright vision of the future has been directly
G69 0040 13    stated in science fiction concerned with projecting
G69 0060  7    ideal societies- science fiction, of course, is related,
G69 0070  6    if sometimes distantly, to that utopian literature
G69 0080  3    optimistic about science, literature whose period of
G69 0090  2    greatest vigor in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
G69 0090 11    centuries produced Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward
G69 0100  6    and H& G& Wells's A Modern Utopia. In Arthur Clarke's
G69 0110  8    Childhood's End (1953), though written after the present
G69 0120  8    flood of dystopias began, we can see the bright vision
G69 0130  8    of science fiction clearly defined.
G69 0140  2       Childhood's End- apparently indebted to Kurd Lasswitz's
G69 0150  2    utopian romance, Auf Zwei Planeten (1897), and also
G69 0160  2    to Wells's histories of the future, especially The
G69 0160 10    World Set Free (1914) and The Shape of Things to Come
G69 0170 10    (1933)- describes the bloodless conquest of earth by
G69 0190  7    the Overlords, vastly superior creatures who come to
G69 0200  5    our world in order to prepare the human race for its
G69 0210  2    next stage of development, an eventual merging with
G69 0210 10    the composite mind of the universe. Arriving just in
G69 0220  8    time to stop men from turning their planet into a radioactive
G69 0230  6    wasteland, the Overlords unite earth into one world
G69 0240  4    in which justice, order, and benevolence prevail and
G69 0250  1    ignorance, poverty, and fear have ceased to exist.
G69 0250  9    Under their rule, earth becomes a technological utopia.
G69 0260  6    Both abolition of war and new techniques of production,
G69 0270  4    particularly robot factories, greatly increase the
G69 0280  2    world's wealth, a situation described in the following
G69 0280 10    passage, which has the true utopian ring: "Everything
G69 0290  8    was so cheap that the necessities of life were free,
G69 0300  7    provided as a public service by the community, as roads,
G69 0310  5    water, street lighting and drainage had once been.
G69 0320  2    A man could travel anywhere he pleased, eat whatever
G69 0320 11    he fancied- without handing over any money". With destructive
G69 0330 10    tensions and pressures removed men have the vigor and
G69 0340  8    energy to construct a new human life- rebuilding entire
G69 0350  3    cities, expanding facilities for entertainment, providing
G69 0360  2    unlimited opportunities for education- indeed, for
G69 0370  1    the first time giving everyone the chance to employ
G69 0370 10    his talents to the fullest. Mankind, as a result, attains
G69 0380  7    previously undreamed of levels of civilization and
G69 0390  4    culture, a golden age which the Overlords, a very evident
G69 0400  2    symbol of science, have helped produce by introducing
G69 0400 10    reason and the scientific method into human activities.
G69 0410  8    Thus science is the savior of mankind, and in this
G69 0420  7    respect Childhood's End only blueprints in greater
G69 0430  4    detail the vision of the future which, though not always
G69 0435  2    so directly stated, has nevertheless been present in
G69 0440  6    the minds of most science-fiction writers.
G69 0450  6       Considering then the optimism which has permeated
G69 0460  4    science fiction for so long, what is really remarkable
G69 0470  1    is that during the last twelve years many science-fiction
G69 0470 11    writers have turned about and attacked their own cherished
G69 0480  9    vision of the future, have attacked the Childhood's
G69 0490  5    End kind of faith that science and technology will
G69 0500  4    inevitably better the human condition. And they have
G69 0510  2    done this on a very large scale, with a veritable flood
G69 0510 13    of novels and stories which are either dystopias or
G69 0520  8    narratives of adventure with dystopian elements. Because
G69 0530  5    of the means of publication- science-fiction magazines
G69 0540  2    and cheap paperbacks- and because dystopian science
G69 0550  1    fiction is still appearing in quantity the full range
G69 0550 10    and extent of this phenomenon can hardly be known,
G69 0560  8    though one fact is evident: the science-fiction imagination
G69 0570  5    has been immensely fertile in its extrapolations. Among
G69 0580  2    the dystopias, for example, Isaac Asimov's The Caves
G69 0590  2    of Steel (1954) portrays the deadly effects on human
G69 0590 11    life of the super-city of the future; James Blish's
G69 0600 10    A Case of Conscience (1958) describes a world hiding
G69 0610  6    from its own weapons of destruction in underground
G69 0620  3    shelters; Ray Bradbury's Fahrenheit 451 (1954) presents
G69 0630  4    a book-burning society in which wall television and
G69 0640  2    hearing-aid radios enslave men's minds; Walter M& Miller,
G69 0650  1    Jr&'s, A Canticle for Leibowitz (1959) finds men, after
G69 0660  1    the great atomic disaster, stumbling back to their
G69 0660  9    previous level of civilization and another catastrophe;
G69 0670  5    Frederick Pohl's "The Midas Touch" (1954) predicts
G69 0680  4    an economy of abundance which, in order to remain prosperous,
G69 0690  4    must set its robots to consuming surplus production;
G69 0700  1    Clifford D& Simak's "How-2" (1954) tells of a future
G69 0710  1    when robots have taken over, leaving men nothing to
G69 0710 10    do; and Robert Sheckley's The Status Civilization (1960)
G69 0720  6    describes a world which, frightened by the powers of
G69 0730  7    destruction science has given it, becomes static and
G69 0740  4    conformist. A more complete list would also include
G69 0750  1    Bradbury's "The Pedestrian" (1951), Philip K& Dick's
G69 0760  1    Solar Lottery (1955), David Karp's One (1953), Wilson
G69 0770  1    Tucker's The Long Loud Silence (1952), Jack Vance's
G69 0780  1    To Live Forever (1956), Gore Vidal's Messiah (1954),
G69 0790  6    and Bernard Wolfe's Limbo (1952), as well as the three
G69 0800 10    perhaps most outstanding dystopias, Frederik Pohl and
G69 0810  6    C& M& Kornbluth's The Space Merchants (1953), Kurt
G69 0820  6    Vonnegut's Player Piano (1952), and John Wyndham's
G69 0830  6    Re-Birth (1953), works which we will later examine
G69 0840  5    in detail. The novels and stories like Pohl's Drunkard's
G69 0850  2    Walk (1960), with the focus on adventure and with the
G69 0860  3    dystopian elements only a dim background- in this case
G69 0860 12    an uneasy, overpopulated world in which the mass of
G69 0870  9    people do uninteresting routine jobs while a carefully
G69 0880  6    selected, university-trained elite runs everything-
G69 0890  3    are in all likelihood as numerous as dystopias.
G69 0900  1       There is, of course, nothing new about dystopias,
G69 0900  9    for they belong to a literary tradition which, including
G69 0910  7    also the closely related satiric utopias, stretches
G69 0920  3    from at least as far back as the eighteenth century
G69 0930  1    and Swift's Gulliver's Travels to the twentieth century
G69 0940  1    and Zamiatin's We, Capek's War with the Newts, Huxley's
G69 0950  1    Brave New World, E& M& Forster's "The Machine Stops",
G69 0960  2    C& S& Lewis's That Hideous Strength, and Orwell's Nineteen
G69 0970  4    Eighty-Four, and which in science fiction is represented
G69 0980  1    before the present deluge as early as Wells's trilogy,
G69 0980 10    The Time Machine, "A Story of the Days to Come", and
G69 0990 11    When the Sleeper Wakes, and as recently as Jack Williamson's
G69 1000 10    "With Folded Hands" (1947), the classic story of men
G69 1010  9    replaced by their own robots. What makes the current
G69 1020  7    phenomenon unique is that so many science-fiction writers
G69 1030  5    have reversed a trend and turned to writing works critical
G69 1040  3    of the impact of science and technology on human life.
G69 1050  1    Since the great flood of these dystopias has appeared
G69 1050 10    only in the last twelve years, it seems fairly reasonable
G69 1060  8    to assume that the chief impetus was the 1949 publication
G69 1070  6    of Nineteen Eighty-Four, an assumption which is supported
G69 1080  4    by the frequent echoes of such details as Room 101,
G69 1090  3    along with education by conditioning from Brave New
G69 1090 11    World, a book to which science-fiction writers may
G69 1100  9    well have returned with new interest after reading
G69 1110  6    the more powerful Orwell dystopia.
G69 1120  1       Not all recent science fiction, however, is dystopian,
G69 1120  9    for the optimistic strain is still very much alive
G69 1130  8    in Mission of Gravity and Childhood's End, as we have
G69 1140  7    seen, as well as in many other recent popular novels
G69 1150  4    and stories like Fred Hoyle's The Black Cloud (1957);
G69 1160  3    and among works of dystopian science fiction, not all
G69 1170  2    provide intelligent criticism and very few have much
G69 1170 10    merit as literature- but then real quality has always
G69 1180  9    been scarce in science fiction. In addition, there
G69 1190  4    are many areas of the human situation besides the impact
G69 1200  3    of science and technology which are examined, for science-fiction
G69 1210  1    dystopias often extrapolate political, social, economic
G69 1210  7    tendencies only indirectly related to science and technology.
G69 1220  8    Nevertheless, with all these qualifications and exceptions,
G69 1230  7    the current dystopian phenomenon remains impressive
G69 1240  4    for its criticism that science and technology, instead
G69 1250  2    of bringing utopia, may well enslave, dehumanize, and
G69 1250 10    even destroy men. How effectively these warnings can
G69 1260  8    be presented is seen in Pohl and Kornbluth's The Space
G69 1270  7    Merchants, Vonnegut's Player Piano and Wyndham's Re-Birth.
G69 1280  7       Easily the best known of these three novels is The
G69 1290 10    Space Merchants, a good example of a science-fiction
G69 1300  7    dystopia which extrapolates much more than the impact
G69 1310  4    of science on human life, though its most important
G69 1320  1    warning is in this area, namely as to the use to which
G69 1320 13    discoveries in the behavioral sciences may be put.
G69 1330  7    The novel, which is not merely dystopian but also brilliantly
G69 1340  4    satiric, describes a future America where one-sixteenth
G69 1350  3    of the population, the men who run advertising agencies
G69 1360  1    and big corporations, control the rest of the people,
G69 1360 10    the submerged fifteen-sixteenths who are the workers
G69 1370  7    and consumers, with the government being no more than
G69 1380  5    "a clearing house for pressures". Like ours, the economy
G69 1390  4    of the space merchants must constantly expand in order
G69 1400  1    to survive, and, like ours, it is based on the principle
G69 1400 12    of "ever increasing everybody's work and profits in
G69 1410  7    the circle of consumption". The consequences, of course,
G69 1420  5    have been dreadful: reckless expansion has led to overpopulation,
G69 1430  5    pollution of the earth and depletion of its natural
G69 1440  4    resources. For example, even the most successful executive
G69 1450  1    lives in a two-room apartment while ordinary people
G69 1450 10    rent space in the stairwells of office buildings in
G69 1460  7    which to sleep at night; soyaburgers have replaced
G69 1470  3    meat, and wood has become so precious that it is saved
G69 1480  2    for expensive jewelry; and the atmosphere is so befouled
G69 1480 11    that no one dares walk in the open without respirators
G69 1490 10    or soot plugs.
G69 1500  1       While The Space Merchants indicates, as Kingsley
G69 1500  8    Amis has correctly observed, some of the "impending
G69 1510  7    consequences of the growth of industrial and commercial
G69 1520  5    power" and satirizes "existing habits in the advertising
G69 1530  4    profession", its warning and analysis penetrate much
G69 1540  2    deeper. What is wrong with advertising is not only
G69 1540 11    that it is an "outrage, an assault on people's mental
G69 1550  8    privacy" or that it is a major cause for a wasteful
G69 1560  8    economy of abundance or that it contains a coercive
G69 1570  3    tendency (which is closer to the point). Rather what
G69 1570 12    Kornbluth and Pohl are really doing is warning against
G69 1580  9    the dangers inherent in perfecting "a science of man
G69 1590  7    and his motives". The Space Merchants, like such humanist
G69 1600  5    documents as Joseph Wood Krutch's The Measure of Man
G69 1610  5    and C& S& Lewis's The Abolition of Man, considers what
G69 1620  5    may result from the scientific study of human nature.
G69 1630  4    If man is actually the product of his environment and
G69 1640  2    if science can discover the laws of human nature and
G69 1640 12    the ways in which environment determines what people
G69 1650  5    do, then someone- a someone probably standing outside
G69 1660  4    traditional systems of values- can turn around and
G69 1670  2    develop completely efficient means for controlling
G69 1670  8    people. Thus we will have a society consisting of the
G69 1680  9    planners or conditioners, and the controlled. And this,
G69 1690  6    of course, is exactly what Madison Avenue has been
G69 1700  3    accused of doing albeit in a primitive way, with its
G69 1700 13    "hidden persuaders" and what the space merchants accomplish
G69 1710  8    with much greater sophistication and precision.
G69 1720  5       Pohl and Kornbluth's ad men have long since thrown
G69 1730  7    out appeals to reason and developed techniques of advertising
G69 1740  3    which tie in with "every basic trauma and neurosis
G69 1750  1    in American life", which work on the libido of consumers,
G69 1750 11    which are linked to the "great prime motivations of
G69 1760  9    the human spirit". As the hero, Mitchell Courtenay,
G69 1770  6    explains before his conversion, the job of advertising
G69 1780  5    is "to convince people without letting them know that
G69 1790  3    they're being convinced". And to do this requires first
G69 1800  1    of all the kind of information about people which is
G69 1800 11    provided by the scientists in industrial anthropology
G69 1810  5    and consumer research, who, for example, tell Courtenay
G69 1820  4    that three days is the "optimum priming period for
G69 1830  2    a closed social circuit to be triggered with a catalytic
G69 1830 12    cue-phrase"- which means that an effective propaganda
G69 1840  9    technique is to send an idea into circulation and then
G69 1850  7    three days later reinforce or undermine it. And the
G69 1860  4    second requirement for convincing people without their
G69 1870  2    knowledge is artistic talent to prepare the words and
G69 1870 11    pictures which persuade by using the principles which
G69 1880  7    the scientists have discovered. Thus the copywriter
G69 1890  4    in the world of the space merchants is the person who
G69 1900  3    in earlier ages might have been a lyric poet, the person
G69 1900 14    "capable of putting together words that stir and move
G69 1910  9    and sing". As Courtenay explains, "Here in this profession
G69 1920  7    we reach into the souls of men and women. And we do
G69 1930  8    it by taking talent- and redirecting it".
G69 1940  2       Now the basic question to be asked in this situation
G69 1950  1    is what motivates the manipulators, that is, what are
G69 1950 10    their values?- since, as Courtenay says, "Nobody should
G69 1960  9    play with lives the way we do unless he's motivated
G69 1970  6    by the highest ideals". But the only ideal he can think
G69 1980  5    of is "Sales"! Indeed, again and again, the space merchants
G69 1990  3    confirm the prediction of the humanists that the conditioners
G69 2000  1    and behavioral scientists, once they have seen through
G69 2000  9    human nature, will have nothing except their impulses
G69 2010  8    and desires to guide them.
G70 0010  1    ##
G70 0010  2    We often say of a person that he "looks young for his
G70 0010 14    age" or "old for his age". Yet even in the more extreme
G70 0020 12    of such cases we seldom go very far astray in guessing
G70 0030  9    what his age actually is. And this means, I suppose,
G70 0040  5    that almost invariably age reveals itself by easily
G70 0050  2    recognizable signs engraved on both the body and the
G70 0050 11    mind. "Young for his age" means only the presence of
G70 0060  9    some minor characteristic not quite usual. Stigmata
G70 0070  5    quite sufficient for diagnosis are nevertheless there.
G70 0080  2    An assumption of youth, or the presence of a few youthful
G70 0090  1    characteristics, deceives no more successfully than
G70 0090  7    rouge or dyed hair. "Looking young for your age" means
G70 0110  8    "for your age" and it means no more.
G70 0120  5       A mind expressing itself in words may reveal itself
G70 0130  2    a little less obviously as old or young. Its surface
G70 0130 12    loses its bloom and submits to its wrinkles in ways
G70 0140  9    less immediately obvious than the body does. Youth
G70 0150  6    may be, and often is, skeptical, cynical or despairing;
G70 0160  2    age may be idealistic, believing and much given to
G70 0160 11    professions of optimism. But there is, nevertheless,
G70 0170  7    always a subtle difference in the way in which supposedly
G70 0180  7    similar opinions are held. The pessimism of the young
G70 0190  5    is defiant, anxious to confess or even exaggerate its
G70 0200  2    ostensible gloom, and so exuberant as to reveal the
G70 0200 11    fact that it regards its ability to face up to the
G70 0210  8    awful truth as more than enough to compensate for the
G70 0220  3    awfulness of that truth. Similarly the optimism of
G70 0220 11    age protests too much. If it proclaims that the best
G70 0230 10    is yet to be, it always arouses, at least in the young,
G70 0240  7    either a suspicious question or perhaps the exclamation
G70 0250  3    of the Negro youth who saw on a tombstone the inscription,
G70 0260  2    "I am not dead but sleeping". "Boy, you ain't fooling
G70 0270  1    nobody but yourself".
G70 0270  4       We may say of some unfortunates that they were never
G70 0280  5    young. We cannot truthfully say of anyone who has succeeded
G70 0290  2    in entering deep into his sixties that he was never
G70 0290 12    old. Those famous lines of the Greek Anthology with
G70 0300  9    which a fading beauty dedicates her mirror at the shrine
G70 0310  7    of a goddess reveal a wise attitude: "Venus take my
G70 0320  4    votive glass, Since I am not what I was, What from
G70 0330  2    this day I shall be, Venus, let me never see".
G70 0330 12       No good can come of contemplating the sad, inevitable
G70 0340  9    fact that once youth has passed "a worse and worse
G70 0350  7    time still succeeds the former". But there are at least
G70 0360  6    two reasons for contemplating one's mind in even a
G70 0370  4    cracked mirror. One is that there sometimes are real
G70 0370 13    although inadequate compensations in growing old. Serenity,
G70 0380  7    if one is fortunate enough to achieve it, is not so
G70 0390  8    good as joy, but it is something. Even to be "from
G70 0400  5    hope and fear set free" is at least better than to
G70 0410  2    have lost the first without having got rid of the second.
G70 0410 13    The other reason (and the one with which I am here
G70 0420 10    concerned) is that one thus becomes inclined to inquire
G70 0430  5    of any opinion, or change of opinion, whether it represents
G70 0440  4    the wisdom of experience or is only the result of the
G70 0450  2    difference between youth and age which is as inevitable
G70 0450 11    as the all too obvious physical differences. One may
G70 0460  7    be exasperatingly aware that if the answer is favorable
G70 0470  7    it will be judged such only by those of one's own age.
G70 0480  4    But at least the question has been raised. Many readers
G70 0490  1    of this department no doubt discount certain of my
G70 0490 10    opinions for the simple reason that they can guess
G70 0500  8    pretty accurately, even if they have never actually
G70 0510  4    been told, what my age is. At least I should like them
G70 0520  2    to know that I know these discounts are being made.
G70 0520 12    ##
G70 0520 13    Let me then (and in public) glance into the mirror.
G70 0530 10    I have known some men and women who said that the selves
G70 0540  9    they are told about or even remember seem utter strangers
G70 0550  4    to them now; that their remote past is as discontinuous
G70 0560  2    with their present selves, as lacking in any conscious
G70 0570  1    likeness to their mature personality, as the self of
G70 0570 10    a butterfly may be imagined discontinuous with that
G70 0580  5    of the caterpillar it once was. For my part I find
G70 0590  5    it difficult to conceive such a state of affairs. I
G70 0600  1    have changed and I have reversed opinions; but I am
G70 0600 11    so aware of an uninterrupted continuity of the persona
G70 0610  6    or ego that I see only as absurd the tendency of some
G70 0620  5    psychologists from Heraclitus to Pirandello and Proust
G70 0630  3    to regard consciousness as no more than a flux amid
G70 0630 13    which nothing remains unchanged. So far as I am concerned,
G70 0640 10    the child is unmistakably father to the man, despite
G70 0650  7    the obvious fact that child and father differ greatly-
G70 0660  4    sometimes for the better and sometimes for the worse.
G70 0670  3       Fundamental values, temperament and the way in which
G70 0680  1    one approaches a conviction change less, of course,
G70 0680  9    than specific opinions. That fact is very clearly illustrated
G70 0690  7    in the case of the many present-day intellectuals who
G70 0700  5    were Communists or near-Communists in their youth and
G70 0710  4    are now so extremely conservative (or reactionary,
G70 0710 11    as many would say) that they can define no important
G70 0720 10    political conviction that does not seem so far from
G70 0730  8    even a centrist position as to make the distinction
G70 0740  3    between Mr& Nixon and Mr& Khrushchev for them hardly
G70 0750  2    worth noting. But in ways more fundamental than specific
G70 0750 11    political opinions they are still what they always
G70 0760  8    were: passionate, sure without a shadow of doubt of
G70 0770  7    whatever it is that they are sure of, capable of seeing
G70 0780  3    black and white only and, therefore, committed to the
G70 0790  1    logical extreme of whatever it is they are temporarily
G70 0790 10    committed to.
G70 0800  1       To those of my readers who find many of my opinions
G70 0800 12    morally, or politically, or sociologically antiquated
G70 0810  5    (and I have reason to know that there are some such),
G70 0820  6    I would like to say what I have already hinted, namely,
G70 0830  3    that some of my opinions may indeed be subject to some
G70 0840  1    discount on the simple ground that I am no longer young
G70 0840 12    and therefore incapable of being youthful of mind.
G70 0850  7    But I will also remind them that I have always been
G70 0860  5    inclined to skepticism, to a kind of Laodicean lack
G70 0870  2    of commitment so far as public affairs are concerned;
G70 0870 11    so that, although not as eager as I once was to be
G70 0880 11    disapproved of, I can still resist prevailing opinions.
G70 0900  4       At about the age of twelve I became a Spencerian
G70 0910  3    liberal, and I have always considered myself a liberal
G70 0920  1    of some kind even though the definition has changed
G70 0920 10    repeatedly since Spencer became a reactionary. Several
G70 0930  6    times in my youth I voted the Socialist ticket, but
G70 0940  5    less because I was Socialist than because I was not
G70 0950  4    either a Republican or a Democrat, and I voted for
G70 0960  1    Franklin Roosevelt every time he was a candidate. Yet
G70 0960 10    during the years when I was on the staff of the Nation,
G70 0970 10    I tried to the limit the patience of the editors on
G70 0980  7    almost every occasion when I was permitted to write
G70 0990  3    an editorial having a bearing on a political or social
G70 1000  1    question.
G70 1000  2       Never once during the trying thirties did I come
G70 1000 11    so close to succumbing to the private climate of opinion
G70 1010 10    as to grant Russian communism even that most weasel-worded
G70 1020  7    of encomiums "an interesting experiment". There are
G70 1030  4    few things of which I am prouder than of that unblemished
G70 1040  4    record. Many of my friends at the time thought that
G70 1050  1    I had received a well-deserved condemnation when Lincoln
G70 1050 10    Steffens denounced me in a review of one of my books
G70 1060 11    as a perfect example of the obsolete man who could
G70 1070  6    understand and sympathize only with the dead past.
G70 1080  2    But he, as I can now retort, was the man who could
G70 1080 14    see so short a distance ahead that after a visit to
G70 1090 10    Russia he gave voice to the famous exclamation: "I
G70 1100  5    have seen the future and it works".
G70 1110  1       The favorite excuse of those who have now recanted
G70 1110 10    their approval of communism is that they did not know
G70 1120  9    how things would develop. With this excuse I have never
G70 1130  6    been much impressed. There was, it seems to me, enough
G70 1140  4    in the openly declared principles and intentions of
G70 1140 12    Russian leaders to alienate honorable men without their
G70 1150  8    having to wait to see how it would turn out.
G70 1160  8       Once many years ago I sat at dinner next to Arthur
G70 1170  4    Train, and the subject of the Nation came up. He asked
G70 1180  4    me suddenly, "What are your political opinions"? "Well",
G70 1190  2    I replied, "some of my colleagues on the paper regard
G70 1200  1    me as a rank reactionary". After a moment's thought
G70 1200 10    he replied, "That still leaves you a lot of latitude".
G70 1210  9    And I suppose it did.
G70 1220  2       I never have been, and am not now, any kind of utopian.
G70 1220 14    When I first came across Samuel Johnson's pronouncement,
G70 1230  8    "the remedy for the ills of life is palliative rather
G70 1240  9    than radical", it seemed to me to sum up the profoundest
G70 1250  8    of political and social truths. It will probably explain
G70 1260  4    more of my attitudes toward society than any other
G70 1270  2    phrase or principle could.
G70 1270  6    ##
G70 1270  7    Why did I choose to fill these pages in this particular
G70 1280  5    issue with this mixture of rather tenuous reflections
G70 1290  2    and autobiography? The reason is, I think, my awareness
G70 1300  1    that my remarks last quarter on pacifism may well have
G70 1300 11    served to confirm the opinion of some that my tendency
G70 1310  8    to skepticism and dissent gets us nowhere, and that
G70 1320  5    I am simply too old to hope. I would, however, like
G70 1330  2    to suggest that, wrong though I may be, the tendency
G70 1330 12    to see dilemmas rather than solutions is one of which
G70 1340  9    I have been a victim ever since I can remember, and
G70 1350  6    therefore not merely a senile phenomenon. I know that
G70 1360  4    one must act. But one need not always be sure that
G70 1360 15    the action is either wise or conclusive.
G70 1370  7       Apropos of what some would call cynicism, I remember
G70 1380  5    an anecdote the source of which I forget. It concerns
G70 1390  3    a small-town minister who staged an impressive object
G70 1400  1    lesson by confining a lion and a lamb together in the
G70 1400 12    same cage outside his church door. Not only his parishioners,
G70 1410  8    but the whole town and, ultimately, the whole county
G70 1420  5    were enormously impressed by this object lesson. One
G70 1430  3    day he was visited by a delegation of would-be imitators
G70 1440  1    who wanted to know his secret. "How on earth do you
G70 1440 12    manage it? What is the trick"? "Why", he replied, "it
G70 1450  9    is perfectly simple; there is no trick involved. All
G70 1460  7    you have to do is put in a fresh lamb from time to
G70 1470  5    time". Cynical? Blasphemous? Not really, it seems to
G70 1480  4    me. The promise that the lion and the lamb will lie
G70 1480 15    down together was given in the future tense. It is
G70 1490 10    not something that can be expected to happen now.
G70 1500  6    ##
G70 1500  7    Without really changing the general subject, I take
G70 1510  4    this opportunity to confess that I am troubled by doubts,
G70 1520  2    not only about pacifism, but also when asked to join
G70 1520 12    in the protest against a law that most of those who
G70 1530  9    consider themselves humane and liberal seem to regard
G70 1540  6    as obviously barbarous; namely, the law that prescribes
G70 1550  3    the death penalty for murder when there seem to be
G70 1550 13    no extenuating circumstances. It is not that I am unaware
G70 1560 10    of the force of their strongest contention. Life, they
G70 1570  7    say, should be regarded as sacred and, therefore, as
G70 1580  5    something that neither an individual nor his society
G70 1590  2    has a right to take away. In fact I cannot imagine
G70 1590 13    myself condemning a man to the noose or the electric
G70 1600 10    chair if I had to take, as an individual, the responsibility
G70 1610  6    for his death. Just as I know I would make a bad soldier
G70 1620  7    even though I cannot sincerely call myself a pacifist,
G70 1630  3    so too I would not be either a hangman by profession
G70 1630 14    or, if I could avoid it, even a member of a hanging
G70 1640 12    jury. Despite these facts the question "Should no murderer
G70 1650  7    ever be executed"? seems to me to create a dilemma
G70 1660  7    not to be satisfactorily disposed of by a simple negative
G70 1670  3    answer.
G70 1670  4       Punishment of the wrongdoer, so liberals are inclined
G70 1680  3    to say, can have only three possible justifications:
G70 1690  1    revenge, reformation or deterrent example.
G71 0010  1    For here if anywhere in contemporary literature is
G71 0010  9    a major effort to counterbalance Existentialism and
G71 0020  4    restore some of its former lustre to the tarnished
G71 0030  3    image of the species Man, or, as Malraux himself puts
G71 0040  1    it, "to make men conscious of the grandeur they ignore
G71 0040 11    in themselves".
G71 0050  1    #/1,#
G71 0050  2    Andre Malraux's The Walnut Trees of Altenburg was written
G71 0060  3    in the early years of the second World War, during
G71 0070  1    a period of enforced leisure when he was taken prisoner
G71 0070 11    by the Germans after the fall of France. The manuscript,
G71 0080  8    presumably after being smuggled out of the country,
G71 0090  6    was published in Switzerland in 1943. The work as it
G71 0100  5    stands is not the entire book that Malraux wrote at
G71 0100 15    that time- it is only the first section of a three-part
G71 0110 11    novel called La Lutte avec l'Ange; and this first section
G71 0120  9    was somehow preserved (there are always these annoying
G71 0130  6    little mysteries about the actual facts of Malraux's
G71 0140  4    life) when the Gestapo destroyed the rest. If we are
G71 0150  4    to believe the list of titles printed in Malraux's
G71 0150 13    latest book, La Metamorphose des Dieux, Vol& /1, (1957),
G71 0160  9    he is still engaged in writing a large novel under
G71 0180  8    his original title. But as he remarks in his preface
G71 0190  5    to The Walnut Trees, "a novel can hardly ever be rewritten",
G71 0200  4    and "when this one appears in its final form, the form
G71 0210  3    of the first part **h will no doubt be radically changed".
G71 0220  1    Malraux pretends, perhaps with a trifle too self-conscious
G71 0220 10    a modesty, that his fragmentary work will accordingly
G71 0230  7    "appeal only to the curiosity of bibliophiles" and
G71 0250  2    "to connoisseurs of what might have been". Even in
G71 0260  4    its present form, however, the first part of Malraux's
G71 0270  1    unrecoverable novel is among the greatest works of
G71 0270  9    mid-twentieth century literature; and it should be
G71 0280  7    far better known than it is.
G71 0290  1       The theme of The Walnut Trees of Altenburg is most
G71 0290 11    closely related to its immediate predecessor in Malraux's
G71 0300  8    array of novels: Man's Hope (1937). This magnificent
G71 0310  6    but greatly underestimated book, which bodies forth
G71 0320  5    the very form and pressure of its time as no other
G71 0330  4    comparable creation, has suffered severely from having
G71 0340  1    been written about an historical event- the Spanish
G71 0340  9    Civil War- that is still capable of fanning the smoldering
G71 0350  9    fires of old political feuds. Even so apparently impartial
G71 0360  6    a critic as W& H& Frohock has taken for granted that
G71 0370  6    the book was originally intended as a piece of Loyalist
G71 0380  3    propaganda; and has then gone on to argue, with unimpeachable
G71 0390  1    consistency, that all the obviously non-propagandistic
G71 0390  8    aspects of the book are simply inadvertent "contradictions".
G71 0400  8       Nothing, however, could be farther from the truth.
G71 0410  8    The whole purpose of Man's Hope is to portray the tragic
G71 0420  8    dialectic between means and ends inherent in all organized
G71 0430  6    political violence- and even when such violence is
G71 0440  3    a necessary and legitimate self-defense of liberty,
G71 0440 11    justice and human dignity. Nowhere before in Malraux's
G71 0450  8    pages have we met such impassioned defenders of a "quality
G71 0460  8    of man" which transcends the realm of politics and
G71 0470  6    even the realm of action altogether- both the action
G71 0480  4    of Malraux's early anarchist-adventurers like Perken
G71 0490  1    and Garine, and the self-sacrificing action of dedicated
G71 0490 10    Communists like Kyo Gisors and Katow in Man's Fate.
G71 0500  9    "Man engages only a small part of himself in an action"
G71 0510 10    says old Alvear the art-historian; "and the more the
G71 0520  5    action claims to be total, the smaller is the part
G71 0530  4    of man engaged". These lines never cease to haunt the
G71 0540  2    book amidst all the exaltations of combat, and to make
G71 0540 12    an appeal for a larger and more elemental human community
G71 0550  8    than one based on the brutal necessities of war.
G71 0560  4       It is this larger theme of the "quality of man",
G71 0570  3    a quality that transcends the ideological and flows
G71 0570 11    into "the human", which now forms the pulsating heart
G71 0580  9    of Malraux's artistic universe. Malraux, to be sure,
G71 0590  7    does not abandon the world of violence, combat and
G71 0600  5    sudden death which has become his hallmark as a creative
G71 0610  3    artist, and which is the only world, apparently, in
G71 0610 12    which his imagination can flame into life. The Walnut
G71 0620  9    Trees of Altenburg includes not one war but two, and
G71 0630  8    throws in a Turkish revolution along with some guerrilla
G71 0640  5    fighting in the desert for good measure. But while
G71 0650  2    war still serves as a catalyst for the values that
G71 0650 12    Malraux wishes to express, these values are no longer
G71 0660  8    linked with the triumph or defeat of any cause- whether
G71 0670  6    that of an individual assertion of the will-to-power,
G71 0680  4    or a collective attempt to escape from the humiliation
G71 0690  1    of oppression- as their necessary condition. On the
G71 0690  9    contrary, the frenzy and furor of combat is only the
G71 0700  9    sombre foil against which the sudden illuminations
G71 0710  3    of the human flash forth with the piercing radiance
G71 0720  1    of a Caravaggio.
G71 0720  4    #/2,#
G71 0720  5    The Walnut Trees of Altenburg is composed in the form
G71 0730  6    of a triptych, with the two small side panels framing
G71 0740  2    and enclosing the main central episode of the novel.
G71 0740 11    This central episode consists of a series of staccato
G71 0750  9    scenes set in the period from the beginning of the
G71 0760  6    present century up to the first World War. The framing
G71 0770  3    scenes, on the other hand, both take place in the late
G71 0780  1    Spring of 1940, just at the moment of the defeat of
G71 0780 12    France in the second great world conflict. The narrator
G71 0790  7    is an Alsatian serving with the French Army, and he
G71 0800  6    has the same name (Berger) that Malraux himself was
G71 0810  3    later to use in the Resistance; like Malraux he was
G71 0810 13    also serving in the tank corps before being captured,
G71 0820  9    and we learn as well that in civilian life he had been
G71 0830  8    a writer. These biographical analogies are obvious,
G71 0840  3    and far too much time has been spent speculating on
G71 0850  2    their possible implications.
G71 0850  5       Much more important is to grasp the feelings of
G71 0860  4    the narrator (whose full name is never given) as he
G71 0870  1    becomes aware of the disorganized and bewildered mass
G71 0870  9    of French prisoners clustered together in a temporary
G71 0880  6    prison camp in and around the cathedral of Chartres.
G71 0890  3    For as his companions gradually dissolve back into
G71 0900  2    a state of primitive confrontation with elemental necessity,
G71 0900 10    as they lose all the appanage of their acquired culture,
G71 0910  9    he is overcome by the feeling that he is at last being
G71 0920  9    confronted with the essence of mankind. "As a writer,
G71 0930  4    by what have I been obsessed these last ten years,
G71 0940  2    if not by mankind? Here I am face to face with the
G71 0940 14    primeval stuff".
G71 0950  2       The intuition about mankind conveyed in these opening
G71 0960  1    pages is of crucial importance for understanding the
G71 0960  9    remainder of the text; and we must attend to it more
G71 0970 10    closely than has usually been done. What does the narrator
G71 0980  6    see and what does he feel? A good many pages of the
G71 0990  4    first section are taken up with an account of the dogged
G71 1000  1    determination of the prisoners to write to their wives
G71 1000 10    and families- even when it becomes clear that the Germans
G71 1010 11    are simply allowing the letters to blow away in the
G71 1020  8    wind. Awkwardly and laboriously, in stiff, unemotional
G71 1030  2    phrases, the soldiers continue to bridge the distance
G71 1040  1    between themselves and those they love; they instinctively
G71 1040  9    struggle to keep open a road to the future in their
G71 1050 11    hearts. And by a skillful and unobtrusive use of imagery
G71 1060  6    (the enclosure is called a "Roman-camp stockade", the
G71 1070  3    hastily erected lean-to is a "Babylonian hovel", the
G71 1080  2    men begin to look like "Peruvian mummies" and to acquire
G71 1090  1    "Gothic faces"), Malraux projects a fresco of human
G71 1090  9    endurance- which is also the endurance of the human-
G71 1100 11    stretching backward into the dark abyss of time. The
G71 1110  7    narrator feels himself catching a glimpse of pre-history,
G71 1120  4    learning of man's "age-old familiarity with misfortune",
G71 1130  1    as well as his "equally age-old ingenuity, his secret
G71 1140  1    faith in endurance, however crammed with catastrophes,
G71 1140  8    the same faith perhaps as the cave-men used to have
G71 1150  9    in the face of famine".
G71 1160  1       This new vision of man that the narrator acquires
G71 1160 10    is also accompanied by a re-vision of his previous
G71 1170  8    view. "I thought I knew more than my education had
G71 1180  4    taught me" notes the narrator, "because I had encountered
G71 1190  1    the militant mobs of a political or religious faith".
G71 1190 10    Is this not Malraux himself alluding to his own earlier
G71 1200 10    infatuation with the ideological? But now he knows
G71 1210  7    "that an intellectual is not only a man to whom books
G71 1220  6    are necessary, he is any man whose reasoning, however
G71 1230  2    elementary it may be, affects and directs his life".
G71 1230 11    From this point of view the "militant mobs" of the
G71 1240  9    past, stirred into action by one ideology or another,
G71 1250  6    were all composed of "intellectuals"- and this is not
G71 1260  7    the level on which the essence of mankind can be discovered.
G71 1270  2    The men around him, observes the narrator, "have been
G71 1280  1    living from day to day for thousands of years". The
G71 1280 11    human is deeper than a mass ideology, certainly deeper
G71 1290  7    than the isolated individual; and the narrator recalls
G71 1300  5    the words of his father, Vincent Berger: "It is not
G71 1310  4    by any amount of scratching at the individual that
G71 1310 13    one finally comes down to mankind".
G71 1320  6       The entire middle section of The Walnut Trees is
G71 1330  6    taken up with the life of Vincent Berger himself, whose
G71 1340  3    fragmentary notes on his "encounters with mankind"
G71 1350  1    are now conveyed by his son. "He was not much older
G71 1350 12    than myself" writes the narrator, "when he began to
G71 1360  8    feel the impact of that human mystery which now obsesses
G71 1370  5    me, and which makes me begin, perhaps, to understand
G71 1380  3    him". For the figure of Vincent Berger Malraux has
G71 1390  1    obviously drawn on his studies of T& E& Lawrence (though
G71 1390 11    Berger fights on the side of the Turks instead of against
G71 1400 11    them), and like both Lawrence and Malraux himself he
G71 1410  7    is a fervent admirer of Nietzsche. A professor at the
G71 1420  5    University of Constantinople, where his first course
G71 1430  2    of lectures was on Nietzsche and the "philosophy of
G71 1430 11    action", Vincent Berger becomes head of the propaganda
G71 1440  8    department of the German Embassy in Turkey. As an Alsatian
G71 1450  8    before the first World War he was of course of German
G71 1460  8    nationality; but he quickly involves himself in the
G71 1470  4    Young Turk revolutionary movement to such an extent
G71 1480  1    that his own country begins to doubt his patriotism.
G71 1480 10    And, after becoming the right-hand man of Enver Pasha,
G71 1490  8    he is sent by the latter to pave the way for a new
G71 1500  8    Turkish Empire embracing "the union of all Turks throughout
G71 1510  3    Central Asia from Adrianople to the Chinese oases on
G71 1520  2    the Silk Trade Route".
G71 1520  6       Vincent Berger's mission is a failure because the
G71 1530  6    Ottoman nationalism on which Enver Pasha counted does
G71 1540  3    not exist. Central Asia is sunk in a somnolence from
G71 1540 13    which nothing can awaken it; and amid a dusty desolation
G71 1550 10    in which nothing human any longer seemed to survive,
G71 1560  7    Vincent Berger begins to dream of the Occident. "Oh
G71 1570  5    for the green of Europe! Trains whistling in the night,
G71 1580  4    the rattle and clatter of cabs **h". Finally, after
G71 1590  1    almost being beaten to death by a madman- he could
G71 1590 11    not fight back because madmen are sacred to Islam-
G71 1600  7    he throws up his mission and returns to Europe. This
G71 1610  5    has been his first encounter with mankind, and, although
G71 1620  2    he has now become a legendary figure in the popular
G71 1620 12    European press, it leaves him profoundly dissatisfied.
G71 1630  7    Despite Berger's report, Enver Pasha refuses to surrender
G71 1640  7    his dream of a Turkish Blood Alliance; and Vincent
G71 1650  4    Berger learns that political ambition is more apt to
G71 1660  5    hide than to reveal the truth about men. But as he
G71 1660 16    discovers shortly, on returning among intellectuals
G71 1670  6    obsessed by le culte du moi, his experience of action
G71 1680  7    had also taught him a more positive lesson. "For six
G71 1690  4    years my father had had to do too much commanding and
G71 1700  2    convincing" writes the narrator, "not to understand
G71 1700  9    that man begins with 'the other'".
G71 1710  5       And when Vincent Berger returns to Europe, this
G71 1720  4    first result of his encounters with mankind is considerably
G71 1730  2    enriched and deepened by a crucial revelation. For
G71 1730 10    a dawning sense of illumination occurs in consequence
G71 1740  7    of two events which, as so often in Malraux, suddenly
G71 1750  7    confront a character with the existential question
G71 1760  2    of the nature and value of human life. One such event
G71 1770  1    is the landing in Europe itself, when the mingled familiarity
G71 1770 11    and strangeness of the Occident, after the blank immensities
G71 1780  8    of Asia, shocks the returning traveller into a realization
G71 1790  7    of the infinite possibilities of human life.
G72 0010  1    In a pessimistic assessment of the cold war, Eden declared:
G72 0010 11    "There must be much closer unity within the West before
G72 0020 10    there can be effective negotiation with the East".
G72 0030  5    Ordinary methods of diplomacy within the free world
G72 0040  4    are inadequate, said the former Prime Minister. "Something
G72 0050  2    much more thorough is required". Citing the experience
G72 0060  1    of the Combined Chiefs of Staff in World War /2,, Eden
G72 0060 12    said that all would have been confusion and disarray
G72 0070  9    without them. "This", he said, "is exactly what has
G72 0080  7    been happening between the politically free nations
G72 0090  3    in the postwar world. We need joint chiefs of a political
G72 0100  1    general staff". Citing the advances of Communist power
G72 0100  9    in recent years, Sir Anthony observed: "This very grave
G72 0110  9    state of affairs will continue until the free nations
G72 0120  8    accept together the reality of the danger that confronts
G72 0130  6    them and unite their policies and resources to meet
G72 0140  3    it".
G72 0140  4       While I fully agree with Sir Anthony's contention,
G72 0150  2    I think that we must carry the analysis farther, bearing
G72 0160  1    in mind that while common peril may be the measure
G72 0160 11    of our need, the existence or absence of a positive
G72 0170  8    sense of community must be the measure of our capacity.
G72 0180  5       While it is hazardous to project the trend of history,
G72 0190  5    it seems clear that a genuine community is painfully
G72 0200  1    emerging in the Western world, particularly among the
G72 0200  9    countries of Western Europe. At the end of World War
G72 0210 10    /2,, free Europe was ready for a new beginning. The
G72 0220  7    excesses of nationalism had brought down upon Europe
G72 0230  4    a generation of tyranny and war, and a return to the
G72 0240  1    old order of things seemed unthinkable. Under these
G72 0240  9    conditions a new generation of Europeans began to discover
G72 0250  7    the bonds of long association and shared values that
G72 0260  5    for so long had been subordinated to nationalist xenophobia.
G72 0270  2    A slow and painful trend toward unification has taken
G72 0280  1    hold, a trend which may at any time be arrested and
G72 0280 12    reversed but which may also lead to a binding federation
G72 0290  8    of Europe. It may well be that the unification of Europe
G72 0300  6    will prove inadequate, that the survival of free society
G72 0310  4    will require nothing less than the confederation of
G72 0320  1    the entire Western world.
G72 0320  5       The movement toward European unity has been expressed
G72 0330  4    in two currents: federalism and functionalism, one
G72 0340  2    looking to the constitution of a United States of Europe,
G72 0340 12    the other building on wartime precedents of practical
G72 0350  8    coo^peration for the solution of specific problems.
G72 0360  5    Thus far the advances made have been almost entirely
G72 0370  3    along functional lines.
G72 0370  6       Many factors contributed to the growth of the European
G72 0380  7    movement. In 1946 Sir Winston Churchill, who had spoken
G72 0390  4    often of European union during the war, advocated the
G72 0400  2    formation of "a kind of United States of Europe". Had
G72 0410  1    Churchill been returned to office in 1945, it is just
G72 0410 11    possible that Britain, instead of standing fearfully
G72 0420  6    aloof, would have led Europe toward union.
G72 0430  3       In 1947 and 1948 the necessity of massive coo^rdinated
G72 0440  2    efforts to achieve economic recovery led to the formation
G72 0450  1    of the Organization for European Economic Coo^peration
G72 0450  8    to supervise and coo^rdinate the uses of American aid
G72 0460  8    under the Marshall Plan. The United States might well
G72 0470  7    have exploited the opportunity provided by the European
G72 0480  5    Recovery Program to push the hesitant European nations
G72 0490  2    toward political federation as well as economic coo^peration,
G72 0500  1    but all proposals to this effect were rejected by the
G72 0500 11    United States Government at the time.
G72 0510  6       Another powerful factor in the European movement
G72 0520  4    was the threat of Soviet aggression. The Communist
G72 0530  1    coup in Czechoslovakia in 1948 was followed immediately
G72 0530  9    by the conclusion of the Brussels Treaty, a 50-year
G72 0540  9    alliance among Britain, France and the Benelux countries.
G72 0550  6    And of course the Soviet threat was responsible for
G72 0560  4    ~NATO, the grand alliance of the Atlantic nations.
G72 0570  2       New organs of unification proliferated in the decade
G72 0580  1    following the conclusion of the ~NATO alliance. In
G72 0580  9    1949 the Council of Europe came into existence, a purely
G72 0590  8    consultative parliamentary body but the first organ
G72 0600  6    of political rather than functional unity. In 1952,
G72 0610  3    the European Coal and Steel Community was launched,
G72 0620  1    placing the coal and steel production of France, West
G72 0620 10    Germany, Italy and Benelux under a supranational High
G72 0630  7    Authority. For a time it appeared that a common European
G72 0640  6    army might be created, but the project for a European
G72 0650  4    Defense Community was rejected by the French National
G72 0660  1    Assembly in 1954. In 1957 the social-economic approach
G72 0660 10    to European integration was capped by the formation
G72 0670  7    among "the Six" of a tariff-free European Common Market,
G72 0680  7    and Euratom for coo^peration in the development of
G72 0690  5    atomic energy.
G72 0690  7       The "overseas" democracies have generally encouraged
G72 0700  4    the European unification movement without seriously
G72 0710  3    considering the wisdom of their own full participation
G72 0720  1    in a broader Atlantic community. The United States
G72 0720  9    and Canada belong only to ~NATO and the new O&E&C&D&.
G72 0730  9    Britain until recently went along in some areas with
G72 0740  9    all of the enthusiasm of the groom at a shotgun wedding.
G72 0750  7    In other areas it held back, pleading its Commonwealth
G72 0760  3    bonds. Now Britain has decided to seek admission to
G72 0770  2    the European Economic Community and it seems certain
G72 0770 10    that she will be joined by some of her partners in
G72 0780  9    the loose Free Trade Area of the "Outer Seven". Besides
G72 0790  6    its historical significance as a break with the centuries-old
G72 0800  6    tradition of British insularity, Britain's move, if
G72 0810  3    successful, will constitute an historic landmark of
G72 0810 10    the first importance in the movement toward the unification
G72 0820  9    of Europe and the Western world.
G72 0830  4       If a broader Atlantic community is to be formed-
G72 0840  3    and my own judgment is that it lies within the realm
G72 0840 14    of both our needs and our capacity- a ready nucleus
G72 0850  9    of machinery is at hand in the ~NATO alliance. The
G72 0860  6    time is now ripe, indeed overdue, for the vigorous
G72 0870  4    development of its non-military potentialities, for
G72 0880  1    its development as an instrument of Atlantic community.
G72 0880  9    What is required is the full implementation of Article
G72 0890  7    2 of the Treaty, which provides: "The Parties will
G72 0900  5    contribute toward the further development of peaceful
G72 0910  3    and friendly international relations by strengthening
G72 0920  1    their free institutions, by bringing about a better
G72 0920  9    understanding of the principles upon which these institutions
G72 0930  7    are founded, and by promoting conditions of stability
G72 0940  4    and well-being. They will seek to eliminate conflict
G72 0950  2    in their international economic policies and will encourage
G72 0960  1    economic collaboration between any and all of them".
G72 0960  9    As Lester Pearson wrote in 1955: "~NATO cannot live
G72 0970  8    on fear alone. It cannot become the source of a real
G72 0980  8    Atlantic community if it remains organized to deal
G72 0990  4    only with the military threat which first brought it
G72 1000  2    into being".
G72 1000  4       The problem of ~NATO is not one of machinery, of
G72 1010  2    which there is an abundance, but of the will to use
G72 1010 13    it. The ~NATO Council is available as an executive
G72 1020  8    agency, the Standing Group as a high military authority.
G72 1030  7    The unofficial Conference of Parliamentarians is available
G72 1040  4    as a potential legislative authority. This machinery
G72 1050  3    will not become the instrument of an Atlantic community
G72 1060  1    by fiat, but only when that community evolves from
G72 1060 10    potentiality to reality. The existence of a community
G72 1070  7    is a state of mind- a conviction that goals and values
G72 1080  5    are widely shared, that effective communication is
G72 1090  2    possible, that mutual trust is reasonably assured.
G72 1090  9       An equally promising avenue toward Atlantic community
G72 1100  7    may lie through the development and expansion of the
G72 1110  6    O&E&C&D& Conceived as an organ of economic coo^peration,
G72 1120  6    there is no reason why O&E&C&D& cannot evolve into
G72 1130  4    a broader instrument of union if its members so desire.
G72 1140  3    Indeed it might be a more appropriate vehicle than
G72 1140 12    ~NATO for the development of a parliamentary organ
G72 1150  8    of the Atlantic nations, because it could encompass
G72 1160  6    all of the members of the Atlantic community including
G72 1170  3    those, like Sweden and Switzerland, who are unwilling
G72 1180  3    to be associated with an essentially military alliance
G72 1180 11    like ~NATO.
G72 1190  2       Underlying these hopes and prescriptions is a conviction
G72 1200  2    that the nations of the North Atlantic area do indeed
G72 1200 12    form a community, at least a potential community. There
G72 1210  9    is nothing new in this; what is new and compelling
G72 1220  8    is that the West is now but one of several powerful
G72 1230  4    civilizations, or "systems", and that one or more of
G72 1240  3    the others may pose a mortal danger to the West. For
G72 1240 14    centuries the North Atlantic nations dominated the
G72 1250  7    world and as long as they did they could afford the
G72 1260  6    luxury of fighting each other. That time is now past
G72 1270  4    and the Atlantic nations, if they are to survive, must
G72 1270 14    develop a full-fledged community, and they must also
G72 1280  9    look beyond the frontiers of "Western civilization"
G72 1290  4    toward a world-wide "concert of free nations".
G72 1300  3    #/6,#
G72 1300  4    The burden of these reflections is that a broader unity
G72 1310  4    among the free nations is at the core of our needs.
G72 1320  1    And if we do not aspire to too much, it is also within
G72 1320 14    our capacity. A realistic balancing of the need for
G72 1330  8    new forms of international organization on the one
G72 1340  4    hand, and our capacity to achieve them on the other,
G72 1350  1    must be approached through the concept of "community".
G72 1350  9    History has demonstrated many times that concerts of
G72 1360  8    nations based solely on the negative spur of common
G72 1370  6    danger are unlikely to survive when the external danger
G72 1380  2    ceases to be dramatically urgent. Only when a concert
G72 1380 11    of nations rests on the positive foundations of shared
G72 1390  9    goals and values is it likely to form a viable instrument
G72 1400  9    of long-range policy. It follows that the solution
G72 1410  4    to the current disunity of the free nations is only
G72 1420  2    to a very limited extent a matter of devising new machinery
G72 1420 13    of consultation and coo^rdination. It is very much
G72 1430  7    a matter of building the foundations of community.
G72 1440  5       It is for these reasons that proposals for a "new
G72 1450  4    world order", through radical overhaul of the United
G72 1460  1    Nations or through some sort of world federation, are
G72 1460 10    utterly fatuous. In a recent book called "World Peace
G72 1470  9    Through World Law", two distinguished lawyers, Grenville
G72 1480  5    Clark and Louis Sohn, call for just such an overhaul
G72 1490  6    of the U&N&, basing their case on the world-wide fear
G72 1500  5    of a nuclear holocaust. I believe that these proposals,
G72 1510  1    however meritorious in terms of world needs, go far
G72 1510 10    beyond our capacity to realize them. Such proposals
G72 1520  7    look to an apocalyptic act, a kind of Lockian "social
G72 1530  6    contract" on a world-wide scale. The defect of these
G72 1540  4    proposals is in their attempt to outrun history and
G72 1540 13    their assumption that because something may be desirable
G72 1550  8    it is also possible.
G72 1560  1       A working concept of the organic evolution of community
G72 1570  1    must lead us in a different direction. The failures
G72 1570 10    of the U&N& and of other international organs suggest
G72 1580  7    that we have already gone beyond what was internationally
G72 1590  4    feasible. Our problem, therefore, is to devise processes
G72 1600  3    more modest in their aspirations, adjusted to the real
G72 1610  1    world of sovereign nation states and diverse and hostile
G72 1610 10    communities. The history of the U&N& demonstrates that
G72 1620  8    in a pluralistic world we must develop processes of
G72 1630  7    influence and persuasion rather than coercion. It is
G72 1640  4    possible that international organization will ultimately
G72 1650  1    supplant the multi-state system, but its proper function
G72 1650 10    for the immediate future is to reform and supplement
G72 1660  8    that system in order to render pluralism more compatible
G72 1670  5    with an interdependent world.
G72 1680  1       New machinery of coo^rdination should not be our
G72 1680  9    primary objective in the foreseeable future- though
G72 1700  5    perhaps the "political general staff" of Western leaders
G72 1710  4    proposed by Sir Anthony Eden would serve a useful purpose.
G72 1720  4    Generally, however, there is an abundance of available
G72 1730  1    machinery of coo^rdination- in ~NATO, in O&E&C&D&,
G72 1750  1    in the U&N& and elsewhere. The trouble with this machinery
G72 1760  1    is that it is not used and the reason that it is not
G72 1760 14    used is the absence of a conscious sense of community
G72 1770  7    among the free nations.
G72 1780  1       Our proper objective, then, is the development of
G72 1780  9    a new spirit, the realization of a potential community.
G72 1790  6    A "concert of free nations" should take its inspiration
G72 1800  5    from the traditions of the nineteenth century Concert
G72 1810  2    of Europe with its common values and accepted "rules
G72 1820  1    of the game". Constitutions of and by themselves mean
G72 1820 10    little; the history of both the League of Nations and
G72 1830  9    the United Nations demonstrates that. But a powerful
G72 1840  5    sense of community, even with little or no machinery,
G72 1850  4    means a great deal. That is the lesson of the nineteenth
G72 1860  1    century.
G72 1860  2       A realistic "concert of free nations" might be expected
G72 1870  3    to consist of an "inner community" of the North Atlantic
G72 1880  1    nations and an "outer community" embracing much or
G72 1880  9    all of the non-Communist world.
G73 0010  1       THE recent experiments in the new poetry-and-jazz
G73 0010 10    movement seen by some as part of the "San Francisco
G73 0020 10    Renaissance" have been as popular as they are notorious.
G73 0030  8    "It might well start a craze like swallowing goldfish
G73 0050  4    or pee wee golf", wrote Kenneth Rexroth in an explanatory
G73 0060  4    note in the Evergreen Review, and he may have been
G73 0070  2    right.
G73 0070  3       Under the general heading "poetry-and-jazz" widely
G73 0080  1    divergent experiments have been carried out. Lawrence
G73 0080  8    Ferlenghetti and Bruce Lippincott have concentrated
G73 0090  6    on writing a new poetry for reading with jazz that
G73 0100  6    is very closely related to both the musical forms of
G73 0110  3    jazz, and the vocabulary of the musician. Even musicians
G73 0110 12    themselves have taken to writing poetry. (Judy Tristano
G73 0120  8    now has poems as well as ballads written for her.)
G73 0130  8       But the best known exploiters of the new medium
G73 0140  5    are Kenneth Rexroth and Kenneth Patchen. Rexroth and
G73 0150  2    Patchen are far apart musically and poetically in their
G73 0150 11    experiments. Rexroth is a longtime jazz buff, a name-dropper
G73 0160 10    of jazz heroes, and a student of traditional as well
G73 0170  8    as modern jazz. In San Francisco he has worked with
G73 0180  5    Brew Moore, Charlie Mingus, and other "swinging" musicians
G73 0190  3    of secure reputation, thus placing himself within established
G73 0200  2    jazz traditions, in addition to being a part of the
G73 0210  1    San Francisco "School".
G73 0210  4       Although Patchen has given previous evidence of
G73 0220  3    an interest in jazz, the musical group that he works
G73 0230  1    with, the Chamber Jazz Sextet, is often ignored by
G73 0230 10    jazz critics. (Downbeat did not mention the Los Angeles
G73 0240  7    appearance of Patchen and the Sextet, although the
G73 0250  6    engagement lasted over two months.) The stated goal
G73 0260  3    of the ~CJS is the synthesis of jazz and "serious"
G73 0270  1    music. Patchen's musicians are outsiders in established
G73 0270  8    jazz circles, and Patchen himself has remained outside
G73 0280  7    the San Francisco poetry group, maintaining a self-imposed
G73 0290  6    isolation, even though his conversion to poetry-and-jazz
G73 0300  5    is not as extreme or as sudden as it may first appear.
G73 0310  2    He had read his poetry with musicians as early as 1951,
G73 0310 13    and his entire career has been characterized by radical
G73 0320  9    experiments with the form and presentation of his poetry.
G73 0330  8    However, his subject matter and basic themes have remained
G73 0340  6    surprisingly consistent, and these, together with certain
G73 0350  3    key poetic images, may be traced through all his work,
G73 0360  2    including the new jazz experiments.
G73 0360  7       From the beginning of his career, Patchen has adopted
G73 0370  6    an anti-intellectual approach to poetry. His first
G73 0380  3    book, Before the Brave (1936), is a collection of poems
G73 0390  3    that are almost all Communistic, but after publication
G73 0390 11    of this book he rejected Communism, and advocated a
G73 0410  5    pacifistic anarchy, though retaining his revolutionary
G73 0420  4    idiom. He spoke for a "proletariat" that included "all
G73 0430  4    the lost and sick and hunted of the earth". Patchen
G73 0440  1    believes that the world is being destroyed by power-hungry
G73 0440 11    and money-hungry people. Running counter to the destroying
G73 0450  9    forces in the world are all the virtues that are innate
G73 0460  9    in man, the capacity for love and brotherhood, the
G73 0470  4    ability to appreciate beauty. Beauty as well as love
G73 0480  3    is redemptive, and Patchen preaches a kind of moral
G73 0480 12    salvation. This salvation does not take the form of
G73 0490  9    a Christian Heaven. In Patchen's eyes, organized churches
G73 0500  5    are as odious as organized governments, and Christian
G73 0510  3    symbols, having been taken over by the moneyed classes,
G73 0520  2    are now agents of corruption. Patchen envisions a Dark
G73 0520 11    Kingdom which "stands above the waters as a sentinel
G73 0530  9    warning man of danger from his own kind". The Dark
G73 0540  7    Kingdom sends Angels of Death and other fateful messengers
G73 0550  5    down to us with stern tenderness. Actually Heaven and
G73 0560  3    the Dark Kingdom overlap; they form two aspects of
G73 0570  1    heavenly life after death.
G73 0570  5       Patchen has almost never used strict poetic forms;
G73 0580  3    he has experimented instead with personal myth-making.
G73 0590  1    Much of his earlier work was conceived in terms of
G73 0590 11    a "pseudo-anthropological" myth reference, which is
G73 0600  5    concerned with imaginary places and beings described
G73 0610  4    in grandiloquent and travelogue-like language.
G73 0620  1       These early experiments were evidently not altogether
G73 0620  8    satisfying to Patchen. Beginning in Cloth of the Tempest
G73 0630  9    (1943) he experimented in merging poetry and visual
G73 0640  6    art, using drawings to carry long narrative segments
G73 0650  3    of a story, as in Sleepers Awake, and constructing
G73 0660  1    elaborate "poems-in-drawing-and-type" in which it is
G73 0660 11    impossible to distinguish between the "art" and the
G73 0670  5    poetry. Art "makings" or pseudo-anthropological myths
G73 0680  5    did not meet all of Patchen's requirements for a poetic
G73 0690  4    frame of reference. Many of his poems purported to
G73 0700  2    be exactly contemporary and political; so during the
G73 0700 10    period approximately from 1941 to 1946, Patchen often
G73 0710  7    used private detective stories as a myth reference,
G73 0720  5    and the "private eye" as a myth hero. Speaking in terms
G73 0730  3    of sociological stereotype, the "private eye" might
G73 0740  1    appeal to the poet in search of a myth for many reasons.
G73 0740 13    The private detective (at least in the minds of listeners
G73 0750  9    and readers all over the country) is an individual
G73 0760  6    hero fighting injustice. He is usually something of
G73 0770  3    an underdog, he must battle the organized police force
G73 0770 12    as well as recognized criminals. The private detective
G73 0780  8    must rely, as the Youngest Son or Trickster Hero does
G73 0790  7    in primitive myth, on his wits. The private detective
G73 0800  4    is militant against injustice, a humorous and ironic
G73 0810  3    explorer of the underworld; most important to Patchen,
G73 0810 11    he was a non-literary hero, and very contemporary.
G73 0820  9    In 1945, probably almost every American not only knew
G73 0830  6    who Sam Spade was, but had some kind of emotional feeling
G73 0840  5    about him. In The Memoirs of a Shy Pornographer (1945)
G73 0850  2    Patchen exploited this national sentiment by making
G73 0860  1    his hero, Albert Budd, a private detective.
G73 0860  8       But since 1945, Sam Spade has undergone a metamorphosis;
G73 0870  7    he has become Friday on Dragnet, a mouthpiece of arbitrary
G73 0880  7    police authority. He has, like so many other secular
G73 0890  6    and religious culture symbols, gone over to the side
G73 0900  3    of the ruling classes. Obviously, the "private eye"
G73 0900 11    can have no more appeal for Patchen. To fill the job
G73 0910 11    of contemporary hero in 1955, Patchen needed someone
G73 0920  6    else.
G73 0920  7       It was logical that he would come up with the figure
G73 0930  8    of the modern jazz musician. The revolution in jazz
G73 0940  3    that took place around 1949, the evolution from the
G73 0940 12    "bebop" school of Dizzy Gillespie to the "cool" sound
G73 0950  9    of Miles Davis and Lennie Tristano, Lee Konitz, and
G73 0960  8    the whole legend of Charlie Parker, had made an impression
G73 0970  7    on many academic and literary men. The differentiation
G73 0980  4    between the East Coast and West Coast schools of jazz,
G73 0990  3    the differences between the "hard bop" school of Rollins,
G73 1000  1    and the "cerebral" experiments of Tristano, Konitz
G73 1000  8    and Marsh, the general differences in the mores of
G73 1010  9    white and negro musicians, all had become fairly well
G73 1020  6    known to certain segments of the public. The immense
G73 1030  3    amount of interest that the new jazz had for the younger
G73 1040  1    generation must have impressed him, and he began working
G73 1040 10    toward the merger of jazz and poetry, as he had previously
G73 1050 10    attempted the union of graphic art and poetry. In addition
G73 1060  8    to his experiments in reading poetry to jazz, Patchen
G73 1070  5    is beginning to use the figure of the modern jazz musician
G73 1080  3    as a myth hero in the same way he used the figure of
G73 1080 16    the private detective a decade ago. In this respect,
G73 1090  9    his approach to poetry-and-jazz is in marked contrast
G73 1100  5    to Kenneth Rexroth's. Rexroth uses many of his early
G73 1110  6    poems when he reads to jazz, including many of his
G73 1120  2    Chinese and Japanese translations; he usually draws
G73 1120  9    some kind of comparison with the jazz tradition and
G73 1130  8    the poem he is reading- for instance, he draws the
G73 1140  6    parallel between a poem he reads about an Oriental
G73 1150  1    courtesan waiting for the man she loves, and who never
G73 1150 11    comes, and the old blues chants of Ma Rainy and other
G73 1160 11    Negro singers- but usually the comparison is specious.
G73 1170  6    Rexroth may sometimes achieve an effective juxtaposition,
G73 1180  3    but he rarely makes any effort to capture any jazz
G73 1190  2    "feeling" in the text of his poems, relying on his
G73 1190 12    very competent musicians to supply this feeling.
G73 1200  6       Patchen does read some of his earlier works to music,
G73 1210  7    but he has written an entire book of short poems which
G73 1220  4    seem to be especially suited for reading with jazz.
G73 1230  1    These new poems have only a few direct references to
G73 1230 11    jazz and jazz musicians, but they show changes in Patchen's
G73 1240  7    approach to his poetry, for he has tried to enter into
G73 1250  8    and understand the emotional attitude of the jazz musician.
G73 1260  5       It is difficult to draw the line between stereotype
G73 1270  2    and the reality of the jazz musician. Everyone knows
G73 1270 11    that private detectives in real life are not like Sam
G73 1280 10    Spade and Pat Novak, but the real and the imaginary
G73 1290  7    musician are closely linked. Seen by the public, the
G73 1300  5    musician is the underdog par excellence. He is forced
G73 1310  3    to play for little money, and must often take another
G73 1310 13    job to live. His approach to music is highly individualistic;
G73 1320  9    the accent is on improvisation rather than arrangements.
G73 1330  7    While he is worldly, the musician often cultivates
G73 1340  4    public attitudes of childlike astonishment and naivete.
G73 1350  3    The musician is non-intellectual and non-verbal; he
G73 1360  1    is far from being a literary hero, yet is a creative
G73 1360 12    artist. Many of these aspects will be seen as comparable
G73 1370  8    to those of the ideal detective, but where the detective
G73 1380  5    is active and militant, the jazz musician is passive,
G73 1390  3    almost a victim of society. In order to write with
G73 1390 13    authority either about musicians, or as a musician,
G73 1400  8    Patchen would have to soft pedal his characteristically
G73 1410  4    outspoken anger, and change (at least for the purposes
G73 1420  4    of this poetry) from a revolutionary to a victim. He
G73 1430  1    must become one who knows all about the injustice in
G73 1430 11    the world, but who declines doing anything about it.
G73 1440  7       This involves a shift in Patchen's attitude and
G73 1450  4    it is a first step toward writing a new jazz poetry.
G73 1460  2    He has shown considerable ingenuity in adapting his
G73 1460 10    earliest symbols and devices to the new work, and the
G73 1470 10    fact that he has kept a body of constant symbols through
G73 1480  6    all of his experiments gives an unexpected continuity
G73 1490  2    to his poetry. Perhaps tracing some of these more important
G73 1500  1    symbols through the body of his work will show that
G73 1500 11    Patchen's new poetry is well thought out, and remains
G73 1510  9    within the mainstream of his work, while being suited
G73 1520  7    to a new form.
G73 1520 11       Henry Miller characterized Patchen as a "man of
G73 1530  6    anger and light". His revolutionary anger is apparent
G73 1540  4    in most of his early poems. The following passage from
G73 1550  2    "The Hangman's Great Hands" illustrates the directness
G73 1560  1    of this anger. "Anger won't help. I was born angry.
G73 1560 11    Angry that my father was being burnt alive in the mills;
G73 1570 11    Angry that none of us knew anything but filth and poverty.
G73 1580  9    Angry because I was that very one somebody was supposed
G73 1590  6    To be fighting for".
G73 1590 10       This angry and exasperated stance which Patchen
G73 1600  7    has maintained in his poetry for almost fifteen years
G73 1610  5    has been successfully modulated into a kind of woe
G73 1620  3    that is as effective as anger and still expresses his
G73 1620 13    disapproval of the modern world. In his recent book,
G73 1630  9    Hurray for Anything (1957), one of the most important
G73 1640  7    short poems- and it is the title poem for one of the
G73 1650  6    long jazz arrangements- is written for recital with
G73 1660  2    jazz. Although it does not follow the metrical rules
G73 1660 11    for a blues to be sung, the phrases themselves carry
G73 1670  8    a blues feeling. "I WENT TO THE CITY And there I did
G73 1680  9    Weep, Men a-crowing likes asses, And living like sheep.
G73 1690  5    Oh, can't hold the han' of my love! Can't hold her
G73 1700  4    little white han! Yes, I went to the city, And there
G73 1710  2    I did bitterly cry, Men out of touch with the earth,
G73 1710 13    And with never a glance at the sky. Oh, can't hold
G73 1720 11    the han' of my love! Can't hold her pure little han'!"
G73 1730  7    Patchen is still the rebel, but he writes in a doleful,
G73 1740  9    mournful tone. Neither of these poems is an aberration;
G73 1750  5    each is so typical that it represents a prominent trend
G73 1760  2    in the poet's development.
G73 1760  6       Patchen is repeatedly preoccupied with death. In
G73 1770  5    many of his poems, death comes by train: a strongly
G73 1780  3    evocative visual image. Perhaps Patchen was once involved
G73 1790  1    in a train accident, and this passage from First Will
G73 1790 11    and Testament may have been how the accident appeared
G73 1800  8    to the poet when he first saw it- if he did: "
G73 1810  7       Lord love us, look at all the disconnected limbs
G73 1820  3    floating hereabouts, like bloody feathers at that-
G73 1830  3    and all the eyes are talking and all the hair are moving
G73 1830 15    and all the tongue are in all the cheek **h".
G74 0010  1       Let us see just how typical Krim is. He is New York-born
G74 0020  1    and Jewish. He spent one year at the University of
G74 0020 11    North Carolina because Thomas Wolfe went there. He
G74 0030  7    returned to New York to work for The New Yorker, to
G74 0040  6    edit a Western pulp, to "duck the war in the ~OWI",
G74 0050  4    to write publicity for Paramount Pictures and commentary
G74 0060  2    for a newsreel, then he began his career as critic
G74 0060 12    for various magazines. Now he has abandoned all that
G74 0070  8    to be A Writer. I do not want to quibble about typicality;
G74 0080  7    in a certain sense, one manner of experience will be
G74 0090  5    typical of any given group while another will not.
G74 0100  1    But I've got news for Krim: he's not typical, he's
G74 0100 11    pretty special. His may typify a certain kind of postwar
G74 0110  9    New York experience, but his experience is certainly
G74 0120  6    not typical of his "generation's". In any case, who
G74 0130  5    ever thought that New York is typical of anything?
G74 0140  1       Men of Krim's age, aspirations, and level of sophistication
G74 0150  1    were typically involved in politics before the war.
G74 0150  9    They did not "duck the war" but they fought in it,
G74 0160 10    however reluctantly; they sweated out some kind of
G74 0170  7    formal education; they read widely and eclectically;
G74 0180  1    they did not fall into pseudo-glamorous jobs on pseudo-glamorous
G74 0200  1    magazines, but they did whatever nasty thing they could
G74 0200 10    get in order to eat; they found out who they were and
G74 0210 12    what they could do, then within the limits of their
G74 0220  7    talent they did it. They did not worry about "experience",
G74 0230  3    because experience thrust itself upon them. And they
G74 0240  3    traveled out of New York. Only a native New Yorker
G74 0240 13    could believe that New York is now or ever was a literary
G74 0250 12    center. It is a publishing and public relations center,
G74 0260  8    but these very facts prevent it from being a literary
G74 0270  6    center because writers dislike provincialism and untruth.
G74 0280  3    Krim's typicality consists only in his New Yorker's
G74 0290  1    view that New York is the world; he displays what outlanders
G74 0300  1    call the New York mind, a state that the subject is
G74 0300 12    necessarily unable to perceive in himself. The New
G74 0310  7    York mind is two parts abstraction and one part misinformation
G74 0320  5    about the rest of the country and in fact the world.
G74 0330  3    In his fulminating against the literary world, Krim
G74 0330 11    is really struggling with the New Yorker in himself,
G74 0340  9    but it's a losing battle.
G74 0350  2       Closely related to his illusions about his typicality
G74 0360  1    is Krim's complicated feeling about his Jewishness.
G74 0360  8    He writes, "Most of my friends and I were Jewish; we
G74 0370 10    were also literary; the combination of the Jewish intellectual
G74 0380  7    tradition and the sensibility needed to be a writer
G74 0390  6    created in my circle the most potent and incredible
G74 0400  2    intellectual-literary ambition I have ever seen or
G74 0400 10    could ever have imagined. Within themselves, just as
G74 0410  7    people, my friends were often tortured and unappeasably
G74 0420  5    bitter about being the offspring of this unhappily
G74 0430  2    unique-ingrown-screwedup breed; their reading and thinking
G74 0440  1    gave an extension to their normal blushes about appearing
G74 0450  9    'Jewish' in subway, bus, racetrack, movie house, any
G74 0460  8    of the public places that used to make the Jew of my
G74 0470  8    generation self-conscious (heavy thinkers walking across
G74 0480  3    Seventh Avenue without their glasses on, willing to
G74 0490  1    dare the trucks as long as they didn't look like the
G74 0490 12    ikey-kikey caricature of the Yiddish intellectual)
G74 0500  5    **h". At other points in his narrative, Krim associates
G74 0510  4    Jewishness with unappeasable literary ambition, with
G74 0520  2    abstraction, with his personal turning aside from the
G74 0520 10    good, the true, and the beautiful of fiction in the
G74 0530 10    manner of James T& Farrell to the international, the
G74 0540  6    false, and the inflated.
G74 0550  1       Krim says, in short, that he is a suffering Jew.
G74 0550 10    The only possible answer to that is, I am a suffering
G74 0560  9    Franco-Irishman. We all love to suffer, but some of
G74 0570  6    us love to suffer more than others. Had Krim gone farther
G74 0580  2    from New York than Chapel Hill, he might have discovered
G74 0590  1    that large numbers of American Jews do not find his
G74 0590 11    New York version of the Jews' lot remotely recognizable.
G74 0600  7    More important is the simple human point that all men
G74 0610  7    suffer, and that it is a kind of anthropological-religious
G74 0620  1    pride on the part of the Jew to believe that his suffering
G74 0630  1    is more poignant than mine or anyone else's. This is
G74 0630 11    not to deny the existence of pogroms and ghettos, but
G74 0640  9    only to assert that these horrors have had an effect
G74 0660  5    on the nerves of people who did not experience them,
G74 0670  2    that among the various side effects is the local hysteria
G74 0680  1    of Jewish writers and intellectuals who cry out from
G74 0680 10    confusion, which they call oppression and pain. In
G74 0690  7    their stupidity and arrogance they believe they are
G74 0700  4    called upon to remind the gentile continually of pogroms
G74 0710  1    and ghettos. Some of us have imagination and sensibility
G74 0710 10    too. Finally, there is the undeniable fact that some
G74 0720  9    of the finest American fiction is being written by
G74 0730  6    Jews, but it is not Jewish fiction; Saul Bellow and
G74 0740  4    Bernard Malamud, through intellectual toughness, perception,
G74 0750  2    through experience in fact, have obviously liberated
G74 0760  1    themselves from any sentimental Krim self-indulgence
G74 0760  8    they might have been tempted to.
G74 0770  4       Krim's main attack is upon the aesthetic and the
G74 0780  2    publishing apparatus of American literary culture in
G74 0780  9    our day. Krim was able to get an advance for a novel,
G74 0790 11    and time and opportunity to write at Yaddo, but it
G74 0800  7    was no good. "I had natural sock", he says, 'as a storyteller
G74 0810  5    and was precociously good at description, dialogue,
G74 0820  1    and most of the other staples of the fiction-writer's
G74 0820 11    trade but I was bugged by a mammoth complex of thoughts
G74 0830 11    and feelings that prevented me from doing more than
G74 0840  7    just diddling the surface of sustained fiction-writing".
G74 0850  3    And again, "how can you write when you haven't yet
G74 0860  2    read 'Bartleby the Scrivener'"? Krim came to believe
G74 0870  1    that "the novel as a form had outlived its vital meaning".
G74 0870 12    His "articulate Jewish friends" convinced him that
G74 0880  7    education (read "reading") was "a must". He moved in
G74 0890  7    a "highly intellectual" group in Greenwich Village
G74 0900  5    in the late forties, becoming "internationalized" overnight.
G74 0910  2    Then followed a period in which he wrote reviews for
G74 0920  2    The New York Times Book Review, The Commonweal, Commentary,
G74 0930  1    had a small piece in Partisan Review, and moved on
G74 0940  1    to Hudson, The Village Voice, and Exodus. The work
G74 0940 10    for Commonweal was more satisfying than work for Commentary
G74 0960  8    "because of the staff's tiptoeing fear of making a
G74 0970  9    booboo". Commentary was a mere suburb of Partisan Review,
G74 0980  8    the arch-enemy. Both magazines were "rigid with reactionary
G74 0990  6    what-will-T& S& Eliot-or-Martin Buber-think? fear **h".
G74 1000  5    Partisan has failed, Krim says, for being "snob-clannish,
G74 1010  7    overcerebral, Europeanish, aristocratically alienated"
G74 1020  2    from the U&S&. It was "the creation of a monstrous
G74 1030  4    historical period wherein it thought it had to synthesize
G74 1040  1    literature and politics and avant-garde art of every
G74 1040 10    kind with its writers crazily trying to outdo each
G74 1050  8    other in Spenglerian inclusiveness **h". Kenyon, Sewanee,
G74 1060  4    and Hudson operated in an "Anglo-Protestant New Critical
G74 1070  3    chill"; their example caused Krim and his friends to
G74 1080  5    put on "Englishy airs, affect all sorts of impressive
G74 1090  1    scholarship and social-register unnaturalness **h in
G74 1090  8    order to slip through their narrow transoms and get
G74 1100  8    into their pages". Qui s'excuse s'accuse, as the French
G74 1110  6    Jewish intellectuals used to say.
G74 1120  3       Through all this raving, Krim is performing a traditional
G74 1130  1    and by now boring rite, the attack on intelligence,
G74 1130 10    upon the largely successful attempt of the magazines
G74 1140  6    he castigates to liberate American writing from local
G74 1150  4    color and other varieties of romantic corn. God knows
G74 1160  2    that Partisan and the rest often were, and remain,
G74 1160 11    guilty of intellectual flatulence. Sociological jargon,
G74 1170  6    Germano-Slavic approximations to English, third-rate
G74 1180  6    but modish fiction, and outrages to common sense have
G74 1190  5    often disfigured Partisan, and in lesser degree, the
G74 1200  2    other magazines on the list. What Krim ignores, in
G74 1200 11    his contempt for history and for accuracy, is that
G74 1210  8    these magazines, Partisan foremost, brought about a
G74 1220  5    genuine revolution in the American mind from the mid-thirties
G74 1230  5    to approximately 1950. The most obvious characteristic
G74 1240  1    of contemporary American writing, apart from the beat
G74 1240  9    nonsense, is its cosmopolitanism.
G74 1250  4       The process of cosmopolitanism had begun in earnest
G74 1260  5    about 1912, but the First War and the depression virtually
G74 1270  2    stalled that process in its tracks. Without the good
G74 1270 11    magazines, without their book reviews, their hospitality
G74 1280  7    to European writers, without above all their awareness
G74 1290  6    of literary standards, we might very well have had
G74 1300  5    a generation of Krim's heroes- Wolfes, Farrells, Dreisers,
G74 1310  2    and I might add, Sandburgs and Frosts and MacLeishes
G74 1320  1    in verse- and then where would we be? Screwed, stewed,
G74 1320 11    and tattooed, as Krim might say after reading a book
G74 1330  9    about sailors. When Partisan and Kenyon set up shop,
G74 1340  7    Mencken was still accepted as an arbiter of taste (remember
G74 1350  7    Hergesheimer?), George Jean Nathan and Alexander Woollcott
G74 1360  4    were honored in odd quarters, and the whole Booth Tarkington,
G74 1370  3    Willa Catheter (sic), Pearl Buck, Amy Lowell, William
G74 1380  3    Lyon Phelps atmosphere lay thick as Los Angeles smog
G74 1390  2    over the country.
G74 1390  5       Politics, economics, sociology- the entire area
G74 1400  3    of life that lies between literature and what Krim
G74 1400 12    calls "experience"- urgently needed to be dug into.
G74 1410  7    The universities certainly were not doing it, nor were
G74 1420  8    the popular magazines of the day. This Partisan above
G74 1430  4    all did; if it had never printed a word of literature
G74 1440  3    its contribution to the politico-sociological area
G74 1440 10    would still be historic. But it did print good verse
G74 1450 10    and good fiction. If the editors sometimes dozed and
G74 1460  6    printed pretentious, New York-mind dross, they also
G74 1470  4    printed Malraux, Silone, Chiaromonte, Gide, Bellow,
G74 1480  1    Robert Lowell, Francis Fergusson, Mary McCarthy, Delmore
G74 1490  1    Schwartz, Mailer, Elizabeth Hardwick, Eleanor Clark,
G74 1490  7    and a host of other good writers. Partisan Review and
G74 1500  8    the other literary magazines helped to educate, in
G74 1510  5    the best sense, an entire generation. That these magazines
G74 1520  3    also deluded the Krims of the world is unfortunate
G74 1530  1    but inevitable. It is a fact of life that magazines
G74 1530 11    are edited by groups: they have to be or they wouldn't
G74 1540  9    be published at all. And it is also a fact of life
G74 1550  8    that there will always be youngish half-educated people
G74 1560  2    around who will be dazzled by the glitter of what looks
G74 1560 13    like a literary movement. (There are no literary movements,
G74 1570  9    there are only writers doing their work. Literary movements
G74 1580  8    are the creation of pimps who live off writers.) When
G74 1590  7    Krim says "mine was as severe a critical-intellectual
G74 1600  3    environment as can be imagined", he is off his rocker.
G74 1610  2    He indicates that he has none of the disciplines that
G74 1610 12    criticism requires, including education; the result
G74 1620  6    was his inevitable bedazzlement through ignorance.
G74 1630  3    He wasn't being educated in those Village bull-sessions,
G74 1640  3    as he claims. No one was ever educated through bull-sessions
G74 1650  1    in anything other than, to quote him again, "perfumed
G74 1650 10    bullshit". Only a New York hick would expect to find
G74 1660 10    the literary life in Greenwich Village at any point
G74 1670  8    later than Walt Whitman's day. The "highly intellectual
G74 1680  5    **h minds" that Krim says he encountered in the Village
G74 1690  4    did their work in spite of, not because of, any Village
G74 1700  2    atmosphere. But Krim's complaint is important because
G74 1700  9    not only in New York, but in other cities and in universities
G74 1710 12    throughout this country, young and not so young men
G74 1720  9    at this moment are being bedazzled by half-digested
G74 1730  5    ideas. Those who have quality will outgrow the experience;
G74 1740  3    the rest will turn beat, or into dentists, or into
G74 1750  1    beat dentists.
G74 1750  3       For the sad truth is that while one might write
G74 1760  1    well without having read "Bartleby the Scrivener",
G74 1760  8    one is more likely to write well if one has read it,
G74 1770 10    and much else. The most appalling aspect of Krim's
G74 1780  4    piece is his reflection of the beat aesthetic. He mentions
G74 1790  3    the beats only once, when he refers to their having
G74 1790 13    "revived through mere power and abandonment and the
G74 1800  8    unwillingness to commit death in life some idea of
G74 1810  7    a decent equivalent between verbal expression and actual
G74 1820  3    experience **h", but the entire narrative is written
G74 1830  1    in the tiresome vocabulary of that lost and dying cause,
G74 1830 11    and in the sprung syntax that is supposed to supplant
G74 1840  8    our mother tongue. Krim's aesthetic combines
G74 1850  3    anti-intellectualism,
G74 1850  5    conscious and unconscious nai^vete, and a winsome reliance
G74 1860  6    upon the "natural" and upon "experience". Ideas are
G74 1870  3    the "thruway to nowhere". "My touchstones **h had been
G74 1880  4    strictly literature and, humanly enough, American literature
G74 1890  2    (because that was what I wanted to write)". He alludes
G74 1900  1    to something called "direct writing", and he finds
G74 1900  9    that criticism gets in the way of his "truer, realer,
G74 1910  9    imaginative bounce".
G75 0010  1    There had been signs and portents like the regular
G75 0010 10    toppling over and defacing of the bust of Lauro di
G75 0020  8    Bosis near the Villa Lante and in the Gianicolo.
G75 0030  3       Something was happening all right, slowly it is
G75 0040  2    true, but you could feel it. The Italians felt it.
G75 0040 12    Little things. An Italian poet had noticed plainclothes
G75 0050  7    policemen lounging around the area of Quirinal Palace,
G75 0060  6    the first time since the war. At least they hadn't
G75 0070  3    stepped up and asked to see papers in the hated, flat,
G75 0080  1    dialect mispronunciation of Mussolini's home district-
G75 0080  7    Dogumenti, per favore. But, who knew, that might be
G75 0090  9    coming one of these days. There were other Italians
G75 0100  5    who still bore scars they had earned in police station
G75 0110  4    basements, resisting. They laughed and, true to national
G75 0120  1    form and manners, never talked long or solemnly on
G75 0120 10    any subject at all, but some of them worried out loud
G75 0140  9    about short memories and ghosts.
G75 0150  1       We saw Giuseppe Berto at a party once in a while,
G75 0150 12    tall, lean, nervous and handsome, and, in our opinion,
G75 0170  8    the best novelist of them all except Pavese, and Pavese
G75 0180  6    is dead. Berto's The Sky Is Red had been a small masterpiece
G75 0190  7    and in its special way the best book to come out of
G75 0200  5    the war. Now he was married to a beautiful girl, had
G75 0210  1    a small son, and lived in an expensive apartment and
G75 0210 11    worked for the movies. On his desk was a slowly accumulating
G75 0220  9    treatment and script of The Count of Monte Cristo.
G75 0230  6    On his bookshelves were some of the latest American
G75 0240  4    novels, including Bellow's Seize the Day, but he hadn't
G75 0250  4    read them (they were sent by American publishers) and
G75 0260  1    wasn't especially interested in what the American writers
G75 0260  9    were up to. He was interested in Robert Musil's The
G75 0270  9    Man without Qualities. So were a lot of other people.
G75 0280  8    He was interested in Italo Svevo. He was thinking his
G75 0290  6    way into a new novel, a big one, one that people had
G75 0300  3    been waiting for. It was going to be hard going all
G75 0300 14    the way because he hadn't written seriously for a while,
G75 0310 10    except for a few stories, was tired of the old method
G75 0320  8    of realismo he had so successfully used in The Sky
G75 0330  5    Is Red. This one was going to be different. He had
G75 0340  3    bought a little piece of property down along the coast
G75 0350  1    of the hard country of Calabria that he knew so well.
G75 0350 12    He was going to do one or two more films for cash and
G75 0360 11    then chuck it all, leave Rome and its intellectual
G75 0370  4    cliques and money-fed life, go back to Calabria.
G75 0380  1       Berto seemed worried, too. He knew all about it
G75 0380 10    and had put it down in journal form in The War in a
G75 0390 11    Black Shirt, a wonderful book not, for some strange
G75 0400  6    reason, published in the U&S&. He knew all about the
G75 0410  5    appeal of a black shirt and jackboots to a poor, southern,
G75 0420  2    peasant boy. He knew all about the infection and the
G75 0420 12    fever, and, too, the moment of realization when he
G75 0430  9    saw for himself, threw up his hands and quit, ended
G75 0440  6    the war as a prisoner in Texas. Berto knew all about
G75 0450  3    Fascism. So did his friend, the young novelist Rimanelli.
G75 0460  1    Rimanelli is tough and square-built and adventurous,
G75 0460  9    says what he thinks. He had put it down in a war novel,
G75 0470 11    The Day of the Lion. These people were not talking
G75 0480  6    much about it, but you, a foreigner, sensed their apprehension
G75 0490  4    and disappointment.
G75 0490  6       So there we were talking around and about it. The
G75 0500  7    English lady said she had to go to Vienna for a while.
G75 0510  6    It was a pity because she had planned to lay a wreath
G75 0520  3    at the foot of the Garibaldi statue, towering over
G75 0520 12    Rome in spectacular benediction from the highpoint
G75 0530  6    of the Gianicolo. Around that statue in the green park
G75 0540  7    where children play and lovers walk in twos and there
G75 0550  3    is a glowing view of the whole city, in that park are
G75 0550 15    the rows of marble busts of Garibaldi's fallen men,
G75 0560  9    the ones who one day rushed out of the Porta San Pancrazio
G75 0570  9    and, under fire all the way, up the long, straight
G75 0580  5    narrow lane to take, then lose the high ground of the
G75 0590  3    Villa Doria Pamphili. When they lost it, the French
G75 0590 12    artillery moved in, and that was the end for Garibaldi
G75 0600 10    that time, on 30 April 1849. Once out of the gate they
G75 0610  9    had charged straight up the narrow lane. We had walked
G75 0620  5    it many times and shivered, figuring what a fish barrel
G75 0630  3    it had been for the French. Now the park is filled
G75 0630 14    with marble busts and all the streets in the immediate
G75 0640 10    area have the full and proper names of the men who
G75 0650  7    fell.
G75 0650  8       We were at a party once and heard an idealistic
G75 0660  4    young European call that awful charge glorious. Our
G75 0670  2    companion was a huge, plain-spoken American sculptor
G75 0670 10    who had been a sixteen-year-old rifleman all across
G75 0680  9    France in 1944. He said it was stupid butchery to order
G75 0690  7    men to make a charge like that, no matter who gave
G75 0700  4    the order and what for.
G75 0700  9       "Oh, it would be butchery all right", the European
G75 0720  3    said. "We would see it that way, but it was glorious
G75 0730  4    then. It was the last time in history anybody could
G75 0740  1    do something gloriously like that".
G75 0740  6       I thought: Who is older now? Old world and new world.
G75 0750  8       The sculptor looked at him, bugeyed and amazed,
G75 0760  5    angry. He had made an assault once with 180 men. It
G75 0770  3    was a picked assault company. They went up against
G75 0770 12    an ~SS unit of comparable size, over a little rise
G75 0780  9    of ground, over an open field. Object- a village crossroads.
G75 0790  6    They made it, killed every last one of the Krauts,
G75 0800  5    took the village on schedule. When it was over, eight
G75 0810  2    of his company were still alive and all eight were
G75 0810 12    wounded. The whole thing, from the moment when they
G75 0820  8    jumped heavily off the trucks, spread out and moved
G75 0830  5    into position just behind the cover of that slight
G75 0840  1    rise of ground and then jumped off, took maybe between
G75 0840 11    twenty and thirty minutes. The sculptor looked at him,
G75 0850  8    let the color drain out of his face, grinned, and looked
G75 0860  7    down into his drink, a bad Martini made with raw Italian
G75 0870  5    gin.
G75 0870  6       "Bullshit", he said softly.
G75 0880  1       "Excuse me", the European said. "I am not familiar
G75 0880 10    with the expression".
G75 0890  3       The apartment where we were talking that afternoon
G75 0900  1    in March faced onto the street Garibaldi's men had
G75 0900 10    charged up and along. Across the way from the apartment
G75 0910 10    building is a ruined house, shot to hell that day in
G75 0920  8    1849, and left that way as a memorial. There is a bronze
G75 0930  5    wreath on the wall. Like everything else in Rome, ruins
G75 0940  2    and monuments alike, that house is lived in. I have
G75 0940 12    seen diapers strung across the ruined roof.
G75 0950  6       The English lady really wanted to put a wreath on
G75 0960  7    the Garibaldi monument on the 30th of April. She had
G75 0970  3    her reasons for this. For one thing, there wasn't going
G75 0980  1    to be any ceremony at all this year. There were a few
G75 0980 13    reasons for that, too: Garibaldi had been taken up
G75 0990  7    and exploited by the Communists nowadays. Therefore
G75 1000  3    the government wanted no part of him. (It is sort of
G75 1010  3    as if our government should decide to disown Washington
G75 1010 12    or Lincoln for the same reason.) And then there were
G75 1020  9    ecclesiastical matters, the matter of Garibaldi's
G75 1030  5    anti-clericalism.
G75 1030  7    There was a new Pope and the Vatican was making itself
G75 1040  7    heard and felt these days. As it happens the English
G75 1050  5    lady is a good Catholic herself, but of more liberal
G75 1060  2    political persuasion. Nothing was going to be done
G75 1060 10    this year to celebrate Garibaldi's bold and unsuccessful
G75 1080  7    defense of Rome. All that the English lady wanted to
G75 1090  7    do was to walk up to the monument and lay a wreath
G75 1100  5    at its base. This would show that somebody, even a
G75 1100 15    foreigner living in Rome, cared. And then there were
G75 1110  9    other things. Some of the marble busts in the park
G75 1120  8    are of young Englishmen who fought and died for Garibaldi.
G75 1130  5    She also mentioned leaving a little bunch of flowers
G75 1140  3    at the bust of Lauro di Bosis.
G75 1140 10       It is hard for me to know how I feel about Lauro
G75 1150  8    di Bosis. I suffer from mixed feelings. He was a well-to-do,
G75 1160  7    handsome, and sensitive young poet. His bust shows
G75 1170  2    an intense, mustached, fine-featured face. He flew
G75 1170 10    over Rome one day during the early days of Mussolini
G75 1180  9    and scattered leaflets over the city, denouncing the
G75 1190  5    Fascists. He was never heard of again. He is thought
G75 1200  4    either to have been killed by the Fascists as soon
G75 1200 14    as he landed or to have killed himself by flying out
G75 1210 11    to sea and crashing his plane. He was, thus, an early
G75 1220  8    and spectacular victim. And there is something so wonderfully
G75 1230  5    romantic about it all. He really didn't know how to
G75 1240  4    fly. He had crashed on take off once before. Gossip
G75 1240 14    had it (for gossip is the soul of Rome) that a famous
G75 1250 12    American dancer of the time had paid for both the planes.
G75 1260 10    It was absurd and dramatic. It is remembered and has
G75 1270  6    been commemorated by a bust in a park and a square
G75 1280  2    in the city which was renamed Piazzo Lauro di Bosis
G75 1280 12    after the war. Most Romans, even some postmen, know
G75 1290  8    it by the old name.
G75 1300  1       Faced with a gesture like Di Bosis', I find usually
G75 1300 11    that my sentiments are closer to those of my sculptor
G75 1310  9    friend. The things that happened in police station
G75 1320  5    basements were dirty, grubby, and most often anonymous.
G75 1330  2    No poetry, no airplanes, no dancers. That is how the
G75 1330 12    real routine of resistance goes on, and its strength
G75 1340  9    is directly proportionate to the number of insignificant
G75 1350  6    people who can let themselves be taken to pieces, piece
G75 1360  5    by piece, without quitting. It is an ugly business
G75 1370  1    and there are few, if any, wreaths for them. I keep
G75 1370 12    thinking of a young woman I knew during the Occupation
G75 1380 10    in Austria. She was from Prague. She had been picked
G75 1390  7    up by the Russians, questioned in connection with some
G75 1400  4    pamphlets, sentenced to life imprisonment for espionage.
G75 1410  1    She escaped, crawled through the usual mine fields,
G75 1410  9    under barbed wire, was shot at, swam a river, and we
G75 1420 10    finally picked her up in Linz. She showed us what had
G75 1430  6    happened to her. No airplanes, no Nathan Hale statements.
G75 1440  3    Just no spot, not even a dimesize spot, on her whole
G75 1450  1    body that wasn't bruised, bruise on top of bruise,
G75 1450 10    from beatings. I understand very well about Lauro di
G75 1460  8    Bosis and how his action is symbolic. The trouble is
G75 1470  6    that like many symbols it doesn't seem a very realistic
G75 1480  4    one.
G75 1480  5       The English lady wanted to pay tribute to Garibaldi
G75 1490  3    and to Lauro di Bosis, but she wasn't going to be here
G75 1500  1    to do it. Were any of us interested enough in the idea
G75 1500 13    to do it for her, by proxy so to speak? There was a
G75 1510 10    pretty thorough silence at that point. My spoon stirring
G75 1520  6    coffee, banging against the side of the cup, sounded
G75 1530  3    as loud as a bell. I thought: What the hell? Why not?
G75 1540  2    I said I would do it for her.
G75 1540 10       I had some reasons, too. I admire the English lady.
G75 1550  6    I hate embarrassing silences and have been known to
G75 1560  4    make a fool out of myself just to prevent one. I also
G75 1570  1    had and have feelings about Garibaldi. Like every Southerner
G75 1570 10    I can't escape the romantic tradition of brave defeats,
G75 1580  8    forlorn lost causes. Though Garibaldi's fight was small
G75 1590  6    shakes compared to Pickett's Charge- which, like all
G75 1600  4    Southerners, I view in almost Miltonic terms, fallen
G75 1610  3    angels, etc&- I associated the two. And to top it all
G75 1620  3    I am often sentimental on purpose, trying to prove
G75 1620 12    to myself that I am not afraid of sentiment. So much
G75 1630 10    for all that.
G75 1640  1       The English lady was pleased and enthusiastic. She
G75 1640  9    gave me the names of some people who would surely help
G75 1650  8    pay for the flowers and might even march up to the
G75 1660  5    monument with me. The idea of the march pleased her.
G75 1670  1    Maybe twenty, thirty, fifty. **h Maybe I could call
G75 1670 10    Rimanelli at the magazine Rottosei where he worked.
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