G01   1 <#FLOB:G01\><h_><p_>CHAPTER I<p/>
G01   2 <p_>THE IMPORTANCE OF BEING MANLEY<p/>
G01   3 <p_>1844-63<p/><h/>
G01   4 <p_>Even his name is usually wrong. Gerard Hopkins disliked 
G01   5 'Manley', and seldom used it except on official papers, yet today 
G01   6 anyone neglecting to put in his middle name is probably met with a 
G01   7 look of momentary mystification and an almost automatic correction 
G01   8 of <quote_>"Oh, Gerard <tf|>Manley Hopkins"<quote/>, so that one 
G01   9 soon learns to include it, to save time and avoid confusion. 
G01  10 'Gerard', given in honour of the saint, is appropriate enough, but 
G01  11 his second name came from his father and his father's forebears, 
G01  12 and his uneasiness with it is equally fitting, since in some ways 
G01  13 his life was to be an adjustment to his family and to his father in 
G01  14 particular. 'Manley' had a good bit to do with his once lying in 
G01  15 bed contemplating the ugliness of his name until he was so 
G01  16 mortified that it was a cure to vainglory simply to recall the 
G01  17 thought.<p/>
G01  18 <p_>The play on 'manly' can hardly have escaped Gerard Hopkins. It 
G01  19 is a word ringing with Victorian values, one that sprang unbidden 
G01  20 to the lips of headmasters familiar with <tf_>Tom Brown's 
G01  21 Schooldays<tf/> and the works of G.A. Henty and which must equally 
G01  22 have set the teeth of a generation of schoolboys on edge. Honesty, 
G01  23 chastity, virility, bravery, frankness, clean fingernails and a 
G01  24 host of other major virtues are all comprised in its syllables. 
G01  25 Above all, for a Victorian, it indicated decent English values. A 
G01  26 recent study of Ritualism and sexual deviation is called 'UnEnglish 
G01  27 and Unmanly', and the title tells it all. Manliness is precisely 
G01  28 what Hopkins's father wanted in his eldest son, and the name was to 
G01  29 be his guide: the importance of being Manley.<p/>
G01  30 <p_>Manley Hopkins (1818-1897) and his wife Kate (1821-1920) had 
G01  31 nine children, of whom the first and best known was born on 28 July 
G01  32 1844 in Stratford, Essex, where the Hopkins family had been settled 
G01  33 for a quarter of a century. Stratford was still some way from being 
G01  34 the busy part of London that it is today, but it was beginning to 
G01  35 lose its rural character. Nonetheless, it was a good place for a 
G01  36 young couple, married only a year, to begin a family, for it was 
G01  37 inexpensive enough for them to live comfortably on what was still a 
G01  38 somewhat overextended income.<p/>
G01  39 <p_>Like his father and grandfather, Manley Hopkins was an average 
G01  40 adjuster, or marine insurance broker. His grandfather, Martin 
G01  41 Hopkins, had prospered and risen to the bourgeois respectability of 
G01  42 Master of the Glass-Sellers Company and freeman of the City. 
G01  43 Martin's son, Martin Edward (father of Manley), had made a good 
G01  44 marriage to Ann Manley, daughter of a well-to-do Devon family of 
G01  45 yeomen farmers who had owned their land for six centuries. But 
G01  46 Martin Edward was not so good a man at business as his father, and 
G01  47 he seems to have had trouble settling to a particular form of 
G01  48 insurance and trade. For a time he apparently prospered, since in 
G01  49 1830 he gave a subscription of pounds30 to the building of two new 
G01  50 chapels, but at his death in 1836 he left the family finances in 
G01  51 some disarray, with an estate of only pounds200. His widow, a jolly 
G01  52 woman who lived to be ninety years old, with a strong Devon accent 
G01  53 to the end, was left with five children, of whom Manley was the 
G01  54 eldest son. At eighteen he had already been out of school for three 
G01  55 years at the death of his father, and he took over responsibility 
G01  56 in providing a home for his mother and brothers and sisters. During 
G01  57 the next few years he learned average adjusting, then in the month 
G01  58 his first son was born, he set up his own firm, which is still in 
G01  59 business.<p/>
G01  60 <p_>Chestnut House, 87 The Grove, Stratford, was a pleasant 
G01  61 three<?_>-<?/>storied semi-detached house with big rooms and high 
G01  62 ceilings, sufficiently large to accommodate Manley Hopkins, his 
G01  63 wife, mother, sister and, for a time, two brothers. They lived 
G01  64 comfortably, if not luxuriously, with a cook, housemaid, nurse and 
G01  65 nurse<?_>-<?/>maid for the rapidly growing family, and presumably 
G01  66 daily women to help with the cleaning. Large though the household 
G01  67 sounds today, it was not far off the standard of a rising young 
G01  68 businessman and his family. By 1852, when they left Stratford, the 
G01  69 Hopkins family had four children besides Gerard (one died the 
G01  70 following year at twenty-two months), and the house was bulging.<p/>
G01  71 <p_>The family sounds conventional enough, but there were some 
G01  72 murky corners in it. Kate Hopkins, the mother of the rapidly 
G01  73 expanding family, was the daughter of a London doctor, John Simm 
G01  74 Smith, who had a prosperous practice and a somewhat colourful 
G01  75 reputation. Among his patients was a Mrs Ann Thwaytes, who had 
G01  76 inherited pounds500,000 on her husband's death. Dr Smith had been 
G01  77 attending her since 1832 and had advised her since then on the 
G01  78 administration of her property. He had been receiving about 
G01  79 pounds2000 annually for his help, as well as some pounds50,000 in 
G01  80 gifts. As residuary legatees of her estate she named Dr Smith, his 
G01  81 brother Samuel and his son John in her will. Dr Smith and his 
G01  82 brother were to receive pounds180,000. In the lawsuit that 
G01  83 naturally resulted on her death, it was established that Mrs 
G01  84 Thwaytes believed <quote_>"that she and Dr Smith were members of 
G01  85 the Holy Trinity, that Dr Smith knew all her thoughts, and that she 
G01  86 had a special part to play in the Last Judgement, for which event 
G01  87 she had prepared the drawing-room of her London house."<quote/> 
G01  88 Although nothing criminal was proven against Dr Smith, the 
G01  89 resultant publicity was painful for the Hopkins family, but the 
G01  90 money had been useful in acquiring a fine house for the Smiths in 
G01  91 Croydon. It may also have contributed to the running of Chestnut 
G01  92 House. Rather less spectacularly but more interestingly for his 
G01  93 grandson, Dr Smith had been a fellow student of Keats when walking 
G01  94 the hospitals and remembered him well.<p/>
G01  95 <p_>Kate Hopkins came from a family that perhaps seemed on the face 
G01  96 of it more likely to produce a great artist than did her husband's. 
G01  97 Among her connections, admittedly distant, she could boast of 
G01  98 Sydney Smith and Gainsborough, while Thomas Lovell Beddoes was the 
G01  99 best Mr Hopkins could claim. She was naturally motherly and 
G01 100 sweet-tempered, and said to be far better educated than most women 
G01 101 of her day. She was certainly interested in music and poetry, and 
G01 102 before her marriage had learned to speak German while staying in 
G01 103 Hamburg, although that is perhaps an inadequate basis for the 
G01 104 statement of her son's first biographer that she was <quote_>"a 
G01 105 keen student of philosophy, history, and politics"<quote/>. 
G01 106 Gerard's many letters to her suggest that she was loving, a trifle 
G01 107 too demanding about affection, and generally willing to be a buffer 
G01 108 between her husband and her son. It is only fair to add that the 
G01 109 tone of Gerard's letters to her does not support the claims of his 
G01 110 biographer about the breadth of her intellect, and that at some 
G01 111 periods of his life his letters seem more dutifully filial than 
G01 112 spontaneously loving. She was proud of his poems without 
G01 113 necessarily understanding them completely. Their correspondence was 
G01 114 seldom concerned with poetry.<p/>
G01 115 <p_>Manley Hopkins, in spite of having left school so young, was a 
G01 116 man of startling breadth of interest, although it sometimes seems 
G01 117 spread a bit too thinly; we are reminded of Gerard's apparent 
G01 118 belief that he was capable himself of achieving something 
G01 119 remarkable in almost any field that attracted his interest. Besides 
G01 120 founding Manley Hopkins and Sons and Cookes (a title that suggests 
G01 121 he might have welcomed the interest of Gerard), he became a widely 
G01 122 recognized authority on average adjusting. He acted as 
G01 123 Consul-General for the Kingdom of Hawaii in London for over forty 
G01 124 years (of which more later), and in the chinks of his life he was 
G01 125 constantly busy writing. He wrote <tf_>A Handbook of Averages<tf/>; 
G01 126 a history of Hawaii that was for a time the standard work because 
G01 127 of the way he had read everything about the kingdom he could get 
G01 128 his hands on, even though he wrote it in a few months without ever 
G01 129 having visited the islands; <tf_>A Manual of Marine Insurance<tf/>; 
G01 130 three volumes of poetry that may be the best ever produced by an 
G01 131 average adjuster; a book on the cardinal numbers; and an 
G01 132 unpublished novel. In his spare time he wrote literary criticism 
G01 133 and poetry for <tf_>The Times, Once a Week, Cornhill<tf/>, and 
G01 134 other London periodicals, as well as a series of newsletters about 
G01 135 London for a Hawaiian paper, the <tf|>Polynesian, and occasional 
G01 136 verses for almost any happening that caught his fancy. The 
G01 137 importance of all this activity is not that he was a master of any 
G01 138 aspect of it but that it helped create the kind of family 
G01 139 atmosphere that nurtures creation in its members by the simple 
G01 140 process of taking it for granted. Although there is no record that 
G01 141 any of his books was ever reviewed, he certainly assumed that 
G01 142 writing was intended for the eyes of others, an inherited attitude 
G01 143 towards publication that made it difficult for his son to go 
G01 144 through life entirely unknown to the literary world.<p/>
G01 145 <p_>Undoubtedly Gerard was greatly influenced by his father's 
G01 146 incessant literary activity, but since he did not emulate him 
G01 147 directly, it is difficult to be precise about the nature of the 
G01 148 influence. What is more certain is that Manley Hopkins's writings 
G01 149 reflected his attitudes to the Roman Catholic priesthood and to 
G01 150 homosexuality, both important in his future dealings with what 
G01 151 seemed to him a wayward son.<p/>
G01 152 <p_>His history of Hawaii has occasionally been praised by scholars 
G01 153 for its understanding of Roman Catholic priests and its admiration 
G01 154 of their work in the islands, with the suggestion that his 
G01 155 tolerance may have inspired Gerard's later conversion. The truth is 
G01 156 quite different, for his approving remarks about Jesuits and other 
G01 157 Roman Catholics are quotations from other writers (e.g., Richard 
G01 158 Henry Dana the younger) and used primarily as a stick with which to 
G01 159 beat the Protestant missionaries. The opinions of the Roman Church 
G01 160 expressed in his own voice are far from admiring:<p/>
G01 161 <p_><quote_>We cannot for a moment praise or defend conduct wherein 
G01 162 truth is sacrificed to expediency, or even if it were not 
G01 163 blasphemous to say it, to religion; but the priests of the Roman 
G01 164 Church look upon their allegiance as inviolable, and as excusing 
G01 165 some acts which the clergy of other churches would disdain and 
G01 166 detest. They are in the position of privates in an army. When the 
G01 167 latter take away the lives of men standing opposite to their ranks, 
G01 168 men against whom they have no personal quarrel and whom they have 
G01 169 never seen before, they look upon themselves as instruments only, 
G01 170 scarcely more accountable for the bloodshed than their rifles are. 
G01 171 The responsibility of life remains with the superior authority; 
G01 172 their own judgement seems taken away, - the voice of conscience to 
G01 173 be suspended.<quote/><p/>
G01 174 <p_>This was written only four years before Gerard became a Roman 
G01 175 Catholic, and it goes a long way to indicate both the attitude of 
G01 176 his father and precisely what Gerard was rebelling against.<p/>
G01 177 <p_>It is mildly surprising to find that Manley Hopkins's writings 
G01 178 for <tf_>The Times<tf/> included such important reviews as those of 
G01 179 two major Tennyson poems, <tf_>The Princess<tf/> and <tf_>In 
G01 180 Memoriam<tf/>. In a heavily jocular consideration of the latter, he 
G01 181 raps Tennyson over the knuckles for two serious faults in what he 
G01 182 nonetheless recognizes as perhaps the most important English elegy. 
G01 183 In the first place, <quote_>"the enormous exaggeration of the 
G01 184 grief"<quote/> is responsible for our feeling that <quote_>"Instead 
G01 185 of a memorial we have a myth ... The hero is beyond our 
G01 186 sympathy."<quote/> The second major defect <quote_>"is the tone of 
G01 187 - may we say so? - amatory tenderness ... Very sweet and plaintive 
G01 188 these verses are; but who would not give them a feminine 
G01 189 application? ... Is it Petrarch whispering to Laura? We really 
G01 190 think in that floating remembrances of Shakespeare's sonnets have 
G01 191 beguiled Mr. Tennyson ... the taste is displeased when every 
G01 192 expression of fondness is sighed out, and the only figure within 
G01 193 our view is Amaryllis of the Chancery Bar."<quote/>
G01 194 
G01 195 
G02   1 <#FLOB:G02\><h_><p_>CHAPTER ONE<p/><h/>
G02   2 <p_>When Christina Rossetti was born on 5 December 1830, Elizabeth 
G02   3 Barrett was twenty-four, already a published poet, and Emily 
G02   4 Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/>, immersed in the imaginary world of Gondal at 
G02   5 Haworth, was twelve. Five days after Christina's birth Emily 
G02   6 Dickinson was born in Amherst on the other side of the Atlantic.<p/>
G02   7 <p_>These four women, the most frequently anthologised of 
G02   8 nineteenth<?_>-<?/>century women writers, shared more than mere 
G02   9 historical proximity. They shared the 'double mischief' of the 
G02  10 female poet, struggling for credibility in a century when even a 
G02  11 gifted author like Willa Cather could write that it was <quote_>"a 
G02  12 very grave question whether women have any place in poetry at 
G02  13 all".<quote/> Although they never met, they read each other's work 
G02  14 and influenced each other more than has been previously 
G02  15 acknowledged. They belonged to a wider community of female poets 
G02  16 which included Jean Ingelow, Felicia Hemans, Laetitia Landon, Dora 
G02  17 Greenwell and Augusta Webster, now unknown, but all celebrated at 
G02  18 the time. They were all connected together by a complex web of 
G02  19 references and borrowings that demonstrate a shared experience of 
G02  20 female poetic art.<p/>
G02  21 <p_>They were not, in Emily Dickinson's vivid phrase, to be 
G02  22 <quote_>"shut up in prose."<quote/> They inherited a shared 
G02  23 literary tradition and there are striking parallels, both literary 
G02  24 and personal, in their work. The poetry of one illuminates the 
G02  25 poetry of the others, and to read them all is to be conscious of 
G02  26 how much they had in common. And when they subvert the masculine 
G02  27 literary tradition for their own purposes it is an exhilarating 
G02  28 experience. Ellen Moers, in her book <tf_>Literary Women<tf/> 
G02  29 writes that reading the love poetry of Christina Rossetti, Emily 
G02  30 Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/>, Elizabeth Barrett and Emily Dickinson 
G02  31 together is like <quote_>"uncorking a bottle of rare 
G02  32 wine."<quote/><p/>
G02  33 <p_>Elizabeth Barrett Browning was the oldest of the group and held 
G02  34 in such high regard that she was considered for the post of poet 
G02  35 laureate when Wordsworth died. Her reputation could not be 
G02  36 overlooked by the younger women. Elizabeth's art transcended her 
G02  37 sex and situation. Her poetry exhibits the muscularity of a sinuous 
G02  38 intellect and the fruits of a determined programme of self 
G02  39 education. Her long poem <tf_>Aurora Leigh<tf/> casts light on the 
G02  40 creative rage burning inside her contemporaries and, in particular, 
G02  41 Christina Rossetti. The rage that divided Christina between the 
G02  42 modesty demanded by her religion and her sex and her need to write 
G02  43 and be recognised.<p/>
G02  44 <p_>Like Elizabeth Barrett Browning's passionate heroine Aurora 
G02  45 Leigh, Christina was both Italian and English. Christina's father 
G02  46 Gabriele Rossetti was a political refugee who had come to England 
G02  47 via Malta in 1824 after a dramatic escape from Naples disguised as 
G02  48 an English sailor. He kept his Neopolitan nationality until he 
G02  49 died. For Gabriele politics and patriotism were the 
G02  50 <quote_>"permanent platform of life".<quote/> When he married in 
G02  51 1826 he was forty-three, eighteen years older than his wife 
G02  52 Frances.<p/>
G02  53 <p_>She was half-English, the daughter of Gaetano Polidori - 
G02  54 another Italian exile - and his English wife Anna. Frances Polidori 
G02  55 had been brought up in England, baptised as a Protestant and 
G02  56 educated to earn her living as a governess. She was the epitome of 
G02  57 the good Victorian wife - hard working, self effacing and modest to 
G02  58 a fault, but it was dearly bought. Her son Gabriel told a friend 
G02  59 that Frances Rossetti <quote_>"must have become an important figure 
G02  60 in literature"<quote/> if her remarkable intellectual gifts had not 
G02  61 been stifled <quote_>"in some great degree ... by the exercise of 
G02  62 an entire self-abnegation on behalf of her family."<quote/><p/>
G02  63 <p_>There was a strong literary tradition within the family. 
G02  64 Gaetano Polidori had been secretary to the Italian dramatist 
G02  65 Alfieri and was himself an author. Frances' favourite brother, 
G02  66 John, had been Byron's travelling physician and under the influence 
G02  67 of Byron and Mary Shelley had written a gothic novel called 
G02  68 <tf_>The Vampyre<tf/>. Gabriele Rossetti was famous in Italy for 
G02  69 his patriotic verses, some of which were still being sung at the 
G02  70 time of the First World War. He had also published controversial 
G02  71 articles and books on Dante and Petrarch, all of which were banned 
G02  72 in his native country as being anti-church and in some cases 
G02  73 anti-Christian.<p/>
G02  74 <p_>The newly-married Rossettis lived in London at No. 38 Charlotte 
G02  75 Street, now renamed Hallam Street, a dingy cul-de-sac near Portland 
G02  76 Place. It was a cramped terraced house in a rather run-down 
G02  77 neighbourhood. Occasionally the more respectable inhabitants would 
G02  78 make an effort to evict some of the dubious characters who lodged 
G02  79 there, but without much success. The barber's shop, run by a 'local 
G02  80 Figaro', was a source of much complaint, partly because of the 
G02  81 indecent posters displayed in the window. But the street was cheap, 
G02  82 and the Rossettis had very little money.<p/>
G02  83 <p_>Gabriele held the post of Professor of Italian at King's 
G02  84 College, London. From this and private teaching he earned only two 
G02  85 or three hundred pounds a year. They were only able to afford one 
G02  86 servant, though this was supplemented by a nursemaid when the 
G02  87 children were small, and much of the housework and childcare fell 
G02  88 on Frances, who was rarely seen during the day without what she 
G02  89 called a <quote|>"pincloth" tied around her waist.<p/>
G02  90 <p_>In the first four years of her married life Frances had four 
G02  91 children. Maria Francesca in 1827, followed at yearly intervals by 
G02  92 Gabriel Charles Dante, William Michael, and finally in 1830 
G02  93 Christina Georgina. They were all delivered by Dr William Locock, 
G02  94 afterwards accoucheur to Queen Victoria. Gabriele insisted on the 
G02  95 best possible attention for his wife, but, in spite of it, Frances 
G02  96 Rossetti apparently had a <quote_>"fearful time"<quote/> giving 
G02  97 birth to Christina, which may explain why there were no more 
G02  98 pregnancies.<p/>
G02  99 <p_>All the children were baptised into the Protestant faith. 
G02 100 Christina's godmother, whose name she was given, was a niece of the 
G02 101 great Napoleon, Princess Christina Bonaparte, who was living in 
G02 102 England at the time, and had married an Englishman. The Bonaparte 
G02 103 family, including Louis - the former Napoleon III - were occasional 
G02 104 visitors to the Rossetti household, bringing a little glamour to 
G02 105 the dingy neighbourhood.<p/>
G02 106 <p_>Other wealthy connections helped out with money from time to 
G02 107 time. A friend of Coleridge, the Rt Hon John Hookham Frere, who 
G02 108 lived in Malta and had helped Gabriele escape to England, sometimes 
G02 109 sent fifty or a hundred pounds, and Charles Lyall, a Dante 
G02 110 enthusiast living in Scotland, financed Gabriele's publications.<p/>
G02 111 <p_>Apart from financial anxieties the marriage of Gabriele and 
G02 112 Frances seems to have been happy: the only thing their children 
G02 113 remembered them arguing about was religion. Gabriele was a lapsed 
G02 114 Catholic, who although believing in the teachings of Christ did not 
G02 115 believe in the <quote_>"supernatural and legendary 
G02 116 elements"<quote/> of the Christian faith. He was very free with his 
G02 117 criticism of the scriptures and fervently anti-Catholic. William 
G02 118 Rossetti remembered him holding forth on the story of Abraham, when 
G02 119 he was ordered by God to sacrifice his beloved only son as a mark 
G02 120 of his faith. Gabriele declared that if he'd been asked to do the 
G02 121 same he would have replied, <quote_>"You aren't God, you are the 
G02 122 Devil"<quote/>.<p/>
G02 123 <p_>He loved his children, spoiling them with lollipops and sweets 
G02 124 prohibited by Frances as <quote|>"trash". He also wrote poems to 
G02 125 them. One to Maria and Christina describes them as violets and 
G02 126 roses, and beautiful <quote_>"turtle doves in the nest of 
G02 127 love"<quote/>. His main fault was what his son William described as 
G02 128 that habit of self opinion <quote_>"which involves self 
G02 129 applause"<quote/>. The children sadly preferred their mother or 
G02 130 their maternal grandfather Gaetano.<p/>
G02 131 <p_>Frances, much stricter with the children than her husband, was 
G02 132 very devout, and her husband's unorthodox views must have caused 
G02 133 her some pain. Though her brothers were Catholic, she and her 
G02 134 sisters had been brought up in the Protestant evangelical tradition 
G02 135 of their English mother. They were later attracted by the High 
G02 136 Church 'Tractarian' or 'Oxford' movement as it was sometimes 
G02 137 called, based on the teachings of John Keble and Thomas Pusey. This 
G02 138 movement saw the Anglican Church as a true branch of the Holy 
G02 139 Catholic Church. Conversions to Rome rocked the movement to its 
G02 140 foundations form time to time and engendered a deep distrust of 
G02 141 Catholicism, particularly of its cult of the Virgin Mary. Family 
G02 142 differences about religion and the continual divisions between 
G02 143 Catholic and Anglican made a very deep impression on Christina as a 
G02 144 child.<p/>
G02 145 <p_>The family was otherwise a lively, unconventional and very 
G02 146 Italian household. Although the children talked English to their 
G02 147 mother, Italian was always spoken in the presence of their father 
G02 148 and grandfather. William, the family historian, later recalled the 
G02 149 house full of <quote_>"exiles, patriots, politicians, literary men, 
G02 150 musicians ... fleshy good natured Neopolitans, keen Tuscans, 
G02 151 emphatic Romans"<quote/>. They crowded into the small sitting room 
G02 152 in the evenings, arguing and gesticulating. One of the more 
G02 153 colourful characters who came to the house, a sculptor called 
G02 154 Sangiovanni, was a bigamist and had apparently assassinated a man 
G02 155 in Calabria. He made a paperweight for Christina which she kept 
G02 156 until she died. Another friend from Italy brought her a locket of 
G02 157 the Virgin and infant Christ set in mother-of-pearl.<p/>
G02 158 <p_>The children were rarely asked to leave the room, whatever 
G02 159 conspiracy was under discussion. They played on the hearth rug or 
G02 160 under the table and were never segregated from the adults as other 
G02 161 English middle class children were. None of the children grew up to 
G02 162 be even vaguely interested in politics.<p/>
G02 163 <p_>There was hardly any contact with other English families at 
G02 164 all. The only children who came to the house were the offspring of 
G02 165 Cipriano Potter, a friend of Gabriele's who was the Principal of 
G02 166 the Royal Academy of Music. He was married to a pianist who moved 
G02 167 in very fashionable circles and could have given Frances Rossetti 
G02 168 an entr<*_>e-acute<*/>e into society if she had wished it. Their 
G02 169 two sons and two daughters were of a similar age to the Rossetti 
G02 170 children, but they had little in common. They also played 
G02 171 occasionally with the children of another musician, Signor 
G02 172 Rovedino, who gave Maria singing lessons, but these occasions were 
G02 173 rare. Like the Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/> children, the young Rossettis 
G02 174 were dependent upon themselves for occupation and amusement, only 
G02 175 one of the <quote_>"many points of resemblance"<quote/> which 
G02 176 contemporaries observed between the two families. The closeness of 
G02 177 the children, their non-English heritage, their literary activities 
G02 178 and the parallels between Branwell and Dante Gabriel can all bear 
G02 179 comparison.<p/>
G02 180 <p_>There was the usual sibling rivalry between the Rossetti 
G02 181 children as their personalities began to develop. Maria, who could 
G02 182 read Italian and English fluently by the age of five, was the 
G02 183 eldest and most intellectually precocious of the four. She was also 
G02 184 the least imaginative and was inclined to be jealous, particularly 
G02 185 of Christina who was prettier and livelier than she was. Maria had 
G02 186 a strong personality, a rich impressive voice and an imposing 
G02 187 physical presence. She was dark complexioned, Italian looking - 
G02 188 apparently taking after Gabriele's mother - and was considered to 
G02 189 be extremely plain, even by her family. Christina nicknamed her 
G02 190 Moon, or Moony, because of her round face and contemplative habit. 
G02 191 Maria was very devout, even as a child, and shortly after her 
G02 192 confirmation at the age of thirteen seems to have felt the call of 
G02 193 a vocation. Religion became the chief concern of her life, her days 
G02 194 revolving around prayer and little acts of service to others. Her 
G02 195 brother William viewed Maria's influence on Christina with 
G02 196 misgiving - feelings shared later by others. Maria's <quote_>"hard, 
G02 197 convinced mind"<quote/> and narrow outlook worked on Christina's 
G02 198 sensitive and imaginative disposition in a restrictive way.<p/>
G02 199 <p_>The eldest son Gabriel, who later chose to be known as Dante, 
G02 200 was an engaging, spirited little boy who became the dominant member 
G02 201 of the family, hot tempered and proud of his precocious artistic 
G02 202 talent. His first sketches were made before he was five and the 
G02 203 family decided that he should be trained to be an artist. He often 
G02 204 teased Christina to the point where she was forced to call on 
G02 205 William to defend her.<p/>
G02 206 <p_>Gabriel and Christina were known as the 'two storms', 
G02 207 inheriting their volatile Italian temperaments from their father. 
G02 208 Christina was the more fractious of the two, passionate and given 
G02 209 to terrible tantrums.
G02 210 
G03   1 <#FLOB:G03\>Notley itself they had purchased out<?_>-<?/>right with 
G03   2 his film salary, her savings from Hollywood, and the additional 
G03   3 pounds15,000 he was paid by Del Giudice not to act in, produce or 
G03   4 direct any film for eighteen months after the release of <tf_>Henry 
G03   5 V<tf/>, an agreement that protected publicity and exploitation of 
G03   6 that picture.<p/>
G03   7 <p_>Visitors, of course, felt very tired after being merrily forced 
G03   8 by their hostess to remain awake until dawn. Let Larry go to bed, 
G03   9 she would say when her husband's head nodded at five o'clock in the 
G03  10 morning and he begged to be excused. Charades or card games then 
G03  11 began and no one was let off, although occasionally a mutineer like 
G03  12 Rex Harrison would put his feet up, slouch in a chair and snore.<p/>
G03  13 <p_><quote_>"Larry simply looked in from time to time, wearing 
G03  14 tweeds and a country cap,"<quote/> John Gielgud recalled of several 
G03  15 weekends that year. <quote_>"He took only a sporadic part in the 
G03  16 festivities before disappearing into the garden or secreting 
G03  17 himself with models and plans in his private room, to which I was 
G03  18 never asked to accompany him. But he had enormous personal charm, 
G03  19 and he loved jokes and absurdities of all kinds."<quote/> The 
G03  20 models and plans were for forthcoming productions, each aspect of 
G03  21 which - from design to lighting cues - was always subject to his 
G03  22 approval and modification; never was the designation actor-manager 
G03  23 more appropriate. Most of all, Olivier loved to tend the gardens at 
G03  24 Notley, to discuss fertilisers with salesmen, seedlings with 
G03  25 neighbours, compost with local farmers.<p/>
G03  26 <p_>Around eight in the morning, Vivien offered breakfast, by which 
G03  27 time most of the guests had crawled to their rooms or were 
G03  28 fortified to stupefaction with tankards of strong Turkish coffee; 
G03  29 she required only a nap in the afternoon before beginning the new 
G03  30 day's activities. There were tennis matches and tours of the 
G03  31 estate, with stops to visit the cows named for Vivien's characters 
G03  32 (Ophelia, Titania and Cleopatra, but no Scarlett) and to admire the 
G03  33 arcades of trees and the five hundred rose bushes Olivier loved to 
G03  34 tend himself. He loved to play the local squire in this ancient and 
G03  35 baronial home, pruning the hedges and preparing the ground for 
G03  36 sowing, according to Harry Andrews.<p/>
G03  37 <p_>Olivier had little other rest that season. The American 
G03  38 producer Richard Aldrich (husband of Gertrude Lawrence) had 
G03  39 negotiated to bring the Old Vic Theatre Company to New York for six 
G03  40 weeks in the spring of 1946. After the last performance of the 
G03  41 season, on 28 April, more than 2500 people thronged outside the New 
G03  42 and along St Martin's Lane, shouting for Olivier and Richardson. 
G03  43 Olivier's coat was ripped and buttons were torn off as adoring fans 
G03  44 grabbed at him, and the police had to assist the actors into taxis. 
G03  45 The public adoration was unprecedented - and it heralded the new 
G03  46 postwar obsession with stardom. Next day, the entire company 
G03  47 boarded a Pan Am Constellation Clipper for the seventeen-hour 
G03  48 flight to New York. There, Garson Kanin and his wife Ruth Gordon 
G03  49 met the Oliviers and escorted them to the St Regis Hotel on Fifth 
G03  50 Avenue.<p/>
G03  51 <p_>For those denied the pleasures of Notley, New York was almost 
G03  52 unnatural in its opulence. Diana Boddington recalled their delight 
G03  53 at having everyday items like bananas, chocolate and coffee, which 
G03  54 had been rare pleasures indeed for the English during wartime. 
G03  55 <quote_>"I remember looking at Larry on the plane to New York and 
G03  56 seeing the cuffs on his best shirt, frayed to threads. This was 
G03  57 typical of us all - we had no clothing coupons."<quote/><p/>
G03  58 <p_>The two parts of <tf_>Henry IV<tf/> opened on 6 and 7 May, 
G03  59 <tf_>Uncle Vanya<tf/> on 13 May and the Sophocles-Sheridan plays 
G03  60 (referred to by the company as <quote|>"Oedipuff") on 20 May; 
G03  61 Olivier was onstage for every performance, most often in the 
G03  62 exhausting double bill. At the Century Theatre box office, all 
G03  63 87,000 tickets for the engagement were quickly sold, half that 
G03  64 number of eager theatregoers were turned away, and at a time when 
G03  65 the top price of a Broadway seat was $3.90, scalpers (sellers on 
G03  66 the black market) were easily taking in fifty dollars.<p/>
G03  67 <p_>While Olivier had no time for theatregoing in New York that 
G03  68 spring, Vivien often went with the Kanins, who noted the edginess 
G03  69 caused by her professional inactivity. <quote_>"A crazy quarrel 
G03  70 last night with Vivien,"<quote/> wrote Kanin after one evening in 
G03  71 May, referring to her insistence on the pronunciation of a word. 
G03  72 <quote_>"It must be maddening for her, a young actress at the peak 
G03  73 of her powers and popularity, to find herself in the position of a 
G03  74 hanger-on who has come along for the ride."<quote/> They saw 
G03  75 <tf_>State of the Union, Dream Girl, Annie Get Your Gun<tf/> and 
G03  76 Kanin's own hit comedy <tf_>Born Yesterday<tf/>, which Vivien 
G03  77 enjoyed so much that she urged Olivier to bring it to London the 
G03  78 following season. He read the text, easily negotiated the rights 
G03  79 with Kanin, cabled London to arrange for a lease at the Garrick 
G03  80 Theatre, and suddenly found himself with an additional 
G03  81 responsibility, for he would produce and direct <tf_>Born 
G03  82 Yesterday<tf/> that winter. At the same time, Vivien - chafing to 
G03  83 return to work - prevailed on Binkie Beaumont to re-open Olivier's 
G03  84 production of <tf_>The Skin of Our Teeth<tf/> in London that 
G03  85 September.<p/>
G03  86 <p_>The rationale for Olivier's decision to present <tf_>Born 
G03  87 Yesterday<tf/> was clear. He wanted to prove that his new status as 
G03  88 an eminent classical actor and a co-manager at the venerable Old 
G03  89 Vic did not completely define his abilities. His grasp also 
G03  90 included modern works (and American plays, as <tf|>Skin had 
G03  91 demonstrated); now <tf_>Born Yesterday<tf/>, with its deftly modern 
G03  92 humour and language, would further establish his position as the 
G03  93 most versatile Englishman in the performing arts - stage actor, 
G03  94 director and manager as well as film actor, director and producer. 
G03  95 Such ambition derived not from hubris but rather from a 
G03  96 demonstrably reasonable belief in his own talents; at the same 
G03  97 time, this secure self-estimation was not inconsistent with 
G03  98 ordinary explosions of fear and jealousy.<p/>
G03  99 <p_>Although he had little opportunity for New York socialising, 
G03 100 Olivier was at a small gathering one night where he was reunited 
G03 101 briefly with his old acquaintance Alexander Clark. Frances 
G03 102 Tannehill, Clark's wife, was one of several that season who had an 
G03 103 impression that Olivier was happy only when he was acting, or 
G03 104 talking about acting. Socially he seemed rather shy and 
G03 105 introverted, and he often drifted off into his own silence, but it 
G03 106 was clear there were wheels turning in that silence.<p/>
G03 107 <p_>By early June, Olivier was also exhausted to the point of 
G03 108 nervous collapse, and several actors backstage at the Century were 
G03 109 not at all certain he could endure the punishing schedule he had 
G03 110 set for himself. Anxious, haggard and short-tempered, he was 
G03 111 sometimes summoned from a brief nap backstage, startled out of 
G03 112 frightening dreams he described to colleagues: that he was falling 
G03 113 from a great height or that he was in an aeroplane about to crash. 
G03 114 He had also agreed to interrupt his rare free days by reading play 
G03 115 excerpts on Sunday afternoon radio broadcasts - a taxing addendum 
G03 116 necessitated by the Oliviers' need for cash. His weekly Old Vic 
G03 117 salary was one hundred pounds, which did not cover the St Regis 
G03 118 bill or Vivien's new mink coat.<p/>
G03 119 <p_>Neither audiences nor critics suspected his fatigue. A goodwill 
G03 120 visit from those representing America's closest wartime ally - as 
G03 121 well as a major New York cultural event - the Old Vic tour was an 
G03 122 artistic and commercial triumph, and although the company played as 
G03 123 a repertory without star billings, there was no doubt that Laurence 
G03 124 Olivier won the greatest attention. His last performance in New 
G03 125 York had been in the unfortunate 1940 <tf_>Romeo and Juliet<tf/>, 
G03 126 but that was now forgotten in a swirl of critical and public 
G03 127 adulation. <quote_>"The Old Vic is repertory showing what it can 
G03 128 do,"<quote/> read a typical press commentary, <quote_>"and it is 
G03 129 also Laurence Olivier showing himself as an exceptionally fine 
G03 130 actor."<quote/> Richardson and others received praise for their 
G03 131 performances, but always fewer column inches than Olivier, and the 
G03 132 six or seven curtain calls the ensemble took each night revealed 
G03 133 the heart of the matter: the theatre rang with cries of 
G03 134 <quote_>"Bravo, Larry!"<quote/> and <quote_>"We want 
G03 135 Larry!"<quote/> Autograph<?_>-<?/>seekers besieged the stage door 
G03 136 and reporters were despatched to obtain interviews and anecdotes. 
G03 137 <quote_>"The spring seems to be given over to Laurence 
G03 138 Olivier,"<quote/> proclaimed the <tf_>New York Times<tf/>. The most 
G03 139 importunate fans he sometimes resented; the adoration he 
G03 140 relished.<p/>
G03 141 <p_>Academics joined the critics and the public in honouring him. 
G03 142 First among English or American colleges was Tufts University in 
G03 143 Medford, Massachusetts, on Sunday, 16 June (the day after the last 
G03 144 New York performance). He and Vivien arrived late, and Olivier made 
G03 145 the trip hobbling on a cane and with a taped ankle, for on Saturday 
G03 146 evening at his curtain call after his final Puff, he turned a 
G03 147 double somersault, landed awkwardly and heard a popping sound: his 
G03 148 Achilles tendon had been torn. Despite doctors' injunctions, he 
G03 149 insisted on proceeding to Tufts, where he received a Master of Arts 
G03 150 <foreign_>honoris causa<foreign/> for being <quote_>"the real 
G03 151 interpreter of Shakespeare for our age"<quote/>. But his pain and 
G03 152 the hot, humid weather increased his general exhaustion. When he 
G03 153 and Vivien missed their return flight to New York and were forced 
G03 154 to wait two hours, Olivier collapsed onto the tarmac, watching the 
G03 155 departing plane and sobbing like a lost child.<p/>
G03 156 <p_>The following day, he slept fourteen hours and did not attend 
G03 157 <tf_>Henry V<tf/> (screened since April only in Boston), which 
G03 158 opened with a traffic<?_>-<?/>stopping gala at New York's City 
G03 159 Center Theatre - a vast auditorium usually given over to dance and 
G03 160 opera. There, with almost no advertising, it was screened three 
G03 161 times a day for eleven months and earned revenues of more than a 
G03 162 million dollars. Because of the highly creative tradition of film 
G03 163 accountancy, the worldwide success of <tf_>Henry V<tf/>, which cost 
G03 164 about two million dollars and eventually returned something in 
G03 165 excess of five million dollars before 1948, never returned a profit 
G03 166 to Del Giudice or Olivier.<p/>
G03 167 <p_>The hectic activity resumed on Tuesday, 18 June, when the 
G03 168 Oliviers and forty-two other passengers boarded a plane for London; 
G03 169 their Old Vic colleagues had already departed. But an hour later, 
G03 170 as if his night<?_>-<?/>mares had been prophetic, the outer 
G03 171 starboard engine burst into flames and fell from the wing, and the 
G03 172 plane began to swoop. The hydraulic system was burned out, the 
G03 173 landing gear could not be lowered, and the pilot circled skilfully 
G03 174 for fifteen minutes, finally bringing the craft down in a forced 
G03 175 landing at Windham Field, near Willimantic, Connecticut. 
G03 176 <quote_>"It is very awkward flying around with a motor 
G03 177 missing,"<quote/> Olivier told newsmen an hour later with feigned 
G03 178 composure. <quote_>"We were in an arm's length of hell, but then we 
G03 179 reached the ground safely. We cheered for two minutes."<quote/> 
G03 180 Next day, the Oliviers departed again from New York and arrived 
G03 181 without incident in London on 20 June.<p/>
G03 182 <p_>During July and August of 1946, friends were as usual invited 
G03 183 to Notley for tennis weekends and summer dinner parties. 
G03 184 <quote_>"Notley was like Sandringham or Windsor Castle, for it was 
G03 185 considered a great coup to be invited in those postwar 
G03 186 years,"<quote/> recalled Laurence Evans, who had left the Old Vic 
G03 187 and was now a respected London theatrical agent.<p/>
G03 188 <p_><quote_>"I thought he played a variety of roles there at 
G03 189 Notley,"<quote/> said John Gielgud of Olivier. <quote_>"One day he 
G03 190 was the landowner, another the squire, one day the gardener, 
G03 191 another the great host, and often the actor<?_>-<?/>manager in 
G03 192 working seclusion. He played roles on and off the 
G03 193 stage."<quote/><p/>
G03 194 <p_>That summer, Olivier annotated <tf_>Born Yesterday<tf/> and 
G03 195 plans for the upcoming Old Vic season were finalised. While in New 
G03 196 York, he had fancied he might like to revive <tf_>Cyrano de 
G03 197 Bergerac<tf/> at the Old Vic and eventually co-star with Vivien in 
G03 198 a Hollywood film of it. But this hope was altered when John Burrell 
G03 199 called a board meeting and the old rivalries resumed. Richardson 
G03 200 (who had first choice of leading roles) at once selected Cyrano for 
G03 201 himself. Olivier, aware that Richardson had set his heart on King 
G03 202 Lear for a future season and confident that he would immediately 
G03 203 agree to exchange roles, countered by choosing Lear.
G03 204 
G04   1 <#FLOB:G04\><h_><p_>1<p/>
G04   2 <p_>Childhood<p/>
G04   3 <p_>Winston Churchill was born in 1874, half way through the 
G04   4 Victorian Era. That November, his mother, Lady Randolph Churchill, 
G04   5 then less than seven months pregnant, had slipped and fallen while 
G04   6 walking with a shooting party at Blenheim Palace. A few days later, 
G04   7 while riding in a pony carriage over rough ground, labour began. 
G04   8 She was rushed back to the Palace, where, in the early hours of 
G04   9 November 30, her son was born.<p/>
G04  10 <p_>The magnificent palace at Blenheim was the home of the baby's 
G04  11 grandfather, the 7th Duke of Marlborough. On his father's side he 
G04  12 was a child of the British aristocracy, descended both from the 1st 
G04  13 Earl Spencer and from the distinguished soldier John Churchill, 1st 
G04  14 Duke of Marlborough, commander of the coalition of armies that had 
G04  15 defeated France at the beginning of the eighteenth century. On his 
G04  16 mother's side he had an entirely American lineage; her father, 
G04  17 Leonard Jerome, then living in New York, was a successful 
G04  18 stockbroker, financier and newspaper proprietor. A century earlier 
G04  19 his ancestors had fought in Washington's armies for the 
G04  20 independence of the American Colonies.<p/>
G04  21 <p_>Almost a year before Churchill's birth, his father, Lord 
G04  22 Randolph Churchill, had been elected to the House of Commons as 
G04  23 Member of Parliament for Woodstock. This small borough, of which 
G04  24 Blenheim was a part, had scarcely more than a thousand electors; it 
G04  25 had long been accustomed to send members of the Ducal family, or 
G04  26 their nominees, to Westminster. In January 1877 Churchill's 
G04  27 grandfather, the 7th Duke of Marlborough, was appointed Viceroy of 
G04  28 Ireland, with Lord Randolph as his private secretary. The 
G04  29 two-year-old boy travelled with his parents to Dublin, together 
G04  30 with his nanny, Mrs Everest.<p/>
G04  31 <p_>When Churchill was four, Ireland suffered a severe potato 
G04  32 famine, and an upsurge of nationalist ferment led by the Fenians. 
G04  33 <quote_>"My nurse, Mrs Everest, was nervous about the 
G04  34 Fenians,"<quote/> he later wrote. <quote_>"I gathered these were 
G04  35 wicked people and there was no end to what they would do if they 
G04  36 had their way."<quote/> One day, when Churchill was out riding on 
G04  37 his donkey, Mrs Everest thought that she saw a Fenian procession 
G04  38 approaching. <quote_>"I am sure now,"<quote/> he later reflected, 
G04  39 <quote_>"that it must have been the Rifle Brigade out for a route 
G04  40 march. But we were all very much alarmed, particularly the donkey, 
G04  41 who expressed his anxiety by kicking. I was thrown off and had 
G04  42 concussion of the brain. This was my first introduction to Irish 
G04  43 politics!"<quote/><p/>
G04  44 <p_>As well as his nanny, the young boy acquired a governess while 
G04  45 in Dublin. Her task was to teach him reading and mathematics. 
G04  46 <quote_>"These complications,"<quote/> he later wrote, 
G04  47 <quote_>"cast a steadily gathering shadow over my daily life. They 
G04  48 took one away from all the interesting things one wanted to do in 
G04  49 the nursery or the garden."<quote/> He also recalled that although 
G04  50 his mother took <quote_>"no part in these impositions",<quote_> she 
G04  51 had given him to understand that she approved of them, and 
G04  52 <quote_>"sided with the governess almost always".<quote/><p/>
G04  53 <p_>Fifty years later Churchill wrote of his mother: <quote_>"She 
G04  54 shone for me like the Evening Star. I loved her dearly - but at a 
G04  55 distance."<quote/> It was with his nanny that he found the 
G04  56 affection which his parents did not provide. <quote_>"My nurse was 
G04  57 my confidante,"<quote/> he later wrote. <quote_>"Mrs Everest it was 
G04  58 who looked after me and tended all my wants. It was to her I poured 
G04  59 out my many troubles."<quote/><p/>
G04  60 <p_>In February 1880 Churchill's brother Jack was born. <quote_>"I 
G04  61 remember my father coming into my bedroom at Vice-Regal Lodge in 
G04  62 Dublin & telling me (aged 5) 'You have a little brother',"<quote/> 
G04  63 he recalled sixty-five years later. Shortly after Jack's birth the 
G04  64 family returned to London, to 29 St James's Place. There, Churchill 
G04  65 was aware of the final illness of Disraeli, the former Conservative 
G04  66 Prime Minister. <quote_>"I was always sure Lord Beaconsfield was 
G04  67 going to die,"<quote/> he later wrote, <quote_>"and at last the day 
G04  68 came when all the people I saw went about with very sad faces 
G04  69 because, as they said, a great and splendid Statesman who loved our 
G04  70 country and defied the Russians, had died of a broken heart because 
G04  71 of the ingratitude with which he had been treated by the 
G04  72 Radicals."<quote/> Benjamin Disraeli, 1st Earl of Beaconsfield, 
G04  73 died when Churchill was six years old.<p/>
G04  74 <p_>At Christmas 1881, just after his seventh birthday, Churchill 
G04  75 was at Blenheim. It was from there that his first surviving letter 
G04  76 was written, posted on 4 January 1882. <quote_>"My dear 
G04  77 Mamma,"<quote/> he wrote, <quote_>"I hope you are quite well. I 
G04  78 thank you very very much for the beautiful presents those Soldiers 
G04  79 and Flags and Castle they are so nice it was so kind of you and 
G04  80 dear Papa I send you my love and a great many kisses Your loving 
G04  81 Winston."<quote/> That spring Churchill returned to Blenheim for 
G04  82 two months. <quote_>"It is so nice being in the country,"<quote/> 
G04  83 he wrote to his mother, that April. <quote_>"The gardens and the 
G04  84 park are so much nicer to walk in than the Green Park or Hyde 
G04  85 Park."<quote/> But he missed his parents, and when his grandmother 
G04  86 went to London, he wrote to his father, <quote_>"I wish I was with 
G04  87 her that I might give you a kiss."<quote/><p/>
G04  88 <p_>It was Mrs Everest who looked after the two brothers at 
G04  89 Blenheim. <quote_>"When we were out on Friday near the 
G04  90 cascade,"<quote/> Churchill wrote to his mother shortly before 
G04  91 Easter, <quote_>"we saw a snake crawling about in the grass. I 
G04  92 wanted to kill it but Everest would not let me."<quote/> That 
G04  93 Easter Mrs Everest took the two boys to the Isle of Wight, where 
G04  94 her brother-in-law was a senior warder at Parkhurst prison. They 
G04  95 stayed at his cottage at Ventnor, overlooking the sea. From 
G04  96 Ventnor, Churchill wrote to his mother. <quote_>"We had a Picnic we 
G04  97 went to Sandown took our dinner on the Beach and we went to see the 
G04  98 Forts & Guns at Sandown there were some enormous 18 ton 
G04  99 Guns."<quote/><p/>
G04 100 <p_>That autumn Churchill was told that he was to be sent to 
G04 101 boarding school. <quote_>"I was,"<quote/> he later wrote, 
G04 102 <quote_>"what grown-up people in their off-hand way called 'a 
G04 103 troublesome boy'. It appeared that I was to go away from home for 
G04 104 many weeks at a stretch in order to do lessons under 
G04 105 masters."<quote/> He was not 'troublesome' to everyone, however; 
G04 106 Lady Randolph's sister Leonie found him <quote_>"full of fun and 
G04 107 quite unselfconscious"<quote/> when he stayed with her.<p/>
G04 108 <p_>The boarding school was St George's, near Ascot. Churchill was 
G04 109 sent there four weeks before his eighth birthday. Term was already 
G04 110 half over; his mother took him there that first afternoon. The two 
G04 111 of them had tea with the headmaster. <quote_>"I was 
G04 112 preoccupied",<quote/> he recalled nearly fifty years later, 
G04 113 <quote_>"with the fear of spilling my cup and so making 'a bad 
G04 114 start'. I was also miserable at the idea of being left alone among 
G04 115 all these strangers in this great, fierce, formidable 
G04 116 place."<quote/><p/>
G04 117 <p_>Unhappiness at school began from the first days. <quote_>"After 
G04 118 all,<quote/> Churchill later wrote, <quote_>"I was only seven, and 
G04 119 I had been so happy with all my toys. I had such wonderful toys: a 
G04 120 real steam engine, a magic lantern, and a collection of soldiers 
G04 121 already nearly a thousand strong. Now it was to be all 
G04 122 lessons."<quote/> Severity, and at times brutality, were part of 
G04 123 life at St George's. <quote_>"Flogging with the birch in accordance 
G04 124 with the Eton fashion,"<quote/> Churchill later wrote, <quote_>"was 
G04 125 a great feature of the curriculum. But I am sure no Eton boy, and 
G04 126 certainly no Harrow boy of my day,"<quote/> - Churchill was at 
G04 127 Harrow from 1888 to 1892 - <quote_>"ever received such a cruel 
G04 128 flogging as this Headmaster was accustomed to inflict upon the 
G04 129 little boys who were in his care and power. They exceeded in 
G04 130 severity anything that would be tolerated in any of the 
G04 131 Reformatories under the Home Office."<quote/><p/>
G04 132 <p_>Among the boys who witnessed these floggings was Roger Fry. 
G04 133 <quote_>"The swishing was given with the master's full 
G04 134 strength,"<quote/> he later wrote, <quote_>"and it took only two or 
G04 135 three strokes for drops of blood to form everywhere and it 
G04 136 continued for 15 or 20 strokes when the wretched boy's bottom was a 
G04 137 mass of blood."<quote/> Churchill himself was later to recall how 
G04 138 during the floggings the rest of the boys <quote_>"sat quaking, 
G04 139 listening to their screams"<quote/>.<p/>
G04 140 <p_><quote_>"How I hated this school,"<quote/> he later wrote, 
G04 141 <quote_>"and what a life of anxiety I lived for more than two 
G04 142 years. I made very little progress at my lessons, and none at all 
G04 143 at games. I counted the days and the hours to the end of every 
G04 144 term, when I should return home from this hateful servitude and 
G04 145 range my soldiers in line of battle on the nursery 
G04 146 floor."<quote/><p/>
G04 147 <p_>Churchill's first holiday from St George's, after a month and a 
G04 148 half at school, was at Christmas 1882. Home was now another house 
G04 149 in London, 2 Connaught Place, on the north side of Hyde Park, where 
G04 150 his parents were to live for the next ten years. <quote_>"As to 
G04 151 Winston's improvement,"<quote/> his mother wrote to his father on 
G04 152 December 26, <quote_>"I am sorry to say I see none. Perhaps there 
G04 153 has not been time enough. He can read very well, but that is all, 
G04 154 and the first two days he came home he was terribly slangy and 
G04 155 loud. Altogether I am disappointed. But Everest was told down there 
G04 156 that next term they mean to be more strict with him."<quote/> Lady 
G04 157 Randolph also told her husband that their elder son <quote_>"teases 
G04 158 the baby more than ever"<quote/>; to remedy this <quote_>"I shall 
G04 159 take him in hand"<quote/>. She ended her reference to her 
G04 160 eight-year-old son, <quote_>"It appears that he is afraid of 
G04 161 me."<quote/><p/>
G04 162 <p_>Churchill's first school report was a poor one. His place in 
G04 163 the form of eleven boys was eleventh. Under Grammar it read, 
G04 164 <quote_>"He has made a start,"<quote/> and under Diligence, 
G04 165 <quote_>"He will do well, but must treat his work in general, more 
G04 166 seriously next term."<quote/> The report ended with a note by the 
G04 167 Headmaster, <quote_>"Very truthful, but a regular 'pickle' in many 
G04 168 ways at present - has not fallen into school ways yet but this 
G04 169 could hardly be expected."<quote/><p/>
G04 170 <p_>Anxiety at school went hand in hand with ill-health, which was 
G04 171 another cause of concern to his parents. <quote_>"I'm sorry poor 
G04 172 little Winston has not been well,"<quote/> Lord Randolph wrote to 
G04 173 his wife from the South of France on New Year's Day 1883, 
G04 174 <quote_>"but I don't make out what is the matter with him. It seems 
G04 175 we are a sickly family & cannot get rid of the doctors."<quote/> 
G04 176 Four days later he wrote again: <quote_>"I am so glad to hear Winny 
G04 177 is right again. Give him a kiss from me."<quote/> To cure whatever 
G04 178 was wrong with the boy, the doctor advised a week by the sea, at 
G04 179 Herne Bay.<p/>
G04 180 <p_>Back at St George's, Churchill repeatedly and unsuccessfully 
G04 181 asked his mother to visit him. Before term ended there was sports 
G04 182 day. <quote_>"Please do let Everest and Jack come down to see the 
G04 183 athletics,"<quote/> he wrote, <quote_>"and come down your 
G04 184 self<&|>sic! dear. I shall expect to see you and Jack & 
G04 185 Everest."<quote/> Lady Randolph did not take up her son's 
G04 186 invitation, but there was a consolation. <quote_>"My dear 
G04 187 Mamma,"<quote/> he wrote to her when the sports day was over, 
G04 188 <quote_>"It was so kind of you to let Everest come down here. I 
G04 189 think she enjoyed her-self very much,"<quote/> and he added, 
G04 190 <quote_>"Only 18 more days."<quote/><p/>
G04 191 <p_>In Churchill's report that term there was praise for his 
G04 192 History, Geography, Translation and General Conduct. The rest of 
G04 193 the report was less complimentary; Composition was <quote_>"very 
G04 194 feeble"<quote/>, Writing <quote_>"good - but so terribly 
G04 195 slow"<quote/>, Spelling <quote_>"about as bad as it well can 
G04 196 be"<quote/>. Under Diligence was written; <quote_>"Does not quite 
G04 197 understand the meaning of hard work - must make up his mind to do 
G04 198 so next term."<quote/> His place in the Division of nine boys was 
G04 199 ninth; his place in the Set of thirteen was thirteenth.<p/>
G04 200 <p_>That summer, while Churchill was at school, his grandfather, 
G04 201 the 7th Duke of Marlborough, died. In deep mourning, Lord Randolph 
G04 202 sought solace in travel.
G04 203 
G04 204 
G04 205 
G04 206 
G05   1 <#FLOB:G05\><h_><p_>CHAPTER ONE<p/>
G05   2 <p_>First Impressions<p/><h/>
G05   3 <p_>In the early summer of 1939, Richard Walmesley Blair, aged 
G05   4 eighty-two, was slowly dying from cancer at his home in Southwold, 
G05   5 on the Suffolk coast. His family was at his side, including his 
G05   6 only son, Eric, with whom his relations had long been strained. His 
G05   7 son had disappointed him some years earlier by abandoning a 
G05   8 well-paid position in the Indian Imperial Police for an uncertain 
G05   9 career as a writer. The old man was himself a retired colonial 
G05  10 official - a veteran of more than thirty-five years of service in 
G05  11 British India - and he was never able to understand why Eric had 
G05  12 decided to turn his back on the Empire. As one who seldom read 
G05  13 anything more substantial than the daily newspaper, he did not 
G05  14 appreciate his son's love of literature and saw no future in a life 
G05  15 devoted to writing books. He gave him no encouragement and showed 
G05  16 little enthusiasm when the first book - <tf_>Down and Out in Paris 
G05  17 and London<tf/> - was published in 1933. There is no evidence that 
G05  18 he cared one way or the other that it came out under the pen-name 
G05  19 George Orwell, though in the case of the second book - <tf_>Burmese 
G05  20 Days<tf/> - he must have been relieved not to have the family name 
G05  21 associated with its harsh criticism of imperialism.<p/>
G05  22 <p_>In the last months of his life, however, his opinion of his 
G05  23 son's career changed for the better. It was difficult not to 
G05  24 respect the young man's uncompromising dedication to his work and 
G05  25 his extraordinary productivity - by 1939 he had seven books to his 
G05  26 credit. Moreover, his father could not ignore the growing number of 
G05  27 critics in the national press who had given the books high praise. 
G05  28 A few days before his death Mr Blair was told that his son's latest 
G05  29 novel - <tf_>Coming Up for Air<tf/> - had been favourably reviewed 
G05  30 in the <tf_>Sunday Times<tf/>. Indeed, it was called 
G05  31 <quote||"brilliant", and the headline proclaimed <quote_>"MR GEORGE 
G05  32 ORWELL'S SUCCESS"<quote/>. He asked to hear the review, and the 
G05  33 words were read aloud to him. They were the last the dying man 
G05  34 would hear. Orwell recalled the scene in a letter written shortly 
G05  35 afterwards: <quote_>"Curiously enough his last moment of 
G05  36 consciousness was hearing that review I had in the Sunday Times. He 
G05  37 heard about it and wanted to see it, and my sister took it in and 
G05  38 read it to him, and a little later he lost consciousness for the 
G05  39 last time."<quote/> It was some comfort to know that his father had 
G05  40 finally shown a little interest in his chosen career. As he 
G05  41 remarked in his letter, <quote_>"I am very glad that latterly he 
G05  42 had not been so disappointed in me as before."<quote/><p/>
G05  43 <p_>Eric Blair had always desired his father's good opinion, but he 
G05  44 had never been able to establish a close relationship with him, in 
G05  45 large part because they had spent so little time together during 
G05  46 Eric's childhood. Until he was eight he barely saw his father, who 
G05  47 was away in India. By the time Mr Blair returned home to enjoy his 
G05  48 retirement, his son was away at boarding school, and their 
G05  49 subsequent time together during school holidays was short and 
G05  50 generally uncomfortable. Looking back on this period, Orwell wrote 
G05  51 that his father had appeared to him <quote_>"simply as a 
G05  52 gruff-voiced elderly man forever saying 'Don't'"<quote/>.<p/>
G05  53 <p_>It did not help that the father was so much older than the son. 
G05  54 He was very much a Victorian figure, and the age difference between 
G05  55 them amounted to almost half a century. He was born on 7 January 
G05  56 1857. George Gissing, the Victorian novelist whose work would later 
G05  57 be a source of so much fascination for Orwell, was born in the same 
G05  58 year. The Crimean War had recently ended, Lord Palmerston was Prime 
G05  59 Minister and Queen Victoria was preparing to give birth to the last 
G05  60 of her nine children. Charles Dickens was writing <tf_>Little 
G05  61 Dorrit<tf/>, Thomas Hardy was still in his teens and George Bernard 
G05  62 Shaw was only six moths old. Like Shaw, Richard Blair would lead a 
G05  63 life so long that it would take him from the dawn of the railway 
G05  64 age to the dawn of the nuclear age.<p/>
G05  65 <p_>Yet he was hardly the kind of person who welcomed change. He 
G05  66 was a reserved, cautious, deeply conservative man who liked to keep 
G05  67 his life within the confines of an undemanding routine. His 
G05  68 abilities were modest, his habits moderate, his opinions 
G05  69 conventional. Driven by no strong ambitions or passions, he took 
G05  70 few risks and avoided confrontation. Throughout his adult life he 
G05  71 maintained the carefully composed exterior of a faithful 
G05  72 bureaucrat. His appearance was immaculate. He wore crisp, 
G05  73 well-tailored clothes, and had a sturdy build, a firm jaw and a 
G05  74 pair of deep-set blue eyes. His favourite pastimes were golf and 
G05  75 bridge. In old age he kept a reserved seat at his local cinema and 
G05  76 dutifully sat through each new film, regardless of its quality. In 
G05  77 the words of one family member, he was a <quote_>"superbly 
G05  78 unadventurous"<quote/> man.<p/>
G05  79 <p_>He came from a large family. The youngest of ten children, he 
G05  80 was born in Milborne St Andrew, Dorset, where his father was the 
G05  81 vicar. In the eighteenth century the Blairs had been a prosperous 
G05  82 family with aristocratic connections. Richard's great-grandfather 
G05  83 had married a daughter of the Earl of Westmorland, and had enjoyed 
G05  84 the income from several lucrative properties in Jamaica. But little 
G05  85 of this wealth had trickled down to Richard's father, who led a 
G05  86 simple, quiet life in his country parish. He died when Richard was 
G05  87 ten, leaving only a small income for his family's support. At 
G05  88 eighteen Richard had to make his own way in the world, and he chose 
G05  89 to do it in the service of the Empire.<p/>
G05  90 <p_>Many imperial paths were open to him. The Army was perhaps the 
G05  91 most obvious choice, but if he had been really ambitious, he might 
G05  92 have tried to enter the exalted ranks of the Indian Civil Service, 
G05  93 which was limited to about one thousand carefully selected men. 
G05  94 They held the top administrative posts in the various provinces of 
G05  95 the sub-continent, and were widely admired for their efficiency and 
G05  96 integrity. Below them were the specialised services - the police, 
G05  97 the civil engineers, the forest service, etc. It was at this second 
G05  98 tier of the bureaucracy that young Richard found a place. With a 
G05  99 little help from a family friend in London, he managed to secure a 
G05 100 position in the least distinguished, most obscure branch of the 
G05 101 specialised services - the Opium Department.<p/>
G05 102 <p_>In one brief autobiographical note from 1947, Orwell refers 
G05 103 vaguely to his father's years as <quote_>"an official in the 
G05 104 English administration"<quote/> of India. Orwell never wrote 
G05 105 anything more specific about the job, but it was not something 
G05 106 which he could have described with pride. Other writers have given 
G05 107 the impression that his father was a sort of policeman engaged in a 
G05 108 benign supervision of the native drug trade. But the truth is that 
G05 109 Mr Blair spent his entire working life helping to perpetuate one of 
G05 110 the worst evils of the British colonial system.<p/>
G05 111 <p_>Although the high-minded Victorian defenders of imperialism 
G05 112 were reluctant to admit it, British India profited enormously from 
G05 113 the sale of opium. It was legally available in India, but the real 
G05 114 money came from exports to China. When Richard Blair began his new 
G05 115 job in 1875, the government opium monopoly in Bengal was producing 
G05 116 4000 tons of the narcotic annually, and nearly every ounce was 
G05 117 destined for China's cramped slums where millions of addicts smoked 
G05 118 it. They prized Indian opium because of its exceptional purity, and 
G05 119 the job of the Opium Department was to keep it that way. English 
G05 120 agents like Blair carefully supervised every step of production to 
G05 121 ensure quality. Too much money was at stake to do otherwise. The 
G05 122 trade produced a staggering profit of pounds6.5 million, or roughly 
G05 123 one-sixth of the government's total revenue for India. There was no 
G05 124 way to justify the trade morally, but giving it up was not easy 
G05 125 when the benefit to the treasury was so handsome. As one historian 
G05 126 put it, <quote_>"Politically, the British Raj was as addicted to 
G05 127 opium as any twenty-pipe-a-day coolie."<quote/><p/>
G05 128 <p_>Mr Blair was a loyal, efficient servant of this trade, and 
G05 129 there is no sign that he ever had any serious doubts or regrets 
G05 130 about the nature of his work. It was a secure job, the pay was good 
G05 131 and the skills required were few. One can only speculate about his 
G05 132 reasons for joining this particular service, but once he was in it, 
G05 133 he stayed until retirement. It was the same for so many men who 
G05 134 devoted their lives to the work of the Empire. Confident that its 
G05 135 ultimate goals were just, they did what was expected of them and 
G05 136 asked few questions. It was a way of life which Eric Blair would 
G05 137 later come to know only too well in Burma. But as George Orwell he 
G05 138 would devote considerable effort to repudiating it, repeatedly 
G05 139 asking the hard questions about colonialism which his father's 
G05 140 generation had evaded.<p/>
G05 141 <p_>Burdened with the awkward title of Assistant Sub-Deputy Opium 
G05 142 Agent, 3rd grade, Richard Blair spent his first year of service in 
G05 143 the far north of the sprawling province of Bengal. As he slowly 
G05 144 worked his way through the department's lower ranks, he was posted 
G05 145 to a variety of stations scattered over Bengal and the United 
G05 146 Provinces. At each place his duties required him to spend nearly 
G05 147 half his time travelling round his district. He was expected to 
G05 148 keep a close eye on the poppy growers in his area, making sure that 
G05 149 each was employing proper methods of cultivation, advancing loans 
G05 150 to those who needed them and making estimates of production. It was 
G05 151 a lonely existence, with few recreations or diversions. Nights were 
G05 152 spent in tents or in the ubiquitous <tf|>dak bungalows, which were 
G05 153 reserved for touring officials. The great cities of India were 
G05 154 hundreds of miles away, and extended leaves from service were 
G05 155 infrequent. During the hottest months - from April to October - the 
G05 156 insects, rain and scorching temperatures made life miserable. When 
G05 157 he was not travelling, much of his time was spent on paperwork.<p/>
G05 158 <p_>As a bachelor, he braved twenty years of this life without 
G05 159 complaint, and then one day in 1896 - when he was thirty-nine - he 
G05 160 married an attractive young woman who was nearly half his age. Her 
G05 161 name was Ida Mabel Limouzin. She had been a governess in India, and 
G05 162 had been engaged to marry another man, but was jilted, and accepted 
G05 163 Blair on the rebound. A slender woman with large eyes and thick 
G05 164 wavy hair, she had a dark, faintly exotic appearance. Her family 
G05 165 background was itself somewhat exotic. The daughter of a French 
G05 166 father and an English mother, she was born on 18 May 1875 in the 
G05 167 small suburb of Penge in South London. She grew up, however, 
G05 168 thousands of miles away in Moulmein, a busy port in Lower Burma, 
G05 169 where her father's family was established in the teak trade, and in 
G05 170 boat building. There was even a street named after them in the 
G05 171 town. At the height of their prosperity they lived very well 
G05 172 indeed. One of Ida's sisters would later boast that their father, 
G05 173 Frank, had lived <quote_>"the life of a prince"<quote/> in Burma, 
G05 174 employing at one point a staff of thirty servants. This may have 
G05 175 been the case for a short period, but the fact is that he was a 
G05 176 reckless man who wasted his fortune. His taste for grand living led 
G05 177 him to risk a large part of his capital on a speculative venture in 
G05 178 the rice trade. He lost most of this investment, and his other 
G05 179 businesses went into decline. Ida's mother, Theresa Catherine, was 
G05 180 a stalwart Victorian lady who endured not only her husband's 
G05 181 thriftless ways but also the pains of bearing their nine children, 
G05 182 and of bringing them up in an arduous tropical climate. She was 
G05 183 still leading an active life in Moulmein in the early 1920s when 
G05 184 her grandson Eric arrived in Burma as a young colonial 
G05 185 policeman.<p/>
G05 186 
G05 187 
G05 188 
G06   1 <#FLOB:G06\><h_><p_>CHAPTER I<p/>
G06   2 <p_>A Jewish Childhood<p/><h/>
G06   3 <p_>Seventy miles south-west of Berlin, a road turns off Hitler's 
G06   4 autobahn and heads towards the confluence of the Elbe and the 
G06   5 Mulde. The road is tree-lined and straight but seems in no hurry to 
G06   6 arrive anywhere in particular. Copses punctuate the meadowy 
G06   7 landscape and marshy vegetation takes over as the sand flats left 
G06   8 by the meandering river emerge. In the distance, combine 
G06   9 harvesters, tired old war-horses of socialist agriculture, grind 
G06  10 their way up and down the patient fields. The scene is tranquil - 
G06  11 subdued rather than relaxed.<p/>
G06  12 <p_>A crude concrete bridge spans the eighty-yard-wide River Mulde. 
G06  13 A sharp turn north towards the town centre and the first brutal 
G06  14 confrontation with history: an immense, desolate sandy waste, 
G06  15 carpeted with a stubble of mangy grass and scrub. On one side the 
G06  16 remains of a stone gateway and a cobblestone courtyard, on the 
G06  17 other a battered tower, bricked up and unsafe. Then, in sullen 
G06  18 resentment, appears the single surviving wing of a once huge 
G06  19 complex, sixteenth century, its roof now open to the elements, 
G06  20 gaping wounds in its peeling walls, the grimy ground littered with 
G06  21 the detritus of the consumer society - bottle tops, cigarette ends, 
G06  22 condom packets, left by a generation for whom such an unreal place 
G06  23 has an irresistible romantic attraction. Who, after all, can build 
G06  24 such exciting ruins today?<p/>
G06  25 <p_>Dessau, 1990, population 100,000. More intimately, all that 
G06  26 remains of the great palace of the Dukes of Anhalt-Dessau. On a 
G06  27 single day in March 1945 eighty per cent of the town surrendered 
G06  28 its life in an air raid. The pock-scarred terrain they left has 
G06  29 been made only the more savage by stark new housing estates and 
G06  30 office blocks in the preferred style of the New Brutalism.<p/>
G06  31 <p_>But it once knew happier days. As capital of the Duchy of 
G06  32 Anhalt, it could trace a powerful intellectual tradition back to 
G06  33 the seventeenth century. It had excellent theatre and opera. 
G06  34 Industrialisation had brought prosperity without destroying its 
G06  35 leisurely pace, and it was in the vanguard of progressive German 
G06  36 states pledged to the emancipation of the Jews. It is a far cry 
G06  37 from the dismal, browbeaten dilapidation of today to the 
G06  38 enlightened, self-assured, comfortable Dessau where, a few months 
G06  39 into the twentieth century, Kurt Weill was born.<p/>
G06  40 <p_>Entry No. 292 in the municipal register of births for the year 
G06  41 1900 reads:<p/>
G06  42 <p_><quote_>Today appeared before the undersigned, his identity 
G06  43 confirmed by his marriage certificate, the cantor and teacher of 
G06  44 religious knowledge Albert Weill, resident in Dessau, Leipziger 
G06  45 Strasse 59, of the Hebrew faith, and stated that his wife Emma 
G06  46 Weill, n<*_>e-acute<*/>e Ackermann, of the Hebrew faith, resident 
G06  47 with him, had on the 2nd of March 1900, at four-thirty in the 
G06  48 afternoon, given birth to a boy, and that the child had received 
G06  49 the names Curt Julian.<quote/><p/>
G06  50 <p_>The Weills had a long unbroken history to their name, and were 
G06  51 proud of the fact. In 1957 an American descendant by the name of 
G06  52 Ernest B. Weill published a genealogy that stretched back without 
G06  53 interruption to one Judah, born in 1360 in the village of Weil der 
G06  54 Stadt, near Stuttgart. When Judah's son Jacob left his birthplace, 
G06  55 he added its name to his own, and in time this became regarded as 
G06  56 his 'family' name. In itself Weil means simply 'settlement, hamlet' 
G06  57 and, like the suffix <foreign|>'-weiler', is a common element in 
G06  58 place-names in south-west Germany, where the earliest references to 
G06  59 the family name Weil, or Weill, occur.<p/>
G06  60 <p_>Albert Weill, Kurt's father, did full credit to the family's 
G06  61 long cultural and intellectual heritage. Born in 1867 in 
G06  62 Kippenheim, in Baden - the heart of Weill country throughout the 
G06  63 centuries - he had been appointed in his early twenties as cantor 
G06  64 to the synagogue at Eichst<*_>a-umlaut<*/>tt in Bavaria. In 1893 he 
G06  65 published a collection of chants for cantor and <tf_>a 
G06  66 cappella<tf/> male voice choir. Intended for liturgical use, these 
G06  67 are undistinguished pieces, contrapuntally sometimes gauche and 
G06  68 harmonically conventional, products of the synthetic fusion of the 
G06  69 Jewish melodic ductus with the idiom of the German Protestant 
G06  70 chorale. But to have one's compositions published at all, with the 
G06  71 blessing of one's ecclesiastical employers, represents in itself a 
G06  72 kind of vote of confidence, and the young Kurt grew up in the 
G06  73 knowledge that his father not only had a fine voice but could also 
G06  74 compose music.<p/>
G06  75 <p_>Albert Weill had married Emma Ackermann in 1897, when he was 
G06  76 thirty and she twenty-five. They had four children in successive 
G06  77 years - three sons and a daughter - all of whom made sound careers 
G06  78 for themselves: Nathan, born in 1898, became a doctor; Hanns Jakob, 
G06  79 born in 1899, went into the metal business; Kurt arrived in 1900, 
G06  80 and Ruth, who became a private schoolteacher, in 1901.<p/>
G06  81 <p_>Emma Weill came from a family as pious and intellectual as her 
G06  82 husband's. In particular, her brother Rabbi Aaron Ackermann, also a 
G06  83 composer of synagogue songs, had become by the turn of the century 
G06  84 a leading authority on the music of the Jewish rite, ascribing to 
G06  85 this music, and indeed to all art, a metaphysical essence which led 
G06  86 to the heart of religion itself. This belief in the power of art, 
G06  87 especially of music, to raise the level of man's spiritual 
G06  88 awareness and complement the force of religion found its place in 
G06  89 Emma Weill's scheme of things, and had its part in the spiritual 
G06  90 and moral atmosphere which she helped to create around her 
G06  91 children. She was also a woman of firm conviction and principle. 
G06  92 Years later, Nathan Weill's wife characterised her 
G06  93 mother<?_>-<?/>in-law as <quote_>"seeing things as she wants to, 
G06  94 and of course what she thinks and does is always perfect and 
G06  95 right"<quote/>.<p/>
G06  96 <p_>In 1898, the year after his marriage, Albert Weill was 
G06  97 appointed cantor and schoolteacher to the Jewish community at 
G06  98 Dessau. Situated in flat pasture land on a bend of the River Mulde, 
G06  99 just before it joins the Elbe, Dessau could trace its origins back 
G06 100 to a time between 600 and 900 A.D., when Slavs settled the area 
G06 101 from the east. But its substantive history from the modern point of 
G06 102 view begins in the seventeenth century when the Dukes of Anhalt 
G06 103 made it their capital, building a splendid palace, laying out fine 
G06 104 streets and parks, and promoting the interests of culture and 
G06 105 education. Moses Mendelssohn, founder of the Enlightenment in 
G06 106 Germany, immortalised as the hero of Lessing's drama <tf_>Nathan 
G06 107 the Wise<tf/> was born here in 1729; so too was the Romantic poet 
G06 108 Wilhelm M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller in 1794, affectionately remembered 
G06 109 today as the poet of Schubert's <tf|>Winterreise and <tf_>Die 
G06 110 sch<*_>o-umlaut<*/>ne M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>llerin<tf/>.<p/>
G06 111 <p_>Favoured as the town was by its position on the railway line 
G06 112 from Berlin to Leipzig and by the proximity of the Elbe, one of the 
G06 113 great water<?_>-<?/>ways of Europe, the nineteenth century brought 
G06 114 steadily-accelerating industrialisation, from textiles and rolling 
G06 115 stock, to breweries and a sugar refinery. Hand-in-hand with 
G06 116 industrialisation went a dramatic rise in population - 14,000 in 
G06 117 1850, 27,000 in 1880, 50,000 in 1900, by faith overwhelmingly 
G06 118 Protestant - and a blossoming cultural life.<p/>
G06 119 <p_>On their arrival in Dessau, the Weills moved into an apartment 
G06 120 in a three-storey house at Leipziger Strasse 59. The Leipziger 
G06 121 Strasse lay in the south of the Jewish quarter and led in one 
G06 122 direction to the Jewish cemetery at the southern end of the town 
G06 123 and, in the other towards the synagogue, the Jewish school and the 
G06 124 main concentration of the Jewish population. Unlike Prague, 
G06 125 Frankfurt, Mainz and many other German cities, Dessau had no 
G06 126 ghetto, but over the centuries the Jews had collected in this part 
G06 127 of the town with the consent, and under the direct protection, of 
G06 128 the ruling Dukes, who, by the standards of the time, ranked among 
G06 129 the more progressive of rulers.<p/>
G06 130 <p_>Leipziger Strasse 59 is no more. Like its neighbours it 
G06 131 survived the bombs of the Second World War but not the dogged 
G06 132 determination of post-war planners to flatten all the buildings in 
G06 133 the area and erect soulless, prefabricated housing in their place. 
G06 134 Indeed, the whole once-proud thoroughfare that was the Leipziger 
G06 135 Strasse, designed by Duke Leopold I in the seventeenth century, has 
G06 136 been reduced to a few pointless yards of cobblestones leading from 
G06 137 nowhere to nowhere - more precisely, from the middle of a housing 
G06 138 estate to the backyard of an engineering works.<p/>
G06 139 <p_>At the turn of the century, the time when Albert Weill took up 
G06 140 his new post in Dessau and his third son, Kurt, was born, the town 
G06 141 had a Jewish population of some five hundred. The Jews had first 
G06 142 been admitted to the town in 1672, and in 1687 they received 
G06 143 permission to build a synagogue and establish their own cemetery. 
G06 144 The Age of Enlightenment brought Jew and Gentile closer together 
G06 145 through a shared spirit of rational enquiry and the common pursuit 
G06 146 of humanistic values. However, it was not until 1848, the year of 
G06 147 European revolutions, that the Jews of Anhalt-Dessau received their 
G06 148 full political, social and educational rights as 'emancipated' 
G06 149 citizens. No longer under pressure to defend their embattled 
G06 150 minorities, wealthy Jews showed their willingness to contribute to 
G06 151 the welfare of the community in general. The criticism from 
G06 152 conservative quarters that this compromised traditional Jewish 
G06 153 values was countered by the predication of Judaism as a rationalist 
G06 154 religion compatible with the moral precepts of Christianity.<p/>
G06 155 <p_>In the inevitable dichotomy between the custodians of orthodoxy 
G06 156 and the forces of reform Dessau was in the vanguard of the movement 
G06 157 towards secularisation and assimilation. In 1808 its synagogue had 
G06 158 been the first in Germany where sermons were delivered in the 
G06 159 vernacular. After 1848 the Jewish children who had hitherto 
G06 160 followed their own educational path now took their place on the 
G06 161 school benches alongside their Gentile fellows. By the end of the 
G06 162 nineteenth century the liberalism of the Dukes and the 
G06 163 reform-conscious development of the Jewish community had brought 
G06 164 about a happy <tf_>modus vivendi<tf/>, and the new thirty-year-old 
G06 165 Cantor Albert Weill, with his young wife and the first of his 
G06 166 children, found himself in settled circumstances. A triumphant 
G06 167 occasion to celebrate this sense of well-being was the dedication a 
G06 168 few years later of a magnificent new synagogue, with an adjoining 
G06 169 building to house administrative offices, educational facilities 
G06 170 and accomodation for the cantor and his family.<p/>
G06 171 <p_>The money for this cultural centre came from a 
G06 172 five-million-mark legacy to the Jewish community from Baroness 
G06 173 Julie von Cohn-Oppenheim, daughter of Baron Moritz von Cohn - court 
G06 174 banker to Kaiser Wilhelm I - and heir to the family banking firm in 
G06 175 Dessau. The Baroness died in 1903, having stipulated in her will 
G06 176 that the legacy be used for the furtherance of religious activities 
G06 177 and education and for the foundation of charitable institutions to 
G06 178 benefit not only the Jewish congregation but also the people of 
G06 179 Dessau as a whole.<p/>
G06 180 <p_>Standing on a prominent thoroughfare, close to its predecessor 
G06 181 and to the Jewish school where Albert Weill taught, the new 
G06 182 synagogue was built in an eclectic Romanesque style, with a great 
G06 183 central dome and an opulent interior which included a large organ. 
G06 184 Its ceremonial dedication in February 1908 was led by Duke 
G06 185 Friedrich II of Anhalt and brought all the local dignitaries to its 
G06 186 doors - civic pride was openly shown to transcend religious 
G06 187 differences. Cantor Weill, a neat, stocky figure with a clipped, 
G06 188 dark beard, led the first part of the service, singing the 
G06 189 antiphonal responses with the choir, while his wife, with the 
G06 190 seven-year-old Kurt, his two brothers and his sister, watched from 
G06 191 their pew in the gallery.<p/>
G06 192 <p_>Like synagogues and Jewish property all over Germany, the 
G06 193 building was set on fire and plundered in the orgy of persecution 
G06 194 and destruction unleashed by the Nazis in the night of November 9, 
G06 195 1938, the so-called <foreign|>Reichskristallnacht. It was struck by 
G06 196 bombs in the air-raid of March 7, 1945, the darkest hour in 
G06 197 Dessau's seven-hundred-year history, and the ruins were removed in 
G06 198 the 1960s. A grassy area now covers the site, marked by a stone 
G06 199 column in memory of the murdered Jews of the town and the place 
G06 200 where they worshipped. One house nearby, close to the site of the 
G06 201 old nineteenth-century synagogue, miraculously survived the Second 
G06 202 World War and bears commemorative plaques to the town's two most 
G06 203 famous Jewish sons - Moses Mendelssohn and Kurt Weill.
G06 204 
G07   1 <#FLOB:G07\><h|>1
G07   2 <p_>Sitting next to Somerset Maugham at a luncheon one day in the 
G07   3 'fifties, at the house of Lady Headfort, the famous ex-Gaiety Girl, 
G07   4 I asked him if he had felt no guilt at using the real lives of the 
G07   5 young men and women he had met in Malaya in such detail that they 
G07   6 were easily recognisable. In particular I asked him about the 
G07   7 heroine of his play <tf_>The Letter<tf/> who had shot her lover six 
G07   8 times, and whose great<?_>-<?/>nephew and niece I had taught in the 
G07   9 jungle when I was sixteen.<p/>
G07  10 <p_><quote_>"You hurt a great many people,"<quote/> I said.<p/>
G07  11 <p_>Maugham, looking like a bull frog with his mottled leathery 
G07  12 skin, turned down mouth and squat body, replied, <quote_>"My dear 
G07  13 Mrs Denison, art is more important than life."<quote/><p/>
G07  14 <p_>I was too much in awe of him to make a reply.<p/>
G07  15 <p_>If I am ever going to write down how life and art have used me, 
G07  16 now seems the time to do it.<p/>
G07  17 <p_>I have been married to Michael Denison for over fifty years and 
G07  18 have enjoyed it enormously.<p/>
G07  19 <p_>The wedding was in April 1939 and just over a week later, on 
G07  20 May 8th, I started on the stage as a professional actress. We also 
G07  21 started our joint career on that date, playing Simon and Sorel in 
G07  22 No<*_>e-umlaut<*/>l Coward's <tf_>Hay Fever<tf/>, at His Majesty's 
G07  23 Theatre, Aberdeen. Stewart Granger was our leading man, and his 
G07  24 first wife Elspeth March was our leading lady. I remember that 
G07  25 first night vividly, and the smell of the floor polish in that 
G07  26 clean and lovely theatre is still strong in my nose.<p/>
G07  27 <p_>I can also remember Kuala Lumpur as a country town, and 
G07  28 Wallingford (then in Berkshire, now in Oxfordshire) with 4,000 
G07  29 inhabitants, and a working flour mill in the High Street. Women 
G07  30 wore hats and gloves to go out of the house. Little middle-class 
G07  31 girls in private schools wore liberty bodices and straw hats with 
G07  32 streamers in the summer - summers that were so hot that sunstroke 
G07  33 was not unknown. Men raised their hats to women, opened doors for 
G07  34 them, offered them their seats in buses and trains and stood when 
G07  35 they came into a room.<p/>
G07  36 <p_>As a child I caught tiddlers in the Thames with a little white 
G07  37 net and put them in jam jars. Children could play all day in the 
G07  38 fields and woods, with no fear of rape or abduction. I collected 
G07  39 birds' eggs (I shudder at the thought now), and butterflies (worse) 
G07  40 and treacled for moths (horrible). I also collected live snails and 
G07  41 let them loose in the school cloakroom because I loved the 
G07  42 multicoloured trails they left behind them. Poppies stained the 
G07  43 yellow cornfields with scarlet, and when the corn was reaped it was 
G07  44 made into stooks which looked like tiny wigwams.<p/>
G07  45 <p_>My mother and father were married in 1910 at St Mary Abbot's 
G07  46 Church, Kensington. In a contemporary newspaper cutting, he was 
G07  47 described as <quote_>"Mr Arnold Savage Bailey, Solicitor, London, 
G07  48 and Advocate and Solicitor of the Straits Settlements, youngest son 
G07  49 of the late Mr Alfred Bailey, Barrister-at-Law, and grandson of the 
G07  50 late Mr Edward Savage Bailey, President of the Incorporated Law 
G07  51 Society"<quote/>, and she as <quote_>"Miss Kate Edith Clulow Gray, 
G07  52 youngest daughter of the late Mr Samuel Gray, Solicitor, and 
G07  53 granddaughter of the late John Clulow, Solicitor to the War 
G07  54 Office"<quote/> - a plethora of lawyers! She wore a <quote_>"gown 
G07  55 of ivory cr<*_>e-circ<*/>pe-de-chine and a court train of ivory 
G07  56 moir<*_>e-acute<*/> lined with chiffon, caught at the waist and 
G07  57 shoulders with true lover's knots"<quote/>. Her veil was 
G07  58 <quote_>"lent by Mrs Burt"<quote/> whoever she may have been, and 
G07  59 it covered a wreath of white heather. There were eight bridesmaids 
G07  60 wearing <quote_>"dresses of ivory satin and large black crinoline 
G07  61 hats, wreathed in purple heather and coloured tulle"<quote/>. Miss 
G07  62 Kathleen Clulow Gray, described as my mother's 'niece', was the 
G07  63 train bearer, which comes as a surprise to the present generation 
G07  64 of our family, as none of us have ever heard of her.<p/>
G07  65 <p_>My mother and father had their honeymoon in Cornwall and set 
G07  66 sail for Malaya where they lived until their deaths.<p/>
G07  67 <p_>Not long ago I was given a silver dressing-table set which 
G07  68 belonged to my great-grandmother, and was told that she and my 
G07  69 great-grandfather, Mr Edward Savage Bailey (President of the Law 
G07  70 Society), spent their whole marriage in a m<*_>e-acute<*/>nage 
G07  71 <*_>a-grave<*/> trois with a <quote_>"foreign Count"<quote/>. There 
G07  72 were seventeen children (my grandmother was the eldest) and when 
G07  73 Edward died, her lover (?), his lover (?) gave her the set 
G07  74 inscribed with her name - Ellen. Were some of the children his? All 
G07  75 of them? And how in Edward's position in Victoria's reign was such 
G07  76 a thing tolerated in society?<p/>
G07  77 <p_>By the time I was born my father had his own firm, Bannon and 
G07  78 Bailey, and had left Singapore to live in the Ampang Road in Kuala 
G07  79 Lumpur.<p/>
G07  80 <p_>I was the youngest child and, until I was taken back to England 
G07  81 to go to boarding school, I didn't meet my brother and sister. They 
G07  82 had already been sent 'home' to stay with our Bailey grandmother as 
G07  83 Malaya's heat and humidity were considered bad for European 
G07  84 children. My actual birthplace I am told was the Police Officers' 
G07  85 Mess in Venning Road, Kuala Lumpur and the time midnight. Perhaps 
G07  86 my parents were at a dance there. What an inconvenience for them if 
G07  87 so! But then my birth must have been an inconvenience anyway, as 
G07  88 Michael met a woman soon after we were married who was astounded 
G07  89 that I was alive and well, because my mother was so reluctant to 
G07  90 have me that she was high diving almost until the day of my 
G07  91 arrival.<p/>
G07  92 <p_>In an interview for one of the tabloid newspapers lately, I 
G07  93 described my mother as unmaternal, and this was translated into 
G07  94 unloving, which was not true. I am quite certain that she loved me 
G07  95 dearly; in fact the certainty that I had her affection gave me 
G07  96 security throughout the years of my childhood without her, and 
G07  97 still gives me an inner optimism.<p/>
G07  98 <p_>When she was quite young her mother divorced her father and 
G07  99 married a rich Dutchman called Van Lorn. It was sensational to have 
G07 100 a divorce in the family in those days. Somewhere in her childhood 
G07 101 she learned not only to become an excellent horsewoman, but how to 
G07 102 crack a stock whip, throw a lariat and whistle more beautifully 
G07 103 than anyone I have ever heard. She was mad on amateur theatricals. 
G07 104 Later she studied painting under the great Tonks at the Slade, 
G07 105 wearing bloomers and her long chestnut hair down to her waist. 
G07 106 (Augustus John was briefly enamoured.) She was extremely clever and 
G07 107 spoke several languages fluently.<p/>
G07 108 <p_>She had a lovely and distinctive handwriting and indeed quite 
G07 109 exquisite hands. Later in life she wore a monocle, lace ruffles at 
G07 110 the throat and wrists of silk dresses she often made for herself, 
G07 111 and special mannish felt hats from Lock's. She told us that she was 
G07 112 the third Girl Guide - Sir Robert Baden-Powell's sister was the 
G07 113 first, a Mrs Jansen-Potts the second and my mother the third. When 
G07 114 Sir Robert married, his wife became the first and my mother was 
G07 115 demoted. She <quote_>"left the movement"<quote/>.<p/>
G07 116 <p_>My father was small, precise, conventional and always 
G07 117 beautifully dressed. The attraction of opposites, it seems. Compton 
G07 118 Mackenzie recognised me as my father's daughter sixty years after 
G07 119 they had been to school together at St Paul's, although I was 
G07 120 introduced as Dulcie Gray. <quote_>"The same tiny eyes. The same 
G07 121 wide smile,"<quote/> he said. I never had the feeling that my 
G07 122 father had much affection for me, but my mother certainly loved 
G07 123 him. Every morning as he left for the office, she gave him a 
G07 124 buttonhole of the violets she had grown specially for him.<p/>
G07 125 <p_>I remember very little about my first few years in Malaya. I 
G07 126 had a half-Indian nanny called Nanny Ghouse whom I met again years 
G07 127 later when I was acting in Kuala Lumpur for the British Council. 
G07 128 Every morning she used to take me to the large grass lawn called 
G07 129 the 'padang' to play with the other white children in front of the 
G07 130 Tudor-style Selangor Club called the Spotted Dog. Every morning I 
G07 131 demanded to kiss <quote_>"itou black Uncle"<quote/> which was a 
G07 132 darkish green marble bust of Edward VII standing on a plinth 
G07 133 outside the rose-coloured, exuberantly ornate Federal Buildings - 
G07 134 the Malayan Parliament. I remember being a bridesmaid dressed in a 
G07 135 white chiffon dress embroidered with 'pearls' which had a 
G07 136 cross-over bodice, and I wore a sort of white doily on my head, 
G07 137 also edged with 'pearls'. I fought the page for my fair share of 
G07 138 the train, and the bride's dog tried to join in. I went as a 
G07 139 rose-bud to a children's fancy dress party, and for some while was 
G07 140 so ill that I was expected to die, although I remember nothing of 
G07 141 this last at all.<p/>
G07 142 <p_>When I was three and a half, my parents took me to England on a 
G07 143 Japanese ship. Ironically, in view of what was to happen to her, my 
G07 144 mother loved everything Japanese and for some odd reason detested 
G07 145 the Chinese. The journey took three weeks. I don't remember my 
G07 146 father on the trip, only the Japanese captain and crew, an English 
G07 147 bully boy, and my mother.<p/>
G07 148 <p_>The first meeting with my brother and sister didn't go quite as 
G07 149 planned. To my great excitement, an operation had been performed on 
G07 150 a passenger during the voyage and while my siblings were away for a 
G07 151 few moments I cut open Roger's golliwog, stuffed it with grass, and 
G07 152 then had no means of sewing it up. A fierce fight ensued.<p/>
G07 153 <p_>Little Gran, as Granny Bailey was called, was tiny. She wore a 
G07 154 lace cap and carried a silver-topped cane. She was very interested 
G07 155 in Froebel education and her daughter Dorothy - Auntie D - had been 
G07 156 trained as a Froebel teacher. She ran a school at my grandmother's 
G07 157 house, 79 Onslow Road, Richmond, Surrey, and was never allowed to 
G07 158 marry, as being the only girl with six brothers she was supposed to 
G07 159 look after Granny, and Granny lived until she was eighty-four. 
G07 160 Auntie D also had tiny eyes and a wide smile! And a round pretty 
G07 161 face.<p/>
G07 162 <p_>It was summer in England and our reunited family went down to 
G07 163 Cooden for a holiday with Mummy's brother, his wife and our two 
G07 164 girl cousins. The older children caught butterflies from a buddleia 
G07 165 bush and put them into 'stink bottles'. Seeing their beautiful 
G07 166 wings flapping more and more feebly until they died made me feel 
G07 167 ill with horror, and a passionate love for British butterflies was 
G07 168 born.<p/>
G07 169 <h|>2
G07 170 <p_>I suppose my father came with my mother to leave me at St 
G07 171 Anthony's, the kindergarten in Wallingford where I was to spend the 
G07 172 next eight years, but if so once again I was unaware. It was a 
G07 173 bitterly cold day and I remember it as snowing. Perhaps I went to 
G07 174 school late that term, as it certainly wouldn't have been snowing 
G07 175 in September. It must have been cold though, because I was dressed 
G07 176 in a white fur coat and hat and long grey gaiters to just above my 
G07 177 knee. I had a white fur coat and hat and long grey gaiters to just 
G07 178 above my knee. I had a white fur muff on a cord round my neck, and 
G07 179 carried a small silver knife and fork, which I still have. The furs 
G07 180 I never saw again.<p/>
G07 181 <p_>The school stood in the middle of Wallingford High Street; a 
G07 182 pleasant whitewashed, three-storeyed Georgian house with green 
G07 183 shutters and a green front door. My mother told me to ring the bell 
G07 184 while she paid the cab, but I couldn't reach it. It was the only 
G07 185 time I was to use that entrance. All pupils went in by a side door 
G07 186 which led down a passage into a courtyard between the main building 
G07 187 and a pretty little redbrick house. At the far end of a redbrick 
G07 188 garden path was another charming old redbrick house with a green 
G07 189 dovecot which housed a pair of white doves.
G07 190 
G08   1 <#FLOB:G08\><h_><p_>Blessed is the womb<p/><h/>
G08   2 <p_>In the early summer of 1585, a short time after celebrating his 
G08   3 twenty-first birthday, William Shakespeare left home. Forsaking his 
G08   4 wife and young family - or so his wife Anne felt - Shakespeare was 
G08   5 quitting the crowded provincial home in Henley Street where they 
G08   6 had been living with his parents and brothers. He might never 
G08   7 return.<p/>
G08   8 <p_>But Anne would be well provided for by her mother-in-law, while 
G08   9 not much more than a mile away, in Shottery, her brothers and 
G08  10 half-brothers (her father had died four years before) were as 
G08  11 concerned as ever for her safety and well-being. They had on a 
G08  12 previous occasion, in 1582, pledged large sums - half the value of 
G08  13 a fair-sized property - as surety when their twenty-six-year-old 
G08  14 kinswoman was betrothed to the eighteen-year-old Stratford yeoman's 
G08  15 son who had made her pregnant. Now, while he was away, they would 
G08  16 guard her progeny as well as her honour.<p/>
G08  17 <p_>The eldest son of Mary and John Shakespeare had a highly 
G08  18 complicated nature. William had many feminine traits which had not, 
G08  19 unusually at that time in a young man's upbringing, been 
G08  20 suppressed. Having borne and lost two daughters before he was 
G08  21 conceived, his mother Mary had in large part expected - dreaded as 
G08  22 well as hoped - that her third child would be a girl. Like Henry 
G08  23 VIII, John Shakespeare, a glover, having fathered two female 
G08  24 offspring, was impatient for a male heir. William at his birth was 
G08  25 acclaimed and embraced by his father, while his mother wished on 
G08  26 him a residue of the guilt, grief and longing she felt for her lost 
G08  27 daughters. These feelings became powerfully and unconsciously 
G08  28 embedded in his nature: no wonder that later the poet will cry for 
G08  29 lost children, at the very end for lost daughters. Each time his 
G08  30 mother was pregnant again, on some five occasions at least after 
G08  31 his own birth, the son had strongly identified with her, almost as 
G08  32 if the child were his own.<p/>
G08  33 <p_>His father, on the other hand, vigilant for signs of effeminacy 
G08  34 in his son, had applauded every manifestation in William of 
G08  35 aggressive, competitive behaviour; masculine drive, warlike vigour; 
G08  36 cynicism and cruelty bred of the extremes of success and failure. 
G08  37 Until he was twelve years old William did not experience directly 
G08  38 any of the pain and woe of the decline in his family's fortunes, 
G08  39 but he had seen and heard their effects; had seen his mother's 
G08  40 modest inheritance whittled away by his father's prodigal behaviour 
G08  41 and his reckless transactions, however often these stemmed from a 
G08  42 good and helpful nature. Dwarfed by his father's overreaching, 
G08  43 William had stood often in his shadow, observing his effect on 
G08  44 others, especially on his mother.<p/>
G08  45 <p_>The family was reduced to the status of outcasts, although not 
G08  46 forced from the Henley Street home, and William, at twelve or 
G08  47 thirteen the eldest son, had placed on him an even heavier burden 
G08  48 of expectation than before: to recoup the family's wealth and 
G08  49 restore its broken honour. So when, after a three or four years' 
G08  50 absence from home, this warm-blooded and lusty <quote_>"mother's 
G08  51 glass"<quote/> (in the words of Sonnet 3), who called back for his 
G08  52 father the lovely April of his Mary's prime, had responded to that 
G08  53 father's desperate need for help by getting big with child the 
G08  54 daughter of their old friend and neighbour Richard Hathaway, John 
G08  55 Shakespeare saw it as an act of betrayal. Once when he was in debt 
G08  56 John Shakespeare had shored up that same Hathaway; now, considering 
G08  57 Anne's advanced age, what William had done seemed a further and 
G08  58 unnecessary deed of charity.<p/>
G08  59 <p_>Crushed by the growth in his father of a dangerous, 
G08  60 self-pitying invective, by his mother's silent reproaches, 
G08  61 William's nature had become rawly exposed. A <quote_>"sensual 
G08  62 fault"<quote/> had ambushed his young days, and he was suddenly and 
G08  63 overwhelmingly <quote_>"shamed by that which I bring 
G08  64 forth"<quote/>. In the extreme sensitivity to guilt which had been 
G08  65 awoken, he saw his mother's virtue <quote_>"rudely 
G08  66 strumpeted"<quote/>, for which he took the blame.<p/>
G08  67 <p_>Guilt from this first pregnancy had stuck to William 
G08  68 Shakespeare, although he tried later and unceasingly to detach it 
G08  69 from him, or dissolve it. It was as well he did not manage this, 
G08  70 even when, twenty years later, he wrote <tf_>Measure for 
G08  71 Measure<tf/>, in which he was able to tackle the premature 
G08  72 pregnancy head-on. Denied, or perhaps ultimately uninterested in, 
G08  73 confession to a priest, he came over the years to turn his plays 
G08  74 into secret and disguised confessionals, in which he could play 
G08  75 both confessor and penitent. In <tf_>Measure for Measure<tf/> he 
G08  76 could play the Duke, the <quote_>"great member"<quote/>, whose 
G08  77 phallic justice is shown at the end of the play as re-entering the 
G08  78 female city of Vienna with the power of vaginal penetration. He 
G08  79 could play the fornicator Claudio, encountering darkness as a 
G08  80 bride; and the puritan hypocrite Angelo, unshaped and rendered 
G08  81 <quote|>"unpregnant" by the act of copulation. He could play 
G08  82 Isabella, owner of herself, paragon of virtue, who will not 
G08  83 compromise with Angelo's pent-up lust even to save her brother's 
G08  84 life.<p/>
G08  85 <p_>But joy mingled with shame in Shakespeare's dual nature. He 
G08  86 could live simultaneously at both ends of the same experience. 
G08  87 Anne's first pregnancy and the birth of their daughter Susanna had 
G08  88 been joyful, too: he had found self-approval in being a husband, 
G08  89 with a wife and child. For Shakespeare, women were absolutes, like 
G08  90 elements in nature: revealed or hidden, forward or retiring, their 
G08  91 natures might be evil or good, but still were absolutes. It was men 
G08  92 who changed. And best men were moulded out of faults. With Anne a 
G08  93 nursing mother for the first three years of their marriage 
G08  94 Shakespeare had felt secure, as the childhood feelings he had had 
G08  95 about his mother's pregnancies were reawakened. Anne was nurtured 
G08  96 and protected by both Shakespeare and his mother as few women were 
G08  97 in Elizabethan times.<p/>
G08  98 <p_>Even before he was aware of its creative implications, 
G08  99 Shakespeare had absorbed the whole mythology, as well as practical 
G08 100 aspects, of child-bearing. He suffered from womb-envy to some 
G08 101 degree, and in his future writing there was always, underlying his 
G08 102 creative effort, a connection with the huge, physically creative 
G08 103 act of which he would never be capable. When in his later 
G08 104 self<?_>-<?/>projection as the Duke in <tf_>Measure for 
G08 105 Measure<tf/> he proposes to Isabella that she join his plan to 
G08 106 <quote|>"frame" Mariana in bed with Angelo, he thinks, 
G08 107 instinctively, in terms of conception and child-bearing. Will she 
G08 108 be able to <quote|>"carry" this, he asks Isabella. At the end of 
G08 109 the play the <quote|>"motion" the Duke has towards Isabella which 
G08 110 imports her good, so that <quote_>"What's mine is yours, and what 
G08 111 is yours is mine"<quote/>, is significantly sexual as well as 
G08 112 matrimonial.<p/>
G08 113 <p_>The medical terminology of the time linked the brain to the 
G08 114 womb: cavities in the brain were little wombs or bellies - 
G08 115 ventricles. For 'teeming' Renaissance minds it was natural to 
G08 116 relate the speculative enquiry as to man's nature to wider 
G08 117 religious accounts, notably that of Genesis, but also to stories of 
G08 118 the Hellenic gods, most spectacularly to the birth of Athene, 
G08 119 goddess of Wisdom, from the head of Zeus. Works of literature were 
G08 120 likened to newborn children, but with the difference that they were 
G08 121 born with the immediate power of speech. <quote_>"My brain I'll 
G08 122 prove the female to my soul"<quote/>, says Richard, son of the 
G08 123 Black Prince, conceiving his brain as a woman ready to receive 
G08 124 sperm in the act of coition.<p/>
G08 125 <p_>Shakespeare had encountered, during the first weeks of Anne's 
G08 126 pregnancy with first-born Susanna, intimations of all the future 
G08 127 black ink of shame and stress - as well as some relief at 
G08 128 authorizing his trespass. But he had also felt resentment at being 
G08 129 'hooked' by an older woman. With her second pregnancy the strong 
G08 130 emotions he had felt were doubled; the creative ventricles of his 
G08 131 brain had been stretched to bursting point. Yet as the belly of his 
G08 132 spouse swelled abnormally large with visible evidence of twins, 
G08 133 Shakespeare had also felt terror. Without modern medical knowledge 
G08 134 as reassurance, his apprehension at the prodigality of nature 
G08 135 deepened as the moment of birth approached.<p/>
G08 136 <p_>For each pregnancy there had been compensations. They had then 
G08 137 none of the puritan or later Victorian inhibitions about 
G08 138 intercourse during pregnancy, and this was a time when Anne's 
G08 139 sexuality had matched her procreative energy - although she also 
G08 140 had a two-year-old tugging at her attention. In <tf_>The Winter's 
G08 141 Tale<tf/> Hermione's pregnancy is to her a source of acute erotic 
G08 142 sensation, into which Leontes' jealousy feeds. William had taken 
G08 143 great delight in Anne big-bellied, like a sail with the wanton 
G08 144 wind, both in bed and watching her <quote_>"rich with my young 
G08 145 squire"<quote/>, as she waddled about <quote_>"pretty and with 
G08 146 swimming gait"<quote/>. The seed-bed of his fancy was by now 
G08 147 thoroughly sown with wonder at the demesnes that lie adjacent to a 
G08 148 woman's <quote_>"white thighs"<quote/>. His adolescent feelings 
G08 149 would be perpetuated in fancies, thick and swarming with sexual 
G08 150 implication and ambiguity, when not with specific and concrete 
G08 151 images. Not by any means the first man to be so fascinated, 
G08 152 Shakespeare would never lose his near-obsession with woman's 
G08 153 procreative equipment.<p/>
G08 154 <p_>So besotted with creativity had he grown during Anne's second 
G08 155 pregnancy that, had anything gone wrong, it might seriously have 
G08 156 jeopardized, through shock, his whole future life. Even Mary Queen 
G08 157 of Scots, surrounded with the care and panoply of majesty, had 
G08 158 miscarried of twins when twenty-five. That the twins were not 
G08 159 untimely ripped by miscarriage from their mother's womb is evidence 
G08 160 both of Anne's strength and the security of the Stratford home. The 
G08 161 safe delivery of their twins was Anne's greatest gift to 
G08 162 Shakespeare's future fertility of wit: he came to impregnate his 
G08 163 own characters so that, themselves duplicating cells, they grew 
G08 164 autonomous in their power of augmentation, of hatching plots as 
G08 165 well as extending themselves through their own progeny.<p/>
G08 166 <p_><quote_>"My muse labours,/And thus she is delivered,"<quote/> 
G08 167 says Iago. <quote_>"'Tis very pregnant,"<quote/> says Angelo. 
G08 168 <quote_>"The jewel that we find, we stoop and take't."<quote/> 
G08 169 Shakespeare had not been disappointed. Childbirth was a rich 
G08 170 pleasure. He called what he considered his first major literary 
G08 171 effort, <tf_>Venus and Adonis<tf/>, the <quote_>"heir of my 
G08 172 invention"<quote/>. <quote_>"New plays and maidenheads are near 
G08 173 akin"<quote/>, was almost the last sentiment he uttered as a tired 
G08 174 and worn-out writer. After his death, when describing their 
G08 175 editorial function, his editors Heminges and Condell likened his 
G08 176 plays to orphans which they were offering to the reader 
G08 177 <quote_>"cured and perfect of their limbs as he conceived 
G08 178 them"<quote/>.<p/>
G08 179 <p_>The safe delivery of the twins was a miracle. And perhaps even 
G08 180 more extraordinary, on a par with the most unusual expression and 
G08 181 oddity of the Renaissance spirit, was the rare, baroque 
G08 182 differentiation in their sexuality. Similar though they were in 
G08 183 appearance: <quote_>"One face, one voice, one habit, and two 
G08 184 persons, / A natural perspective, that is and is not"<quote/>, they 
G08 185 bore different sexual organs. Here was the greatest paradox of all. 
G08 186 Within the astonishing similarity resided an even more startling 
G08 187 difference. <quote_>"How have you made division of 
G08 188 yourself?"<quote/> asks Antonio of Sebastian in <tf_>Twelfth 
G08 189 Night<tf/>. Close to his heart Shakespeare could nurture a living 
G08 190 contradiction: his twins Hamnet and Judith made him aware both of 
G08 191 the essential unity of nature, and yet how, with the addition or 
G08 192 subtraction of one feature, the nature of being could be 
G08 193 transformed into its opposite.<p/>
G08 194 <p_>But now, the sweetest consummation of his marriage over, 
G08 195 Shakespeare was called to the wars. <quote_>"No man's too good to 
G08 196 serve's prince,"<quote/> says Feeble in <tf_>Henry IV<tf/> Part 
G08 197 Two: <quote_>"he that dies this year is quit for the next."<quote/> 
G08 198 Shakespeare was levied to fight, and perhaps he might be looking to 
G08 199 make as many holes in the enemy's <quote|>"battle" as he had done 
G08 200 <quote_>"in a woman's petticoat"<quote/>.<p/>
G08 201 <h_><p_>Rage and swell<p/><h/>
G08 202 <p_><quote_>"I'm grateful for the fact that we know so little about 
G08 203 his life,"<quote/> says the director Jonathan Miller, who likens 
G08 204 knowing about Shakespeare to the situation of having the playwright 
G08 205 present at rehearsal: <quote_>"There is a certain sense where the 
G08 206 presence of the author is inhibitory:"<quote/> The novelist 
G08 207 Margaret Drabble calls the factual vacuum, the lack of 
G08 208 documentation, a need of the poet's: <quote_>"I feel he didn't want 
G08 209 one to know about him."<quote/>
G08 210 
G09   1 <#FLOB:G09\><h_><p_>SIXTEEN<p/>
G09   2 <p_>'Wild yet domestic': Wilkie's family mysteries<p/>
G09   3 <p_>(1867-1868)<p/><h/>
G09   4 <p_>In the summer of 1867 Wilkie's work was once more disrupted by 
G09   5 the urgent problem of finding somewhere to live. The lease on 
G09   6 Melcombe Place ran out at the end of July, and for a while it 
G09   7 seemed as though he would be turned out on the street. At the last 
G09   8 moment he signed a twenty-year lease with Lord Portman for a house 
G09   9 in Gloucester Place, parallel with Baker Street and just north of 
G09  10 Portman Square.<p/>
G09  11 <p_>Number 90 (now 65) Gloucester Place was a substantial terraced 
G09  12 house, five storeys high, with plenty of room for family, visitors 
G09  13 and servants. There was a dining-room on the ground floor, and the 
G09  14 room behind it was probably used as a family sitting-room, for 
G09  15 Wilkie took over the L-shaped double drawing-room on the first 
G09  16 floor as his study. He loved the large, airy rooms, though he still 
G09  17 found it difficult to avoid the business and noise of daily living, 
G09  18 and the intrusion on his working time of thoughtless visitors. But 
G09  19 it was a house for a man who had arrived and intended to settle, 
G09  20 not for one who was uncertain of his domestic arrangements.<p/>
G09  21 <p_>It was also expensive. However, the lease included stables in 
G09  22 the mews behind the houses, which Wilkie sublet for pounds40 a 
G09  23 year, a sizeable contribution to the rent of the house. (He was to 
G09  24 become extremely irascible about the difficulty of getting his 
G09  25 tenant to pay her rent). Through his solicitors, he raised a loan 
G09  26 of pounds800 to buy the lease, knowing that on his mother's death 
G09  27 he and Charley would inherit, in equal shares, the pounds5,000 left 
G09  28 to her by her aunt, even though, under their father's will, the 
G09  29 rest of their capital was still tied up.<p/>
G09  30 <p_>Twenty years later, when Wilkie was about to move out of 
G09  31 Gloucester Place, a visitor described it as dingy and cheerless, 
G09  32 with a cold hall and stone staircase. Most of his friends thought 
G09  33 it comfortable, even luxurious. Certainly Wilkie and Caroline 
G09  34 undertook thorough renovations when they moved in - though Wilkie 
G09  35 refused to have gas lighting, which he considered unhealthy. His 
G09  36 houses continued to be lit by wax candles. Wilkie complained as 
G09  37 usual about the slowness of the British workman, and took refuge 
G09  38 first with his mother, then at Woodlands, the Lehmann's country 
G09  39 house at Highgate. In September he reported sceptically, 
G09  40 <quote_>"The statement now is that they will be done in a week ... 
G09  41 Never mind. A certain necessary place has got the most lovely new 
G09  42 pan you ever saw. It's quite a luxury to look into it."<quote/><p/>
G09  43 <p_>Wilkie kept three servants at Gloucester Place. Though 
G09  44 naturally over the years individuals came and went, there seem 
G09  45 usually to have been two women and a man, or boy. He described them 
G09  46 in 1882 as a man, a plump parlourmaid and a small girl. During the 
G09  47 move his servants were <quote_>"models of human excellence"<quote/> 
G09  48 who worked hard and never grumbled: he gave the women a new gown 
G09  49 each.<p/>
G09  50 <p_>Wilkie also kept a dog. For many years this was his much-loved 
G09  51 Scotch terrier Tommy, who featured in a short story, 'My Lady's 
G09  52 Money' of 1878, in which he acts as a detective, helping to unravel 
G09  53 the mystery. When Tommy died at an advanced age Wilkie wrote to 
G09  54 A.P. Watt, <quote_>"I should not acknowledge to many people what I 
G09  55 have suffered during his last illness and death."<quote/> There was 
G09  56 usually a cat as well, and he tended to attract stray animals: 
G09  57 <quote_>"... A kitten who has drifted into the house ... is 
G09  58 galloping over my back and shoulder, which makes writing 
G09  59 difficult"<quote/>.<p/>
G09  60 <p_>The house was filled with books; the panelled walls were hung 
G09  61 with pictures. Wilkie and Charley divided their father's paintings 
G09  62 between them, and Jane Ward's daughter Margaret gave him the 
G09  63 portrait of Harriet as a young girl in a white dress, by Margaret 
G09  64 Carpenter. <quote_>"Still like you after all these years"<quote/>, 
G09  65 Wilkie told his mother. He hung the picture in his study, with a 
G09  66 portrait of his father and a painting of Sorrento by William 
G09  67 Collins, which hung to the left of the massive writing table which 
G09  68 had belonged to his father. Charley's portrait of Wilkie as a young 
G09  69 man and the one by Millais were also in this room, and an etching 
G09  70 of Dickens. His own Academy painting, 'The Smuggler's Retreat', 
G09  71 went in the dining-room.<p/>
G09  72 <p_>By the end of October the house was finished, and Wilkie and 
G09  73 Caroline gave a house-warming dinner, which was also a private 
G09  74 farewell to Dickens, about to leave for a reading tour of America. 
G09  75 It was the first of many dinner parties at Gloucester Place. Wilkie 
G09  76 took a personal interest in the cooking and preparation of the 
G09  77 meals, always preferring French food to the English habit of 
G09  78 enormous joints of meat and solid puddings. His experiments were 
G09  79 sometimes bizarre, even disastrous. On one occasion, he and Frank 
G09  80 Beard descended to the kitchen to concoct a 'Don Pedro pie', so 
G09  81 laden with garlic that it made them both ill. Wilkie was said to 
G09  82 keep a French cook; but the cook either lived out or was hired only 
G09  83 for special occasions, as at Harley Street. Probably, as Frederick 
G09  84 Lehmann suspected, Caroline did much of the day-to-day cooking.<p/>
G09  85 <p_>Wilkie was also one of the stewards at the enormous farewell 
G09  86 banquet for Dickens in November, held at the Freemasons' Hall. This 
G09  87 was a well-orchestrated and emotional occasion. Dickens had wavered 
G09  88 for months about touring America with his 'Readings'. He finally 
G09  89 decided to go, as Wilkie had privately believed all along he would. 
G09  90 There were 450 guests, all male, in the body of the hall, and a 
G09  91 hundred women in the purdah of the Ladies' Gallery, joined for 
G09  92 coffee by the men. Caroline, with Carrie, now nearly seventeen, 
G09  93 seems to have been among them. Wilkie wrote to the organizers twice 
G09  94 to make sure that his request for two ladies' tickets would be 
G09  95 met.<p/>
G09  96 <p_>Dickens left him shouldering a number of responsibilities. 
G09  97 <quote_>"I am finishing the 3rd act of the play - conducting All 
G09  98 the Year Round - and correcting The Moonstone for its first 
G09  99 appearance in London and New York ... my very minutes are 
G09 100 counted"<quote/>, Wilkie told Harriet at the end of November. The 
G09 101 play, <tf_>No Thoroughfare<tf/>, was adapted from the Christmas 
G09 102 number <tf_>All the Year Round<tf/> as a vehicle for Charles 
G09 103 Fechter and his leading lady Carlotta Leclercq. Wilkie and Dickens 
G09 104 had first seen Fechter when he was a successful romantic actor in 
G09 105 Paris. He created the part of Armand Duval in <tf_>La Dame aux 
G09 106 Cam<*_>e-acute<*/>lias<tf/>, a play then considered too shocking to 
G09 107 be licensed in London, and Wilkie saw him in that role. But Fechter 
G09 108 had ambitions to be a classical actor. In 1860 he came to London, 
G09 109 and began to play Shakespeare, in English. Against all expectations 
G09 110 he made a tremendous success as Hamlet, in spite of his corpulence, 
G09 111 his French accent and his startling blond wig. He was a 
G09 112 naturalistic actor of the French school that Dickens and Wilkie 
G09 113 much preferred to the old-fashioned English style. Reporting a 
G09 114 circus performance by monkeys, Wilkie considered, <quote_>"We shall 
G09 115 seem them in Shakespeare next - and why not? They can't be worse 
G09 116 than the human actors, and they <tf|>might be better."<quote/><p/>
G09 117 <p_>In his short career on the London stage - he went to America at 
G09 118 the end of 1869 - Fechter probably did more to change the style of 
G09 119 English acting than any other single actor at the time. Wilkie's 
G09 120 account of Fechter's preparation for <tf_>No Thoroughfare<tf/> 
G09 121 suggests he was a nineteenth-century forerunner of Method acting: 
G09 122 <quote_>"Fechter at once assumed the character of <tf|>Obenreizer 
G09 123 in private life ... The play was in his hands all day and at his 
G09 124 bedside all night."<quote/> His Hamlet, Dickens thought, was 
G09 125 <quote_>"by far the most coherent, consistent, and 
G09 126 intelligible"<quote/> he had ever seen. Another witness described 
G09 127 the characterization as <quote_>"a living human being ... Instead 
G09 128 of delivering his words as if they had been learned by heart, [he] 
G09 129 spoke them like an ordinary individual."<quote/> This, though it 
G09 130 hardly seems worth remarking on now, was a revolutionary approach 
G09 131 at the time. Wilkie gave a vivid impression of Fechter's 
G09 132 performance in his novel of 1872, <tf_>Poor Miss Finch<tf/>. Nugent 
G09 133 Dubourg is giving advice to Mr Finch on the reading of the scene 
G09 134 where Hamlet first encounters the Ghost:<p/>
G09 135 <p_><quote_>"What is Shakespeare before all things? True to nature; 
G09 136 always true to nature. What condition is Hamlet in when he is 
G09 137 expecting to see the Ghost: He is nervous, and he feels the cold. 
G09 138 Let him show it naturally; let him speak as any other man would 
G09 139 speak, under the circumstances. Look here! Quick and quiet - like 
G09 140 this. 'The air bites shrewdly' - there Hamlet stops and shivers - 
G09 141 pur-rer-rer! 'It is very cold.' That's the way to read 
G09 142 Shakespeare!"<quote/> (<tf_>Poor Miss Finch<tf/>, Vol.1, Chap. 23, 
G09 143 p. 289)<p/>
G09 144 <p_>Fechter and Wilkie had much in common. Fechter, like Wilkie, 
G09 145 loved good food and good company, but hated formality. He often 
G09 146 received guests at his house in St John's Wood in his dressing-gown 
G09 147 and slippers. The diners helped themselves, dined in their 
G09 148 shirt-sleeves, and went into the kitchen to help the cook when they 
G09 149 felt like it. Dogs were welcome; after-dinner entertainment was 
G09 150 provided in a delightfully informal way by the guests themselves. 
G09 151 But the dinners were prepared by the French cook Annette, who was, 
G09 152 in Wilkie's expert opinion, <quote_>"one of the finest artists that 
G09 153 ever handled a saucepan"<quote/>. She had to put up with some 
G09 154 eccentricity in her employer and his friends. On one occasion they 
G09 155 ordered a 'potato dinner' in six courses; on another the eight 
G09 156 courses consisted of nothing but eggs.<p/>
G09 157 <p_>But this Arcadian idyll fell apart, like everything in 
G09 158 Fechter's life. The culinary artist was dismissed in disgrace: 
G09 159 <quote_>"she has done all sorts of dreadful things"<quote/>, Wilkie 
G09 160 told Nina Lehmann, warning her not to employ her. <quote_>"I wish I 
G09 161 knew of another cook to recommend - but unless you will take 
G09 162 <tf|>me, I know of nobody. And ... my <tf|>style is expensive. I 
G09 163 look on meat simply as a material for sauces."<quote/> Fechter made 
G09 164 friends easily, but invariably quarrelled with all of them, as he 
G09 165 did with all his business associates. He was hopeless with money, 
G09 166 borrowing from one friend to lend to another, and Wilkie was 
G09 167 undoubtedly one of those caught up in Fechter's cycle of debt, 
G09 168 giving rather than receiving. Not only did he have a fearful 
G09 169 temper, but he was paranoid to the point of madness: <quote_>"... 
G09 170 when he once took offence, a lurking devil saturated his whole 
G09 171 being with the poison of unjust suspicion and inveterate 
G09 172 hatred"<quote/>. Wilkie seems to have been one of the few people 
G09 173 who remained friends with him to the end.<p/>
G09 174 <p_>As the villain Obenreizer in <tf_>No Thoroughfare<tf/>, Fechter 
G09 175 was at his best. The story, a hectic tale of mistaken identity, 
G09 176 jealousy and murder, worked better on the stage than in print. It 
G09 177 is full of stage 'business', more visual than verbal, with Swiss 
G09 178 settings that drew on Dickens' and Wilkie's memories of the journey 
G09 179 to Italy of 1853. The climax in particular, a <quote_>"wintry 
G09 180 flight and pursuit across the Alps"<quote/> in which the hero is 
G09 181 pushed over a precipice by Obenreizer but rescued by the heroism of 
G09 182 the girl who loves him, recalls the crossing of the Mer de Glace, 
G09 183 when Egg was nearly swept away by a block of stone rolling down the 
G09 184 mountainside.<p/>
G09 185 <p_>The play opened at the Adelphi Theatre on 26 December. Wilkie 
G09 186 gave a graphic account of Fechter's first-night nerves, confirmed 
G09 187 by others who were present. His stage fright was so acute that he 
G09 188 vomited continuously. Wilkie suggested a few drops of laudanum to 
G09 189 calm him. <quote_>"Unable to speak, Fechter answered by putting out 
G09 190 his tongue. The colour of it had turned, under the nervous terror 
G09 191 that possessed him, to the metallic blackness of the tongue of a 
G09 192 parrot."<quote/> His dresser hovered in the wings with a basin, but 
G09 193 once the curtain went up it was not needed: the play was a success 
G09 194 and Fechter triumphed.<p/>
G09 195 <p_><tf_>No Thoroughfare<tf/> ran in London for seven months before 
G09 196 going on tour.
G09 197 
G10   1 <#FLOB:G10><h_><p_>3<p/>
G10   2 <p_>Oxford Days<p/><h/>
G10   3 <p_>Bernard Berenson described visiting Ned Warren just a few 
G10   4 months after Ned had completed <tf_>A Tale of Pausanian Love<tf/>. 
G10   5 Ned lived at 31 Holywell Street which was just across from New 
G10   6 College. They had been together in Paris in the autumn of 1887 and 
G10   7 had roamed the galleries together. Berenson was introduced to the 
G10   8 literary lights among the students and commented that nothing 
G10   9 equalled Oxford and the men he looked upon: <quote_>"Take your best 
G10  10 and imagine it more refined, more intellectual, saner and you have 
G10  11 the English youth I meet."<quote/> Berenson's interest in the male 
G10  12 charms of Oxford was, however, quite different from that of his 
G10  13 friend Ned, and, in time, he objected to what he and his wife 
G10  14 referred to as <quote_>"the Brotherhood of Sodomites"<quote/>. B.B. 
G10  15 boasted that at the time he made <quote_>"homosexuals' mouths 
G10  16 water"<quote/>. He also appeared to be pleased that while at Oxford 
G10  17 he went out with a new acquaintance every afternoon. A dozen years 
G10  18 later, Berenson reflected on his brushes with sexual deviation, and 
G10  19 though he admitted <quote_>"a delight in the beauty of the male 
G10  20 that can seldom have been surpassed, and with an almost unfortunate 
G10  21 attractiveness for other men"<quote/>, he was categorical in that 
G10  22 <quote_>"I have not only never yielded to any temptations but have 
G10  23 deliberately not allowed temptations to come near me".<quote/> 
G10  24 According to his biographer, Meryle Secrest, Berenson had a 
G10  25 <quote_>"sqeamish dislike of what he would have considered a sexual 
G10  26 abnormality, as well as his fear of guilt by association"<quote/>. 
G10  27 Secrest says that homosexuality never attracted Berenson, and his 
G10  28 infatuations with attractive young women later in his life were 
G10  29 well known. However, Kenneth Clark maintained that he was always 
G10  30 terrified that people would accuse him of sodomy. Nothing could be 
G10  31 more damaging to his career.<p/>
G10  32 <p_>There was no doubt about the proclivities of Lionel Johnson who 
G10  33 was a friend of Warren and Berenson's. Johnson was seven years 
G10  34 younger than Warren and the son of Captain William Victor Johnson 
G10  35 of Broadstairs in Kent. He said of himself that he was the only 
G10  36 male member of his family who had not had military training, and 
G10  37 his brief life was both brilliant and tragic. Lionel Johnson 
G10  38 entered Winchester College when he was 13 and like Ned was 
G10  39 attracted to a variety of religious expressions: Anglicanism, 
G10  40 Buddhism and finally Catholicism. Santayana knew him well when he 
G10  41 had rooms at New College, overlooking Holywell Street where Warren 
G10  42 lived, and described him as <quote_>"a little fellow, pale, with 
G10  43 small sunken blinking eyes, a sensitive mouth, and lank pale brown 
G10  44 hair. His childlike figure was crowned by a smooth head, like a 
G10  45 large egg standing on its small end."<quote/><p/>
G10  46 <p_>Others were less generous. There are descriptions of Johnson 
G10  47 with permed hair and wearing face powder as well as girlish shoes 
G10  48 and blue silk stockings. He devoured books and while contemptuous 
G10  49 of his fellows at college was at the same time enamoured by the 
G10  50 beauty of some of them. Santayana said that Johnson lived on eggs 
G10  51 in the morning and nothing but tea and cigarettes during the rest 
G10  52 of the day. The tea was soon replaced by alcohol - a liking for 
G10  53 which he apparently first acquired at Winchester where he drank eau 
G10  54 de cologne to the amusement of his classmates. Johnson blamed his 
G10  55 alcoholism on a doctor who once prescribed a glass of whisky before 
G10  56 retiring to steady his nervous disposition. Towards the end of his 
G10  57 life in order to <quote_>"ensure the Bacchic haze that engulfed him 
G10  58 from the world,"<quote/> he was drinking two pints of whisky every 
G10  59 twenty-four hours. According to one account, Johnson's death at 35 
G10  60 was brought on from a fractured skull he suffered from falling off 
G10  61 a bar stool while eating a sandwich at the Green Dragon in 
G10  62 London.<p/>
G10  63 <p_>Berenson and Warren shared with Johnson a passion for the 
G10  64 writings of Walter Pater, the high priest of the Aesthetic 
G10  65 Movement. Johnson became quite close to Pater and he was one of 
G10  66 many young Oxford men who wished to model their lives on 
G10  67 <tf_>Marius the Epicurean<tf/>, the last of Pater's works. Warren 
G10  68 never directly acknowledged a debt to it, but Berenson's other 
G10  69 biographer, Ernest Samuels, says: <quote_>"It was probably 
G10  70 Bernard's reading of <tf|>Marius as much as any more prudential 
G10  71 motive that led him ... to take the first of his dramatic steps 
G10  72 toward his ambition of perfect culture."<quote/> Today, the book 
G10  73 appears indigestible with an impossible plot. It is the spiritual 
G10  74 odyssey of a Roman youth who seeks <quote_>"to meditate much on 
G10  75 visible objects ... on children at play in the morning, the trees 
G10  76 in early spring, on young animals, on the fashions and amusements 
G10  77 of young men; to keep ever by him if it were but a single choice 
G10  78 flower, a graceful animal, or a seashell as a token of the whole 
G10  79 kingdom of such things"<quote/>.<p/>
G10  80 <p_>Unfortunately for Berenson, Pater made himself unavailable for 
G10  81 any t<*_>e-circ<*/>te-<*_>a-grave<*/>-t<*_>e-circ<*/>te, and Ned, 
G10  82 not wishing to appear to be a devotee, made no effort to be 
G10  83 admitted to Pater's lectures. That not withstanding, both Berenson 
G10  84 and Warren were charged by his thinking and Pater's <tf|>Marius was 
G10  85 passed among most of their closest associates. It was a bond which 
G10  86 also united them to Oscar Wilde. Johnson was a more direct link to 
G10  87 Wilde for Berenson. At Winchester College, Lionel Johnson had come 
G10  88 to know his cousin Lord Alfred Douglas better and it was Johnson 
G10  89 who introduced Douglas to Wilde, a momentous act to say the least. 
G10  90 The introduction was later to have a great effect upon Johnson who 
G10  91 came to dislike Wilde. Secretly he dedicated his poem, <tf_>The 
G10  92 Destroyer of a Soul<tf/>, to Wilde. It is strong venom. The opening 
G10  93 line says: <quote_>"I hate you with a necessary hate"<quote/>, and 
G10  94 goes on further to proclaim: <quote_>"You, whom I cannot cease/ 
G10  95 With pure and perfect hate to hate..."<quote/> Nothing else is 
G10  96 known of the circumstances of the poem.<p/>
G10  97 <p_>Berenson met Wilde at his house in Tite Street and enjoyed 
G10  98 <quote_>"immortal Oscar's outrageous wit"<quote/> but, according to 
G10  99 Ernest Samuels, he also <quote_>"prudently resisted Wilde's 
G10 100 advances"<quote/>, an attitude which led Wilde to exclaim that 
G10 101 Berenson was <quote_>"completely without feeling"<quote/> and 
G10 102 <quote_>"made of stone"<quote/>. Berenson remained in touch with 
G10 103 Wilde throughout the sensational trial of 1895 and afterwards 
G10 104 during Wilde's imprisonment in Reading gaol. Despite John 
G10 105 Fothergill's close relationship with Wilde, and the fact that 
G10 106 Fothergill often referred to Warren's acquaintance with Wilde, 
G10 107 Warren only mentioned Wilde once in his memoirs: when he saw Wilde 
G10 108 in New York during a lecture tour.<p/>
G10 109 <p_>Similarly, Warren only wrote about Johnson in a detached 
G10 110 manner. When he was writing <tf_>The Beardsley Period<tf/>, Osbert 
G10 111 Burdett asked Warren to supply a sketch of Johnson. Warren 
G10 112 concentrated on Johnson's love of controversy: <quote_>"His points 
G10 113 of opposition were well taken, but they were taken for the sake of 
G10 114 opposition ... When he had made, or was about to make, his 
G10 115 submission to the Latin Church, he informed me that this action was 
G10 116 'wholly for purposes of controversy' ... I liked Johnson. I thought 
G10 117 him a good critic and a discriminating controversalist. I could not 
G10 118 find that he revered truth."<quote/><p/>
G10 119 <p_>Johnson was not easy to know, as one of his few close friends, 
G10 120 Frank Russell, related: <quote_>"Friendship with Lionel Johnson in 
G10 121 any ordinary personal sense was not an easy thing: he was aloof and 
G10 122 detached and apt to suggest an Epicurean god rather than a human 
G10 123 being. He didn't want to be like this; he passionately loved his 
G10 124 fellow creatures in theory, but he found it difficult in the 
G10 125 flesh."<quote/><p/>
G10 126 <p_>There was more than a bit of Johnson in Warren, but Warren was 
G10 127 too restrained to be in danger of going down the path of inner 
G10 128 destruction. By the end of his brief life, Johnson had left an 
G10 129 extraordinary body of literature: hundreds of poems evoking a 
G10 130 remarkable transcendentalism. But as Santayana said: 
G10 131 <quote_>"Lionel Johnson lived only in his upper storey, in a loggia 
G10 132 open to the sky; and he forgot that he had climbed there up a long 
G10 133 flight of flinty steps, and that his <tf|>campanile rested on the 
G10 134 vulgar earth."<quote/><p/>
G10 135 <p_>When only 20, Johnson wrote a poem for Warren, <tf|>Counsel. On 
G10 136 one level he had certainly entered Warren's psyche: <quote_>"Bring 
G10 137 not to her Golden lore of poetry: Not on those dark eyes confer 
G10 138 Glories of antiquity. What wouldest thou? She loves too much, To 
G10 139 feel the solemn touch of Plato's thought, that masters 
G10 140 thee."<quote/><p/>
G10 141 <p_>In his memoirs, Maurice Bowra, the classical scholar who later 
G10 142 became Warden of Wadham College, described the Classic course at 
G10 143 Oxford which Warren would have experienced. Bowra said that it was 
G10 144 <quote_>"a survival from the past when the study of Latin and Greek 
G10 145 were regarded as the base of all human education"<quote/>. That is 
G10 146 why its title was <tf_>Lieterae Humaniores<tf/>: Humane Letters. 
G10 147 Bowra explained what was expected of young men at New College:<p/>
G10 148 <p_><quote_>For his first five terms a student works for Classical 
G10 149 Moderations, or Mods, and this means that he studies Greek and 
G10 150 Latin literature in breadth and depth. For the next seven terms he 
G10 151 studies Greats, which is a combination of ancient history, both 
G10 152 Greek and Latin, with philosophy, both ancient, that is Plato and 
G10 153 Aristotle, and modern. It is thus an education in the study of 
G10 154 classical antiquity in a full sense ...  [The student] must have 
G10 155 enough command of the ancient languages to be able to read them in 
G10 156 bulk Dan to know what the texts mean.<quote/><p/>
G10 157 <p_>Ned was well prepared for this kind of study and his results in 
G10 158 Greek and Latin Literature in the Trinity Term of 1885 were 
G10 159 excellent. However, he only took a pass degree in 1888 and, 
G10 160 according to the official Oxford record, that was <quote_>"because 
G10 161 his sight failed him after Moderations, the first set of University 
G10 162 exams he took"<quote/>. Other records refer to Ned's having a 
G10 163 <quote_>"physical breakdown"<quote/> at this time. H.A.L. Fisher 
G10 164 spoke of it in those terms and exclaimed that with the breakdown 
G10 165 <quote_>"all chance of a First in Greats and a Fellowship 
G10 166 vanished"<quote/>. Writing in the <tf|>Bowdoin magazine, Charles 
G10 167 Calhoun suggested a psychosomatic origin for this and Ned's other 
G10 168 ailments. This view is supported by Sam and Cornelia's scepticism 
G10 169 about Ned's claims of ill health. Whatever the situation, by 1887 
G10 170 Ned's daily reading was reduced to four and a half hours.<p/>
G10 171 <p_>In his memoirs, it is Ned's contention that there had been no 
G10 172 reprieve from poor health between 1885 and 1894. At Lewes House, 
G10 173 Ned's health was continuously discussed. Mrs Kathleen Warner (still 
G10 174 alive in Lewes and once a kitchen maid at Lewes House) says Warren 
G10 175 suffered from pernicious anaemia and used to eat raw liver as a 
G10 176 cure. On several occasions she remembers a local doctor aggravating 
G10 177 his condition by applying leeches to Warren's neck. Warren wasn't 
G10 178 the only one inclined towards hypochondria at Lewes House. So also 
G10 179 was John Marshall - and his future wife, Mary Bliss. All three 
G10 180 tried a variety of cures at continental spas.<p/>
G10 181 <p_>John Davidson Beazley, who catalogued the superlative Lewes 
G10 182 House collection of ancient gems, was close to two other New 
G10 183 College men who knew Warren: Maurice Bowra and Harold Acton. 
G10 184 Beazley was devoted to Warren and tried hard to present his friend 
G10 185 as much as possible as a serious scholar: <quote_>"Warren loved 
G10 186 ancient Greece; and especially its earlier phase; that athletic, 
G10 187 aristocratic, and heroic age which became fully articulate, just at 
G10 188 its close, in Pindar and Aeschylus, in Critius and Myron. He was an 
G10 189 admirer of exact scholarship, and made light of his own attainments 
G10 190 in that respect."<quote/><p/>
G10 191 <p_>Beazley was too much of a gentleman to reveal that Warren's 
G10 192 endless translations of Greek and Latin verse and texts were 
G10 193 consigned to oblivion, ending up in his dust-filled cupboard at 
G10 194 Oxford, when he was Lincoln Professor of Classical Archaeology from 
G10 195 1925 to 1956. Subsequent holders of the chair (including Bernard 
G10 196 Ashmole who was close to both Marshall and Warren), left them 
G10 197 undisturbed in the same cupboard until, in the 1970s, Warren and 
G10 198 Marshall's personal papers were moved to the librarian's office at 
G10 199 the Ashmolean Museum. This is where I found them several years ago: 
G10 200 uncatalogued, unpaginated and unread.<p/>
G10 201 
G10 202 
G11   1 <#FLOB:G11\><h|>FAMILY
G11   2 <p_>MY FATHER'S FATHER was said to come from East Anglia, which at 
G11   3 one time I took to be some remote and savage mountain or desert 
G11   4 region. He was called officially Joseph James Amis, and in the 
G11   5 family circle, sometimes perhaps with a hint of satire, known as 
G11   6 Pater or Dadda. I can see him vividly as a small fat red-faced 
G11   7 fellow with starting moist eyes and a straggly moustache which has 
G11   8 confused itself in my mind with the 'Old Bill' style of the Great 
G11   9 War. His nose had strong purple tints and, something I took to be 
G11  10 unique to him, several isolated hairs an inch or two long sticking 
G11  11 out from it here and there. He laughed frequently, with a great 
G11  12 blaring or scraping sound of air blown through the back of the 
G11  13 nose, but I find it hard to remember him smiling. I have only 
G11  14 realised since preparing to write this how much I disliked and was 
G11  15 repelled by him. Actually I saw little of him except at Christmas 
G11  16 or an occasional birthday and that was quite enough for me. On one 
G11  17 of the former he managed to give my cousin John and me one and the 
G11  18 same tie as a present. A joke, possibly.<p/>
G11  19 <p_>He enjoyed eating out, with I suspect plenty to drink, and I 
G11  20 used to admire him, if for nothing else, for sticking his napkin in 
G11  21 the neck of his shirt, then thought a vulgarity. At these feasts he 
G11  22 was a great teller of jokes, typically without any preamble, to 
G11  23 trap you into thinking you were hearing about some real event. One 
G11  24 of these horrified me so much that I have never forgotten it. A 
G11  25 Scotsman (I was still so young I had not heard about Scotsmen being 
G11  26 supposed to be mean) took his wife out to dinner. Both ordered 
G11  27 steak. The wife started eating hers at top speed, but the man left 
G11  28 his untouched. <quote_>"Something wrong with the steak, 
G11  29 sir?"<quote/> - <quote_>"No no, I'm waiting for my wife's 
G11  30 teeth."<quote/> I had not then heard of false teeth either, and 
G11  31 imagined the living teeth being torn from the woman's jaws on the 
G11  32 spot and inserted into her husband's. Except in greeting I cannot 
G11  33 remember my grandfather addressing a word to me personally.<p/>
G11  34 <p_>His house and chattels were more prosperous than my own 
G11  35 parents'; they were situated at Purley in Surrey, quite a posh part 
G11  36 and then, say about 1930, semi-rural, though already, I think, 
G11  37 connected with London by the results of 'ribbon development'. It 
G11  38 was perhaps a half-hour bus-ride from our own place in Norbury, 
G11  39 S.W.16, half<?_>-<?/>way back towards London. The grandparental 
G11  40 mansion was called Barchester, but any Trollopean overtones must 
G11  41 have been in the mind of some previous owner. There were of course 
G11  42 servants, as in any even mildly prosperous middle-class household 
G11  43 of the time, but Mater (no feminine equivalent of Dadda for her) 
G11  44 was a careful manager, so much so as to be a source of 
G11  45 near-legend.<p/>
G11  46 <p_>It may or may not have been true, for instance, that she would 
G11  47 leave out two matches for the maids to light the gas in the 
G11  48 mornings: one match might plausibly break, so the reasoning was 
G11  49 imagined, while more than two would be an inducement to some sort 
G11  50 of pyrotechnic revel. To save lavatory paper, Mater would cut up 
G11  51 and hang up grocer's and similar bags on a hook, and one morning my 
G11  52 Uncle Pres claimed to have cut his bottom on the lingering remains 
G11  53 of an acid-drop, an incident taken up in one of my novels, the 
G11  54 artist not being an oath. Being unable to recall a single meal or 
G11  55 anything else eaten at Barchester, except at a Christmas or two, I 
G11  56 can believe that Mater avoided entertaining where possible.<p/>
G11  57 <p_>Dadda was a glass merchant or wholesaler, which meant he traded 
G11  58 in glass or glassware, the kind you drank out of or less commonly 
G11  59 ate off, and for years, my father told me, was doing well enough, 
G11  60 until he began to be hit by mass-production. Dadda had a big line 
G11  61 in unbreakable glass. This is or was of course not literally 
G11  62 unbreakable, just unusually tough, held together, somebody once 
G11  63 explained to me, by inner tension, and meant to survive, say, being 
G11  64 knocked off a table on to a carpeted floor. If too severely struck 
G11  65 it disintegrates in a flash, goes to powder rather than fragments, 
G11  66 implodes with a loud report. It was in keeping with Dadda's style 
G11  67 of not preluding his funny stories that he should have crept unseen 
G11  68 into the family drawing-room one evening with an 'unbreakable' 
G11  69 glass plate and, meaning doubtless no more than to cause a moment 
G11  70 of wondering surprise by bouncing it across the carpet, caused it 
G11  71 to burst in the fireplace like a hand-grenade thrown without 
G11  72 warning. The incident did not shake a jokey, excitable, silly 
G11  73 little man like him. Not long afterwards, holding up one of his 
G11  74 horrible amber-brown 'Jacobean' tumblers, he asked an important 
G11  75 American client if he would like to see something. When the man 
G11  76 said he would indeed, Dadda strode to the hearth and did his 
G11  77 hand-grenade act all over again. I like to think that this 
G11  78 demonstration did its tiny bit to bring on the decline of J. J. 
G11  79 Amis & Co. at the hands of Woolworth's.<p/>
G11  80 <p_>Dadda also figured in an attempt to obstruct or somehow muck up 
G11  81 the marriage of Gladys Amis, his daughter and my aunt, to a Harvard 
G11  82 professor named Ralph Foster, a distinguished scholar as I was 
G11  83 later led to believe. Precision is difficult after sixty years, but 
G11  84 my impression at the time was that the final attempt came on the 
G11  85 very eve of the ceremony and that it was Mater's idea rather than 
G11  86 Dadda's. I do remember that, summoned by Uncle Pres, my parents 
G11  87 took off grim-faced on the fatal evening to help to talk 
G11  88 Dadda/Mater out of their opposition. Since Gladys was over the age 
G11  89 of consent, indeed over twenty-one, Ralph free to marry, etc., the 
G11  90 old people could not have done much beyond acting like bloody pests 
G11  91 and spoiling everybody's fun, but no child of my age then would 
G11  92 have found anything out of the way about that. The surprising part 
G11  93 was that, as far as I could understand the situation, my own mother 
G11  94 and father seemed to be on the right side. For some reason nothing 
G11  95 to do with the personalities of those involved, it seemed much more 
G11  96 natural to me that Pres and my aunt Poppy should have supported 
G11  97 Gladys and Ralph.<p/>
G11  98 <p_>Anyway, virtue and sense triumphed, the marriage took place and 
G11  99 the Fosters disappeared to America. Sadly soon, at the unfunny age 
G11 100 of thirty-six, in fact, Ralph fell down dead of excitement 
G11 101 (<quote_>"nervous heart"<quote/>) at a baseball game, but had had 
G11 102 time to produce two children, Bobbie and Rosemary. Bobbie I hardly 
G11 103 saw or remember, though Rosemary appeared with her mother on this 
G11 104 side of the water as a girl of ten or twelve, bright and sweet but 
G11 105 too young for my sexual purposes.<p/>
G11 106 <p_>America had figured in my life earlier, with American uncles, 
G11 107 aunts and cousins to be seen from my early childhood, and if I took 
G11 108 any interest in family history I might well have been able to 
G11 109 confirm my impression that most of the ancestral Amises had 
G11 110 emigrated there, to Virginia, in the earlier nineteenth century. I 
G11 111 can recall a very Dixie-style Uncle Tom (<tf|>sic), probably a 
G11 112 cousin of my grandfather's, and a cousin Uretta, whose curious name 
G11 113 was said to have been the product of a dream. She called my 
G11 114 grandmother <quote_>"Aunt Ju"<quote/> (for Julia), and very odd it 
G11 115 sounded in her accent.<p/>
G11 116 <p_>On my father's side I had, or was aware I had, two uncles, one 
G11 117 unmarried, two aunts, one the soon-absent Gladys, two cousins and 
G11 118 nobody else, and saw not so very much of them, despite the short 
G11 119 distances involved - not so remarkable perhaps in what was still 
G11 120 the age before the motor-car for most people. The only one of these 
G11 121 likely to interest a novelist, I suppose, was my younger uncle, 
G11 122 Leslie. After Dadda had performed his last noteworthy act, by dying 
G11 123 of a heart attack (at over seventy, but some said he was helped on 
G11 124 his way by negligence), Leslie took over the care of Mater and the 
G11 125 rump of J. J. Amis & Co. at something like the same time.<p/>
G11 126 <p_>I was content to let J. J. Amis stay out of my life, but there 
G11 127 were expeditions to the household Leslie and Mater had set up in 
G11 128 Surrey, a little south of Purley in Warlingham. I liked Leslie, the 
G11 129 only one of my senior paternal relatives to show me interest or 
G11 130 affection. He was a smallish, good-looking man, with abundant 
G11 131 straight dark hair he kept carefully ordered, a bond between us 
G11 132 though unintended on his part; at that time my contemporaries and I 
G11 133 paid enormous attention to our hair-arrangement. As I grew through 
G11 134 adolescence I was able to picture his horrible life. His routine 
G11 135 took him every weekday evening from the commuter station to the pub 
G11 136 opposite, where he would tank up sufficiently to face Mater's 
G11 137 company till her bedtime. After supper on lighter evenings he drove 
G11 138 her to the same or another pub. Unwilling or unable to get out of 
G11 139 the car, she would be fetched glasses of port, though whether he 
G11 140 used to climb back aboard to drink beside her or returned to the 
G11 141 pub for some sort of company I have never tried to discover. Mater 
G11 142 was a large dreadful hairy-faced creature who lived to be nearly 
G11 143 ninety and whom I loathed and feared in a way I had never felt 
G11 144 towards Dadda.<p/>
G11 145 <p_>It must have been about the time of the war that my father told 
G11 146 me, in earnest confidence, that he had been visited at his office 
G11 147 by my uncle, Leslie. Dad was very grave.<p/>
G11 148 <p_><quote_>"Do you know what he told me? He said he liked men. 
G11 149 Wanted to [he may have brought himself to say] go to bed with them. 
G11 150 What do you think of that?"<quote/><p/>
G11 151 <p_><quote_>"I don't know what to say,"<quote/> I answered 
G11 152 truthfully. <quote_>"What did you tell him?"<quote/><p/>
G11 153 <p_><quote_>"I said, 'I take it you've seen a doctor?'"<quote/><p/>
G11 154 <p_>Whatever any doctor might have said or done, Leslie turned out 
G11 155 in the end not to have needed one much. When Mater finally died, 
G11 156 terrifyingly late, Leslie realised what capital he had and went 
G11 157 round the world on shipboard. The passage of a few years had made 
G11 158 possible franker speech at home and my father felt able to tell me, 
G11 159 with much amusement and fragments of envy and admiration, that , 
G11 160 according to report, Leslie had fucked every female in sight. 
G11 161 Evidently he went on doing so as long as he lasted, which sadly was 
G11 162 not long, perhaps a couple of years.<p/>
G11 163 <p_>For some reason I have always thought this a story ideally 
G11 164 suited to the pen of Somerset Maugham, though he would have had to 
G11 165 leave out the detail about Leslie's phantom homosexuality. I could 
G11 166 bring it in if I were writing the events up as fiction: the 
G11 167 presence of Mater had the effect of removing women from Leslie's 
G11 168 whole world, but left his libido intact and questing. With her out 
G11 169 of the way, his natural heterosexual drive was freed. Both Maugham 
G11 170 and I, and plenty of others, could have worked in a couple of other 
G11 171 touches I remember. On being invited to a bottle party - this, I 
G11 172 suppose, would have been in the Twenties - Leslie had asked what 
G11 173 was entailed and was told to take a bottle along. A bottle of what? 
G11 174 Oh, anything. So in good faith he had turned up with a bottle of HP 
G11 175 sauce. Then, during his Warlingham days, I noticed that he ate raw 
G11 176 parsley in great quantities because, he said, of its richness in 
G11 177 organic copper, though he failed to add what this compound was 
G11 178 supposed to do for you. More likely it just grew profusely in his 
G11 179 wretched garden.<p/>
G11 180 
G12   1 <#FLOB:G12><h_><p_>CHAPTER THIRTEEN<p/>
G12   2 <p_>Combe Florey 1971-1973<p/><h/>
G12   3 <p_>Another reason for the move to Combe Florey was that my mother 
G12   4 had been living alone there since her husband's sudden death in 
G12   5 April 1966, and although she never complained of loneliness, and 
G12   6 was visited quite often by her children, one had the impression 
G12   7 that it was quite a burden for a single woman who had allowed 
G12   8 herself to be convinced that she was very poor to keep up a huge 
G12   9 house with four acres of garden, a further thirty acres of woods, 
G12  10 parkland and ornamental water.<p/>
G12  11 <p_>It was an over-cautious lawyer who had persuaded her that she 
G12  12 was poor, ladling out small amounts of money when she asked for 
G12  13 them while he spent several years examining the unfamiliar 
G12  14 ramifications of a literary estate. In fact, she was very rich, but 
G12  15 she took joyfully to the disciplines of poverty, selling much of 
G12  16 the family furniture (and all her husband's books) for a song to 
G12  17 Texas University (where, I have been told, they are still to be 
G12  18 found in packing cases, or distributed through the offices of the 
G12  19 Humanities Center).<p/>
G12  20 <p_>In the last years of Evelyn Waugh's life, he discovered that 
G12  21 owing to some change in the law he could no longer offset her 
G12  22 enormous losses on the farm against his writing income for the 
G12  23 purpose of taxation. The farm had to be closed down. She threw 
G12  24 herself into market gardening, a change made easier by the devotion 
G12  25 of a Combe Florey villager called Walter Coggan - for some reason 
G12  26 she never learned his name, and always called him Mr Coggins - who, 
G12  27 employed as a part-time gardener, came to talk to her while she 
G12  28 laboured in the garden. Evelyn Waugh always referred to him as 
G12  29 <quote_>"my rival, Mr Coggins"<quote/>, and was being only partly 
G12  30 humorous. She actually preferred the gardener's company to that of 
G12  31 anyone else. His slightly implausible deference, the embarrassingly 
G12  32 apparent sub-text of all advice, the extreme ordinariness of every 
G12  33 opinion he advanced, appealed to her deepest sense of social 
G12  34 propriety. This was the most natural and acceptable form of human 
G12  35 relationship.<p/>
G12  36 <p_><quote_>"They do say, madam, that if you see a crow with a 
G12  37 broken wing, that means 'twill be a good year for 
G12  38 raspberries,"<quote/> he would say in his fine Somerset voice, and 
G12  39 she would lap it up.<p/>
G12  40 <p_>In the week my father died, Coggins disappeared. My mother got 
G12  41 it into her head that I had murdered him (Coggins) and put his 
G12  42 corpse in the boot of my car before driving back to Chilton Foliat. 
G12  43 I do not know why she should have reached this conclusion, but 
G12  44 suppose it must have been the product of stress. In fact he had 
G12  45 been out on a blind, something which is well known among Somerset 
G12  46 farming folk. But by the time we moved down to Combe Florey in 
G12  47 October 1971, Walter Coggan, too, had died, in the way that elderly 
G12  48 men have always tended to do. The clergyman, at his funeral, said: 
G12  49 <quote_>"We have memories of Walter which time can never 
G12  50 alter."<quote/><p/>
G12  51 <p_>Obviously, he was most missed by his widow and family, but I 
G12  52 think it was the loss of Coggins which reconciled my mother to the 
G12  53 idea that the little Waughs, as my father used to call us, should 
G12  54 move into the main part of the house, and she would move into a 
G12  55 more or less disused wing, equipped with its own kitchen and other 
G12  56 appointments.<p/>
G12  57 <p_>We sold Chilton Foliat rather well to an amiable businessman 
G12  58 who has lived in it ever since. The money enabled Teresa to buy 
G12  59 Combe Florey from my mother with enough left over to redecorate the 
G12  60 main house. It also enabled my mother to refurbish the wing 
G12  61 according to her particular requirements, with vast stone sinks 
G12  62 which never let the water out and stank. But it was a happy enough 
G12  63 arrangement while it lasted.<p/>
G12  64 <p_>****<p/>
G12  65 <p_>Being a more intensely private person than Evelyn Waugh - who, 
G12  66 despite all his protestations to the contrary, was in large part a 
G12  67 public figure - Laura Waugh was also, in her own way, more 
G12  68 remarkable. As Laura Herbert, she grew up in three households - 
G12  69 Pixton in Somerset, a large house in Bruton Street and Portofino - 
G12  70 all crowded with guests from every corner of the earth. This gave 
G12  71 her a pronounced distaste for social life.<p/>
G12  72 <p_>My father had met her first at Portofino, when she was 
G12  73 seventeen. A year later, he was in love with her, but his suit did 
G12  74 not seem well starred. Laura's family was Catholic. Evelyn, who had 
G12  75 become a Catholic in 1930 after the failure of his first marriage, 
G12  76 seemed in no position to declare himself a suitor while his 
G12  77 annulment was held up, apparently <tf_>sine die<tf/>, by the 
G12  78 Westminster and Vatican bureaucracy. A further complication was 
G12  79 that by unhappy coincidence his first wife, Evelyn Gardner, was a 
G12  80 niece of Aubrey Herbert and Laura's first cousin. Feeling in the 
G12  81 family was strongly against the match. Although Evelyn Waugh was 
G12  82 already a successful novelist, and would have been a catch for most 
G12  83 teenage brides of the period, the Herberts were not a family to be 
G12  84 intimidated by smartness of that sort. Evelyn was thirteen years 
G12  85 older than his bride, had already been married to one member of the 
G12  86 family and, worst of all, came from a background which was 
G12  87 distinctly middle class.<p/>
G12  88 <p_>Although, as I have explained, the Waughs came from many 
G12  89 generations of professional men - publishers, doctors, clergymen - 
G12  90 the gulf between them and the carefree traditions of the 
G12  91 aristocracy was as great as if he had been a fishmonger's 
G12  92 assistant. Even worse than this, he had already been adopted as a 
G12  93 guest, friend, boon companion and private buffoon by families which 
G12  94 were even richer and grander than the Herberts. This situation was 
G12  95 not improved by the noticeable lack of sympathy between himself and 
G12  96 'the boy Auberon'.<p/>
G12  97 <p_>Although Evelyn's affection for the English upper classes and 
G12  98 everything they stood for was never in doubt - this was held to be 
G12  99 vulgar in itself - their antipathy for each other could easily be 
G12 100 explained by the traditional jealousy between privilege and 
G12 101 achievement. Although the Herberts were clever and moved in a 
G12 102 brilliant circle, Evelyn Waugh was cleverer and noticed too many 
G12 103 things to be a comfortable member of any circle.<p/>
G12 104 <p_>Under the circumstances, for Laura Herbert to encourage his 
G12 105 courtship was an act of most uncharacteristic rebelliousness. She, 
G12 106 too, was always displeased by the Brideshead aspect, hating any 
G12 107 form of ostentation or grandeur. <quote_>"Your dear 
G12 108 mother,"<quote/> Evelyn Waugh would say to his children, 
G12 109 <quote_>"is the kindest and most hospitable of women, but she has 
G12 110 no sense of style."<quote/><p/>
G12 111 <p_>Laura's awareness of her social superiority may well have 
G12 112 helped to sustain her through a marriage which was not without its 
G12 113 trials, nor without its reminders of her husband's success in other 
G12 114 fields. Many women (and men) feel depressed and diminished by their 
G12 115 spouse's success. Laura Waugh felt no such qualms, being happy 
G12 116 enough to be left at home with her cows and children, regarding the 
G12 117 whole circus with a profound contempt.<p/>
G12 118 <p_>What she found attractive in him, I suspect, was his humour. 
G12 119 Laura Waugh, for all her apparent shyness and avoidance of company, 
G12 120 was a born satirist. Behind a veil of good manners, she mocked 
G12 121 everybody and everything. The strength necessary to support such an 
G12 122 attitude came, ultimately, not from any sense of social superiority 
G12 123 but from her Catholicism, which grew more devout, and at the same 
G12 124 time more sceptical, with age.<p/>
G12 125 <p_>Her husband was moody and given to fits of acute depression 
G12 126 which left her largely to her own devices. Shunning ordinary human 
G12 127 contact, she sought refuge in cows and rejoiced in the company of 
G12 128 farming folk. At other times, she retreated into her own private 
G12 129 meditations whose direction was not easily to be distinguished from 
G12 130 simple misanthropy. She killed time with cross-words, word games 
G12 131 and jigsaws. She was at ease with her children and their friends, 
G12 132 and with her own family and, of course, with Coggins, but with 
G12 133 practically nobody else. She was also haunted by the spectacle of 
G12 134 her mother, my once all-powerful grandmother, whom she had to nurse 
G12 135 through a last year of distressing debility.<p/>
G12 136 <p_>Many thought that she was too self-effacing and let her husband 
G12 137 get away with too much, but it suited her as much as it suited him 
G12 138 that he should take his meals in the library if he chose, or go 
G12 139 away for long periods, seeking warmer climates in the winter, or 
G12 140 carousing with smart friends in London. She saw herself primarily 
G12 141 as a farmer, her five or six cows the pride and joy of her life. 
G12 142 Some interpreted her decision to publish Evelyn Waugh's diaries - 
G12 143 they first appeared in a shortened, more lurid serialization in the 
G12 144 <tf|>Observer - as an act of revenge, but it was more the product 
G12 145 of absent-mindedness. She intended to read the series before 
G12 146 publication, but eventually got round to reading only a small part. 
G12 147 She hoped that publication of the fuller version, in book form, 
G12 148 might undo some of the damage, but never lived to see it. She was 
G12 149 not convinced by my arguments, that the diaries were thoroughly 
G12 150 enjoyable and interesting and worth publishing. Like many of the 
G12 151 upper class, she had a hatred for publicity, but also a passion for 
G12 152 selling things. Any crooked timber merchant who came to the door 
G12 153 could persuade her to sell him an avenue of mature oak trees at 
G12 154 pounds15 a tree. On this occasion - offered a large sum for her 
G12 155 husband's Diaries - it got the better of her once again, but she 
G12 156 was protected from severe criticism by meeting only her family, 
G12 157 most of whom were quite pleased by it all. It was the only 
G12 158 controversial thing she ever did, apart from marrying Evelyn Waugh 
G12 159 thirty-six years earlier.<p/>
G12 160 <p_>Her politics, in so far as she concerned herself with politics, 
G12 161 were those of the populist right. She mistrusted do-goodism, while 
G12 162 being profoundly convinced that the working classes were justified 
G12 163 in any demands they cared to make. As a woman who had lived all her 
G12 164 life in large country mansions, she felt a distinct sympathy for 
G12 165 the rumbles of the indigenous urban proletariat against 
G12 166 Commonwealth immigration. <quote_>"All I mind about these 
G12 167 people,"<quote/> she explained once, looking out of the window at 
G12 168 her acres of parkland, <quote_>"is that they come over here and 
G12 169 take our jobs."<quote/> She, who had never had a job in her life, 
G12 170 felt instinctive sympathy for those who wanted one, perhaps.<p/>
G12 171 <p_>This may seem a slightly sour picture but I am not sure that 
G12 172 her life - in the twenty years of her youth, the twenty-nine years 
G12 173 of her marriage, or the seven years of her widowhood - was a 
G12 174 particularly happy one. When she decided she was poor, she took to 
G12 175 an indescribably nasty sherry-type beverage from Cyprus. Only she 
G12 176 and one of her sisters were able to drink it. I think it may have 
G12 177 contained some toxic substance as it destroyed her sense of 
G12 178 balance, while Gabriel, her sister, was similarly affected. During 
G12 179 Lent, when she restricted herself to one glass a day, she found a 
G12 180 receptacle which others might have identified as an exceptionally 
G12 181 large flower vase. But it saw her through.<p/>
G12 182 <p_>****<p/>
G12 183 <p_>The house at Combe Florey had not prospered under her single 
G12 184 occupation of it. She put it on the market, and then decided she 
G12 185 did not want to sell it, but rather than withdraw it, which would 
G12 186 have involved paying a house agent, she decided to adopt a policy 
G12 187 of discouraging would-be purchasers. Broken windows were never 
G12 188 mended. She left buckets in the middle of the floor to suggest that 
G12 189 the ceilings leaked, and never took them away. My father had left 
G12 190 some extravagantly opulent carpets, woven at Wilton on his 
G12 191 instructions from original designs for the 1851 Great Exhibition. 
G12 192 When her beloved spaniel, Credit, made a mess on one of them in the 
G12 193 six years after his death, my mother would leave it there, let it 
G12 194 solidify, fossilize, before moving it. Later, she forgot about 
G12 195 them.<p/>
G12 196 
G13   1 <#FLOB:G13\><p_>The climax of this world tour in March 1933 was 
G13   2 Shaw's first visit to North America. <quote_>"I can't face 
G13   3 America,"<quote/> he had admitted early in the century when invited 
G13   4 to go lecturing there. These invitations, sugared with huge 
G13   5 financial enticements, would come in <quote_>"at the rate of 60 per 
G13   6 minute all the time"<quote/> and every year the newspapers reported 
G13   7 that he was finally on his way. But <quote_>"I am as far as ever 
G13   8 from seriously contemplating it"<quote/>, he wrote when refusing 
G13   9 another offer in 1921. <quote_>"If I go to America, I think I shall 
G13  10 speak in the open air for nothing, if the police will allow 
G13  11 me."<quote/><p/>
G13  12 <p_>His facetious refusals, attributed to fear of being made 
G13  13 President or of the effect of his fatal good looks on American 
G13  14 women, masked a real and complicated fear. He was in some ways a 
G13  15 natural American (<quote_>"I'm like New York. It's hell and 
G13  16 damnation for me to be doing nothing"<quote/>) who carried on a 
G13  17 life-long quarrel with the United States very much in the manner of 
G13  18 Charles Dickens. He would remind Archibald Henderson that, after 
G13  19 the publication of <tf_>Martin Chuzzlewit<tf/>, Dickens 
G13  20 <quote_>"never retracted a syllable of Scadder (the realtor), 
G13  21 Chollop, Mrs Horning and Jefferson Brick, all of whom are the 
G13  22 mildest of pleasantries compared to the latest realtors, gangsters 
G13  23 and highbrows. The truth of the matter is that writers like Dickens 
G13  24 are privileged to tell the truth without malice or 
G13  25 partiality."<quote/><p/>
G13  26 <p_>Like Dickens, Shaw seems to have believed that for historical 
G13  27 reasons there was a natural antipathy between the English and 
G13  28 Americans and that, since some of the causes for Anglo-American 
G13  29 dislike were not of a fundamental nature, it was better to carry on 
G13  30 abusing one another than simulate an affection that was not felt. 
G13  31 <quote_>"This pretence of being affectionate cousins is pure 
G13  32 poison,"<quote/> he wrote. <quote_>"...Better, where there is 
G13  33 volcanic activity under the lid to lift the lid once in a while 
G13  34 than sit on it until it blows off!"<quote/> He had made a 
G13  35 speciality of baiting the hundred per cent American as a 
G13  36 ninety-nine per cent idiot. <quote_>"I do not want to see the 
G13  37 Statue of Liberty,"<quote/> he said. <quote_>"...I am a master of 
G13  38 comic irony. But even my appetite for irony does not go as far as 
G13  39 that!"<quote/><p/>
G13  40 <p_>Many of the Americans in his plays appear to represent a nation 
G13  41 that is riven with money-materialism. There are the two women in 
G13  42 <tf_>The Devil's Disciple<tf/>, Judith Anderson, who is 
G13  43 <quote_>"petted into an opinion of herself sufficiently favorable 
G13  44 to give her a self-assurance which serves her instead of 
G13  45 strength"<quote/>, and the exceedingly disagreeable mother of Dick 
G13  46 Dudgeon whose face is <quote_>"grimly entrenched by the channels 
G13  47 into which the barren forms and observances of a dead Puritanism 
G13  48 can pen a bitter temper and a fierce pride"<quote/>; there is the 
G13  49 vituperating lynch mob that fills the court during <tf_>The 
G13  50 Shewing-up of Blanco Posnet<tf/>; and there are the Americans who 
G13  51 turn up in Europe, such as the baffled-looking, bullet-cheeked 
G13  52 millionaire Hector Malone Senior <quote_>"whose social position 
G13  53 needs constant and scrupulous affirmation"<quote/> in <tf_>Man and 
G13  54 Superman<tf/>, and the blandly effusive Ambassador Vanhatten who 
G13  55 strides onto the terrace of the Royal Palace in the second act of 
G13  56 <tf_>The Apple Cart<tf/> <quote_>"like a man assured of an 
G13  57 enthusiastic welcome"<quote/> and vigorously shakes the Queen up 
G13  58 and down with his prolonged handshake.<p/>
G13  59 <p_>In his twenties, when the Land of the Free had seemed a natural 
G13  60 fatherland for him, Shaw had momentarily thought of emigrating 
G13  61 there. <quote_>"I could have come when I was young and 
G13  62 beautiful,"<quote/> he wrote when in his sixties he turned down an 
G13  63 invitation from the New York chapter of the Drama League of 
G13  64 America. <quote_>"I could have come when I was mature and 
G13  65 capable."<quote/> But in his seventies, <quote_>"I cannot help 
G13  66 asking myself whether it is not now too late"<quote/>. He almost 
G13  67 denied that he would be landing at all - he was merely looking in 
G13  68 and out again. The <tf_>Empress of Britain<tf/> <quote_>"is calling 
G13  69 at Los Angeles for five minutes, and then calling at New York for 
G13  70 five minutes"<quote/>, he told reporters. <quote_>"That is not my 
G13  71 fault. I may meet a few friends..."<quote/><p/>
G13  72 <p_>He had kept on friendly terms with a surprising number of 
G13  73 native and adopted Americans - actors, anarchists, politicians, 
G13  74 publishers. There was his special 'lunatic' friend Lawrence Langner 
G13  75 and the directors, designers and performers of the Theatre Guild of 
G13  76 New York; writers, too, such as the pro-Soviet novelist Upton 
G13  77 Sinclair and the pro-German poet George Sylvester Viereck, as well 
G13  78 as his continuous biographer Archibald Henderson; and a generous 
G13  79 lobby of correspondents including Henry Neil, a Chicago judge, who 
G13  80 regularly published Shaw's answers to his unusual queries (What 
G13  81 would he do if he were a woman? What difference would being hatched 
G13  82 in an incubator have made to his life?) until, his excitement 
G13  83 rising in this year of Shaw's arrival, he was confined to a mental 
G13  84 institute. <quote_>"That is the worst of you Americans,"<quote/> 
G13  85 Shaw had complained to the theatrical producer George Tyler: 
G13  86 <quote_>"you are uncommonly nice people personally; but you have 
G13  87 not notion of practical affairs."<quote/><p/>
G13  88 <p_>Americans had been impractical over many years of Shaw's own 
G13  89 affairs. They had pirated his early books and called him an 'Irish 
G13  90 Smut Dealer' when issuing arrest warrants for disorderly conduct to 
G13  91 the entire cast of his 'illuminated gangrene' <tf_>Mrs Warren's 
G13  92 Profession<tf/> after its opening performance in New York. They had 
G13  93 also removed <tf_>Man and Superman<tf/> and other volumes from the 
G13  94 shelves of the New York Public Library; and actually imprisoned a 
G13  95 man in Detroit for reading <tf_>An Unsocial Socialist<tf/> in a 
G13  96 streetcar.<p/>
G13  97 <p_><quote_>"Personally I do not take the matter so 
G13  98 lightly,"<quote/> Shaw had written to the <tf_>New York Times<tf/> 
G13  99 when asked for his reaction to the withdrawal of his books from the 
G13 100 state's libraries. <quote_>"American civilization is enormously 
G13 101 interesting and important to me, if only as a colossal social 
G13 102 experiment, and I shall make no pretence of treating a public and 
G13 103 official insult from the American people with 
G13 104 indifference."<quote/><p/>
G13 105 <p_>The resentment he felt at having his moral authority impugned, 
G13 106 income cut, and early illusions extinguished sharpened his 
G13 107 criticisms and gave them a vindictive edge. He could hardly dig up 
G13 108 insults enough to pile upon the childishness of Americans 
G13 109 <quote_>"which enables them to remain simple New England villagers 
G13 110 in the complicated hustle of New York and Chicago, never revising 
G13 111 their ideas, never enlarging their consciousness, never losing 
G13 112 their interest in the ideals of the Pilgrim Fathers"<quote/>.<p/>
G13 113 <p_>Shaw argued that the anarchical plan of letting everyone mind 
G13 114 his own business and do the best he could for himself was only 
G13 115 practicable in a country newly-cleared and settled by ambitious 
G13 116 colonists without any common industrial tradition or body of 
G13 117 custom. North America had been incapable of developing beyond this 
G13 118 village stage. <quote_>"Every social development, however 
G13 119 beneficial and inevitable from the public point of view, is met, 
G13 120 not by an intelligent adaptation of the social structure to its 
G13 121 novelties,"<quote/> he wrote, <quote_>"but by a panic and a cry of 
G13 122 Go Back."<quote/><p/>
G13 123 <p_>Before the Soviet Revolution Shaw had accepted that American 
G13 124 politics had to be co-ordinated with the collective interest of 
G13 125 civilization round the world. He took issue with revolutionaries 
G13 126 who threatened the United States with the breakdown of capitalism 
G13 127 for want of markets and who prophesied that socialism would build 
G13 128 on its ruins. He preferred a more inviting evolutionary scenario. 
G13 129 <quote_>"Socialism is only possible in the consummation of 
G13 130 successful Capitalism,"<quote/> he wrote, <quote_>"... only 
G13 131 possible where Individualism is developed to the point at which the 
G13 132 individual can see beyond himself and works to perfect his city and 
G13 133 his nation instead of to furnish his own house better than his 
G13 134 neighbor's."<quote/><p/>
G13 135 <p_>Shaw's gestures of political diplomacy confusingly punctuated 
G13 136 the joyous stream of his Dickensian invective, and once the only 
G13 137 European power bigger than the United States had been transformed 
G13 138 into a federation of communist republics, he gave up these 
G13 139 diplomatic contortions with relief. <quote_>"I am not an 
G13 140 American,"<quote/> he admitted, <quote_>"but I am the next worst 
G13 141 thing - an Irishman."<quote/> His tirades against Americans were 
G13 142 partly self-inflicted criticisms - an involuntary response to the 
G13 143 damage he sometimes felt he had done himself by manufacturing an 
G13 144 ostentatious G.B.S., designed to travel in a world increasingly 
G13 145 governed by the culture of the USA. <quote_>"For what has been 
G13 146 happening during my lifetime,"<quote/> he had written in 1912, 
G13 147 <quote_>"is the Americanization of the whole world."<quote/> He 
G13 148 struck back as one in danger of being classed an enemy of the whole 
G13 149 world.<p/>
G13 150 <p_>After his return from the Soviet Union he had used a special 
G13 151 broadcast from Savoy Hill to give 'A little Talk on America', 
G13 152 heaping up his abuse to giddier, more ecstatic heights. The event 
G13 153 was recorded by Movietone with G.B.S. at his most child-devilish 
G13 154 encircled by immense lights like furnaces welcoming Americans to 
G13 155 hell.<p/>
G13 156 <p_><quote_>"Hello, America! Hello, all my friends in America! 
G13 157 Hello, all you dear old boobs who have been telling one another for 
G13 158 a month past that I have gone dotty about Russia..."<quote/><p/>
G13 159 <p_>Even Charlotte had to laugh. <quote_>"I wish you could have 
G13 160 heard G.B.S. broadcast to America about Russia,"<quote/> she wrote 
G13 161 to Nancy Astor. <quote_>"My dear! All the insult he sent over! Too 
G13 162 bad - but so funny."<quote/><p/>
G13 163 <p_>Yet it was not all so funny. Lifting the lid on the volcanic 
G13 164 activity within himself, he covered this <quote_>"most awful 
G13 165 country"<quote/> with the ashes of colossal contempt. Sometimes in 
G13 166 the past he had singled out the coast-to-coast desire for money as 
G13 167 the most encouraging social aspect of American life. But since the 
G13 168 accepted method of acquiring this money in the United States was 
G13 169 theft, he liked to add, the country had grown rich only in paper 
G13 170 dollars that were no protection against a real financial crash. He 
G13 171 comes near to crowing over the predicament of President Hoover 
G13 172 <quote_>"who became famous by feeding the starving millions of war 
G13 173 devastated Europe, [but] cannot feed his own people in time of 
G13 174 peace"<quote/>, and castigates American <quote_>"business 
G13 175 incompetence, political helplessness and financial 
G13 176 insolvency"<quote/> with an animosity that defies any listener to 
G13 177 dismiss what he is saying as a Shavian joke.<p/>
G13 178 <p_><quote_>"That is what makes you so popular all over the 
G13 179 world,"<quote/> he persisted, moving into rare sarcasm: 
G13 180 <quote_>"you make yourself at home everywhere; and you always have 
G13 181 the first word."<quote/> Shaw wanted the last word. With his 
G13 182 long-range artillery he aimed to smash the glitter of Western 
G13 183 plutocracy and laugh the American in Europe out of countenance. 
G13 184 <quote_>"You cannot persuade an American that he can fail to talk 
G13 185 you into doing something foolish,"<quote/> he wrote to St John 
G13 186 Ervine. On the other hand you might arm an infatuated British 
G13 187 public against surrendering to such foolishness. When he lets off 
G13 188 his word-fire at the United States he often has a Britain of the 
G13 189 future in his sights.<p/>
G13 190 <p_>He was happiest at long range and somewhat uneasy at the 
G13 191 prospect of having to divide and subdivide his attitude after he 
G13 192 came ashore and began mixing with these <quote_>"uncommonly nice 
G13 193 people personally"<quote/>. His few preliminary exercises in tact - 
G13 194 <quote_>"Americans are conceited enough to believe they are the 
G13 195 only fools in the world"<quote/> - show his diplomatic skills to 
G13 196 have been somewhat rusted. Equally ineffective was his pretence 
G13 197 that Americans loved his wisecracks (<quote_>"they just adore 
G13 198 me"<quote/>) and that he was following the example of Dickens in 
G13 199 rousing their devotion by holding them up to ridicule as 
G13 200 <quote_>"windbags, swindlers and assassins"<quote/>. In fact it 
G13 201 took Dickens quarter<&|>sic! of a century to atone for his 
G13 202 <tf_>American Notes<tf/> and <tf_>Martin Chuzzlewit<tf/>; and, as 
G13 203 the actor Maurice Colbourne noted, America was also <quote_>"long 
G13 204 sensitive to the Shavian sting"<quote/>.<p/>
G13 205 <p_><quote_>"Indeed no,"<quote/> Shaw had replied when asked in 
G13 206 Honolulu whether he was still a socialist. <quote_>"I'm a 
G13 207 communist. And tell that to your government."<quote/> Free love and 
G13 208 anarchism had given way after the war to alcohol and communism as 
G13 209 the most dreaded social perils in the United States, enabling 
G13 210 G.B.S. to use his awkward status as a prim, teetotal red communist 
G13 211 to challenge American orthodoxy. He looked forward to obliging the 
G13 212 immigration authorities with answers of the utmost frankness and 
G13 213 representing himself throughout this country of immigrants as a 
G13 214 dangerous alien.
G13 215 
G14   1 <#FLOB:G14\><h_><p_>CHAPTER 2<p/>
G14   2 <p_>School and University<p/><h/>
G14   3 <p_>GEOFFREY Fisher always regarded his going from Lindley Lodge to 
G14   4 Marlborough College on a Foundation Scholarship in September 1901 
G14   5 as a decisive break with his previous environment into a wider 
G14   6 world.<p/>
G14   7 <p_>Marlborough, in the early years of this century, was a small 
G14   8 market town on the outskirts of Savernake Forest with a population 
G14   9 of some three thousand inhabitants. It was not without its historic 
G14  10 associations. Samuel Pepys in 1668 eyed with satisfaction its broad 
G14  11 High Street. Its parish church contains the huge basalt font in 
G14  12 which King John was baptised and within its walls Cardinal Wolsey 
G14  13 was ordained.<p/>
G14  14 <p_>Marlborough College, housed in a country mansion, was opened in 
G14  15 1843 for the sons of clergymen. The half century which preceded 
G14  16 Geoffrey Fisher's entry represented the heyday of English public 
G14  17 schools, fed from the sons of the professional classes, many of 
G14  18 whom had newly acquired wealth and were prepared to invest it in 
G14  19 education. The young men thus produced were for the most part 
G14  20 self-assured and conditioned to take their place in an 
G14  21 <*_>e-acute<*/>lite class, in a privileged society.<p/>
G14  22 <p_>Although Geoffrey Fisher's days at Marlborough cannot have been 
G14  23 quite so idyllic as he later supposed, they were certainly happy 
G14  24 and fulfilling. He was now beginning to find his feet and he 
G14  25 refused to be daunted by a new and unknown environment. When his 
G14  26 father proposed to escort him to Marlborough on his first day 
G14  27 Geoffrey insisted that he accompany him only so far as Birmingham. 
G14  28 <quote_>"I'd rather meet this new situation on my own without any 
G14  29 protecting wing"<quote/>, so he explained. Perhaps he suspected 
G14  30 that so far he had not flexed his own muscles because of his 
G14  31 privileged family position in Higham. His first few days at 
G14  32 Marlborough, however, turned out in a way he could not possibly 
G14  33 have foreseen.<p/>
G14  34 <p_>On arrival at the College he sat shivering by a fire in the 
G14  35 Common Room of the Junior House until he was taken by the Matron 
G14  36 and promptly placed in the Sanatorium where he spent his first 
G14  37 week. Still, so he alleged, even this misfortune proved beneficial 
G14  38 in encouraging him to be independent since, when he began to mix 
G14  39 with his schoolmates, he found that the other new boys had already 
G14  40 made friends. Thus he had <quote_>"to pick up his way by 
G14  41 himself"<quote/>.<p/>
G14  42 <p_>The headmaster of the College was G.C. Bell, then approaching 
G14  43 the end of his twenty-six years' reign. Apocryphal stories about 
G14  44 him inevitably circulated. When meeting a boy he did not 
G14  45 immediately recognise he was reputed to say: <quote_>"Hi, boy, who 
G14  46 are you?"<quote/> and when given the appropriate information 
G14  47 replied: <quote_>"Are you the son of your father?"<quote/><p/>
G14  48 <p_>Geoffrey began in the remove form A, the master of which was 
G14  49 the redoubtable and eccentric P.W. Taylor, a <quote_>"notorious 
G14  50 figure"<quote/> who earned a reputation for <quote_>"hardness, 
G14  51 sternness and gruffness"<quote/>. Many thought, however, that he 
G14  52 kept the best house in the school, largely because he ran it in 
G14  53 co-operation with the senior boys most of whom were 
G14  54 <quote_>"considerate, clear-minded and capable"<quote/>.<p/>
G14  55 <p_>Two other masters left a permanent impression upon the 
G14  56 receptive Geoffrey - V.B. Malim whose exposition of the Old 
G14  57 Testament long remained in Geoffrey's memory, and C.T. Wood, an 
G14  58 outstanding preacher, even capable of enthusing schoolboys - no 
G14  59 mean achievement!<p/>
G14  60 <p_>It did not take Geoffrey long to settle down in his new 
G14  61 surroundings, the extrovert side of his character coming to his 
G14  62 aid. Indeed he did more than settle down. He determined to leave 
G14  63 his mark upon the college - which he did.<p/>
G14  64 <p_>Geoffrey's progress through the school was easy and 
G14  65 straight<?_>-<?/>forward, presenting no apparent problems. When he 
G14  66 entered the sixth form at the age of fifteen he was asked if he 
G14  67 wished to specialise in mathematics. His reply indicates his 
G14  68 ability to look objectively at his own aptitude and talent. He 
G14  69 enjoyed maths, he admitted, but he always knew that there was a 
G14  70 point at which he was out of his depth. This was a shrewd 
G14  71 assessment for though Geoffrey Fisher's intellectual brilliance 
G14  72 cannot be doubted he yet lacked the imagination which higher 
G14  73 flights in mathematics undoubtedly demand.<p/>
G14  74 <p_>G.C. Bell was followed as headmaster by Frank Fletcher who was 
G14  75 thirty-two years of age and very different from his predecessor. In 
G14  76 appearance he was not impressive; nor had he any ready 
G14  77 conversation. But as is sometimes the case with a schoolmaster the 
G14  78 brilliance of his mind and the great integrity of his character 
G14  79 'got through' and Geoffrey Fisher freely acknowledged a life-long 
G14  80 debt. From him he learned <quote_>"never to be content with a 
G14  81 superficial impression; never to take a thing at second hand but 
G14  82 wade through it until [one] found an underlying and satisfying 
G14  83 reason so far as there was one to be found."<quote/><p/>
G14  84 <p_>Geoffrey Fisher was the first prefect to be appointed under the 
G14  85 new r<*_>e-acute<*/>gime, an office which he entered into with both 
G14  86 zest and relish; and which he was later to reform by removing the 
G14  87 dominance of the athletic boys in the life of the school to whom 
G14  88 the prefects had been forced to play second fiddle. When things 
G14  89 came to a crisis, Geoffrey, as head prefect, acted decisively. 
G14  90 After this he never looked back.<p/>
G14  91 <p_>Geoffrey Fisher certainly made his mark on the life of the 
G14  92 school and himself regarded his years at 
G14  93 <}_><-|>Malborough<+|>Marlborough<}/> as giving him a purposeful 
G14  94 and moral training centring on self-discipline. However, he had his 
G14  95 disappointments. His first attempt in the debating society was a 
G14  96 disaster, a 'mini' reduplication of Disraeli's initiation into the 
G14  97 House of Commons. The subject for discussion was Dickens and 
G14  98 Thackeray but, on his own admission, Geoffrey's intervention was 
G14  99 disastrous and he sat down amid general laughter and personal 
G14 100 humiliation.<p/>
G14 101 <p_>As to the influence of Marlborough on his spiritual development 
G14 102 Geoffrey Fisher saw it as confirming what he had learned in his own 
G14 103 home and family. It engendered an unquestioning acceptance of 
G14 104 Christ as the master of the good life. <quote_>"I learned,"<quote/> 
G14 105 he writes, <quote_>"how to tackle everything that came along in 
G14 106 what I now recognise was an intelligent Christian way, not 
G14 107 borrowing from Christ, but translating into my daily duties and 
G14 108 occupations and pleasures the spirit which flowed from His 
G14 109 revelation of the Kingdom of God."<quote/> This points to an 
G14 110 evangelical faith which was simple, uncomplicated and fervent. In 
G14 111 its essence this faith accompanied him for the rest of his life. 
G14 112 Geoffrey Fisher may certainly claim to have made the maximum use of 
G14 113 his school days. He left, scooping up many a prize, in 'a blaze of 
G14 114 glory'.<p/>
G14 115 <p_>By no means every adult looks back in later years upon his 
G14 116 school days as a time of almost unalloyed bliss. Often recollection 
G14 117 is darkened by 'the shades of the prison house'. Not so, for a 
G14 118 moment, with Geoffrey Fisher. <quote_>"Marlborough was 
G14 119 wonderful"<quote/>, he claimed later. <quote_>"I enjoyed every bit 
G14 120 of it from beginning to end and I was enjoying it because in every 
G14 121 kind of way I was growing happily and securely."<quote/><p/>
G14 122 <p_>The time had now come for him, in more ways than one, to move 
G14 123 on. Departing from the family tradition - his grandfather, father 
G14 124 and brothers had gone to Cambridge - Geoffrey Fisher proceeded to 
G14 125 Exeter College, Oxford. This seat of learning which then consisted 
G14 126 of eight Fellows and 182 students was founded in 1314 by Walter 
G14 127 Stapeldon, Bishop of Exeter, who in the course of his career held 
G14 128 high office of state including that of Lord High Treasurer, before 
G14 129 being murdered by a mob while in charge of the City of London. The 
G14 130 College - as befits its name - still today retains a connection 
G14 131 with Devon. The Rector, during Geoffrey's five years there, was the 
G14 132 Reverend W.W. Jackson who held office from 1887 to 1913.<p/>
G14 133 <p_>During his last vacation before going up to the University he 
G14 134 considered with his usual earnestness how he ought to disport 
G14 135 himself on his arrival. Maybe his older brothers had told him 
G14 136 something of the kind of life which awaited him. It was the social 
G14 137 side which constituted his main concern, in particular how he would 
G14 138 fit into it. Ruefully he had to admit that he had <quote_>"none of 
G14 139 the ordinary social vices which are also graces"<quote/>. Ought he 
G14 140 to smoke or drink? The latter he rejected on the grounds that you 
G14 141 have to consider again and again, have I had enough? Smoking, 
G14 142 however - this was years prior to any suggestion of a link-up with 
G14 143 lung cancer - was different. <quote_>"You could smoke as much as 
G14 144 you liked and as long as you liked;"<quote/> so he became an 
G14 145 inveterate pipe smoker and was so for forty years until he gave it 
G14 146 up while on holiday - suddenly, completely and finally.<p/>
G14 147 <p_>The Oxford to which Geoffrey Fisher went up in October 1906 was 
G14 148 very different from the Oxford of today. The College then loomed 
G14 149 much larger in the life of the undergraduate than did the 
G14 150 University. This meant that members of the College knew each other 
G14 151 with an intimacy which no longer obtains to the same extent.<p/>
G14 152 <p_>The facilities, compared with today, were spartan. There were 
G14 153 few bathrooms and hot water had to be fetched from the kitchen to 
G14 154 fill the tin baths usually placed in front of the sitting room 
G14 155 fire. However, this had its compensations. J.C. Masterman writes 
G14 156 that <quote_>"lying in a tin bath, in front of a coal fire, 
G14 157 drinking tea and eating well-buttered crumpets, is an experience 
G14 158 which few can have today"<quote/>. <foreign_>O tempora! Or 
G14 159 mores!<foreign/><p/>
G14 160 <p_>The standard of living for most undergraduates was conditioned 
G14 161 by their income and Geoffrey Fisher's was not large. In those 
G14 162 pre-radio, pre-television days students had to provide their own 
G14 163 amusements. Clubs proliferated. The Oxford of Geoffrey Fisher's day 
G14 164 was in the main still clerically dominated. Compulsory chapel was 
G14 165 the order of the day and undergraduates were required to attend one 
G14 166 service, matins or evensong, on Sundays and in addition four 
G14 167 services during the week. Yet on the whole politics interested them 
G14 168 more than religion.<p/>
G14 169 <p_>The national background of Geoffrey Fisher's five years at the 
G14 170 University may be briefly summarised. In 1908 Asquith had succeeded 
G14 171 the less flamboyant Campbell Bannerman, and a period of liberal 
G14 172 legislation, long deferred, was set in motion. It is not surprising 
G14 173 that on the crest of this wave Oxford itself became a sitting 
G14 174 target for radical reformers. In a letter dated 14 February 1909, 
G14 175 Geoffrey Fisher informed his family that <quote_>"the academic side 
G14 176 of Oxford is very much disturbed at present by rumours of 
G14 177 reformation to come. First our Chancellor, Lord Curzon, intends to 
G14 178 introduce degrees for women and twelve-week terms. Then a report is 
G14 179 issued by a committee of dons and labour leaders advocating and 
G14 180 pointing the way for working men to come up to Oxford as 
G14 181 undergraduates. <tf|>That of course has roused great indignation 
G14 182 amongst the useless people here who do nothing else but spend too 
G14 183 much money in disreputable ways - <tf|>they could not stand having 
G14 184 to consort with working-men."<quote/><p/>
G14 185 <p_>We shall not be surprised that having arrived at Exeter 
G14 186 Geoffrey Fisher threw himself into the life of the College with his 
G14 187 usual enthusiasm, and that it was not long before he became 
G14 188 President of the Junior Common Room. An injury to his collarbone 
G14 189 made him decide to abandon rugby for the river. In this he followed 
G14 190 the example of his brothers at Cambridge who all rowed with some 
G14 191 distinction. It was perhaps a surprising choice in view of his 
G14 192 meagre ten stones but in spite of this he ended up being elected 
G14 193 captain of boats and rowed in the trial eights. He describes 
G14 194 himself as a <quote_>"neat oar"<quote/>, <quote_>"vigorous and 
G14 195 energetic"<quote/>. Undoubtedly Geoffrey took rowing seriously and 
G14 196 on 14 February 1909 duly reported to his parents: <quote_>"... a 
G14 197 day or two ago I received a notification that I had been elected to 
G14 198 the Leander Rowing Club, and today am appearing resplendent in a 
G14 199 pink tie and scarf with a beautiful dark blue waistcoat and gilt 
G14 200 buttons"<quote/>.<p/>
G14 201 <p_>To keep busy was, with Geoffrey Fisher, a life-long 
G14 202 preoccupation. Of his university days he writes: <quote_>"My day is 
G14 203 usually fully occupied by one thing or another - matters concerned 
G14 204 with the Church Union of which I am President, various societies, 
G14 205 the river, social engagements - occasionally a little work, though 
G14 206 that normally consists of the minimum - lectures and two essays a 
G14 207 week for my history and philosophy dons."<quote/>
G14 208 
G14 209 
G14 210 
G15   1 <#FLOB:G15\><h_><p_>CHAPTER 1<p/>
G15   2 <p_>CHAPTER 1<p/>
G15   3 <p_>Origins<p/><h/>
G15   4 <p_><quote_>"The Three Most Important Things a man has are briefly, 
G15   5 his private parts, his money, and his religious opinions."<quote/> 
G15   6 The statement, with the sting in its tail, comes from an outwardly 
G15   7 conventional Victorian, bowler-hatted and black-suited. Was it 
G15   8 conceived during Family Prayers, and recorded, like so many of 
G15   9 Samuel Butler's notes and aphorisms, in the Reading Room of the 
G15  10 British Museum?<p/>
G15  11 <p_>Butler remains one of the great unclassifiable minds of the 
G15  12 nineteenth century, with a reputation that rises and falls but 
G15  13 obstinately resists definition. His versatility and curiosity led 
G15  14 him into many areas of life and thought: religion, science, 
G15  15 literature, art. He was artist and photographer, as well as 
G15  16 novelist, critic, and philosopher, sheep farmer, company director 
G15  17 and property developer. But his claim on our interest has 
G15  18 additional support in the modern writers who were influenced by and 
G15  19 interested in him: Shaw, first and foremost; H.G. Wells, Lytton 
G15  20 Strachey, the Woolfs, E.M. Forster, Ivy Compton-Burnett, Robert 
G15  21 Graves, James Joyce.<p/>
G15  22 <p_>Combative, lucid, honest, with a mischievous sense of humour 
G15  23 which surfaced at most inappropriate moments, Butler developed his 
G15  24 intellectual muscle by questioning received ideas and attitudes. 
G15  25 Betrayed as a child, he resolved never to be 'humbugged' again, 
G15  26 while perplexingly playing the role of the archetypal English 
G15  27 gentleman: public school and Cambridge; chambers in Clifford's Inn; 
G15  28 British Museum, Royal Academy, correspondence columns of the 
G15  29 <tf|>Athenaeum. But a formative summer as an unpaid curate in the 
G15  30 slums of London, long months on an emigrant ship and four years as 
G15  31 a sheep farmer in New Zealand provided a second, less conventional 
G15  32 education. He felt uneasy in the drawing-rooms of well-connected 
G15  33 'nice' people, preferring the atmosphere of public houses and music 
G15  34 halls.<p/>
G15  35 <p_>In his irreverent autobiographical novel, <tf_>The Way of All 
G15  36 Flesh<tf/>, published after his death, in 1903, Butler created a 
G15  37 new kind of being fit for the modern world, Ernest Pontifex (Ernest 
G15  38 Priest). Writing about Ernest's education, which was parallel to 
G15  39 his own, he exclaims: <quote_>"What a lie, what a sickly 
G15  40 debilitating debauch did not Ernest's school and university career 
G15  41 now seem to him, in comparison with his life in prison and as a 
G15  42 tailor in Blackfriars."<quote/> (WF 368) For all the bachelor, 
G15  43 middle-class security of his London chambers and his comfortable 
G15  44 routine, Butler lived in close awareness of the less affluent and 
G15  45 more bohemian. For his pleasures, he would make his weekly visit to 
G15  46 Madame Dumas in Islington, or take the steamer for a day trip to 
G15  47 Margate or Clacton, or accompany his servant Alfred to the 
G15  48 pantomime.<p/>
G15  49 <p_>One can mock, as Malcolm Muggeridge did in his caustic study of 
G15  50 Butler, <tf_>The Earnest Atheist<tf/>, Butler's reliance on his 
G15  51 cheque book and his meticulous book-keeping by double entry; but he 
G15  52 was living in a tightly knit, urban society that put a monetary 
G15  53 value on everyone and everything, in spite of denials to the 
G15  54 contrary. Money was luck, and freedom. Butler's nostalgia for the 
G15  55 pastoral simplicity of the eighteenth century, partly expressed in 
G15  56 the utopia of his novel <tf|>Erewhon, or in his affection for the 
G15  57 healthy, good-looking peasants of the Italian Alps, was fed by his 
G15  58 intimate contact with the realities of London; and every day, like 
G15  59 a good Victorian but in his own highly sceptical way, he thought 
G15  60 about the impact of religion and the nature of God.<p/>
G15  61 <p_>When Butler escaped from England and landed in New Zealand as a 
G15  62 young immigrant of twenty-four, he climbed the volcanic hills that 
G15  63 surround Port Lyttelton harbour to have a sight of his new country. 
G15  64 The Canterbury Plains, lovely in colouring, stretched away into the 
G15  65 distance, where his eye was met by the extensive blue line of the 
G15  66 Southern Alps. As soon as he saw the mountains, he longed to cross 
G15  67 them.<p/>
G15  68 <p_>Within a few weeks, he had fulfilled his wish, and returned. It 
G15  69 was a pattern he would repeat on several occasions during his years 
G15  70 in South Island, most memorably in his courageous explorations of 
G15  71 the headwaters of the Rangitata river which formed the foundation 
G15  72 of the fictional journey over the range and on into 'Erewhon'. The 
G15  73 impulse to explore and discover, preferably in isolation, 
G15  74 characterised his restless cast of mind. If some grand obstacle 
G15  75 loomed on the horizon, mysterious and forbidding - the Anglican 
G15  76 God, the Victorian family, Darwin, Homer - he set out to 
G15  77 investigate for himself; and he would come back from these mental 
G15  78 expeditions, having mapped out the territory to his own 
G15  79 satisfaction, to announce to an uninterested world that the mystery 
G15  80 had been solved. In his final years, Butler became acutely 
G15  81 conscious of the symmetry of his literary career; it began in 1872 
G15  82 with <tf|>Erewhon and ended in 1901 with <tf_>Erewhon 
G15  83 Revisited<tf/>, the emotional climax of which is set on the very 
G15  84 summit of a mountain range, in the shadow of giant statues guarding 
G15  85 the pass into the magical country beyond.<p/>
G15  86 <p_>The rhythm of Butler's life, in an age when travel was suddenly 
G15  87 available and cheap, was punctuated by journeys. The railway and 
G15  88 the steamship made the whole world more accessible to 
G15  89 mid-nineteenth-century England, and when Butler was planning to 
G15  90 emigrate, fleeing the twin spectres of his father and ordination, 
G15  91 he considered, in rapid succession, the merits of Liberia, the Cape 
G15  92 and British Columbia. In the end New Zealand offered the advantage 
G15  93 of being as far away from England in space and time as was 
G15  94 practical, and proved to be his most significant journey. But every 
G15  95 setting out was matched by a return. England, and the English 
G15  96 society, which so confounded and oppressed him, kept calling to 
G15  97 him; and however hard he strained at the ties that held him, he 
G15  98 would be drawn, quietly but inexorably, back to his base at 
G15  99 Clifford's Inn, to the circle of his close friends, even, in spite 
G15 100 of his loud protests to the contrary, to his family. In London he 
G15 101 would work at his books, his painting or his music until his eyes 
G15 102 failed and his brain reeled. Then he would pack his bags again and 
G15 103 go, in summer to the Alps, at Easter or Whitsun to Boulogne, or on 
G15 104 Thursdays and Sundays to Gad's Hill or the Downs.<p/>
G15 105 <p_>He enjoyed travelling light. The British Museum was his 
G15 106 library. He could find a piano anywhere, and in any event carried 
G15 107 most of Handel in his head. Yet his rooms at Clifford's Inn were 
G15 108 stuffed with objects, the walls crowded with photographs, sketches 
G15 109 and paintings. He kept piles of his own unsold books, stacks of 
G15 110 manuscripts, letters, notebooks, boxes of glass negatives. He lived 
G15 111 among the residue of his own life, a lumber-room existence from 
G15 112 which little was discarded because everything had meaning. His 
G15 113 memory was equally retentive. He recalled images, incidents, casual 
G15 114 encounters and conversations, and recorded them in his notebooks 
G15 115 and correspondence, and he kept pressed copies of most of his 
G15 116 letters. Even when travelling, he laid down a trail of forwarding 
G15 117 addresses, <foreign_>postes restantes<foreign/> and trusted 
G15 118 hoteliers to ensure that he maintained contact with his friends and 
G15 119 with his family.<p/>
G15 120 <p_>It is in his relations with his family that Butler's 
G15 121 paradoxical nature is most evident. His father was his intimate 
G15 122 enemy. He felt rejected by his mother. He claimed to dislike his 
G15 123 sisters. He hated his brother. He left England in pique and hurt to 
G15 124 escape from the stifling incomprehension of his parents and what he 
G15 125 believed they stood for; yet he wrote to them at great length from 
G15 126 New Zealand, and when they proudly edited his letters and published 
G15 127 them, he turned on them after correcting the proofs and rejected 
G15 128 the book, <tf_>A First Year in Canterbury Settlement<tf/>, as being 
G15 129 infected with the taint of the family home, Langar. But he could 
G15 130 not let them go. On occasions, he was barred from the house; on 
G15 131 others, he threatened to leave, never to meet again. He always 
G15 132 returned, and was present at the deathbeds of his mother and his 
G15 133 father. The combat was resolvable in one sense only by death, and, 
G15 134 in another, by fiction.<p/>
G15 135 <p_><tf_>The Way of All Flesh<tf/> is the story of Butler's 
G15 136 elemental conflict with his family. V.S. Pritchett described it as 
G15 137 one of the time-bombs of literature, <quote_>"lying in Butler's 
G15 138 desk at Clifford's Inn for thirty years, waiting to blow up the 
G15 139 Victorian family and with it the whole great pillared and 
G15 140 balustraded edifice of the Victorian novel"<quote/>. The book 
G15 141 follows the path of much of Butler's own early development closely, 
G15 142 and is undeniably, if selectively, autobiographical. He purged 
G15 143 himself during the long process of its creation. He wrote it partly 
G15 144 out of resentment and remembered hate; but he turns the irony as 
G15 145 savagely on himself as on his parents and sisters, and on the whole 
G15 146 ethos of Victorian values which he abominated and yet knew himself 
G15 147 to be inescapably a part of.<p/>
G15 148 <p_>The novel is an exercise in demythologising the family, both as 
G15 149 an institution and in personal terms. It is the detailed, intimate 
G15 150 record of Butler's memories, nightmares and dreams, an extended 
G15 151 gloss on the naive painting, 'Family Prayers', which he painted in 
G15 152 1864 and which was his first attempt to open up the dark, locked 
G15 153 room of his childhood. Like Ingmar Bergman, who also survived an 
G15 154 upbringing in which sin and punishment prevailed over grace and 
G15 155 forgiveness, Samuel Butler transformed his painful experience of 
G15 156 childhood into art. Bergman, discussing the great film makers, 
G15 157 commented: <quote_>"When film is not a document, it is 
G15 158 dream."<quote/> Butler's novel is dream disguised as document.<p/>
G15 159 <p_>However much Butler strove to recreate himself, he was 
G15 160 hyper<?_>-<?/>conscious of being the product of his parents, 
G15 161 grandparents and ancestors; and he spent much of his life 
G15 162 investigating his origins. The key figure in the family was 
G15 163 Samuel's grandfather and namesake, Headmaster of Shrewsbury public 
G15 164 school and Bishop of Lichfield, who died when he was four. It was 
G15 165 Samuel's birthday, and a village woman who did sewing at Langar 
G15 166 Rectory brought him a little pot of honey. <quote_>"My father came 
G15 167 in, told us grandpapa was dead, and took away the honey saying it 
G15 168 would not be good for us."<quote/><p/>
G15 169 <p_>Samuel had only one direct memory of his grandfather, less 
G15 170 ominous: <quote_>"I had a vision of myself before a nursery fire 
G15 171 with Dr Butler walking up and down the room watching my sister 
G15 172 Harrie and myself."<quote/> (M1.19) The 'portrait' of Dr Butler in 
G15 173 <tf_>The Way of All Flesh<tf/>, translated into George Pontifex, a 
G15 174 successful publisher of religious works, is ambivalent. His 
G15 175 fictional epitaph (WF 110):<p/>
G15 176 <p_><quote_>HE NOW LIES AWAITING A JOYFUL RESURRECTION<p/>
G15 177 <p_>AT THE LAST DAY<p/>
G15 178 <p_>WHAT MANNER OF MAN HE WAS<p/>
G15 179 <p_>THAT DAY WILL DISCOVER<quote/><p/>
G15 180 <p_>hints at Butler's uncertainty about his own judgment of him. 
G15 181 When he eventually inherited a dinner service of silver plate, 
G15 182 presented to Dr Butler when he became Bishop of Lichfield, he 
G15 183 decided to sell it.<p/>
G15 184 <p_><quote_>I took it to a silversmith's in the Strand, or rather 
G15 185 got them to send some one to see it; he said it was very good, but 
G15 186 of a period (1836) now out of fashion.<p/>
G15 187 <p_>'There is one especial test of respectability in plate,' he 
G15 188 remarked; 'we seldom find it but, when we do, we consider it the 
G15 189 most correct thing and the best guarantee of solid prosperity that 
G15 190 anything in plate can give. When there is a silver venison dish we 
G15 191 know that the plate comes from an owner of the very highest 
G15 192 respectability.'<p/>
G15 193 <p_>My grandfather had a silver venison dish.<quote/><p/>
G15 194 <p_>To this note Butler added a P.S., after he had written the 
G15 195 monumental <tf_>The Life and Letters of Dr Samuel Butler<tf/>:<p/>
G15 196 <p_><quote_>When I wrote the above, I knew nothing about my 
G15 197 grandfather except that he had been a great schoolmaster - and I 
G15 198 did not like schoolmasters; and then a bishop - and I did not like 
G15 199 bishops; and that he was supposed to be like my father. [He does 
G15 200 not need to add, 'and I did not like my father'.] Of course when I 
G15 201 got hold of his papers, I saw what he was and fell head over ears 
G15 202 in love with him. Had I known then what I know now, I do not think 
G15 203 I could have sold the plate; but it was much better that I should, 
G15 204 and I have raised a far better monument to his memory than ever the 
G15 205 plate was.<quote/> (M2.50-1)<p/>
G15 206 
G16   1 <#FLOB:G16\><h_><p_>1<p/>
G16   2 <p_>Infant Joy and Sorrow<p/>
G16   3 <p_>1757-1767<p/><h/>
G16   4 <p_>FROM 1684 the parish church of St James's, Piccadilly dominated 
G16   5 its surroundings. Almost twenty-five years before, Charles II had 
G16   6 given Henry Jermyn permission to develop St James's Fields, and, in 
G16   7 turn, Jermyn had invited Christopher Wren to build his only London 
G16   8 church constructed on an entirely new site. The exterior was unduly 
G16   9 modest, the interior sumptuous. The limewood reredos is by Grinling 
G16  10 Gibbons, and John Evelyn was moved to claim that there was 
G16  11 <quote_>"no altar anywhere in England, nor has there been any 
G16  12 abroad more handsomely adorned"<quote/>. John Blow and Henry 
G16  13 Purcell tested the organ by Renatus Harris given to the parish by 
G16  14 Queen Mary in 1691. Lord Foppington, in Vanbrugh's <tf_>The 
G16  15 Relapse<tf/>, when asked which church he most obliged with his 
G16  16 presence, replied: <quote_>"Oh! St James's, there's much the best 
G16  17 company!"<quote/><p/>
G16  18 <p_>The spire of St James's looked down on a neighbourhood where 
G16  19 the fashionable, the rich, the famous, the middling, the poor and 
G16  20 the destitute existed side by side. A newspaper account of 1748 
G16  21 describes such a cityscape: <quote_>"If we look into the Streets, 
G16  22 what a Medley of Neighbourhood do we see! Here lies a Personage of 
G16  23 high Distinction; next Door a Butcher with his stinking Shambles! A 
G16  24 Tallow-chandler shall front my Lady's nice <tf|>Venetian Window; 
G16  25 and two or three brawny naked curriers in their Pits shall face a 
G16  26 fine Lady in her back Closet, and disturb her spiritual 
G16  27 Thoughts."<quote/><p/>
G16  28 <p_>Although the quality of living conditions in London improved 
G16  29 enormously throughout the eighteenth century, St James's, like 
G16  30 other London parishes, was infested with a variety of urban 
G16  31 blights, such as the abuses stemming from the availability, even in 
G16  32 the 1750s, of cheap gin. Thirty years later, Horace Walpole 
G16  33 reflected that <quote_>"as yet there are more persons killed by 
G16  34 drinking than by ball or bayonet"<quote/>. Pregnant women addicted 
G16  35 to this spirit often gave birth to weak, sickly children who looked 
G16  36 <quote_>"shrivel'd and old as though they had numbered many 
G16  37 years"<quote/>. Mechanics, artisans and labourers who drifted to 
G16  38 London in search of employment routinely deserted their wives and 
G16  39 children when they discovered that the metropolis did not offer 
G16  40 them a lucrative style of life. The abandoned wives frequently had 
G16  41 to pawn their beds and wedding-rings, and their children were 
G16  42 dressed in rags. In feeble attempts to raise funds, these women 
G16  43 invested in State Lottery or the fraudulent and illegal private 
G16  44 lotteries called 'Little Goes'. There were other diversions: cards, 
G16  45 dice, draughts, baitings of bears, badgers and bulls, cock-matches 
G16  46 and games with the intriguing names of bumble-puppy and Mississippi 
G16  47 Fables.<p/>
G16  48 <p_>In contrast to a uniformly poor district such as Stepney, 
G16  49 Piccadilly contained an uneasy mix of opulence and destitution. 
G16  50 There were beguiling shops, open until ten in the evening, one 
G16  51 selling crystal flasks, another displaying pyramids of pineapples, 
G16  52 figs, grapes and oranges; in one china shop, tableware was laid out 
G16  53 as though a lavish dinner party was in progress. These emporiums of 
G16  54 wealth existed in an environment where masses of ordure were left 
G16  55 in the road and where open cellars and stone steps projected into 
G16  56 and blocked the same streets. There was usually an assortment of 
G16  57 mad dogs, beggars and bullock-carts. Profanity was commonplace, and 
G16  58 the streets were poorly illuminated.<p/>
G16  59 <p_>Behind or above the alluring, brightly lit windows were the 
G16  60 usually cramped, dark and poky living quarters of the shopkeepers. 
G16  61 Built on a cramped corner site, 28 Broad Street, with its entrance 
G16  62 on Marshall Street, was four storeys high, with a basement. In this 
G16  63 setting, on 28 November 1757, William Blake was born; he was 
G16  64 baptized on Sunday, 11 December, in St James's Church. William was 
G16  65 the third son of Catherine and James Blake, a hosier and 
G16  66 haberdasher.<p/>
G16  67 
G16  68 <p_>By birth, William was a child whose social status hovered 
G16  69 between the <quote_>"middle sorts"<quote/> and the <quote_>"working 
G16  70 trades"<quote/>, as Defoe dubbed them. He was certainly of what 
G16  71 Henry Fielding called <quote_>"that very large and powerful body 
G16  72 which forms the fourth estate in the community and has long been 
G16  73 dignified by the name of the Mob"<quote/>. From the outset, Blake 
G16  74 was, like so many others, an outcast from the refined, aristocratic 
G16  75 mode of existence of eighteenth-century culture. As boy and man, he 
G16  76 was a citizen of the Other London.<p/>
G16  77 <p_>James, William's father, was bound as a draper's apprentice to 
G16  78 one Francis Smith on 14 July 1737. James went with his father, also 
G16  79 James, to the great hall of the Company of Drapers for this 
G16  80 ceremony, where his father paid a consideration of pounds60 and a 
G16  81 fee of 1s 2d. The boy would have been about fourteen, and the 
G16  82 premium paid by his father was on the high side of average. James 
G16  83 and his father were from Rotherhithe, a grimy offshoot of the City, 
G16  84 across London Bridge on the south side of the Thames (Swift located 
G16  85 Lemuel Gulliver's birth there). Seven years later, when his 
G16  86 apprenticeship was over, James moved to a more central location at 
G16  87 5 Glasshouse Street, also a scruffy, disagreeable environment. 
G16  88 According to a report of 1720, <quote_>"the houses were meanly 
G16  89 built, neither are its Inhabitants much to be boasted 
G16  90 of"<quote/>.<p/>
G16  91 <p_>By 1749, James was registered as a hosier in his own right. By 
G16  92 the time he reached his mid-twenties, he had spent twelve years 
G16  93 working from dawn to dusk, earning between pounds30 and pounds40 a 
G16  94 year, a sum which allowed him to live in London precariously above 
G16  95 the poverty line. In compensation for his long hours of work and 
G16  96 relatively low wages, James would have formed close friendships 
G16  97 with other apprentices and journeymen in his trade. These men 
G16  98 shared a comradeship of work-songs, horse-play, coats of arms, 
G16  99 regalia, slang and parades; most of their meetings were held in 
G16 100 taverns. Out of such experiences came an increasing sense of 
G16 101 deprivation, of being outsiders to plainly visible wealth. In 1751, 
G16 102 for example, the workers employed by a hatmaker of St Olave's, 
G16 103 Southwark, struck against him until he raised their wages: on 21 
G16 104 July, thirty dissidents arrived at his house demanding to know the 
G16 105 name of an informant. The hatmaker refused the request and, but for 
G16 106 the intervention of his neighbour, his house would have been 
G16 107 burned.<p/>
G16 108 <p_>On 15 October 1752, James married Catherine Harmitage, whose 
G16 109 family lived at 28 Broad Street, Golden Square. Nothing else is 
G16 110 know of Catherine's ancestry. The ceremony took place just off 
G16 111 Hanover Square at St George's Chapel, which had been built by John 
G16 112 James in 1721-4. This area was fashionable in the early 1710s, but 
G16 113 by the mid-1750s the chapel had acquired the unsavoury reputation 
G16 114 of performing hasty, informal marriage ceremonies - fifteen took 
G16 115 place the day James and Catherine were married.<p/>
G16 116 <p_>Catherine was about thirty at the time of her marriage, the 
G16 117 groom being a year younger. The couple lived in Glasshouse Street 
G16 118 for a year before moving to the bride's family home on Broad 
G16 119 Street. Their first child, also James, was born on 10 July, almost 
G16 120 nine month after they married. A second son, John, arrived on 12 
G16 121 May 1755; this boy probably died young. After William came another 
G16 122 John on 20 March 1760. Richard was born on 19 June 1972 - he 
G16 123 apparently died as an infant. The poet's only sister, Catherine 
G16 124 Elizabeth, was born on 7 January 1764. All these children were 
G16 125 baptized at St James's. Three years later, on 4 August, William's 
G16 126 favourite sibling, Robert, was born. Significantly, the youngest 
G16 127 Blake child was not baptized at St James's, and the register of 
G16 128 subscribers who supported the ministry of the Grafton Street 
G16 129 Baptist Church lists a 'Blake' who contributed there from 1769 to 
G16 130 1772.<p/>
G16 131 <p_>James Blake probably became a Baptist in the mid-1760s. Such a 
G16 132 conversion was not uncommon. Many members of the mercantile, 
G16 133 artisan and working classes had long been convinced that the 
G16 134 <}_><-|>hierarchal<+|>hierarchical<}/> authority of the Church of 
G16 135 England was intended to keep them firmly in their places. Also, 
G16 136 they yearned to feel more directly the beneficent love of God. Thus 
G16 137 they dissented from the Church of England and joined groups such as 
G16 138 the Baptists, Quakers and Methodists. These religions were of the 
G16 139 heart: the individual cultivated the divinity within regulations 
G16 140 and rules took second place to feeling. By 1769, the earlier, 'Old' 
G16 141 wave of dissent was linked to the mercantile classes, the 
G16 142 comfortable 'middling' group. The 'New' Dissent, much more the 
G16 143 religion of outsiders, was associated with political reform. 
G16 144 Whether sympathetic to the 'Old' or 'New' Dissent, James was in 
G16 145 touch with sentiments to which he would have been exposed as an 
G16 146 apprentice and journeyman. Such religious belief often went hand in 
G16 147 hand with political millenarianism, as in the stirring words of the 
G16 148 Shakers' Jane Wardley: <quote_>"And when Christ appears again, and 
G16 149 the true church rises in full and transcendent glory, then all 
G16 150 anti-Christian denominations - the priests, the church, the pope - 
G16 151 will be swept away."<quote/><p/>
G16 152 <p_>In particular, the 'New' Dissent had a strong political axe to 
G16 153 grind, coming into existence as it did because of the sense of 
G16 154 outrage which had become pronounced among the working and artisan 
G16 155 classes. This group witnessed the concentration of wealth in the 
G16 156 hands of a small minority and increasingly realized that the King, 
G16 157 Parliament and institutionalized religion were in league with the 
G16 158 privileged few. This outrage led to antinomian sentiments, whereby 
G16 159 the civil laws of a corrupt nation should be subverted because they 
G16 160 were not in accord with the moral Law of the Christ who drove the 
G16 161 money changers from the Temple.<p/>
G16 162 
G16 163 <p_>The artisan, shopkeeping culture into which Blake was born was 
G16 164 one in which children were seen as slowly evolving individuals, not 
G16 165 as little people who eventually became larger-sized adults. 
G16 166 Throughout the century, there had been a slow but steady move in 
G16 167 this direction: familial love was openly displayed, hierarchical 
G16 168 authority was questioned, and gestures of love were freely bestowed 
G16 169 on children by parents. These religious beliefs of both the 'Old' 
G16 170 and 'New' Dissent, whereby the individual found within himself the 
G16 171 warm feelings of a benign Saviour, obviously spilled over into 
G16 172 corresponding emotions about family members.<p/>
G16 173 <p_>The intriguing particles of information which have survived 
G16 174 about the Blake household show that both father and mother 
G16 175 communicated their feelings of devotion and attachment to their 
G16 176 children. John was the favourite of both parents, and when William 
G16 177 protested about this, he was told that he would eventually 
G16 178 <quote_>"beg his bread"<quote/> at John's door. William often 
G16 179 <quote|>"remonstrated" against John's special status and was 
G16 180 ordered to be <quote|>"quiet". His position as the <quote|>"third" 
G16 181 child deeply disturbed him: he saw himself as inconsequential, as a 
G16 182 mandrake infant who is carelessly picked up to join two other 
G16 183 siblings.<p/>
G16 184 <p_>Favourites frequently have no friends, and William was later to 
G16 185 refer to John as <quote_>"the evil one"<quote/>. Eventually, John 
G16 186 borrowed money from his parents, became a baker, lost money through 
G16 187 a combination of sloth and recklessness, threw himself on the mercy 
G16 188 of his brothers, and, finally, joined the army, where he died. As a 
G16 189 youngster, James, William's eldest brother, talked of seeing 
G16 190 Abraham and Moses. Later, these visionary qualities vanished, and 
G16 191 James developed a contempt for his <quote|>"erratic" younger 
G16 192 brother, who began to see visions himself.<p/>
G16 193 <p_>If William was not the favourite, he was certainly coddled by 
G16 194 his father, <quote_>"always more ready to encourage than to 
G16 195 chide"<quote/>. As soon as the young boy developed a taste for 
G16 196 collecting prints, the same <quote_>"indulgent parent soon supplied 
G16 197 him with money to buy<quote/> them; he also gave him plaster casts 
G16 198 of various antique statuary. By the mid-1760s, James seems to have 
G16 199 won a measure of worldly success, which is strongly corroborated by 
G16 200 his ability to gratify William's fascination with prints.<p/>
G16 201 <p_>William was definitely not the easiest of children to deal 
G16 202 with, although he was often <quote_>"easily persuaded"<quote/> of 
G16 203 the rights and opinions of others. From the outset, he displayed a 
G16 204 daring impetuosity and <quote_>"vigorous temper"<quote/>. He 
G16 205 disliked any kind of regulations and rules, so much so that James 
G16 206 decided not to send him to school. And William so <quote_>"hated a 
G16 207 Blow"<quote/> that he inveighed against any form of chastisement. 
G16 208 As a result, <quote_>"his Father thought it most prudent to 
G16 209 withhold from him the liability of receiving 
G16 210 punishment"<quote/>.<p/>
G16 211 
G17   1 <#FLOB:G17\><h_><p_>1<p/>
G17   2 <p_>THE END OF THE FORTIES<p/>
G17   3 <p_>1<p/><h/>
G17   4 <p_>I CAME out of the Navy in 1946 possessing two suits of clothes, 
G17   5 plus the 'hacking jacket' and grey trousers picked up at Olympia as 
G17   6 part of the civilian outfit made available to all servicemen on 
G17   7 demobilization. One of the suits even pre-dated my joining the 
G17   8 Woolwich in December 1938. Made of dark-brown Manx tweed, 
G17   9 laboriously chosen, it had always been a favourite of mine. In a 
G17  10 novel I had to abandon when called up in April 1941, I had clad my 
G17  11 dapper hero in it. During Navy years it had been attacked by moths, 
G17  12 but in 1946 I had it 'invisibly mended', a service still available 
G17  13 at a modest price, in which patient ladies darned the holes with 
G17  14 threads drawn from interior seams of the garment in question. The 
G17  15 other suit was of a thicker but still plain tweed, of a subdued 
G17  16 green, the colour nevertheless quite <tf_>avant garde<tf/> for its 
G17  17 time. This had been stout enough to survive the war intact. Two 
G17  18 suits of such antiquity were plainly inadequate for the resumed 
G17  19 life of a lawyer, and I eventually went to a quite small shop 
G17  20 called Austin's at the bottom of Shaftesbury Avenue with the 
G17  21 intention of buying another off the peg. I must have seen in the 
G17  22 window something that took my fancy. It was a shop that later, 
G17  23 possibly even at that time, sold shirts from the USA with 
G17  24 button-down collars, and other items of a quite novel or show-biz 
G17  25 character, appropriate to its location. It was run by two men I 
G17  26 took to be Jewish brothers, though one was bald, the other 
G17  27 gingerish; agreeable, but unlikely to let someone escape who had 
G17  28 set foot over their threshold. On this occasion it turned out they 
G17  29 had nothing to fit me that I liked. I succumbed to their offer to 
G17  30 make a suit for me. My hesitation may have been on account of the 
G17  31 price, probably anticipated more than actual. But I was pleased 
G17  32 with the product that emerged. The material was a soft, grey, 
G17  33 herring<?_>-<?/>bone tweed, the coat cut longer in the body than 
G17  34 any suit I had ever had - in fact, in the style familiar from 
G17  35 American films of the day - the middle button of the three, the one 
G17  36 intended to be fastened, situated accurately in the waist. Did I 
G17  37 think the trousers slightly too wide, the two pleats at either side 
G17  38 of the waist-band too generous? Not to begin with, I feel sure, but 
G17  39 fashion changed in those regards.<p/>
G17  40 <p_>Certainly I came to possess two suits for which I had much less 
G17  41 affection. Clothes rationing was still in force, and my mother, in 
G17  42 the north, had acquired a suit-length on the black market. I had it 
G17  43 made up by the sort of tailor willing to work on such extraneous 
G17  44 material. I chose a double-breasted style, but the coat was 
G17  45 ungenerous in length, and the dark-blue cloth itself of indifferent 
G17  46 quality. Parsimony and compassion for my mother's enterprise 
G17  47 compelled me to persevere with the thing until it could be decently 
G17  48 interred. The other suit that I wore with misgiving was a much 
G17  49 superior affair, but in truth it was too big. My brother gave it to 
G17  50 me when he departed for a tour of duty in Singapore, as totally 
G17  51 unsuitable for the climate anticipated. During the war he had 
G17  52 served in the catering branch of the RAF, had been persuaded (with 
G17  53 promise of rapid promotion) to stay on in peacetime. Immediately 
G17  54 before Singapore he had been at the Air Ministry: hence the 
G17  55 civilian suit, which he had had made at Simpson's in Piccadilly; 
G17  56 nutty, like all his garments. Proof that I wore it on more than 
G17  57 everyday occasions is afforded by a photograph in <tf_>Picture 
G17  58 Post<tf/> of 19 February 1949, which shows me with the poet Laurie 
G17  59 Lee, eating some snack, garbed in the suit in question. But surely 
G17  60 anyone interested in sartorial matters can deduce that the suit was 
G17  61 not made for me.<p/>
G17  62 <p_>At a rather later date, I too had a suit made at Simpson's, a 
G17  63 distinct success - double-breasted, like the black-market affair, 
G17  64 but properly cut, and in dark-grey flannel, a material not then the 
G17  65 New York executive <tf|>clich<*_>e-acute<*/> it subsequently 
G17  66 became. However, thereafter, until I retired as solicitor to the 
G17  67 Woolwich Equitable Building Society - when I ceased to wear suits 
G17  68 as a diurnal practice, and had accumulated enough to last me 
G17  69 through the formal occasions of the rest of my life (unless they 
G17  70 were amazingly prolonged) - I patronized the ample 
G17  71 ready<?_>-<?/>made department of Aquascutum at the bottom of Regent 
G17  72 Street. Suffering, then unbeknown to me, from hyperthyroidism, I 
G17  73 had lost weight, but Aquascutum did a 'young man's fitting', the 
G17  74 thirty-seven-inch chest size which usually fitted me without 
G17  75 alteration. (Incidentally, Aquascutum, like Burberry's, had, as the 
G17  76 name indicates, originally been celebrated for raincoats: in his 
G17  77 immediate post-First War diaries Sigfried Sassoon refers to an 
G17  78 Aquascutum as familiarly as he might a Burberry, and indeed there 
G17  79 is a similar reference in A. C. Benson's journal for 1902. So it is 
G17  80 odd the word is not in the OED, even the Supplement.)<p/>
G17  81 <p_>Apropos of Austin's, that portion of Shaftesbury Avenue was 
G17  82 also familiar through visiting the Trocadero opposite, part of the 
G17  83 J. Lyons & Co empire, like the Regent Palace Hotel nearby, in which 
G17  84 conglomerate my brother had done some of his training before the 
G17  85 war. For a spell he had accompanied the Lyons meat buyer to 
G17  86 Smithfield, and I had been impressed by his telling me how the best 
G17  87 meat had been insisted upon for the Lyons hotels. Occasionally, I 
G17  88 must have just gone into the Troc for a drink, because I remember 
G17  89 seeing in the deserted lounge, at a fairly early hour of the 
G17  90 morning, Sid Field talking earnestly to a lady I doubt was his 
G17  91 wife. (Sid Field died prematurely: some of his comic routines are 
G17  92 preserved on film but give no idea how laughter-achingly funny he 
G17  93 was 'live', in contact with the audience that night after night 
G17  94 packed the Prince of Wales Theatre to see the series of revues in 
G17  95 which he starred, all at once promoted to West End fame from a long 
G17  96 apprenticeship in provincial music-halls.) Later, it may have been 
G17  97 that lounge that was turned into a restaurant, still under the 
G17  98 aegis of the Troc, named the 'Salted Almond' - the 
G17  99 <tf|>d<*_>e-acute<*/>cor modern, especially compared with the 
G17 100 traditional Troc appearance, and the menu on the whole light, 
G17 101 suitable for women shoppers, and executives wanting to break out of 
G17 102 the chop-house mould. But my patronizing it surely indicates a 
G17 103 lingering provincial attitude to the West End.<p/>
G17 104 <p_>The sight of the private Sid Field making such an impression - 
G17 105 and, indeed, the whole business of those Kleinian Good and Bad 
G17 106 suits - brings home to me, writing towards the end of 1988, the 
G17 107 extraordinary remoteness of the first post-war years. In his 
G17 108 excellent book of 'autobiographies', <tf_>Time and Time Again<tf/>, 
G17 109 Dan Jacobson describes the London of those days as it seemed to a 
G17 110 South African new-arrival:<O_>long quotation<O/>.<p/>
G17 111 <p_>I doubt if we who had lived in London during the latter year or 
G17 112 so of the war felt all this anything like so acutely; in fact, the 
G17 113 West End and many of the suburbs seem to me now more squalid than 
G17 114 they did then. Yet certainly the joy at the war being over, 
G17 115 interrupted life resumed, a Labour government voted in, was 
G17 116 tempered by a number of factors difficult now to recover in their 
G17 117 intensity. Foremost was the conviction that a Third World War was 
G17 118 quite on the cards, an atomic conflict between the late allies, the 
G17 119 Soviet Union and the West. And perhaps in other cases than my own 
G17 120 was the sense that, after all, one wanted more than the simple 
G17 121 return to pre-war existence; that the <foreign|>bouleversements of 
G17 122 the war should have resulted in the leading of a 'different' life; 
G17 123 in my case the achievement of a higher level of artistic creativity 
G17 124 - in the famous words of Henry James (which in fact one read for 
G17 125 the first time when the <tf|>Notebooks were published in 1947): 
G17 126 <quote_>"To live <tf|>in the world of creation - to get into it and 
G17 127 stay in it - to frequent it and haunt it - to <tf|>think intently 
G17 128 and fruitfully - to woo combinations and inspirations into being by 
G17 129 a depth and continuity of attention and meditation - this is the 
G17 130 only thing..."<quote/> But that one never achieved this was in fact 
G17 131 due as much to lack of genius as of opportunity in the life 
G17 132 embraced.<p/>
G17 133 
G17 134 <h|>2
G17 135 <p_>Addressing envelopes in Labour Party committee rooms in the 
G17 136 1945 General Election was the only direct form of political action 
G17 137 undertaken since I left Blackpool in the mid-Thirties. <quote_>"I'm 
G17 138 overfond of Uncle Joe"<quote/>, I wrote in the dedicatory poem of 
G17 139 my collection of 1949, <tf_>Epitaphs and Occasions<tf/>, but the 
G17 140 verb was really determined by the metre: 'Too lenient to Uncle Joe' 
G17 141 would have been more accurate. In the immediate post-war years I 
G17 142 still sympathized with the Soviets; thought the 1917 Revolution a 
G17 143 gain not to be surrendered, despite its plainly having gone awry. 
G17 144 Strange to relate, the crimes of the Stalin era had not really made 
G17 145 their mark on me: the idea of bourgeois propaganda or the notion of 
G17 146 the 'necessary murder' still prevailed over the evidence coming in. 
G17 147 Because of this, and the alarm about another war, I became a member 
G17 148 of the Society for Cultural Relations with the USSR; indeed, served 
G17 149 on its committee. I suppose in America 'the SCR' would have been 
G17 150 labelled a Communist Party front organization, but it was not so in 
G17 151 any conspiratorial sense. For instance, we sent a quarterly 
G17 152 selection of new English books to our Soviet counterpart (or the 
G17 153 Writers' Union, I forget), the choice being free from political 
G17 154 bias, in fact positively challenging censorship. When a delegation 
G17 155 of writers came from the USSR - including the (then or 
G17 156 subsequently) notorious <tf|>apparatchik Surkov - I remember asking 
G17 157 them why the fiction they sent us was always ideologically 
G17 158 simplistic; why didn't we receive 'neurotic' novels? The question 
G17 159 betrays my naivety, but it was also typical of the 'cultural 
G17 160 relations' we were trying to establish. (Incidentally, we had 
G17 161 better visitors than Surkov: I recall being in a group round 
G17 162 Pudovkin - whose films I had gone to great lengths to catch in the 
G17 163 Thirties - feeling a sense of awe; but what fell from his lips has 
G17 164 gone from my mind. He was of ordinary, not to say common-place 
G17 165 appearance, absolutely not acting the great man.)<p/>
G17 166 <p_>Indeed, most SCR activity has been blanketed by time. Compton 
G17 167 Mackenzie was President (or whatever the figurehead was called). I 
G17 168 see him at some gathering half seated on a table, silver, 
G17 169 brilliantined hair brushed straight back, grey imperial beard 
G17 170 wagging as he gassed. In my youth I had borrowed from the Blackpool 
G17 171 Public Library, and read with absorption, the <tf_>Sinister 
G17 172 Street<tf/> series and other novels: at the SCR he was to me still 
G17 173 a figure of charisma, though I had long moved away from the kind of 
G17 174 literature he represented. I suppose if confronted with a list of 
G17 175 my colleagues on the SCR committee memories would return: little 
G17 176 has stuck - though I easily summon up David Magarshack, man of 
G17 177 sound views, likeable, though with the dogged irritability of some 
G17 178 character in the Dostoevsky he translated so well.<p/>
G17 179 <p_>Presumably it was through the SCR that other leftish characters 
G17 180 entered my life. The threat of a Third World War became so acute 
G17 181 that there were several small <tf_>ad hoc<tf/> meetings of writers 
G17 182 to take some action, perhaps somewhat Learish (<quote_>"What they 
G17 183 are, yet I know not, but they shall be /The terrors of the 
G17 184 earth"<quote/>). Private houses were the venue: into one such 
G17 185 meeting came one night Reggie Smith and his wife Olivia Manning, 
G17 186 between them a half-comatose individual who, dormouse-like, sat 
G17 187 between them but added nothing to the proceedings, and was later 
G17 188 discovered to be Dylan Thomas. How amazed I should have been then 
G17 189 had I been told I should live through more or less peaceful times 
G17 190 into the second half of my seventies (to say nothing of the 
G17 191 amazement that Dylan Thomas should continue to be thought a 'great' 
G17 192 poet).
G17 193 
G18   1 <#FLOB:G18\><h_><p_>5 Independence<p/><h/>
G18   2 <p_>Minnie was very happy to have Fred back home, frequently 
G18   3 referring to how 'good' and 'nice' he was, how gently he behaved 
G18   4 with his father, and what jolly company he provided. He also looked 
G18   5 wonderful. When he went for a medical check-up, advisable after 
G18   6 exposure to Egypt, Mama reported that the doctor said 'what 
G18   7 magnificent health Fred was in, <quote_>"like an Apollo"<quote/> he 
G18   8 said, in the perfection of his muscles. Lor!'<p/>
G18   9 <p_>Within weeks, Fred renewed the acquaintance he had made on the 
G18  10 Nile with Lord Alfred Douglas, who introduced him to Oscar Wilde in 
G18  11 June 1894. Wilde presented Fred with a copy of his very rare and 
G18  12 controversial book <tf_>The Sphinx<tf/>, inscribed <quote_>"To E.F. 
G18  13 Benson, with the compliments of the author, Oscar Wilde"<quote/>. 
G18  14 Limited to two hundred copies, <tf_>The Sphinx<tf/> needed to lurk 
G18  15 in obscurity, for its pagan and homosexual themes artfully mingled 
G18  16 with Christianity made it decidedly 'decadent' in the fashion of 
G18  17 the day, and appearing at the very time that mad Lord Queensberry 
G18  18 (Alfred Douglas's father) was being taunted to distraction by 
G18  19 Wilde's impudent defiance, it would have been a dangerous 
G18  20 provocation had the book been widely available. Shortly afterwards, 
G18  21 Douglas gave Fred a copy of Wilde's even rarer <tf|>Salome, limited 
G18  22 to a mere one hundred copies. Wilde had written it in French and 
G18  23 dedicated it to Douglas, who translated it into English. With 
G18  24 illustrations by Aubrey Beardsley to add to the spice, <tf|>Salome 
G18  25 was soon notorious enough to be banned in England. It is indicative 
G18  26 of the relative closeness of their friendship that Douglas signed 
G18  27 his presentation copy with both their nicknames, <quote_>"To Dodo 
G18  28 from Bosie"<quote/>.<p/>
G18  29 <p_>There is a delicious piquancy in the juxtaposition of events, 
G18  30 that while Fred was enjoying the company of this amusing, 
G18  31 intelligent but definitely <tf|>louche society, his younger brother 
G18  32 Hugh, now twenty-two years old, was taking Holy Orders. Edward was 
G18  33 relieved that at least one of his sons should join the Church, and 
G18  34 it was wholly appropriate that it should be Hugh, the most innocent 
G18  35 and na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve, the one who had been spoilt in 
G18  36 compensation for the cruelly early death of Martin. The Archbishop 
G18  37 had long surrendered hope for Arthur, old before his time, or Fred, 
G18  38 apparently captive to frivolity. If Fred had felt any pressure to 
G18  39 conform to paternal expectations, which had been unlikely since 
G18  40 Cambridge days, the pressure was finally lifted when Hugh was 
G18  41 ordained.<p/>
G18  42 <p_>Minnie began to fret that Fred was lacking direction, that he 
G18  43 needed a job or at least something to do, but to suggest he was 
G18  44 leading a life entirely devoted to amusement is unfair. He produced 
G18  45 two learned papers for the <tf_>Journal of Hellenic Studies<tf/> 
G18  46 which were so well received they were republished as pamphlets; one 
G18  47 was an archaeological and historical analysis of Aegosthena, the 
G18  48 eastern-most bay of the Gulf of Corinth, the other a study of a 
G18  49 fourth century Head in the Central Museum of Athens. Both came out 
G18  50 in 1895. Of far more interest to us is an article he wrote for the 
G18  51 <tf_>Contemporary Review<tf/> in July of that year on a literary 
G18  52 subject with strangely prescient echoes. In it, he starts by 
G18  53 telling the reader that the attempts of biographers to illumine the 
G18  54 work of artists by dwelling upon their personal habits is futile (a 
G18  55 view he will over<?_>-<?/>turn forty years later in his biography 
G18  56 of Charlotte Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/>), then goes on to talk about the 
G18  57 sad aberrant gene in the family of Charles Lamb:<p/>
G18  58 <p_><quote_>[Lamb's] sister ...was liable to fits of madness, in 
G18  59 one of which she killed her own mother. Later on these fits were 
G18  60 preceded by some warning, and she would go voluntarily with her 
G18  61 brother to the asylumn before they obtained complete mastery over 
G18  62 her. A friend of the Lambs has related how on one occasion he met 
G18  63 the brother and sister, at such a season, walking hand in hand 
G18  64 across the field to the old asylumn, both bathed in 
G18  65 tears.<quote/><p/>
G18  66 <p_>Quite apart from this being a rather moving image, it is also a 
G18  67 personal one, and the first time, so far as I am able to discover, 
G18  68 that E.F. Benson mentions the subject of inherited madness. It is 
G18  69 another mark of Benson reticence that he would never use the word 
G18  70 when referring to the misfortunes that befell his own flesh and 
G18  71 blood, although he must have reflected upon their source and, when 
G18  72 he was writing about Lamb, he would have witnessed the first 
G18  73 distressing signs of them. His father had always been prone to 
G18  74 melancholia, and we have seen that Minnie pleaded with him to seek 
G18  75 help of medical men to combat what she was certain was a disease. 
G18  76 Arthur, though respectful in his diary, is initially much more 
G18  77 hostile, ascribing his father's moods to sulking and petulance. 
G18  78 Edward was <quote_>"unscrupulous, bringing in higher motives to 
G18  79 make people do as he liked, and talking pathetically about other 
G18  80 people's selfishness, when it was only a question of two 
G18  81 alternatives, one of which he did not happen to care for."<quote/> 
G18  82 The Archbishop longed to be surrounded by love and joy, yet was 
G18  83 unable to see that enjoyment could not be compelled, and when 
G18  84 thwarted in his desire he was convinced that everyone was doing 
G18  85 wrong. Thus justified, he would revert to his black moods of 
G18  86 despair at the essential sinfulness of humankind.<p/>
G18  87 <p_>Arthur was not free from the taint, and in 1895 began to feel 
G18  88 renewed stirrings of that 'black dog' which would eventually make 
G18  89 his life a misery. As yet it was faint and mysterious. He told his 
G18  90 mother that he was suffering from <quote_>"a peculiar nervous 
G18  91 condition the discomfort of which I can hardly describe"<quote/>. 
G18  92 As the years went on the condition hardened, and he would expend 
G18  93 much of his energy on the attempt to describe it.<p/>
G18  94 <p_>Then there was Maggie, who suffered from pain at the temples 
G18  95 and head and was liable to throw herself into a temper with very 
G18  96 little provocation. In Athens she had suffered what was 
G18  97 euphemistically called an 'attack', and it had befallen Fred to 
G18  98 coax her back into self-control, a task he had undertaken with a 
G18  99 ready heart. Minnie had written to him that he was <quote_>"a son 
G18 100 who inherits his mother's propensities in some things"<quote/>, a 
G18 101 reflection which was looking more and more true as they stood 
G18 102 together against the illnesses which threatened the rest of the 
G18 103 family. To Maggie she wrote, with mock hilarity which in the 
G18 104 circumstances was perhaps ill-judged, <quote_>"Oh <tf|>do be 
G18 105 <tf|>normal,"<quote/> and <quote_>"<tf|>PUL-EASE do what is 
G18 106 best."<quote/> Maggie had been told by someone that she was a 
G18 107 disagreeable sort of person, and had brooded upon an insult which 
G18 108 she might earlier have dismissed as pointless. Her mother begged 
G18 109 her not to distress her <quote_>"blessed little mind"<quote/> over 
G18 110 it; <tf|>she didn't - <quote_>"I larf, I dew."<quote/><p/>
G18 111 <p_>When Maggie returned to London she was sent to consult the 
G18 112 eminent gynaecologist Dr Mary Scharlieb, which suggested her 
G18 113 trouble might be more physical than psychological, but the 
G18 114 diagnosis was vague - <quote_>"congestion, dilation, 
G18 115 displacement"<quote/>. In her diary in 1896, Minnie confided that 
G18 116 she had endured the anxiety about Maggie for three years, together 
G18 117 with anxiety about Edward and, for good measure, irritation with 
G18 118 Lucy Tait as well. Lucy worked hard among the poor, as had Nelly, 
G18 119 and like many martyrs longed for her martyrdom to be acknowledged. 
G18 120 She chided Minnie with lack of sympathy for herself or for the poor 
G18 121 and, more ominously, began to show authority in the household at 
G18 122 Lambeth: <quote_>"[Lucy] was didactic and I was unkind and 
G18 123 huffy,"<quote/> wrote Minnie. <quote_>"She laid down the 
G18 124 law."<quote/> That was precisely the characteristic of Miss Tait 
G18 125 which would eventually break the Benson family apart.<p/>
G18 126 <p_>Pathetically, through all this Minnie is wont to blame herself. 
G18 127 If only she was less self-indulgent, less fond of comfort, had more 
G18 128 humility, and so on - <quote_>"oh how often would things have been 
G18 129 better if I had held my tongue three minutes more."<quote/><p/>
G18 130 <p_>Fortunately, Fred gave no cause for worry, apart from an 
G18 131 excessive fondness for whisky and wine; this gave rise to quarrels 
G18 132 with the abstemious Archbishop which made Fred furious at first, 
G18 133 though all was generally resolved in humorous fashion. When he went 
G18 134 to stay with Lady Henry Somerset he had to conceal his bottle; he 
G18 135 told Bishop Talbot <quote_>"in that unalcoholic hospitality I 
G18 136 secretly purchased a bottle of whisky for private consumption, and 
G18 137 how Lady Henry shouted with laughter when in a conscientious fit I 
G18 138 confessed."<quote/><p/>
G18 139 <p_>There is no evidence whatever that the scandal which consumed 
G18 140 Oscar Wilde and Fred's friend Lord Alfred Douglas in 1895 
G18 141 reverberated within the walls of Lambeth Palace, although it would 
G18 142 be impossible to believe that they never discussed it. Minnie was 
G18 143 no stranger to these delicate matters. Two of her closest friends 
G18 144 were sisters - Adeline, Duchess of Bedford and Lady Henry Somerset, 
G18 145 daughters of the redoubtable Lady Somers who was one of the 
G18 146 fabulously beautiful Pattle sisters. Lord Henry Somerset, a son of 
G18 147 the Duke of Beaufort, had been driven out of the country in 1879 
G18 148 when his interfering mother-in-law broadcast his love for a 
G18 149 seventeen-year-old boy. Ten years later his brother, Lord Arthur 
G18 150 Somerset, was implicated in the Cleveland Street scandal revolving 
G18 151 around the use of a male brothel in central London. Thus Wilde's 
G18 152 dilemma was not as novel as some of those in court liked to 
G18 153 pretend, and Mrs Benson would certainly have known what it was all 
G18 154 about. If she or her husband remonstrated with Fred about his 
G18 155 friendship with such people, all references to their discussions 
G18 156 have disappeared.<p/>
G18 157 <p_>In later years Fred distanced himself from Wilde and his 
G18 158 disgrace, managing deftly to express compassion and disapproval 
G18 159 with the same voice. Wilde's second trial was a <quote_>"savage 
G18 160 stupidity"<quote/>, since the man was already ruined after the 
G18 161 first. His <quote_>"poor tortured soul"<quote/> produced one of the 
G18 162 finest ballads in the language, yet his prose suffered from 
G18 163 <quote_>"tawdry glitter"<quote/>. Wilde's tastes were not 
G18 164 <quote|>"ordinary", his appetites <quote|>"uncontrollable" (is it 
G18 165 fair to read into this choice of word an implication that Fred's 
G18 166 appetites were strictly controlled?). And here the pious and the 
G18 167 forgiving combine: <quote_>"the slime of intemperance and perverted 
G18 168 passions gathered upon him again, till the wheels of his soul were 
G18 169 choked with it. No decent man can feel anything put sheer pity and 
G18 170 sympathy for one so gifted and so brittle and withal so 
G18 171 lovable."<quote/><p/>
G18 172 <p_>Immediately after the Wilde trials there was a panic of 
G18 173 emigration from the country by frightened or prudent homosexuals. 
G18 174 One such, who settled in Capri, was an interesting but indolent 
G18 175 poet called John Ellingham Brooks. He will bring a tangent upon 
G18 176 Fred's story a little later.<p/>
G18 177 <p_>At the same time, Arthur was relishing his friendship with 
G18 178 Henry James, whose letters to him are maddeningly elliptical. While 
G18 179 it is possible to suppose their florid, perfervid style is Jamesian 
G18 180 in rhetoric, some of the phrases he employs merit a stab at 
G18 181 bewildered reflection. <quote_>"I am divided between two 
G18 182 sensations,"<quote/> he tells Arthur, <quote_>"painting for 
G18 183 tomorrow p.m. or blushing for all the hours of all the past 
G18 184 days"<quote/>, and he signs off, <quote_>"Yours almost 
G18 185 uncontrollably"<quote/>. A couple of months later he is talking of 
G18 186 <quote_>"an indestructible tenderness"<quote/> and lamenting the 
G18 187 passage of time which keeps him and Arthur 
G18 188 apart:<O_>long-quotation<O/><p/>
G18 189 <p_>He signs off with typical flourish: <quote_>"Farewell, noble 
G18 190 ghost. There <tf|>is no life, but I am if not for time at least for 
G18 191 eternity yours."<quote/><p/>
G18 192 <p_>Shortly afterwards, James took the lease on a cottage with a 
G18 193 view at Point Hill, near Rye (presaging his, and Arthur's, and 
G18 194 Fred's eventual adoption of the town), whither Arthur sent him a 
G18 195 photograph of himself which James received with <quote_>"a good 
G18 196 conscience if not with mad rapture"<quote/>.<p/>
G18 197 <p_>The letters demonstrate, too, the evident pleasure James 
G18 198 derived from his visits to Addington and his very warm appreciation 
G18 199 of the <quote_>"noble courtesy and kindness"<quote/> of Edward and 
G18 200 Minnie. He also mentions Fred in flattering terms as <quote_>"your 
G18 201 gallant brother, my illustrious colleague, or rather 
G18 202 confr<*_>e-grave<*/>re. Please assure him of my watchful interest 
G18 203 when you have a chance."<quote/><p/>
G18 204 
G19   1 <#FLOB:G19\><h_><p_>12<p/>
G19   2 <p_>Like one<p/>
G19   3 <p_>given by God<p/><h/>
G19   4 <p_>Henry VIII was at Whitehall Palace when the Tower guns 
G19   5 signalled that he was once more a free man. He then appeared 
G19   6 dressed in white mourning as a token of respect for his late queen, 
G19   7 called for his barge, and had himself rowed at full speed to the 
G19   8 Strand, where Jane Seymour had also heard the guns. News of Anne 
G19   9 Boleyn's death had been formally conveyed to her by Sir Francis 
G19  10 Bryan; it does not seem to have unduly concerned her, for she spent 
G19  11 the greater part of the day preparing her wedding clothes, and 
G19  12 perhaps reflecting upon the ease with which she had attained her 
G19  13 ambition: Anne Boleyn had had to wait seven years for her crown; 
G19  14 Jane had waited barely seven months.<p/>
G19  15 <p_>It was common knowledge that Henry would marry Jane as soon as 
G19  16 possible; the Privy Council had already petitioned him to venture 
G19  17 once more into the perilous seas of holy wedlock, and it was a plea 
G19  18 of the utmost urgency due to the uncertainty surrounding the 
G19  19 succession. Both the King's daughters had been declared bastards, 
G19  20 and his natural son Richmond was obviously dying. A speedy marriage 
G19  21 was therefore not only desirable but necessary, and on the day Anne 
G19  22 Boleyn died the King's imminent betrothal to Jane Seymour was 
G19  23 announced to a relieved Privy Council. This was news as gratifying 
G19  24 to the imperialist party, who had vigorously promoted the match, as 
G19  25 it would soon be to the people of England at large, who would 
G19  26 welcome the prospect of the imperial alliance with its inevitable 
G19  27 benefits to trade.<p/>
G19  28 <p_>Although the future Queen had rarely been seen in public, 
G19  29 stories of her virtuous behaviour during the King's courtship had 
G19  30 been circulated and applauded. Chapuys, more cynical, perceived 
G19  31 that such virtue had had an ulterior motive, and privately thought 
G19  32 it unlikely that Jane had reached the age of twenty-five without 
G19  33 having lost her virginity, <quote_>"being an Englishwoman and 
G19  34 having been so long"<quote/> at a court where immorality was rife. 
G19  35 However, he assumed that Jane's likely lack of a maidenhead would 
G19  36 not trouble the King very much, <quote_>"since he may marry her on 
G19  37 condition she is a maid, and when he wants a divorce there will be 
G19  38 plenty of witnesses ready to testify that she was not"<quote/>.<p/>
G19  39 <p_>This apart, Chapuys and most other people considered Jane to be 
G19  40 well endowed with all the qualities then thought becoming in a 
G19  41 wife: meekness, docility and quiet dignity. Jane had been well 
G19  42 groomed for her role by her family and supporters, and was in any 
G19  43 case determined not to follow the example of her predecessor. She 
G19  44 intended to use her influence to further the causes she held dear, 
G19  45 as Anne Boleyn had, but, being of a less mercurial temperament, she 
G19  46 would never use the same tactics. Jane's well-publicised sympathy 
G19  47 for the late Queen Katherine and the Lady Mary showed her to be 
G19  48 compassionate, and made her a popular figure with the common people 
G19  49 and most of the courtiers. Overseas, she would be looked upon with 
G19  50 favour because she was known to be an orthodox Catholic with no 
G19  51 heretical tendencies whatsoever, one who favoured the old ways and 
G19  52 who might use her influence to dissuade the King from continuing 
G19  53 with his radical religious reforms.<p/>
G19  54 <p_>Jane was of medium height, with a pale, nearly white, 
G19  55 complexion. <quote_>"Nobody thinks she has much beauty,"<quote/> 
G19  56 commented Chapuys, and the French ambassador thought her too plain. 
G19  57 Holbein's portrait of Jane, painted in 1536 and now in the 
G19  58 Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, bears out these statements, and 
G19  59 shows her to have been fair with a large, resolute face, small 
G19  60 slanting eyes and a pinched mouth. She wears a sumptuously 
G19  61 bejewelled and embroidered gown and head-dress, the latter in the 
G19  62 whelk-shell fashion so favoured by her; Holbein himself designed 
G19  63 the pendant on her breast, and the lace at her wrists. This 
G19  64 portrait was probably his first royal commission after being 
G19  65 appointed the King's Master Painter in September 1536; a 
G19  66 preliminary sketch for it is in the Royal Collection at Windsor, 
G19  67 and a studio copy is in the Mauritshuis in The Hague. Holbein 
G19  68 executed one other portrait of Jane during her lifetime. Throughout 
G19  69 the winter of 1536-7, he was at work on a huge mural in the 
G19  70 Presence Chamber in Whitehall Palace; it depicted the Tudor 
G19  71 dynasty, with the figures of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York in the 
G19  72 background, and Henry VIII and Jane Seymour in front. This 
G19  73 magnificent work was one of the first to depict full-length 
G19  74 likenesses of royal personages in England (although a late 
G19  75 sixteenth-century inventory of Lord Lumley's pictures records a 
G19  76 full-length portrait of Anne Boleyn, which has either been lost or 
G19  77 cut down). Sadly, the Whitehall mural no longer exists, having been 
G19  78 destroyed when the palace burned down in the late seventeenth 
G19  79 century. Fortuitously, Charles II had before then commissioned a 
G19  80 Dutch artist, Remigius van Leemput, to make two small copies, now 
G19  81 in the Royal Collection and at Petworth House. His style shows 
G19  82 little of Holbein's draughtsmanship, but his pictures at least give 
G19  83 us a clear impression of what the original must have looked like. 
G19  84 The figure of Jane is interesting in that we can see her long court 
G19  85 train with her pet poodle resting on it. Her gown is of cloth of 
G19  86 gold damask, lined with ermine, with six ropes of pearls slung 
G19  87 across the bodice, and more pearls hanging in a girdle to the 
G19  88 floor. Later portraits of Jane, such as those in long-gallery sets 
G19  89 and the miniature by Nicholas Hilliard, all derive from this 
G19  90 portrait or Holbein's original likeness now in Vienna, yet they are 
G19  91 mostly mechanical in quality and anatomically awkward.<p/>
G19  92 <p_>However, it was not Jane's face that had attracted the King so 
G19  93 much as the fact that she was Anne Boleyn's opposite in every way. 
G19  94 Where Anne had been bold and fond of having her own way, Jane 
G19  95 showed herself entirely subservient to Henry's will; where Anne 
G19  96 had, in the King's view, been a wanton, Jane had shown herself to 
G19  97 be inviolably chaste. And where Anne had been ruthless, he believed 
G19  98 Jane to be naturally compassionate. He would in years to come 
G19  99 remember her as the fairest, the most discreet, and the most 
G19 100 meritorious of all his wives.<p/>
G19 101 <p_>Her contemporaries thought she had a pleasing sprightliness 
G19 102 about her. She was pious, but not ostentatiously so. Reginald Pole, 
G19 103 soon to be made a cardinal, described her as <quote_>"full of 
G19 104 goodness"<quote/>, although Martin Luther, hearing of her 
G19 105 reactionary religious views, feared her as <quote_>"an enemy of the 
G19 106 Gospel"<quote/>. According to Chapuys, she was not clever or witty, 
G19 107 but <quote_>"of good understanding"<quote/>. As queen, she made a 
G19 108 point of distancing herself from her inferiors, and could be remote 
G19 109 and arrogant, being a stickler for the observance of etiquette at 
G19 110 her court. Chapuys feared that, once Jane had had a taste of 
G19 111 queenship, she would forget her good intentions towards the Lady 
G19 112 Mary, but his fears proved unfounded. Jane remained loyal to her 
G19 113 supporters, and to Mary's cause, and in the months to come would 
G19 114 endeavour to heal the rift between the King and his daughter.<p/>
G19 115 <p_>Henry and Jane dined together in the Strand on the evening of 
G19 116 19 May; afterwards, the King took his barge and went straight to 
G19 117 Hampton Court, where he would stay for a week. At six o'clock on 
G19 118 the following morning, Jane followed him there, and at nine 
G19 119 o'clock, they were formally betrothed in a ceremony lasting a few 
G19 120 minutes. It is likely that Jane's family were present, for after 
G19 121 the ceremony she returned with them to Wulfhall, there to await her 
G19 122 marriage.<p/>
G19 123 <p_>The next day, Henry wore white mourning once more, and gave 
G19 124 orders for his daughter Elizabeth to be taken from Greenwich to 
G19 125 Hatfield in the care of Lady Margaret Bryan, and kept out of his 
G19 126 sight. There was an outstanding account to settle in respect of 
G19 127 money outlayed by Sir William Kingston in respect of necessities 
G19 128 provided for Elizabeth's mother. And there remained the problem of 
G19 129 Mary. In spite of Jane's entreaties on the girl's behalf, Henry's 
G19 130 attitude was unchanged: unless she acknowledged his laws and 
G19 131 statutes, he would proceed against her. Mary was still in very 
G19 132 grave danger.<p/>
G19 133 <p_>Yet, even knowing her peril, she remained obdurate. Her father 
G19 134 wanted her to abandon her deepest-held convictions and beliefs, and 
G19 135 swear that her mother's marriage had been incestuous and unlawful, 
G19 136 and that she accepted him as Supreme Head of the Church of England 
G19 137 - something she could not bring herself to do. It seemed that 
G19 138 coercion or force might be necessary if the King were to have his 
G19 139 way, and several of the King's advisers thought that now would be a 
G19 140 good time to put pressure on Mary. She was known to be weak and 
G19 141 sickly. Seven years of insecurity and misery had made her a martyr, 
G19 142 at twenty, to headaches, menstrual problems, and nervous 
G19 143 depression, as well as vague, ill-defined illnesses, and she was 
G19 144 still grieving for her mother.<p/>
G19 145 <p_>The news of Anne Boleyn's death had revived Mary's spirits 
G19 146 considerably, for she hoped the way might now be clear towards a 
G19 147 reconciliation with her father. She knew she could count upon the 
G19 148 support of Jane Seymour and the imperialist party, and prayed that 
G19 149 the time had come to forget the unhappy past. She wrote to the 
G19 150 King, begging to be taken back into his favour, humbly beseeching 
G19 151 him to remember that she was <quote_>"but a woman, and your 
G19 152 child"<quote/>. Henry did not reply. The war of nerves had 
G19 153 begun.<p/>
G19 154 <p_>Mary, on the advice of her friend Lady Kingston, next tried 
G19 155 approaching Henry through Cromwell, whom she had been told was 
G19 156 secretly sympathetic towards her and might well use his very 
G19 157 considerable influence on her behalf. On 26 May, Mary wrote to Mr 
G19 158 Secretary, begging him to intercede for her with the King. Yet 
G19 159 before her letter had time to arrive, Henry sent a deputation of 
G19 160 the Privy Council to see Mary and make her submit to her father 
G19 161 over the matter of her mother's marriage and the royal supremacy. 
G19 162 She refused to do this, even though Norfolk told her that if his 
G19 163 daughter had offered such <quote_>"unnatural opposition"<quote/>, 
G19 164 he would have beaten and knocked her head against the wall until it 
G19 165 was as soft as baked apples. This reduced Mary to floods of tears, 
G19 166 but even the threat of violence was not sufficient to move her. 
G19 167 When Henry learned of her defiance, he became more determined than 
G19 168 ever to break her will. Nor was the Emperor inclined to interfere; 
G19 169 Mary was not his subject, and he was more concerned about 
G19 170 establishing the new alliance and reluctant to offend Henry VIII. 
G19 171 Mary was on her own now.<p/>
G19 172 <p_>Preparations for the royal wedding were now almost complete. 
G19 173 Like all Henry VIII's marriages, it would be a private ceremony, 
G19 174 although there would be public festivities to mark it. In the 
G19 175 Queen's apartments, Anne Boleyn's falcon badge had been replaced by 
G19 176 Jane's personal emblem, a phoenix rising from a castle amid flames 
G19 177 and Tudor roses painted in red and white; this emblem would 
G19 178 surmount the motto chosen by Jane, <quote_>"Bound to obey and 
G19 179 serve"<quote/>. Her initials had now replaced Anne's, although this 
G19 180 had been done in such a hurry that at Hampton Court, the As are 
G19 181 still visible underneath the Js. The monograms on the royal linen 
G19 182 had been similarly altered, and at Z<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rich, where 
G19 183 Coverdale's Bible with its dedication to Henry and Anne was being 
G19 184 reprinted, the printers had to superimpose Jane's name on the 
G19 185 frontispiece.<p/>
G19 186 <p_>Both Henry and Jane returned to a transformed Whitehall Palace 
G19 187 before 29 May. They were married there the following day in the 
G19 188 Queen's Closet by Archbishop Cranmer. After the wedding ceremony 
G19 189 Jane was enthroned in the Queen's chair beneath the canopy of royal 
G19 190 estate in the great hall, where she presided over the court for the 
G19 191 first time. Later that day, the King made her a grant of 104 manors 
G19 192 in 4 counties, as well as a number of forests and hunting chases, 
G19 193 for her jointure, the income that would support her during her 
G19 194 marriage.
G19 195 
G20   1 <#FLOB:G20\><h_><p_>Twenty-Five<p/>
G20   2 <p_>1924-1927<p/><h/>
G20   3 <p_>BEFORE he left Australia to spend a holiday in New York, 
G20   4 Beverley conceived the idea of his autobiography, to be called 
G20   5 <tf|>Twenty-Five, and the opening lines had a Wildean flourish: 
G20   6 twenty-five, he said, was the latest age at which anyone should 
G20   7 write his autobiography. It was an audacious approach, 
G20   8 characteristically impertinent, and it was to pay off handsomely. 
G20   9 He came to life again in the dynamic atmosphere of New York, 
G20  10 throwing off the inhibitions of the Melba months with typical 
G20  11 freneticism, and before he left again for Europe he had sold the 
G20  12 serial rights of Melba's book, <tf_>Melodies and Memories<tf/>, and 
G20  13 discussed <tf|>Twenty-Five with his American publisher, George 
G20  14 Doran of Doubleday, Doran.<p/>
G20  15 <p_>In England he found that Cleave Court had been sold. His mother 
G20  16 had finally come to terms with reality, but it was terrible for her 
G20  17 to leave the home she loved. Their new home was at 4, Cambridge 
G20  18 Square, Bayswater, the vicarage of St Michael's Church, Paddington 
G20  19 where Paul was now the incumbent. It was a sensible arrangement: 
G20  20 the furniture from Cleave Court filled its many rooms and Pauline 
G20  21 acted as Paul's hostess and helpmate. There was no niche for John, 
G20  22 who made a life of his own around the local bars.<p/>
G20  23 <p_>Bayswater was still clinging to its past glory, but 
G20  24 deterioration was setting in rapidly as the grand terraces became 
G20  25 flats and rooming-houses, and the brothel area near Paddington 
G20  26 Station grew even seedier. It was becoming a district where 
G20  27 eccentric old women and tired old men attempted to retain some 
G20  28 semblance of dignity in furnished rooms, with a gas ring to cook on 
G20  29 and a shared bathroom on the first floor. But errand boys still 
G20  30 whistled popular tunes as they cycled round delivering orders, a 
G20  31 muffin man still rang his bell in the afternoon and a potato seller 
G20  32 pushed a cart with a glass tank of peeled potatoes floating in 
G20  33 water. Occasionally, maids in uniform scurried to post letters and 
G20  34 the sight of a policeman on his beat was commonplace -  it was safe 
G20  35 to walk the streets at night. Westbourne Grove could no longer be 
G20  36 compared to Bond Street but Whiteley's still prospered: the 
G20  37 orchestra played in the balcony while the displays in the 
G20  38 magnificent food hall rivalled those of Harrods. There were plenty 
G20  39 of local cinemas, such as the Roxy or the Blue Hall, to provide 
G20  40 relaxation for Pauline. Hyde Park was only a short distance away, 
G20  41 and in Oxford Street she could wander round the big shops. 
G20  42 Altogether, it was a livelier place to be than Torquay, but she 
G20  43 missed having her own garden, and the fresh air. London air was 
G20  44 heavy with pollution and in Bayswater the sharp, gaseous smell of 
G20  45 coal-fired trains drifted over from Paddington station.<p/>
G20  46 <p_>The Nicholses were comfortably off, though care had to be taken 
G20  47 over the housekeeping and there were also John's drinking bouts to 
G20  48 be paid for. Pauline made do with a cook, a parlour-maid and a 
G20  49 cleaning lady who came in to do the heavy work. By the standards of 
G20  50 the women Beverley mixed with, Pauline was dowdy but, by her own, 
G20  51 she was well dressed: she could sit over afternoon tea at 
G20  52 Whiteley's or Selfridge's, secure in the knowledge that her clothes 
G20  53 were good and that she was a lady. John did not let his appearance 
G20  54 deteriorate either and when he sallied forth, eyeglass and button 
G20  55 hole firmly in place, he still looked the prosperous gentleman.<p/>
G20  56 <p_>Beverley returned temporarily to his rooms at 54, Bryanston 
G20  57 Street but, with money in the bank, he decided it was time to rent 
G20  58 a house. If his mother hoped to persuade him to join them in 
G20  59 Cambridge Square, only a short distance from Bryanston Street, she 
G20  60 was disappointed. He started his search well away from Bayswater; 
G20  61 however much he loved her, he did not want his mother on the 
G20  62 doorstep. He eventually found a small house in Hasker Street, not 
G20  63 far from Harrods, and took it on a short lease. Melba, back in 
G20  64 England, gave him several items including a set of Queen Anne 
G20  65 chairs, a small Empire desk, a Marie Antoinette couch, a Louis 
G20  66 Seize ormolu clock mounted with cupids and two gouaches by Guardi. 
G20  67 These gave the house an air of elegance well beyond his pocket. 
G20  68 Melba later demanded, following a slight tiff, that all her gifts 
G20  69 be returned. In the mean time, Beverley settled down to write 
G20  70 <tf|>Twenty-Five. He was also working with Northcliffe newspapers 
G20  71 as a theatre critic and general factotum, and soon realized that he 
G20  72 could not run the house with the sole help of a daily woman. He 
G20  73 decided to find a manservant who could act as cook, housekeeper and 
G20  74 valet.<p/>
G20  75 <p_>In <tf_>Down the Kitchen Sink<tf/>, he told the charming story 
G20  76 of the man he employed, Reginald Arthur Gaskin. It was his mother, 
G20  77 he said, who had discovered him while she was visiting Alan who had 
G20  78 been taken to a nursing-home in Norfolk. Gaskin, only twenty-one, 
G20  79 apparently ran this establishment almost single-handed, scrubbing 
G20  80 floors, changing beds and doing the cooking. This paragon 
G20  81 eventually appeared on Beverley's doorstep in his ill-fitting suit, 
G20  82 pink-cheeked and bright-eyed, the epitome of the country boy. The 
G20  83 truth was not so romantic: Gaskin was found through a domestic 
G20  84 employment agency. He had all the necessary accomplishments but, 
G20  85 almost as important, he was a homosexual. A contemporary remarked 
G20  86 of him, <quote_>"Gay? He invented it!"<quote/> Whether, as with 
G20  87 many of Beverley's male friendships, there was an initial sexual 
G20  88 attraction is not clear, but the two men got on well from the 
G20  89 start. Gaskin made an important contribution when he introduced a 
G20  90 kitten into the house. Beverley had always been fond of cats; in 
G20  91 his schoolboy diaries, he had written of a new <quote|>"Mookit" 
G20  92 with eyes like stars, of the panic when one of the household cats 
G20  93 went missing and of the joy when it was found. But it was Gaskin 
G20  94 who took responsibility for the cats which were to feature in 
G20  95 Beverley's books. Among his other skills, Gaskin was an excellent 
G20  96 chef and Beverley was soon entertaining a growing circle of friends 
G20  97 to dinner-parties at his little house. Those in the know looked 
G20  98 forward to Gaskin's delectable cooking and he was often approached 
G20  99 with seductive financial offers to leave Beverley, but he always 
G20 100 declined, with tact and dignity. Noel Coward once asked if there 
G20 101 was the slightest chance of persuading Gaskin to change his 
G20 102 allegiance, knowing full well what the answer would be.<p/>
G20 103 <p_>Beverley's home rapidly became a centre for the bright young 
G20 104 things of the day but their behaviour did not always meet with 
G20 105 Gaskin's approval. He found Tallulah Bankhead particularly trying. 
G20 106 After one party, she seated herself on the red carpet outside the 
G20 107 front door and insisted on being pulled up and down the street by a 
G20 108 contingent of whooping young men whom she flayed with an imaginary 
G20 109 whip and urged on with language strong enough to embarrass the 
G20 110 entire neighbourhood. Gaskin glowered at this spectacle and later 
G20 111 remarked icily to Beverley, <quote_>"I believe she was <tf|>born a 
G20 112 lady?"<quote/> Telling this story years later, Beverley added, 
G20 113 <quote_>"The custom of putting a red carpet down on the pavement so 
G20 114 that one's dinner guests could get out of their cars on to a soft 
G20 115 surface was not unusual. Today, people would think it a mad thing 
G20 116 to do -  besides, the carpet would be stolen within 
G20 117 minutes."<quote/><p/>
G20 118 <p_>Among his new friends were Somerset Maugham and his wife Syrie. 
G20 119 Their marriage was under considerable strain and Beverley 
G20 120 experienced some of the unpleasantness at first hand. After their 
G20 121 divorce, his sympathy lay with Syrie but he was not prepared to 
G20 122 lose the patronage of one of England's most acclaimed authors, so 
G20 123 he trod a delicate tightrope between the two protagonists and 
G20 124 managed to remain friends with both. This meant accepting Gerald 
G20 125 Haxton, Maugham's American lover, whom he disliked intensely. 
G20 126 Another new friend was Barbara Back, the wife of Ivor Back, a 
G20 127 prominent surgeon. She was bright, charming and pretty, and enjoyed 
G20 128 the company of gay men who, in response, confided their problems to 
G20 129 her. Beverley liked her enormously, but years later he was appalled 
G20 130 to discover that she not only betrayed confidences but also 
G20 131 fabricated stories about people to amuse her friends. She found 
G20 132 particular pleasure in telling Maugham her titbits and Beverley was 
G20 133 distressed by the salty tales she invented about his own love life. 
G20 134 Another of this circle was Rebecca West with whom he developed a 
G20 135 close affinity. She, too, was appalled by Barbara Back's behaviour 
G20 136 when she found out about it many years later, and in letters to 
G20 137 Beverley made no secret of her disgust with her old and once 
G20 138 trusted friend.<p/>
G20 139 <p_>Beverley completed <tf|>Twenty-Five in 1925, and dedicated it 
G20 140 to George and Blanche, his uncle and aunt. It included an interview 
G20 141 with Maugham, which was something of a coup, for he rarely gave 
G20 142 them. In the interview, Maugham said, with what may have been 
G20 143 deliberate irony, that he could not understand why there were so 
G20 144 few tales told about him. It was a neat portrait which concealed 
G20 145 more than it revealed, and the same might be said of the sketches 
G20 146 of Noel Coward, Michael Arlen, Winston Churchill and Elinor Glyn 
G20 147 (who told Beverley in all seriousness that he had been a horse in a 
G20 148 previous existence). He described his visits to America, Australia 
G20 149 and Greece -  in the Greek section, as has already been mentioned, 
G20 150 he re-used material from <tf_>The Athenians<tf/>. As well as his 
G20 151 interview with the Queen, he included one with King Constantine, 
G20 152 and, with the careful use of the word 'alleged', he also told the 
G20 153 story of Compton Mackenzie's activities against the King, managing 
G20 154 to make it all appear faintly absurd. Mackenzie, in his book 
G20 155 <tf_>My Life and Times, Octave Six<tf/>, published in 1967, 
G20 156 dismissed Beverley's story as a piece of <quote_>"juvenile 
G20 157 silliness"<quote/> -  which was not the same thing, however, as a 
G20 158 denial. It is quite clear from Mackenzie's writings that he 
G20 159 regarded Constantine at the time as an obstacle to his work on 
G20 160 behalf of the Allies.<p/>
G20 161 <p_><tf|>Twenty-Five was not autobiographical in the conventional 
G20 162 sense. Alec Waugh pointed this out in his review, saying that the 
G20 163 autobiographical element was very clearly dependent on the effect 
G20 164 others had on the author rather than anything the author said about 
G20 165 himself. This, he added, was something new, subtle and indirect. It 
G20 166 would today be easy to underestimate <tf|>Twenty-Five, but at the 
G20 167 time, nothing quite like it had been seen before, and it spawned a 
G20 168 host of imitators, none of whom captured its originality, humour or 
G20 169 beguiling audacity. It soon shot into the best-seller list, helped 
G20 170 on its way by an article in the <tf_>Sunday Times<tf/>by Maugham 
G20 171 himself, who wrote his piece without payment as a birthday present 
G20 172 to Beverley. It was not a critique in the accepted sense and in it 
G20 173 Maugham poked gentle fun at professional book-reviewers, some of 
G20 174 whom he had been <quote|>"privileged" to meet from time to time, 
G20 175 who had impressed him with their flashing eyes, wanton hair and 
G20 176 looks of eager determination, and had awed him with their universal 
G20 177 knowledge and confidence in themselves. At a dinner given for such 
G20 178 a group by Osbert Sitwell, he had listened, forlorn and strange, 
G20 179 while they discussed James Elroy Flecker. In order to show an 
G20 180 intelligent interest, he had asked the least formidable of them if 
G20 181 he did not find it very exhausting to read books for reviews. With 
G20 182 a smile the reviewer replied that he seldom came across a book 
G20 183 whose heart he could not tear out in an hour. For such a drastic 
G20 184 operation, Maugham admitted he had no facility -  he must read to 
G20 185 the end. He confessed that the first chapter he had read in 
G20 186 <tf|>Twenty-Five was the one about himself, and he was much excited 
G20 187 to discover that, to Beverley, he was romantic, saturnine and 
G20 188 bleak, whereas he thought of himself as a very quiet, retiring 
G20 189 person.<p/>
G20 190 <p_>Noel Coward reviewed the book for the <tf_>Daily Mail<tf/> with 
G20 191 wit and perception.
G20 192 
G21   1 <#FLOB:G21\>He had been urged by his physicians, his friends, and 
G21   2 even the impresario, to cancel his scheduled performances, but he 
G21   3 had been unwilling to disappoint the thousands of fans who had paid 
G21   4 extravagant prices to hear him. At the very end, the truth became 
G21   5 apparent. Though he had sung as brilliantly as ever while on the 
G21   6 stage, during a farewell luncheon he suffered what was described in 
G21   7 the press as a complete physical collapse. Once again, Caruso 
G21   8 issued a denial: the 'collapse', he assured his public, was merely 
G21   9 the result of the careless overuse of his voice after so many 
G21  10 months of silence, and after boarding the ship for New York he sent 
G21  11 the understandably nervous Gatti-Casazza a cable which read: 
G21  12 <quote_>"My health is superlatively fine."<quote/><p/>
G21  13 <p_>By 1911, Caruso's fame was such that 
G21  14 <}_><-|>everyting<+|>everything<}/>he did or said was liable to be 
G21  15 seen as being newsworthy. Reporters paid special attention to his 
G21  16 physical well-being. If he injured his knee slightly, it was feared 
G21  17 he might be crippled for life; if his voice showed the slightest 
G21  18 sign of fatigue, word spread that he might never sing again. 
G21  19 Nothing, however, could equal the coverage given to his romances - 
G21  20 real, imagined, or, in many cases, inspired by overzealous press 
G21  21 agents. It was not enough that he really was facing serious legal 
G21  22 problems with Ada Giachetti, which would soon come to a head, and, 
G21  23 to a far lesser degree, with Elsa Ganelli. To satisfy public 
G21  24 curiosity, love affairs and 'engagements' had to be either 
G21  25 exaggerated or simply invented.<p/>
G21  26 <p_>The women involved included a Canadian singer, Lillian 
G21  27 Grenville, who was at the time trying to make a name for herself at 
G21  28 the Chicago Opera; the twenty-two-year-old daughter of a wealthy 
G21  29 Argentinian, with whom Caruso had naively allowed himself to be 
G21  30 photographed while they were both, separately, on holiday at the 
G21  31 Italian resort of Salsomaggiore; a nineteen-year-old Sicilian 
G21  32 peasant , for whom it was reported that he was willing to give up 
G21  33 his career in exchange for the simple life of a farmer; and a 
G21  34 wealthy American, Mildred Meffert, who had received and kept, it 
G21  35 seems, a number of passionate love letters from the tenor. One 
G21  36 story the press failed to report was that of the tenor's short but 
G21  37 intense courtship of the spectacularly beautiful actress Billie 
G21  38 Burke, who met Caruso in 1910 and described the relationship in her 
G21  39 memoirs. <quote_>"He made love and ate spaghetti with equal skill 
G21  40 and no inhibitions,"<quote/> she wrote. <quote_>"He would propose 
G21  41 marriage several times each evening."<quote/><p/>
G21  42 <p_>Because of this great interest in Caruso's love life, it is not 
G21  43 surprising that the crowd of reporters who greeted him upon his 
G21  44 arrival in New York on 8 November 1911, was less concerned with 
G21  45 stories of his 'collapse' in Berlin than with rumours of yet 
G21  46 another 'engagement', this time, to Emma Trentini, a fiery Italian 
G21  47 soprano who had the year before created the title role in Victor 
G21  48 Herbert's <tf_>Naughty Marietta<tf/>. Caruso vigorously denied 
G21  49 these rumours. He had more important things on his mind, above all, 
G21  50 the coming Metropolitan season, during which he would once again be 
G21  51 put to the test to prove that he had not lost his voice.<p/>
G21  52 <p_>He had no trouble passing this test. He sang thirty-eight times 
G21  53 in New York and eleven times on tour, and, though he essayed no new 
G21  54 roles, his first performance of <tf|>Manon with Toscanini, on the 
G21  55 night of 30 March, was considered one of the artistic high points 
G21  56 of his career to date for its display of musicianship and 
G21  57 refinement of style. It was a season notable for superlative 
G21  58 performances and one undisturbed by scandals or startling 
G21  59 revelations of any kind, and when Caruso left for Europe in early 
G21  60 May he did so secure in the knowledge that he remained the 
G21  61 undisputed King of Tenors, his title in no way threatened.<p/>
G21  62 <p_>It was also a summer of splendid performances in Europe, in 
G21  63 Paris, Vienna, Munich, Stuttgart and Berlin. Critics and public 
G21  64 agreed that he sang superbly, particularly in Paris, where he was 
G21  65 joined by the man considered the greatest of all baritones, Titta 
G21  66 Ruffo. The two men had rarely sung together and, during the short 
G21  67 Paris season, each stimulated the other with extraordinary results. 
G21  68 The remarkable way in which their voices blended can still be heard 
G21  69 on one joint recording, made in 1914, a shatteringly powerful 
G21  70 interpretation of the duet which closes the second act of 
G21  71 <tf|>Otello. In their Paris appearances (not, unfortunately, in 
G21  72 <tf|>Otello which Caruso never sang on stage), these two great 
G21  73 singers both emerged triumphant. Their friendly battle for vocal 
G21  74 superiority was an attraction for the public; but although Ruffo 
G21  75 was frequently called the 'Caruso of baritones', Caruso was never 
G21  76 labelled the 'Ruffo of tenors'.<p/>
G21  77 <p_>Caruso could take satisfaction in his continuing supremacy and 
G21  78 in the prevailing critical opinion that he was the equal of, or 
G21  79 even better, than the Caruso of old. This pleasure, however, was 
G21  80 not an unmitigated one, for before returning to the Metropolitan in 
G21  81 the autumn of 1912, he had to endure the most emotionally 
G21  82 shattering episode of his life, a widely publicized trial in a 
G21  83 Milanese courtroom, which finally settled his differences with Ada 
G21  84 Giachetti.<p/>
G21  85 <p_>The Monkey House Case, the Ganelli suit, and the many reports 
G21  86 of his impetuous involvements with a number of women were all 
G21  87 embarrassing incidents, damaging to the tenor's pride and innate 
G21  88 dignity. But the Giachetti trial was something far more serious, a 
G21  89 bitter public airing of his relationship with the mother of his 
G21  90 children, a woman many of his friends would continue to think of as 
G21  91 the only real love of his life.<p/>
G21  92 <p_>Ironically, there would have been no trial had it not been for 
G21  93 Caruso's insistence upon a more than complete vindication of 
G21  94 charges brought against him earlier by the soprano. These 
G21  95 accusations had first been made in the pages of one of Milan's most 
G21  96 distinguished newspapers. According to Giachetti, who insisted that 
G21  97 Romati the chauffeur had not become her lover until after her 
G21  98 relationship with Caruso had come to an end, the tenor had done 
G21  99 everything in his power to ruin her career. He had made defamatory 
G21 100 statements about her and had seen to it that all letters sent to 
G21 101 her from America were intercepted and delivered to him, among them 
G21 102 one which contained a contract to sing at Hammerstein's Manhattan 
G21 103 Opera House. In addition, she charged that Caruso had stolen from 
G21 104 her thousands of dollars' worth of jewellery and all her theatrical 
G21 105 costumes.<p/>
G21 106 <p_>With public opinion on her side as a result of these newspaper 
G21 107 articles, the soprano followed up her accusations by formally 
G21 108 filing suit against Caruso, a suit which, after several months' 
G21 109 investigation and the cross<?_>-<?/>examination of almost one 
G21 110 hundred witnesses, was dismissed by the public prosecutor. Caruso 
G21 111 was held blameless of any wrong-doing and, thus, publicly 
G21 112 vindicated. But this was not enough for the embittered tenor. 
G21 113 Feeling the need to pursue the matter even further, he filed a 
G21 114 countersuit against Giachetti, charging her with defamation of 
G21 115 character.<p/>
G21 116 <p_>Proceedings began on 25 October 1912, and continued for four 
G21 117 days. Caruso was present throughout the hearings, but Giachetti 
G21 118 remained in South America where she was performing with an Italian 
G21 119 opera company. The tenor and his attorneys carefully countered each 
G21 120 of the soprano's charges. They produced letters from Giachetti 
G21 121 which proved that the affair with Romati had begun long before her 
G21 122 relationship with Caruso had come to an end; they offered evidence 
G21 123 in the form of a statement from Hammerstein that the Manhattan 
G21 124 Opera Company had never offered her a contract; and, in answer to 
G21 125 the charge of theft, they produced a letter from Giachetti in which 
G21 126 she promised Caruso that she would return to him all jewellery, 
G21 127 letters and other effects.<p/>
G21 128 <p_>Testimony was bitter from both sides, and Caruso was visibly 
G21 129 moved as the story of his betrayal was recounted to the court. He 
G21 130 himself gave an emotional account of his life with Giachetti and 
G21 131 how it had changed after ten years of what seemed to be perfect 
G21 132 happiness. Several witnesses told of the soprano's passionate, 
G21 133 unreasonable attachment to Romati; others spoke of Caruso's 
G21 134 unfailing love and generosity towards her during their years 
G21 135 together. When one witness told the court that Giachetti never 
G21 136 loved the tenor, not even during the first years of their life 
G21 137 together, and offered to show proof, the tenor covered his face 
G21 138 with his hands and sobbed.<p/>
G21 139 <p_>At the end of the trial, Giachetti was found guilty and 
G21 140 sentenced to one year in jail, a sentence she never served, since 
G21 141 she never returned to Italy. Caruso had been absolved of all 
G21 142 wrong-doing and had behaved himself properly and with dignity 
G21 143 throughout the hearing. Yet the experience had been deeply 
G21 144 humiliating. As one Italian journalist noted, <quote_>"The 
G21 145 revelation to the stunned world of his misfortunes caused more pain 
G21 146 to the sensitive Caruso than did the sentence to the 
G21 147 others."<quote/><p/>
G21 148 <p_>Caruso and Giachetti were never reconciled, though they 
G21 149 secretly met again and the tenor continued to send her a monthly 
G21 150 allowance until the end of his life. Emil Ledner, who had been with 
G21 151 him throughout the trial, commented: <quote_>"Giachetti was removed 
G21 152 from personal contact with Caruso, but not from his life. She was 
G21 153 never out of his thoughts, his inner life, his feelings - perhaps 
G21 154 as long as he lived."<quote/> Their two children never again saw 
G21 155 their mother. A portrait of her, in the belvedere of the Villa 
G21 156 Bellosguardo, was stored in the villa's attic. Fof<*_>o-grave<*/>, 
G21 157 the elder son, understood, but Mimmi was puzzled. He was fascinated 
G21 158 by the painting, but each time that he asked who the woman was, he 
G21 159 was told that it was none of his business.<p/>
G21 160 <h_><p_>14<p/>
G21 161 <p_><quote_>"STILL SUPREME"<quote/><p/><h/>
G21 162 <p_>When Caruso left for America in late October 1912, he was 
G21 163 determined to devote himself single-mindedly to his work. While he 
G21 164 realized that his private life was of legitimate interest to his 
G21 165 public - this was a price of fame - he hoped that his 
G21 166 accomplishments as an artist might completely overshadow his 
G21 167 personal difficulties.<p/>
G21 168 <p_>Over the next few years, his artistic achievements were 
G21 169 spectacular. There were high points and occasional low points, but 
G21 170 for the most part it can simply be stated that the tenor performed 
G21 171 superbly.<p/>
G21 172 <p_>Throughout the 1912-13 Metropolitan season, Caruso was in 
G21 173 excellent voice, singing ten different roles and averaging two 
G21 174 performances a week. He continued to have a remarkable ability to 
G21 175 get along with his colleagues, displaying a rare sensitivity to 
G21 176 their needs during a performance. One example was noted on the 
G21 177 season's opening night, when he sang the role of Des Grieux in 
G21 178 <tf_>Manon Lescaut<tf/> opposite the twenty-five-year-old Spanish 
G21 179 soprano, Lucrezia Bori, who was making her American 
G21 180 d<*_>e-acute<*/>but. It was a somewhat disappointing beginning - 
G21 181 perhaps because of Caruso's dominating presence in the cast, 
G21 182 according to some listeners. <quote_>"Mixed with the rich organ 
G21 183 tones of Signor Caruso, her voice seems pallid and 
G21 184 infantile"<quote/>, the critic for the <tf_>New York Tribune<tf/> 
G21 185 wrote of her singing during the first act. Although the same critic 
G21 186 felt that Bori, later a great popular favourite, improved in the 
G21 187 second act, he noted that Caruso <quote_>"seemed purposely to have 
G21 188 modified his own glorious tones for her sake."<quote/><p/>
G21 189 <p_>This might well have been the case. Caruso, given his position 
G21 190 as a superstar, could well have monopolized the stage, ignoring 
G21 191 other members of the cast and singing directly to his adoring 
G21 192 public, but he was too much the musician, ever aware that he was 
G21 193 part of an ensemble, to do so. Though often a prankster on stage, 
G21 194 he played jokes only on friends or on other experienced singers, 
G21 195 like Scotti, Melba or Destinn, and never on young, inexperienced 
G21 196 artists, whom he unfailingly helped and supported. After his death, 
G21 197 his close friend, Marcella Sembrich told reporters: <quote_>"He was 
G21 198 courteous to his associates, so generous to all. Also he had that 
G21 199 inborn instinct of the true artist - the desire to aid someone else 
G21 200 to be as great or a greater singer than he was himself."<quote/><p/>
G21 201 <p_>Caruso returned to Europe in May 1913. His first engagement was 
G21 202 in London, where he was to sing at Covent Garden for the first time 
G21 203 in several years.
G21 204 
G22   1 <#FLOB:G22\><p_>It was Jean Lucas, his guardian in Lambeth who, 
G22   2 playing pop on his behalf, again came to the rescue of his career. 
G22   3 A force in South London, she wanted to know of Putney Association 
G22   4 why her boy had not been listed and was told he was not well enough 
G22   5 qualified. Looking at the forms, she had the blinding experience of 
G22   6 seeing that the credentials given were not <tf|>his credentials. 
G22   7 There was another John Major, a GLC member with only a tenuous 
G22   8 interest in a Commons career who had not amassed the various 
G22   9 Brownie badges of chairman of this, political officer of that, not 
G22  10 to say two parliamentary candidacies, of our John Major. Central 
G22  11 Office with a genius out of farce had, by confusing the two, helped 
G22  12 to indicate a future Prime Minister as not worth the preliminary 
G22  13 interview.<p/>
G22  14 <p_>Central Office having been sorted out, Major was indeed invited 
G22  15 to Putney and shortlisted there, meeting for the first time the 
G22  16 eventual winner and MP, David Mellor, now Chief Secretary, who has 
G22  17 been a close friend ever since. But he decided to forgo it, 
G22  18 preferring his chances at the by-election-pending seat of 
G22  19 Carshalton which would be taken in fact by Nigel Forman. But two 
G22  20 months later he would face selection at Huntingdon where Norma 
G22  21 Major was certain he would win. She had been brought up not far 
G22  22 from there and it was, as she remembered and John did not, the 
G22  23 anniversary of his selection five years before at St Pancras. She 
G22  24 felt in her bones that he was going to win. Logically, you could 
G22  25 find faults in her reasoning, but she was dead right.<p/>
G22  26 <h|>Huntingdon
G22  27 <p_>A group of Conservative activists in Huntingdon was far from 
G22  28 happy at the prospective candidate their local association had 
G22  29 finally chosen in 1976 to fight the next election. When he emerged 
G22  30 from the room in which the members of the shortlist had effectively 
G22  31 been detained, a prominent lady member of the committee actually 
G22  32 avoided shaking hands with him, saving herself the humiliation of 
G22  33 expressing public congratulations.<p/>
G22  34 <p_>This was still <tf|>Huntingdonshire. It would not become mere 
G22  35 Huntingdon until a later re-drawing of boundaries - and this 
G22  36 faction had distinct ideas about the sort of candidate it wanted. 
G22  37 The collective heart of the faction was set on the Marquess of 
G22  38 Douro, heir of the Duke of Wellington.<p/>
G22  39 <p_>The tradition of Huntingdonshire as they saw it, was that of a 
G22  40 county seat which should be represented by a county person. Charles 
G22  41 Douro (later for a term a member of the European Parliament at 
G22  42 Strasbourg) was happy to function as a working politician and was 
G22  43 not to blame for other people's social aspirations. He was, 
G22  44 however, perfectly equipped to meet them.<p/>
G22  45 <p_>A descendant of the Iron Duke and heir to the Duchy of 
G22  46 Wellington, he awaited the titles of Viscount Wellesley in Ireland 
G22  47 and 12th Earl of Mornington (England), both dating from 1760, and 
G22  48 13th Baron Mornington, created in 1746, Prince of Waterloo, Duque 
G22  49 de Victoria, Marquess De Torres Vedras, Conde de Vimeiro - all in 
G22  50 the peerage of Portugal; while the Spanish exertions of the first 
G22  51 Duke had reserved to him the rank of Duque de Ciudad Rodrigo from 
G22  52 1812 and left him a Grandee of Spain (First Class).<p/>
G22  53 <p_>The Marquess, also the patron of four livings in the Church of 
G22  54 England, had been created for a committee lady's happiness and the 
G22  55 Hunts Conservatives had chosen a man with a south London accent and 
G22  56 a job in a bank. This is perhaps the point to publish the actual 
G22  57 application made by John Major and submitted by him to 
G22  58 Huntingdonshire constituency:<p/>
G22  59 <p_><quote_>John Roy Major, Associate of the Institute of Bankers 
G22  60 of 26 West Oak Avenue Beckenham Bromley; born 29 March 1943, 
G22  61 married Norma Johnson, one daughter one son, Elizabeth and James, 
G22  62 education Cheam Primary, scholarship to Rutlish Grammar, Associate 
G22  63 of Institute of Bankers, Member National Union of Bank Employees. 
G22  64 Previous employment: 1959-64 Industrial sculptor, '64 entered 
G22  65 international banking, '67 seconded to Nigeria during Biafran war, 
G22  66 '68-9 Foreign exchange dealer, '70-72 senior officer business 
G22  67 development Africa responsible for advising on trade and economic 
G22  68 conditions and capital investment overseas, '75 appointed senior 
G22  69 business development executive Standard Charter Bank Britain's 
G22  70 largest Overseas Bank.<p/>
G22  71 <p_>Lectures frequently at Chambers of commerce CBI seminars, 
G22  72 widely travelled throughout Far East and Africa. Voluntary work: 
G22  73 member management board, warden housing association and warden 
G22  74 second housing association. '75 President Fulham Taverners Cricket. 
G22  75 '68-70, a school governorship. '69-70 member a Housing Centre 
G22  76 Trust. Parliamentary; '71-4 candidate St Pancras North. Feb and 
G22  77 October '74 contested unsuccessfully St Pancras North. As candidate 
G22  78 '71-4 held weekly advice bureaux throughout constituency, held 
G22  79 periodic public meetings, spoke at many organisations and schools. 
G22  80 Established contacts with tenants and residents associations and 
G22  81 other interest groups, contributed guest column to local newspaper. 
G22  82 '64 contested borough council in Lambeth, '68 elected councillor 
G22  83 Lambeth, member Housing committee, Chairman accounts committee, 
G22  84 vice-chairman Housing committee.<p/>
G22  85 <p_>'69 chairman Housing Committee, youngest in living memory in 
G22  86 Lambeth. As Chairman presided over pioneer housing advice centre 
G22  87 since copied throughout the UK. Initiated the policy of selling 
G22  88 council houses and new homes to occupiers displaced in council 
G22  89 redevelopments. Initiated public meetings at which councillors and 
G22  90 officers answered electors' questions.<p/>
G22  91 <p_>Constituency: Joined Tory party 1960. '60-64 Treasurer, Vice 
G22  92 Chairman, Political officer, chairman Brixton Young Conservatives, 
G22  93 '65 founder chairman Lambeth Borough YCs. '65-7 Chairman 
G22  94 Association CPC committee. '68 constituency Treasurer, '69 
G22  95 constituency vice chairman, '70-71 Constituency Chairman to 
G22  96 dissolution of association following Boundary Commissioners' report 
G22  97 '75 branch-chairman Beckenham constituency association.<p/>
G22  98 <p_>Miscellaneous: '68 member Central Office Speakers Panel, 
G22  99 author: contributed to Conservative Party publications on Social 
G22 100 Security and Housing. Has travelled extensively covering housing 
G22 101 and other problems notably USSR, Finland and Holland.<p/>
G22 102 <p_>Secondary points added. In 1976 attended IMF conference as 
G22 103 personal assistant to Lord Barber. Interests: reading, cricket, 
G22 104 music especially opera.<quote/><p/>
G22 105 <p_>Despite the last throw with Lord Barber's patronage and a 
G22 106 decent interest in Opera, this catalogue of solid, useful, socially 
G22 107 applied, busy concern and activity is as remote from the less 
G22 108 strenuous life pattern of most people as it is from that of Lord 
G22 109 Renton or indeed the Marquess of Douro. It is, despite Major's 
G22 110 esteem for Mrs Thatcher, not quite her style either. The selectors 
G22 111 of Huntingdonshire were being offered someone who did believe that 
G22 112 there was such a thing as society, and whose two shining passions, 
G22 113 evident here, were housing and consultation with the general 
G22 114 public.<p/>
G22 115 <p_>The tone of the outline is post-Beveridge and in specifically 
G22 116 Tory terms, post-Macleod. It shows no chips of resentment, makes no 
G22 117 self-made-man boasts though he is precisely self-made. It suggests, 
G22 118 along with social concern, a singularity of purpose in filling 
G22 119 every inconsequential job in the local hierarchy of his party. As 
G22 120 for roots, they are not even snubbable until that last flicker in 
G22 121 Beckenham as 'suburban'. Many things can be said about Brixton and 
G22 122 Lambeth but 'suburban' is not one of them!<p/>
G22 123 <p_>To those who yearned for a county member with a sense of what 
G22 124 was due to the ruling class and a regard for authority, it was not 
G22 125 encouraging. Lord Willoughby De Broke in his memoirs <tf_>The 
G22 126 Passing Years<tf/> describes the very different order which had 
G22 127 held <quote_>"undisputed and comfortable sway"<quote/> in his 
G22 128 Victorian youth. In descending importance it constituted the Lord 
G22 129 Lieutenant, the Master of Foxhounds, the agricultural landlords, 
G22 130 the Bishop, the MPs, the Dean, the Archdeacon, the Justices of the 
G22 131 Peace, the lesser clergy and the larger farmers. The Conservative 
G22 132 Party had served one order, it now served another and would be 
G22 133 represented in Parliament by a former London borough councillor 
G22 134 with no social connections of any kind but a steady job in a bank 
G22 135 and a proven dedication to social problems. We do in our way have 
G22 136 revolutions.<p/>
G22 137 <p_>Prejudice was not perhaps all on one side: <quote_>"I wasn't 
G22 138 having the Marquess at any price whatever his ability,"<quote/> 
G22 139 remarks one fiercely democratic lady, active in the Association. 
G22 140 The appeal of Mr Major on that occasion lay for his experience in 
G22 141 the non-armigerous world of local government. <quote_>"We 
G22 142 were,"<quote/> says one official of the time, <quote_>"very 
G22 143 impressed that he had been chairman of housing in Lambeth at 
G22 144 twenty-six"<quote/>. Another colleague adds that <quote_>"Ten or 
G22 145 fifteen years ago someone like that wouldn't even have been 
G22 146 considered."<quote/><p/>
G22 147 <p_>The constituency was changing out of all recognition. It would 
G22 148 not be a shire much longer. The business overflow from the 
G22 149 Cambridge high tech labs was already on flow, the twenty years from 
G22 150 1970 would see twenty-five business parks established. Huntingdon 
G22 151 was attracting population overflow from London, and smaller local 
G22 152 sources. The numbers were going up. The constituency had 39,000 
G22 153 members shortly after the war, by the time of the 1982 redrawing of 
G22 154 boundaries it had 102,000 and had to be drastically cut down losing 
G22 155 St Neots, proceeding thereafter to continue cheerfully increasing 
G22 156 its numbers within the narrower boundaries.<p/>
G22 157 <p_>The three key towns of St Ives, Godmanchester and Huntingdon 
G22 158 itself contained everything from highly traditional silver-smithing 
G22 159 and Chivers Jams to Brights, makers of the most sophisticated 
G22 160 medical instruments, to the latest remarkable thing clever chaps 
G22 161 can do with silicon. It also contained, ironically for its future 
G22 162 MP and member of a watchdog organization against abuse of 
G22 163 vivisection, Huntingdon Laboratories, the largest medical 
G22 164 researchers by way of animal testing in Europe.<p/>
G22 165 <p_>But these statistical facts understate the Montague-Capulet 
G22 166 nature of relations inside the constituency. Incomers and local 
G22 167 residents were divided roughly fifty fifty. One eyewitness speaks 
G22 168 of bright, sharp youngsters from London confronted by country 
G22 169 people with a county leadership in which Commander Archie Gray, 
G22 170 Chairman in the year of Major's selection, and his wife were joined 
G22 171 by Sir Peter Crossman and other landowners. Sherry parties given by 
G22 172 the Grays constituted a thin bridgehead between the groups, and in 
G22 173 a very British way, the sort of bridgehead from which many people 
G22 174 felt excluded.<p/>
G22 175 <p_>Andrew Thompson who had lately come to the town, a man who 
G22 176 would also see service as Margaret Thatcher's agent in Finchley, 
G22 177 speaks of the great need in the town for reconciliation, healing 
G22 178 even. Huntingdon was in the process of becoming a New Town almost 
G22 179 under the meaning of the act, worried about jobs in the early 1970s 
G22 180 but destined, as the jobs came, to worry more about housing and 
G22 181 expansion.<p/>
G22 182 <p_>It was not the seat David Renton had inherited at the end of 
G22 183 the War. Lord Renton, as he became, had been a good member, 
G22 184 concerned with such matters as mental health and trade union law. 
G22 185 His career which had not taken him above Minister of State level, 
G22 186 was thought by friendly judges to have understated his abilities, 
G22 187 the cards simply turning unluckily. Renton had lately in the 
G22 188 mid-seventies become depressed by the House of Commons. He 
G22 189 particularly disliked the raucous hard left, notably Dennis Skinner 
G22 190 and had grown weary.<p/>
G22 191 <p_>His conduct throughout proceedings to find a successor was 
G22 192 strictly correct. He indicated no preferences, attempted to pull no 
G22 193 strings, but was keen to act to his successor as studio master to 
G22 194 apprentice. The relationship was to be a useful one with the young 
G22 195 man from the Standard Charter Bank attending a wide range of 
G22 196 functions and helping with many duties.<p/>
G22 197 <p_>However, that said, whatever his merits, Renton, first elected 
G22 198 in 1945, belonged comprehensively to an elder generation. His final 
G22 199 speech in the constituency as retiring member, as reported by the 
G22 200 <tf_>Hunts Post<tf/>, reads like a parody of the knighted 
G22 201 backbencher as seen through the eyes of John Wells.<p/>
G22 202 <p_><quote_><tf_>Lower moral standards, the growth of crime and 
G22 203 divorce and the permissive society caused more unhappiness than 
G22 204 fulfilment. There was less censorship and a decline in religion, 
G22 205 loyalty did not seem to be as important as it was, which he 
G22 206 regretted very much. Worst of all, egalitarianism had produced a 
G22 207 contempt for authority. There must be a respect for leadership and 
G22 208 indeed more leadership in a stable society.<p/>
G22 209 <p_>He would be happy if we saw a sign of the revival of national 
G22 210 greatness. We had lost an empire and our economic fortunes had 
G22 211 declined. They would not revive until we stopped bickering and 
G22 212 restored respect for authority and stopped trying to get higher 
G22 213 incomes than we were prepared to work for.
G22 214 
G22 215 
G23   1 <#FLOB:G23\><h_><p_>9<p/>
G23   2 <p_>The Debate<p/><h/>
G23   3 <p_>GERALD O'DONOVAN HAD, wrote his wife Beryl, 
G23   4 <quote_>"exceptionally thick, heavy eyebrows, shadowing his keen 
G23   5 blue eyes."<quote/> In one sharp glance he could signal the 
G23   6 presence of what Rose Macaulay described as his <quote_>"sardonic 
G23   7 wit"<quote/>. H.G. Wells once found the exact simile for that 
G23   8 arresting image: <quote_>"Look at O'Donovan, his eye like a rifle 
G23   9 barrel through a bush."<quote/> But his piercing intelligence was 
G23  10 not the whole self; in her unpublished memoirs Beryl O'Donovan 
G23  11 described her husband as a man <quote_>"who could not be other than 
G23  12 stimulating and interesting, and whose unconscious charm nobody 
G23  13 ever resisted".<quote/> And his oldest daughter Brigid testified, 
G23  14 <quote_>"He was an extremely affectionate man."<quote/><p/>
G23  15 <p_>To Rose Macaulay's astonishment and against her reason, within 
G23  16 months of their meeting at the Ministry of War in 1918 she was 
G23  17 overwhelmed by her responses to his searching mind, his power of 
G23  18 sympathy, and his sardonic wit. In <tf_>What Not<tf/>, her novel 
G23  19 written that year, the spirited and independent heroine Kitty 
G23  20 Grammont speculates helplessly, <quote_>"What was it, this 
G23  21 extraordinary driving pressure of emotion, this quite 
G23  22 disproportionate desire for companionship with, for contact with, 
G23  23 one person out of all the world of people and things, which made, 
G23  24 while it lasted, all other desires, all other emotions, pale and 
G23  25 faint beside it?"<quote/><p/>
G23  26 <p_>But before she became entangled in feelings which were so at 
G23  27 odds with her principles and her good sense, Miss Macaulay spent 
G23  28 the year 1917 as a junior administrative clerk in the Exemptions 
G23  29 Bureau of the Ministry of War in London. In her twelve-month tour 
G23  30 of duty in this maze of hidebound officialdom, she created a 
G23  31 departmental reputation for bold <tf_>ad hoc<tf/> solutions. It was 
G23  32 perhaps her unbureaucratic common sense that first attracted Gerald 
G23  33 O'Donovan to her when, in February 1918, he became Head of the 
G23  34 Italian Section of the Department for Propaganda in Enemy Countries 
G23  35 in the new Ministry of Information.<p/>
G23  36 <p_>The Ministry was founded on a new concept of warfare: the 
G23  37 dissemination of persuasive rhetoric and misinformation. The 
G23  38 Department for Propaganda attracted such literary and journalistic 
G23  39 celebrities as H.G. Wells, Arnold Bennett, and Wickham Steed. In 
G23  40 1918 its Italian Section was distributing messages to Austrian 
G23  41 citizens through England's Mediterranean ally. Gerald and Rose were 
G23  42 both chosen to serve in it because they were writers; Rose's 
G23  43 knowledge of Italy and Italians made her particularly valuable. 
G23  44 (Her tendency to inject a caustic and personal note into the turgid 
G23  45 official correspondence of the Bureau of Exemptions may also have 
G23  46 contributed to this shift of assignment.) The question of how 
G23  47 Gerald O'Donovan and Rose Macaulay would revise their lives to 
G23  48 accommodate the intense friendship that grew out of this close 
G23  49 association would face them both for the next three years.<p/>
G23  50 <p_>In January 1917 Rose Macaulay had joined many other 
G23  51 well-educated and well-connected young women to work in the grey 
G23  52 buildings of the wartime civil service. The routine was tedious; 
G23  53 the days were long; oddly, the war could be kept distant. Rose 
G23  54 worked ten hours a day at Crewe House and spent three more hours 
G23  55 commuting to and from Hedgerley near Beaconsfield, her weekday 
G23  56 journey between present and past. Contrasting Old Beaconsfield with 
G23  57 new wartime London she described the former as <quote_>"an 
G23  58 enchanted city; as it was in the seventeenth and eighteenth 
G23  59 centuries ...an ancient country town, full of brick walls and old 
G23  60 houses, and courtyards and coaching inns, and dignity and romance 
G23  61 and great elms".<quote/> Part of the island magic of place for her 
G23  62 was the quiet and beauty of the surrounding beech forest where at 
G23  63 weekends she enjoyed long, brisk walks.<p/>
G23  64 <p_>But her life at Hedgerley with her mother was not enchanting. 
G23  65 Rose's friends believed that she was devoted to Grace, and when she 
G23  66 took a few carefully chosen intimates home with her for a visit she 
G23  67 allowed her mother to be the garrulous, anecdotal hostess. Yet Jean 
G23  68 reported that in private the exhausted Rose - often irritated by 
G23  69 Grace's emotionalism and the repetitious parade of her prejudices - 
G23  70 interrupted, contradicted, and patronized her mother. The 
G23  71 hypersensitive Grace, who craved emotional support, became 
G23  72 miserably conscious of Rose's impatience with her. With 
G23  73 characteristic exaggeration she asked Jean, <quote_>"Why does Rose 
G23  74 hate me so?"<quote/> Rose may have believed she was paying a dept 
G23  75 to her father by keeping up a vestige of the old home life, but her 
G23  76 sacrifice was misguided, made at the expense of both of the 
G23  77 survivors.<p/>
G23  78 <p_>Yet Rose was not socially isolated in Hedgerley; she kept in 
G23  79 touch with her London literary friends, many of whom were also in 
G23  80 government work. She had reluctantly given up her London flat when 
G23  81 she was tied to Great Shelford, first by her VAD duty and then by 
G23  82 her land-girl work, but now she often spent weekends at Naomi's 
G23  83 country cottage in Sussex and after a time rented a room in Naomi's 
G23  84 flat for occasional overnight stays during the week.<p/>
G23  85 <p_>By 1918, the London Miss Macaulay had acquired a worldly air. 
G23  86 Her deep griefs were hidden; her manner was urbane. She was 
G23  87 described as 'rather argumentative', but her conversational 
G23  88 challenges, though brisk, were impersonal and entertaining. The 
G23  89 main character of <tf_>What Not<tf/>, which she wrote during the 
G23  90 last war years as a satire of the imagined regimented peacetime 
G23  91 life to come, suggests her new ideal identity.<p/>
G23  92 <p_>Her heroine Kitty Grammont is a synthesis of the lively, 
G23  93 nonchalant Edwardian Rosamond Ilbert of Macaulay's first novel and 
G23  94 of Macaulay's image of what the future career woman would be - 
G23  95 accomplished at her professional duties but a little cynical about 
G23  96 male ambition, and at all times independent, playful, amused, and 
G23  97 amusing. This sophisticated young civil servant reads the <tf_>New 
G23  98 Statesman<tf/> and the <tf|>Tatler with equal interest as she takes 
G23  99 the Tube to her middle-level job in the Ministry of Brains. Her 
G23 100 creator says she is <quote_>"a learned worldling ...something of 
G23 101 the elegant rake, something of the gamin, something of the 
G23 102 adventuress, something of the scholar ...[and with] a travelled 
G23 103 manner, and an excellent brain, adequately, as people go, equipped 
G23 104 for the business of living."<quote/> Although she is a 'gamin' and 
G23 105 not a 'gamine', the post-war Kitty has an unmistakably female name 
G23 106 and an unmistakably female charm. Her defining modernity - in 
G23 107 contrast to the occasional unconventionality of the 
G23 108 turn-of-the-century Rosamond Ilbert - is her complete freedom to 
G23 109 live as an intelligent, insouciant bachelor, wearing 'cap and 
G23 110 bells' in a changing, insecure world.<p/>
G23 111 <p_>Yet Kitty differs from Rose herself; she is long-lashed and 
G23 112 lovely, smartly dressed and stylishly made up. Here Macaulay breaks 
G23 113 new ground; it is difficult to know whether this character, a blend 
G23 114 of fashion and wit, was Rose's fantasy <tf_>alter ego<tf/>, a rare 
G23 115 bow to popular novelistic convention, a sign of self-confidence, or 
G23 116 all three. Perhaps Macaulay, now socially successful and outwardly 
G23 117 assured, was by this time less at odds with feminine beauty. She 
G23 118 had, as a friend said, developed her own style. Some years later 
G23 119 Compton Mackenzie praised her appearance in a battered jockey cap, 
G23 120 which made her look, he said, <quote_>"like a faded print of 
G23 121 William Archer running the Derby in 1878,"<quote/> and on another 
G23 122 occasion he admired her <foreign|>tailleur as that of <quote_>"a 
G23 123 Light Blue Hungarian Hussar"<quote/>.<p/>
G23 124 <p_>The descriptions of Kitty as a fashion-plate are always 
G23 125 interwoven with those of her intelligence and her insouciance; 
G23 126 indeed, her cool powers of decision almost protect her from falling 
G23 127 in love. Her character clearly has the author's sympathy; the 
G23 128 vivid, gallant Miss Grammont comes to life in <tf_>What Not<tf/>. 
G23 129 And the Miss Macaulay whom Gerald O'Donovan met in February 1918 
G23 130 was quite as independent and incisive as Kitty. Gerald said he was 
G23 131 attracted to Rose because she had a <quote_>"mind like a 
G23 132 man's"<quote/>.<p/>
G23 133 <p_>But who was Gerald O'Donovan, the man whose companionship the 
G23 134 self-possessed Miss Macaulay came to desire with <quote_>"an 
G23 135 extraordinary driving power of emotion"<quote/>? In February 1918 
G23 136 he was 46 years old; Rose was 36. The two were thrown together in 
G23 137 their work. Rose had opportunities to observe the discrepancy 
G23 138 between his background and his look and manner. Although born in 
G23 139 Western Ireland, the son of a Supervisor of Public Works who built 
G23 140 municipal piers along the Atlantic coast, Gerald had an upper-class 
G23 141 British accent and the manners of an English gentleman. He was 5 
G23 142 feet 8 inches tall; his dark reddish hair had not greyed (although 
G23 143 it formed the fringe around a balding head); he had kept the figure 
G23 144 and the energy of his youth. His voice was melodious and his 
G23 145 conversational allusions reflected his experience as a novelist and 
G23 146 a publisher's reader. As a member of his staff, Rose would before 
G23 147 long have learned that he was married and had a daughter and son 
G23 148 and perhaps she might have heard through office gossip that his 
G23 149 wife was expecting a third child. In fact, she may have met Mrs 
G23 150 O'Donovan. Although Gerald's family was living in Cromer, his wife 
G23 151 Beryl, fluent in Italian, was for a brief time an employee of the 
G23 152 Ministry, acting as her husband's translator on an official trip to 
G23 153 Rome.<p/>
G23 154 <p_>And in the course of her duties Miss Macaulay could assess Mr 
G23 155 O'Donovan in his role of fellow civil servant. She discovered that 
G23 156 he was an able administrator and an excellent speaker. He had a 
G23 157 quick and critical mind and a forceful presence; Brigid O'Donovan 
G23 158 said he had a photographic memory. Like Rose, he was skilled in 
G23 159 repartee. What most surely won her notice and then her sympathy as 
G23 160 she came to know him was his passion for social justice and his 
G23 161 record of failure as an impatient battler for near-hopeless 
G23 162 causes.<p/>
G23 163 <p_>In 1918 she witnessed one manifestation of his quixotic 
G23 164 behaviour: the Ministry recalled him from a diplomatic mission to 
G23 165 Italy because, although only a minor representative of the British 
G23 166 government with a well-defined brief for action, he had exceeded 
G23 167 his authority. He attempted to participate in the premature 
G23 168 planning of the post-war partition of the Austro-Hungarian Empire 
G23 169 by calling for the independence of the oppressed southern 
G23 170 Yugoslavs. Harold Nicolson had written tactfully: <quote_>"The 
G23 171 energy and enthusiasm which made him so valuable a propagandist 
G23 172 rendered him somewhat dangerous as a diplomat."<quote/> Like Rose, 
G23 173 Gerald was independent, impatient with authority. The impulsive 
G23 174 Gerald and the impulsive Rose came to understand each other 
G23 175 quickly, and as new friends and potential lovers do, gradually 
G23 176 unfolded their life stories to each other. But Gerald's oral 
G23 177 autobiography may have come forth slowly and disjointedly - his 
G23 178 past was buried in secrecy. Even his children did not know the 
G23 179 events of his early life until they were adults.<p/>
G23 180 <p_>He might have offered Rose some of his story, disguised, by 
G23 181 lending her his first novel of Irish life, <tf_>Father Ralph<tf/> 
G23 182 (Heinemann, 1913). At the turn of the century he had been Jeremiah 
G23 183 O'Donovan, a young Roman Catholic priest of national prominence - a 
G23 184 man of spiritual, economic, political, cultural, and social 
G23 185 influence in Irish life. But thwarted in his local reform projects 
G23 186 by his bishop, reprimanded and suspended for neglecting his parish 
G23 187 duties in favour of activism in nationwide liberal causes, he had 
G23 188 in 1904 given up his leadership in the Irish revival movement. 
G23 189 Disheartened, he had left his post as administrator of St Brendan's 
G23 190 Cathedral in Laughrea, and, like Father Ralph, had eventually left 
G23 191 the priesthood, an apostasy then almost unheard of in Ireland.<p/>
G23 192 <p_>In 1901 D.P. Moran, editor of <tf_>The Irish Leader<tf/>, wrote 
G23 193 that Jeremiah O'Donovan <quote_>"is admitted on all hands to be one 
G23 194 of the most vigorous and gifted of the Irishmen of these 
G23 195 times."<quote/> <tf_>The Irish Catholic<tf/> called him <quote_>"a 
G23 196 patriot priest",<quote/> and in February 1903 Edward Martyn 
G23 197 described him as <quote_>"a leader of opinion in Ireland"<quote/>. 
G23 198 But in 1942 there was no notice of his death in any Irish 
G23 199 newspaper.<p/>
G23 200 <p_>However, in 1985, across the space of over eighty years, he was 
G23 201 still remembered as a young priest in Loughrea by Mrs Mary Conlon: 
G23 202 <quote_>"A very handsome, good-lookin' man. You'd love to look at 
G23 203 him, a fine, lively, lively lookin' man. Everyone loved him. Lovely 
G23 204 man. He was loved and liked in this town and why wouldn't they for 
G23 205 what he done in this town?"<quote/>
G23 206 
G24   1 <#FLOB:G24\><h_>7<p/>
G24   2 <p_>The Hopkin Myth<p/><h/>
G24   3 <p_>MINTON had a gift for clowning; he knew how to employ mimicry 
G24   4 and extravagant gestures, maiden-aunt intonation and camp humour to 
G24   5 un<?_>-<?/>cover the risible in everything, thereby denuding 
G24   6 uncomfortable feelings of their power. It was a welcome gift, 
G24   7 especially in Soho where the habitual tough, brazen stance often 
G24   8 overlaid doubts, anxieties and unhappiness. Even the seemingly 
G24   9 unassailable Henrietta Law grew to adore Johnny Minton partly 
G24  10 because she felt, in his company, that things were all right.<p/>
G24  11 <p_>For Ricky Stride, association with Minton was like being in the 
G24  12 presence of an exploding star: anything might happen, for he 
G24  13 created around him an exciting and excitable atmosphere. He could 
G24  14 not walk into a room without arousing a response. Some hated him, 
G24  15 envying his success and finding his whole manner anathema. Among a 
G24  16 certain type he invited violence but was protected from this by the 
G24  17 proximity of Ricky Stride whose physique gave him the appearance of 
G24  18 a bodyguard. A regular attender at body-building clubs, Ricky kept 
G24  19 himself in good shape and his hair blond (<quote_>"you were falling 
G24  20 over bottles of peroxide at every corner,"<quote/> Leslie 
G24  21 Todd-Reeve recalled). This stocky Apollo, in Robert Buhler's 
G24  22 phrase, could be easily provoked. In addition, Minton's 
G24  23 intermittently hysterical behaviour and desire to shock brought out 
G24  24 in Ricky the exhibitionist who would undress at parties and was 
G24  25 game for any prank. Underneath his impudent and occasionally 
G24  26 violent behaviour lay a fundamentally nice, simple, easy-going, 
G24  27 exceptionally warm<?_>-<?/>hearted character, in whom Minton took 
G24  28 much pleasure.<p/>
G24  29 <p_>Because Ricky was the first boyfriend to live openly with 
G24  30 Minton, he attracted comment. Among Minton's homosexual friends 
G24  31 there were those who liked to dismiss Ricky, perhaps out of 
G24  32 jealousy, as a dumb blond tart, a male Betty Grable, a powder puff 
G24  33 on the make. Michael Wishart thought that, apart from his looks, 
G24  34 Ricky had 'no point' for Minton. Some tell how, even in front of 
G24  35 Minton, Ricky would make passes at others. But though Minton, in 
G24  36 turn, often treated him like a mere house-boy, giving him money to 
G24  37 go off and buy the food which he afterwards cooked, Ricky carried 
G24  38 out his duties with considerable charm. His dedication was further 
G24  39 shown by intermittent attempts to curtail Minton's drinking.<p/>
G24  40 <p_>His physical appeal was overwhelming. When asked her opinion of 
G24  41 Ricky at this time Marsh Dunbar described him as <quote_>"a 
G24  42 vision"<quote/>. Another Sohoite, Jenny Mortimer, found him 
G24  43 <quote_>"meltingly attractive"<quote/>. When Ricky began taking 
G24  44 Jenny out she was surprised to learn that Minton paid him money and 
G24  45 had taken him to the Caribbean. Minton, on the other hand, was not 
G24  46 pleased to learn that Ricky was seeing Jenny regularly, and, 
G24  47 despite her vivacity and love of fun, never liked her. He accepted, 
G24  48 as a necessity and as a form of self-punishment, Ricky's need for 
G24  49 women, but when Ricky returned from a weekend away he would ask 
G24  50 rather bitterly, <quote_>"Was she worth it?"<quote/> The tension in 
G24  51 his relationship with Ricky was made worse when he began to needle 
G24  52 him, to run him down in front of others. Towards the end of their 
G24  53 time together fantastic scenes would erupt. <quote_>"Shut up or 
G24  54 I'll hit you,"<quote/> Ricky would yell. <quote_>"Go on, be a big 
G24  55 man, hit me!"<quote/> Minton would retort. A punch would be 
G24  56 delivered and Ricky, thinking this had ended the row would take 
G24  57 himself off to bed only to find the next minute that Minton was 
G24  58 emptying a bottle of water over him. And so these schoolboy fights 
G24  59 went on. On another occasion Ricky knocked Minton out on the 
G24  60 platform of the Underground, afterwards propping him up on a bench 
G24  61 until he recovered sufficiently to be walked home.<p/>
G24  62 <p_>Minton's ebullient energy remained unimpaired. In normal 
G24  63 spirits he seemed to need only two steps to cross a room. Tall, 
G24  64 lively and springy, he characteristically flung his elbows about, 
G24  65 his gait reflecting an angular gawkiness like that found in his 
G24  66 drawings. He remained keen on jiving and would throw himself all 
G24  67 over the place, hair wild and eyes sparkling. Another 
G24  68 characteristic was his habit of prodding people. In conversation he 
G24  69 could, if encouraged, be elaborately fluent on a subject and in any 
G24  70 exchange was naturally warm-hearted and responsive. His vocabulary 
G24  71 was curiously outdated: he went, not to a film or the cinema but to 
G24  72 the <quote|>"movies", and ha'penny was always by him pronounced 
G24  73 <quote|>"half-penny". He also studded his talk with lines from 
G24  74 humourists he admired - James Thurber, Charles Addams and the 
G24  75 Canadian Stephen Leacock in particular. <quote_>"It's all up with 
G24  76 me, Maud,"<quote/> was a much repeated line from Thurber.<p/>
G24  77 <p_>The element of wildness in his behaviour had originally been 
G24  78 brought to the fore by Colquhoun and MacBryde, as a protest against 
G24  79 repressive convention. As the pace of his life increased, this 
G24  80 wildness became ingrained and its purpose more obscure; it became 
G24  81 harder to understand what he was pursuing or being pursued by. 
G24  82 Michael Middleton has argued that Minton's search for stimuli in 
G24  83 exotic places and his febrile manner of living reflects a longing 
G24  84 to escape self-consciousness and to live in the moment: <quote_>"He 
G24  85 was for ever dashing off, afraid he might be missing something 
G24  86 round the corner - another party, an evening at the Jazz Club, a 
G24  87 drink on the Soho circuit."<quote/> But the compulsion behind this 
G24  88 need remains unexplained. Black holes of discontent, which suddenly 
G24  89 and horribly punctured his frenzied sociability, suggested that his 
G24  90 ulterior motives remained unfulfilled. No amount of friends and 
G24  91 laughter could disguise the loneliness and sadness that dogged his 
G24  92 life. When asked what caused his melancholy he would refer to his 
G24  93 dread of getting old. He continued to assert that he would not live 
G24  94 beyond the age of forty and even implied that he would take steps 
G24  95 to ensure this. At the same time he was prone to feeling of guilt 
G24  96 that his art was not what it ought to be. Visible expression of his 
G24  97 anxiety could be found in his fingernails which were so savagely 
G24  98 bitten that his sheets were often stained with blood.<p/>
G24  99 <p_>Owing to his strength of character, he could quell despair and, 
G24 100 in public, continued to exert a potent spell over his audience. 
G24 101 Towards the end of 1951 he undertook a Sketch-Club criticism at St 
G24 102 Martin's School of Art where his liveliness and way of talking 
G24 103 impressed the young David Tindle, who, though not a student at St 
G24 104 Martin's, was sitting in among the audience. Tindle was then 
G24 105 working as a commercial artist in Soho and living in a room in 
G24 106 Portobello Road. When early in 1952 he held an exhibition of his 
G24 107 work at the Archer Gallery in Notting Hill, he rang up Minton and 
G24 108 invited him to see it. This Minton did, afterwards taking Tindle 
G24 109 back to Hamilton Terrace where his large picture, <tf_>The Death of 
G24 110 Nelson<tf/>, still in progress, was hanging on one wall.<p/>
G24 111 <p_>After this Tindle saw a lot of Minton, either at Hamilton 
G24 112 Terrace or Portobello Road where Minton did a drawing of the 
G24 113 younger man in April 1952, afterwards painting a half-length 
G24 114 portrait of Tindle which now hangs in Pallant House, Chichester. 
G24 115 Gradually Tindle also got to know Keith Vaughan whom he visited 
G24 116 regularly on Saturday mornings after Vaughan had moved to Belsize 
G24 117 Park. Despite his liking for Vaughan, Tindle could not help 
G24 118 noticing that his seriousness was veined with self-importance. 
G24 119 Once, when angered, Vaughan without any trace of humour told 
G24 120 Tindle, <quote_>"Well, that strikes you out. You won't go into my 
G24 121 book!"<quote/> It was, Tindle reflects, a remark unimaginable on 
G24 122 Minton's lips.<p/>
G24 123 <p_>From Tindle's exhibition at the Archer Gallery Minton bought a 
G24 124 small self-portrait (Plate 16) which Lucian Freud also wanted to 
G24 125 acquire. Painted very much under Freud's influence but with a 
G24 126 neo-romantic hangover, this portrait incorporates a considerable 
G24 127 amount of emotive distortion which serves, not to break the realist 
G24 128 mode, but to enhance the immediacy of the sitter's presence, so 
G24 129 that Tindle's face seems to press forward from within the picture 
G24 130 space with almost mesmerising effect. Whilst looking at this 
G24 131 picture Minton told Tindle: <quote_>"You're the first to see 
G24 132 something in Lucian."<quote/> Prior to this Minton had not been 
G24 133 altogether convinced by Freud's painting, which he had tended to 
G24 134 regard as cranky and a bit na<*/>i-umlaut<*/>ve. But as Freud, with 
G24 135 his own particular brand of madness and insistence, pressed on into 
G24 136 a more realist style, Minton was obliged to recognise the power of 
G24 137 his intensely probing vision. His acquisition of Tindle's 
G24 138 self-portrait amounted to an admission of Freud's relevance: from 
G24 139 now on Minton's own portraits, however romantic in feeling, were to 
G24 140 be dressed in a realistic style.<p/>
G24 141 <p_>Tindle never became a boyfriend of Minton's but once, when he 
G24 142 stayed the night at Hamilton Terrace, he woke to find Minton's long 
G24 143 face beside his, his big eyes staring as he remarked, <quote_>"Sex 
G24 144 happens before seven!"<quote/> As he got to know Minton well, 
G24 145 Tindle could not help admiring the older man's flair for living and 
G24 146 the way his response was never dense or dead. He also noticed a 
G24 147 certain rectitude, a tight primness, at odds with his easy 
G24 148 sociability. He was, for instance, punctilious about paying his 
G24 149 models the agreed amount and would work out the precise sum owed to 
G24 150 the last quarter of an hour. After this, however, the young man 
G24 151 might find himself taken off to Soho, where Minton's prodigality 
G24 152 contrasted with his former carefulness.<p/>
G24 153 <p_><quote_>"I know you're <tf|>frightfully heterosexual,"<quote/> 
G24 154 Minton once teased Oliver Bernard when he stayed the night at 
G24 155 Hamilton Terrace. On another occasion he remarked to Bernard that 
G24 156 though he enjoyed flirting and foreplay, he found sexual 
G24 157 intercourse unsatisfactory. When one of his young men buggered him, 
G24 158 he admitted to Bobby Hunt and other intimate friends that he did 
G24 159 not like it.<p/>
G24 160 <p_>Minton belonged to the kind of homosexual whose ideal is manly 
G24 161 because their temperament is feminine. Time and again he fell in 
G24 162 love with young men who had nothing effeminate about them and who, 
G24 163 though temporarily involved in a bisexual life, did not share 
G24 164 Minton's inversion and could not on any long-term basis return his 
G24 165 love. Money procured for Minton the kind of men he needed, but his 
G24 166 inability to possess them left him with unsatiable desire, to such 
G24 167 an extent that his relentless pursuit of young men began to intrude 
G24 168 into everything he did. Love, for him, became like an incurable 
G24 169 malady.<p/>
G24 170 <p_>Frustration sometimes gave his mocking playfulness a malicious 
G24 171 edge. David Tindle observed him suddenly turn on his young men in a 
G24 172 deliberate attempt to wind them up. Aware of their vanity and dread 
G24 173 of baldness, he would reach over and lift up a lock of hair, 
G24 174 saying, <quote_>"A little more brain showing today?"<quote/> He 
G24 175 also liked playing one person off against another, mischievously 
G24 176 involving a young man with the girlfriend of a boy he himself 
G24 177 fancied. He could also be more bluntly manipulative: on one 
G24 178 occasion he walked up to a sailor, with his girlfriend at the bar, 
G24 179 saying, as he gave him pounds20, <quote_>"When you've finished with 
G24 180 her, come and see Auntie Minton, she's got plenty more."<quote/> At 
G24 181 the other extreme he sometimes pushed his boys into bed with girls 
G24 182 in order to make himself suffer, though a part of him may also have 
G24 183 enjoyed the proximity of heterosexual life.<p/>
G24 184 <p_>Frank and unremorseful about his homosexuality, he never fully 
G24 185 resolved his attitude towards it, in part because it denied him the 
G24 186 family he would have liked to have had. And as the romantic in him 
G24 187 began to despair that his dream would never materialise, his 
G24 188 promiscuity increased. Driving round Piccadilly Circus in a taxi he 
G24 189 would screech out of the window, <quote_>"I'm the Queen of England 
G24 190 but I can't remember which."<quote/> Meanwhile, in place of his 
G24 191 ideal he substituted <quote_>"rough trade"<quote/>, favoured by 
G24 192 other homosexuals of his class partly because it is easily 
G24 193 discarded. Some of his boys he treated like kept poodles, thereby 
G24 194 displacing the scorn he felt for himself. The film director Michael 
G24 195 Law whom Minton met in Soho at this time has provided a vivid 
G24 196 metaphor for his condition: <quote_>"Johnny was really like a clock 
G24 197 with the machinery hanging out.
G24 198 
G25   1 <#FLOB:G25\><h_>I<p/>
G25   2 <p_>Antecedents<p/><h/>
G25   3 <p_>On 3 June 1831 the ships in the Russian port of Kronstadt flew 
G25   4 their flags at half-mast. They were not saluting in the death of a 
G25   5 Grand Duke or an Imperial officer, but the funeral of a Scottish 
G25   6 sea-captain who had died on board his ship two days earlier. His 
G25   7 name was Peter Black, and he was Constance Garnett's grandfather. 
G25   8 He was, like her, a pioneer in the history of Russia's 
G25   9 communications with the West.<p/>
G25  10 <p_>He was a dark handsome man, stern in command of his crew and 
G25  11 his family, and much respected by both. He had come a long way in 
G25  12 his forty-eight years. He had been born into a family of 
G25  13 Forfarshire fishermen in 1783, and started work fishing in open 
G25  14 boats before he was ten. At eighteen he married Clementina Carie, a 
G25  15 farmer's daughter ten years older than himself. She was a small 
G25  16 woman, warm-hearted and indomitable, with her looks soon to be 
G25  17 ruined by smallpox. They had a son, Peter, in 1803, and a daughter, 
G25  18 Isabella, was on the way when Black was seized by the press gang in 
G25  19 1805. This turned out to be the making of his career. By 1812 he 
G25  20 had risen to the rank of Master on the <tf|>Dispatch, that is to 
G25  21 say he had charge of all the gear and stores on board and was 
G25  22 responsible, under the Commander, for navigating the ship. In that 
G25  23 same year, according to family tradition, his wife, hearing that 
G25  24 his ship was to put into Plymouth, tramped all the way there and 
G25  25 back again from Scotland in the depths of winter. She saw him but 
G25  26 for a single day, and it was not until the Napoleonic wars were 
G25  27 over that their third child, David, was born on 27 December 1817 at 
G25  28 Dysart, near Kirkcaldy on the Firth of Forth. He was to be 
G25  29 Constance's father.<p/>
G25  30 <p_>Peter Black was an able mathematician and engineer and was 
G25  31 early involved in designing and managing the new steamships. In 
G25  32 1822 he took command of the <tf_>Lord Melville<tf/>, a steam-packet 
G25  33 which plied between London and Calais. For three summers his family 
G25  34 lived in Calais, and David learnt to speak French like a native. In 
G25  35 1826 Captain Black took charge of the <tf_>George IV<tf/>, which he 
G25  36 had planned and built himself, one of the largest steamships of her 
G25  37 day, and spent a year running a new service to Spain, Portugal and 
G25  38 Gibraltar. In the spring of 1827, as soon as the Baltic became free 
G25  39 enough of ice to be navigable, he took her on four trips to St 
G25  40 Petersburg, the first regular steam-packet on this route. Sometimes 
G25  41 the ship terminated at Kronstadt, the port on an island fifteen 
G25  42 miles offshore which provided a deep-water harbour for St 
G25  43 Petersburg.<p/>
G25  44 <p_>This route was unnecessarily tedious and slow. There was no 
G25  45 need to go all the way round Denmark. It was easier to take the 
G25  46 ship to Hamburg, travel forty miles overland to 
G25  47 L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck, and pick up another ship there. So in the 
G25  48 spring of 1828 Peter Black took the <tf_>George IV<tf/> to 
G25  49 Travem<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nde, the village at the mouth of the Trave, 
G25  50 off which ships for L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck usually anchored. For a 
G25  51 thousand pounds he bought a pleasant house there for himself and 
G25  52 Clementina, and sent young David, who had had a year's schooling in 
G25  53 London, to a boarding school in L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck.<p/>
G25  54 <p_>The <tf_>George IV<tf/> could now ply back and forth, taking 
G25  55 four of five days to cover the seven hundred miles between 
G25  56 Travem<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nde and Kronstadt. From May to October she 
G25  57 left alternately from either port about once a fortnight. For 
G25  58 twenty-four Dutch ducats (about pounds11 10s. in the money of the 
G25  59 time) a gentleman could travel in considerable comfort. For 
G25  60 pounds10 11s. he could bring his carriage or his horse aboard; 
G25  61 children travelled at half price, and a servant's fare was only 
G25  62 pounds4 15s. Food and wine were available at reasonable rates. It 
G25  63 was vastly preferable to lumbering across the interminable plains 
G25  64 of Poland and the Baltic states.<p/>
G25  65 <p_>There were hundreds of other ships sailing in and out of 
G25  66 Kronstadt, but during the seasons of 1828 and 1829 the <tf_>George 
G25  67 IV<tf/>, Captain P. Black, was the only steamship providing a 
G25  68 regular service between St Petersburg and L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck. 
G25  69 Newspapers began to print news that had come <quote_>"by 
G25  70 steamship"<quote/> - often nearly a week ahead of news that had 
G25  71 come by land. And in June 1829 a new postal service by the same 
G25  72 route was announced. Peter Black was providing a vital service 
G25  73 between St Petersburg and the outside world.<p/>
G25  74 <p_>In the winter the <tf_>George IV<tf/> returned to the old 
G25  75 Iberian route, while Clementina remained at 
G25  76 Travem<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nde and looked after the smallholding - for 
G25  77 she had two cows and an orchard of fruit trees - and David learned 
G25  78 to speak German and to skate as well as his schoolfellows. Once he 
G25  79 skated right across the Baltic.<p/>
G25  80 <p_>When Peter returned in the spring of 1830 he found that things 
G25  81 had changed. A Belgian steamship, the <tf_>Bourse D'Amsterdam<tf/>, 
G25  82 had arrived at Kronstadt and was advertising a competing service. 
G25  83 And when he returned to Travem<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nde from Kronstadt on 
G25  84 18 May he received orders from the owner, the Rev. William 
G25  85 Jolliffe, to bring the <tf_>George IV<tf/> back to England. 
G25  86 Jolliffe was no ordinary clergyman, but an entrepreneur who was 
G25  87 involved in building no less than four bridges over the Thames. For 
G25  88 the last five years he had been engaged on the new London Bridge, 
G25  89 an enormously expensive undertaking which was eventually to cost 
G25  90 one-and-a-half million pounds. He had run out of money and had to 
G25  91 sell off several of his ships.<p/>
G25  92 <p_>Stieglitz, the shipping agents in St Petersburg, were furious 
G25  93 and made it plain to the public that it was no fault of theirs that 
G25  94 they had sold tickets for a passage on a ship that was now not 
G25  95 going to run. Peter Black must have had similar feelings. It may 
G25  96 well have made him decide to go his own way, for on 23 September it 
G25  97 was announced that Nicholas I, the Tsar of all the Russias, whose 
G25  98 ice-cold eyes so alarmed the young Queen Victoria, had granted a 
G25  99 twelve-year monopoly of steam navigation between 
G25 100 L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck and St Petersburg to a new company set up by 
G25 101 a consortium of Russian and German merchants from the two cities. 
G25 102 Captain Black was commissioned to design and build two ships 
G25 103 especially for the purpose, with a shallow draft so that they could 
G25 104 steam right up the Neva. They were to be called the <tf_>Nikolai 
G25 105 I<tf/> and the <tf|>Alexandra after the Tsar and his Tsaritsa, and 
G25 106 they were to be Russian ships, flying the Russian flag.<p/>
G25 107 <p_>Peter arranged to build them at Blackwell. There was not much 
G25 108 time, and the work had to be hurried on to have them ready by the 
G25 109 spring. It was a hard and exhausting task, and not until the 
G25 110 beginning of May was the <tf_>Nikolai I<tf/>, 533 tons, ready for 
G25 111 sea. It was none too soon. On 17 April a salvo of guns announced 
G25 112 that the ice on the Neva had broken up and the river was open for 
G25 113 navigation, and by 1 May the roads outside were entirely free of 
G25 114 ice. On 31 May the <tf_>Nikolai I<tf/> arrived in Kronstadt for 
G25 115 Peter Black to begin his new career in the Russian merchant navy. 
G25 116 But he was already severely ill with diabetes exacerbated by 
G25 117 <quote_>"a foolish prejudice against much clothing"<quote/> and a 
G25 118 neglect <quote_>"to protect himself properly against severe 
G25 119 cold".<quote/> On the following day he died.<p/>
G25 120 <p_>The <tf_>Nikolai I<tf/> pursued her career without him. In 
G25 121 November of that year, dangerously late in the season, she battled 
G25 122 her way to the mouth of the Neva bringing the vast blocks of 
G25 123 granite to form the plinth of the great column that was to be 
G25 124 erected in memory of Tsar Alexander I outside the Winter Palace. In 
G25 125 the spring of 1838 on her first trip south she caught fire, and 
G25 126 Ivan Turgenev, the novelist, then aged nineteen and leaving Russia 
G25 127 for the first time, was overcome by panic and had to be restrained 
G25 128 by the Russian captain from forcing his way into a lifeboat. The 
G25 129 ship was rebuilt, and with a Dutch captain continued the service 
G25 130 that Peter had begun.<p/>
G25 131 <p_>With Peter dead there was no need to stay on in 
G25 132 Travem<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nde. David left the school in 
G25 133 L<*_>u-umlaut<*/>beck, where he had received an excellent 
G25 134 education. Afterwards he said, as people so often do, that his 
G25 135 schooldays were the happiest of his life; and since his later years 
G25 136 were to be shadowed by strange clouds of guilt and self-doubt, they 
G25 137 almost certainly were.<p/>
G25 138 <p_>His elder brother Peter lived in Brighton, where he had found a 
G25 139 job as agent for the General Steam Navigation Company and Consular 
G25 140 Agent for France. Clementina and David went to join him, and she 
G25 141 remained there for the rest of her life.<p/>
G25 142 <p_>David completed his peripatetic schooling at Brighton in the 
G25 143 summer of 1832. About this time his sister Isabella married Joseph 
G25 144 Glynn, an engineer who had been at school with Robert Stephenson 
G25 145 and was as active and important in the development of marine and 
G25 146 stationary steam engines as the Stephensons were in the railways. 
G25 147 On leaving school at the age of fifteen David made a brief attempt 
G25 148 at a career in engineering with Glynn but soon concluded that he 
G25 149 had no aptitude for it. He decided instead to take up the law; and 
G25 150 the following year he was articled to Thomas Freeman in Ship 
G25 151 Street, Brighton. He had to pay a premium of no less than three 
G25 152 hundred and fifty pounds, which he was just able to find from the 
G25 153 money left him by his father. He served his articles for five years 
G25 154 in Brighton, earning nothing, and then moved to London. It took him 
G25 155 eight years, three of them as a junior chancery clerk in London, 
G25 156 before he was admitted to practise as an attorney, and a further 
G25 157 year before he had earned enough to recoup his premium. Then, just 
G25 158 as he was beginning to make a career as a lawyer, he decided to 
G25 159 throw it up and emigrate to Canada.<p/>
G25 160 <p_>David was not worried about leaving his old mother. He had a 
G25 161 wild idea that she might follow him out when he had established 
G25 162 himself in Canada, though she might well have preferred, at the age 
G25 163 of sixty-nine, to have remained where she was in Brighton with 
G25 164 Peter and his growing family.<p/>
G25 165 <p_>He was not going to Canada to earn a living as a lawyer or a 
G25 166 linguist but as a labourer on the land. He managed to find work of 
G25 167 a kind and stuck at it for a little over a year, with his beard 
G25 168 frozen to the counterpane on winter nights, and ploughing on summer 
G25 169 days <quote_>"with bare feet in the hot loose black loamy soil 
G25 170 formed of the decomposed leaves"<quote/>. He began to think of 
G25 171 settling permanently and wrote home to try to raise the money to do 
G25 172 so. He received instead the news that his mother was dangerously 
G25 173 ill. He hurried home only to find that Clementina was already dead. 
G25 174 He never forgave himself for having left her.<p/>
G25 175 <p_>There was now no reason why he should not return to Canada, and 
G25 176 he fully intended to do so. But his brother and brother-in-law 
G25 177 persuaded him to stay in Brighton and to resume his career in the 
G25 178 law, this time practising on his own. He lodged with the Peter 
G25 179 Blacks and took an office at 56 Ship Street, but found it hard 
G25 180 going to earn even as much as he did before he went to Canada.<p/>
G25 181 <p_>He was now twenty-five years old, with a dark curly beard and 
G25 182 the somewhat semitic good looks one occasionally finds in Scotland. 
G25 183 A distant cousin of Constance's who met him at dances at this time 
G25 184 told her <quote_>"that he was the handsomest man she knew and that 
G25 185 all the girls were in love with him"<quote/>. He was no libertine. 
G25 186 His character had more of the Scottish Sabbath than of the Scottish 
G25 187 Saturday night.
G25 188 
G26   1 <#FLOB:G26\><h_><p_>5<p/>
G26   2 <p_>Bachelor Girl<p/><h/>
G26   3 <p_>FOR ALL MAJOR RONALD FERGUSON'S INSISTENCE THAT HIS younger 
G26   4 daughter should get a job and earn her own way, work or, more 
G26   5 precisely, a career was not yet at the top of Sarah's agenda.<p/>
G26   6 <p_>She was young and there were good times to be had. She had 
G26   7 enjoyed working for Durden-Smith Communications - and with a boss 
G26   8 who flies you to Paris for a party on your first day, who wouldn't? 
G26   9 But she was also going to enjoy her travels through the New 
G26  10 World.<p/>
G26  11 <p_>It was, she recalls, one of the most exciting periods of her 
G26  12 life. She kept a daily chronicle of her youthful adventures. She 
G26  13 still has the diary tied with a blue ribbon in her apartment in 
G26  14 Buckingham Palace.<p/>
G26  15 <p_>Charlotte and Sarah set off in the autumn of 1980. The first 
G26  16 entry, written in her neat, rounded hand in a vivid green ink, is 
G26  17 dated shortly after her twenty-first birthday. There were 
G26  18 good<?_>-<?/>byes to be said first, of course, and the girls' 
G26  19 departure from Durden-Smith Communications was an excuse (not that 
G26  20 Neil ever needed one) for a farewell party with champagne toasts. 
G26  21 In celebration of her birthday her father gave her a cocktail party 
G26  22 for one hundred and fifty guests in the Crystal Room of the 
G26  23 Berkeley Hotel in London. She had declined his offer of a dance at 
G26  24 Dummer, saying that she would rather have the money for the trip; 
G26  25 and a couple of weeks later they were on their way.<p/>
G26  26 <p_>They were met, as Sarah was on her first trip to Argentina, at 
G26  27 Buenos Aires airport by Hector and Susie and they drove straight to 
G26  28 the Barrantes' new 4000-acre ranch.<p/>
G26  29 <p_>Hector drove fast along the two-lane highway, his foot hard to 
G26  30 the floor with only the occasional deceleration for a wandering cow 
G26  31 or when they passed through one of the small towns that dot the 
G26  32 pampas. Four hours and four hundred miles later they turned through 
G26  33 the wooden gates at El Pucara (it means Fortress in Spanish). The 
G26  34 only contact with the outside world was by crackling radio 
G26  35 telephone and the nearest town, Tres Lomas, was twenty miles 
G26  36 away.<p/>
G26  37 <p_>Hector had converted a hundred acres of this flat land into a 
G26  38 polo field and exercise area for his ponies and surrounded it with 
G26  39 hundreds of saplings to protect it from the winds. The house was 
G26  40 set back a mile from the road at the end of a drive lined with 
G26  41 willow and cactus and spruce trees. Almost anything will grow on 
G26  42 this abundant, seemingly inexhaustible plain where the twelve foot 
G26  43 deep top soil is so fertile that it is cheaper to buy more land 
G26  44 than fertilize what you already own and the gauchos slaughter a cow 
G26  45 just to eat its tongue.<p/>
G26  46 <p_>Sarah and Charlotte rode the humid prairie, worried about the 
G26  47 mosquitoes, and helped Susie move into her new A-framed home. Sarah 
G26  48 learned the rudiments of Spanish in its gruff Argentine version.<p/>
G26  49 <p_>And there were the ponies to admire. Hector Barrantes had 
G26  50 started with little. He was now on his way to becoming probably the 
G26  51 best breeder of polo ponies in Argentina. And Argentinian polo 
G26  52 ponies are the best in the world, commanding prices of up to 
G26  53 pounds30,000 an animal.<p/>
G26  54 <p_>Introduced by the British in 1876, the sport ranks second only 
G26  55 to soccer in the Argentine sporting calendar and as many as 40,000 
G26  56 people attend the Argentine Open in Buenos Aires. Barrantes' 
G26  57 'valiente' ponies were almost invariably part of the winning 
G26  58 team.<p_>
G26  59 <p/>The secret, Hector explained, is patience. The ponies (a 
G26  60 misnomer: a pony is a horse under 14.2 hands, while the average 
G26  61 height of polo 'ponies' is 15.1 hands) are not confined to stables 
G26  62 but are turned out year round. They play every day for six hours 
G26  63 and in between are schooled by the <foreign|>'domadors', the ranch 
G26  64 hands who do the breaking-in. It is a long process. While other 
G26  65 breeders often sell their ponies at the age of four or five, 
G26  66 Barrantes kept his - and at the last count he had three hundred and 
G26  67 fifty horses including a breeding stock of sixty-two mares and 
G26  68 seven stallions - until they were six or even seven.<p/>
G26  69 <p_><quote_>"I'm in no hurry,"<quote/> he said.<p/>
G26  70 <p_>The girls were. After a Christmas celebrated in the traditional 
G26  71 English manner (even in the heart of the pampas Susie maintained 
G26  72 the homely English tradition of three meals a day, fresh flowers 
G26  73 and pretty curtains), they set off by rackety bus to drive to 
G26  74 Iguaza Falls to see the most magnificent waterfalls in South 
G26  75 America and then north to Rio de Janeiro.<p/>
G26  76 <p_>Using the <tf_>South American Handbook<tf/> for reference, they 
G26  77 stayed at cheap but comparatively safe lodgings on the overnight 
G26  78 stops en route. By the time they got to the Falls, however, on the 
G26  79 borders of Argentina, Paraguay and Brazil, <quote_>"we had run out 
G26  80 of money,"<quote/> as Charlotte recalls, <quote_>"so we slept in 
G26  81 the bus station on the benches, surrounded by throngs of peasant 
G26  82 women with their children and chickens."<quote/><p/>
G26  83 <p_>They had their onward bus and airline tickets, but they did not 
G26  84 have enough <foreign|>cruzeiros left to buy even a corn on the cob 
G26  85 from one of the maize sellers. Resorting to their wits, they took 
G26  86 advantage of the South American habit of providing small pieces of 
G26  87 cheese and olives with every drink. They walked into the nearby 
G26  88 hotel, <quote_>"trying to look as prosperous as possible"<quote/>, 
G26  89 as Charlotte says, asked for two glasses of water, 
G26  90 <quote|>"scoffed" the modest tapas and then ran off to catch the 
G26  91 bus.<p/>
G26  92 <p_>It had been an exciting adventure in a continent where single 
G26  93 women are looked on as easy prey. The murder of tourists was common 
G26  94 enough to warrant a warning in the <tf_>South American 
G26  95 Handbook<tf/>, as do the travellers' more commonplace hazards of 
G26  96 pick-pockets, false arrest, beggars and robbery.<p/>
G26  97 <p_><quote_>"I wouldn't do it today but it was great fun 
G26  98 then,"<quote/> Charlotte says.<p/>
G26  99 <p_>They survived and after staying with friends of Major Ferguson 
G26 100 in Rio, they flew on to the United States and headed for the ski 
G26 101 resorts of the Rocky Mountains. Says Mrs Barrantes: <quote_>"I had 
G26 102 a great friend in Squaw Valley so Sarah and Charlotte went to stay 
G26 103 there and work for a while,"<quote/> lookking after children, 
G26 104 waiting on table in a cafeteria, cleaning the immaculate 'log 
G26 105 cabin' chalets and skiing the crisp, dry, easily negotiated high 
G26 106 altitude snow in between times. Then it was back across the 
G26 107 continent to meet up with Hector and Susie in Palm Springs.<p/>
G26 108 <p_>They finished up in Louisiana on the Gulf of Mexico. After the 
G26 109 corrugated, rutted shambles of Latin America, and the 
G26 110 clean<?_>-<?/>limbed freshness of the mountains, the musky neon 
G26 111 nights of America's jazz city were overpowering. <quote_>"The most 
G26 112 worrying time was walking around the back streets of New Orleans. 
G26 113 We definitely thought we would end up being mugged,"<quote/> 
G26 114 Charlotte says.<p/>
G26 115 <p_>That summer back in England they regaled their friends and 
G26 116 family with the edited highlights of their trip. They had been away 
G26 117 for almost six months. In their absence Susan Ferguson had given 
G26 118 birth to another child, a daughter called Alice, who was born while 
G26 119 Sarah was in Argentina. She telephoned her with the news and asked 
G26 120 her to be a godmother. Babies do not particularly excite Sarah. She 
G26 121 prefers them from a year upwards. But she did find her little 
G26 122 half-sister with her dusting of blonde hair <quote_>"terribly 
G26 123 sweet"<quote/> and spent a while helping her stepmother around the 
G26 124 house at Dummer.<p/>
G26 125 <p_>With her funds now all but exhausted there was no chance to 
G26 126 linger, however. A job and a flat had to be found and a faltering 
G26 127 romance - she was still involved with Kim Smith-Bingham - 
G26 128 continued.<p/>
G26 129 <p_>The accommodation part of that common equation was easily 
G26 130 resolved. Back on the London social circuit she encountered Carolyn 
G26 131 Beckwith-Smith whose mother was an old friend of Susie Barrantes. 
G26 132 <quote_>"We met at a cocktail party and I happened to mention that 
G26 133 if she was ever looking for somewhere to live she should give me a 
G26 134 call,"<quote/> Carolyn recalls. <quote_>"Amazingly she said, 'How 
G26 135 about now?' and she practically moved in then and 
G26 136 there."<quote/><p/>
G26 137 <p_>A very attractive blonde, Carolyn had her own home in Lavender 
G26 138 Gardens, a street of terraced houses in Clapham. Only ten years 
G26 139 before, the area had been a respectable but decidedly working-class 
G26 140 suburb on what had been scathingly called 'the wrong side of the 
G26 141 river'. Soaring property prices, however, had driven the younger 
G26 142 generation of Sloanes out of their traditional territory and there 
G26 143 had been a mass migration across the bridges from Belgravia and 
G26 144 Chelsea into the hitherto uncharted regions south of the Thames. 
G26 145 With them came the bistros and flower shops, design centres, fabric 
G26 146 shops, picture framers, and other such services deemed essential 
G26 147 for civilized living and by the time Sarah moved in, Clapham was 
G26 148 secure as a forward post of urban respectability.<p/>
G26 149 <p_>The flatmates got on well together. Carolyn has a sense of 
G26 150 humour to rival Sarah's - it is said she once put sneezing powder 
G26 151 in her stepfather's omelette. Artistic and Bohemian, she had worked 
G26 152 for interior decorator Nina Campbell, managed Edina Ronay's clothes 
G26 153 shop in Liberty's in Regent Street, and was a close friend of dress 
G26 154 designer Lindka Cierach. All would figure prominently in Sarah's 
G26 155 future.<p/>
G26 156 <p_>At the time she was working as a make-up artist and used to 
G26 157 show Sarah different ways of doing her hair and making up her 
G26 158 eyes.<p/>
G26 159 <p_>Carolyn continues: <quote_>"Fergie was very tidy, immaculate in 
G26 160 fact. She wasn't a great Hooverer or ironer but everything in her 
G26 161 room was always very tidy. She can't stand a mess."<quote/> They 
G26 162 employed an Indian cleaning lady to do the dusting and polishing 
G26 163 and the sitting room was always full of fresh flowers - freesias 
G26 164 and roses were Sarah's favourites - and the walls were hung with 
G26 165 oil paintings.<p/>
G26 166 <p_><quote_>"We didn't entertain much, we didn't have 
G26 167 time,"<quote/> Carolyn remembers. Both were living active social 
G26 168 lives, <quote_>"and it was a question of who was last in and was it 
G26 169 too late to wake the other up. If we had a bad time we would cheer 
G26 170 each other up."<quote/><p/>
G26 171 <p_>Her domestic arrangements settled, Sarah now had to get down to 
G26 172 the more substantial task of finding herself a job; she answered an 
G26 173 advertisement in <tf_>The Times<tf/> for a personal assistant cum 
G26 174 secretary to William Drummond, an art dealer with premises in 
G26 175 Covent Garden.<p/>
G26 176 <p_>Drummond - lanky, sandy-haired, chain smoking, always moving, 
G26 177 and possessed of an engagingly droll wit - recalls his first 
G26 178 meeting with Sarah. <quote_>"When she arrived I told her I couldn't 
G26 179 even see her as I had such a terrible hangover. You can imagine all 
G26 180 that mass of red hair when you are hung over. It was rather like 
G26 181 having to look straight into the sun."<quote/><p/>
G26 182 <p_>He knew nothing about her and she was just one of thirty 
G26 183 applicants, jobs in art galleries being very sought after by young 
G26 184 girls from Sarah's background. A couple of days later, while 
G26 185 wandering through Covent Garden, Drummond encountered a colleague 
G26 186 in the art business who told him how fortunate he was to have Sarah 
G26 187 Ferguson joining him. He was slightly taken aback as he had still 
G26 188 not made up his mind which of the thirty he was going to hire. That 
G26 189 chance remark decided him.<p/>
G26 190 <p_><quote_>"I thought, 'That's the right spirit', and made up my 
G26 191 mind immediately,"<quote/> he says.<p/>
G26 192 <p_>For Drummond, an expert in rather obscure eighteenth-century 
G26 193 oil paintings and drawings, a prerequisite of the employment of a 
G26 194 secretary was that she did not know too much about his speciality. 
G26 195 <quote_>"That allows you to get on with playing with your pictures 
G26 196 while they do all the nasty things,"<quote/> he explains.<p/>
G26 197 <p_>For Sarah part of the job included taking Drummond in hand. She 
G26 198 made him morning coffee. She tried to feed him up; because he was 
G26 199 too engrossed in his work to bother to organize his own lunches she 
G26 200 would fetch him sandwiches from Maxwell's, the snack bar across the 
G26 201 road (<quote_>"She was a handsome eater herself - when she wasn't 
G26 202 starving herself,"<quote/> he says). She tried to make him cut down 
G26 203 on his smoking.
G26 204 
G27   1 <#FLOB:G27\><h_><p_>A New Family<p/><h/>
G27   2 <p_>Bernard and Barbara's marriage marked a new beginning for both 
G27   3 of them. It ended five years of widowhood for Barbara, after a 
G27   4 first marriage which in later years she herself described as having 
G27   5 been very much <quote_>"a boy and girl affair"<quote/>; and it gave 
G27   6 Bernard the first settled home of his adult life.<p/>
G27   7 <p_>Barbara had been born Barbara Jekyll in 1887, second of the 
G27   8 three children of Sir Herbert and Lady Jekyll. The Jekylls were an 
G27   9 old English family who came originally from Lincolnshire and East 
G27  10 Anglia. Their most famous forebear was Sir Joseph Jekyll, Master of 
G27  11 the Rolls in the reigns of Queen Anne. Another Joseph Jekyll was a 
G27  12 famous wit and a prominent member of the Prince Regent's circle.<p/>
G27  13 <p_>Colonel Sir Herbert Jekyll was educated at 'The Shop' - 
G27  14 Woolwich Academy - where he won the Sword of Honour and went on to 
G27  15 serve with the Royal Engineers in the Ashanti War. As Private 
G27  16 Secretary to Lord Carnarvon, and as Secretary to the Royal 
G27  17 Commission for the Defence of British Possessions and Commerce 
G27  18 Overseas, he travelled to Singapore and Ceylon to report on 
G27  19 fortifications and to design new ones. His other posts included 
G27  20 being Private Secretary for three years to Lord Crewe while he was 
G27  21 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1892-5); British Commissioner of the 
G27  22 1900 Paris Exhibition, for which he appointed Edwin Lutyens to 
G27  23 design the British Pavillion; and Secretary of the Board of Trade. 
G27  24 In addition Herbert was a keen gardener, a gifted wood carver, an 
G27  25 organist and a founder member of the Bach Choir. In 1881 he married 
G27  26 Agnes, daughter of William Graham, Liberal MP for Glasgow, whose 
G27  27 numerous projects included managing a maternity home in the East 
G27  28 End, working as chairman of the visiting committee for a girls' 
G27  29 Borstal and chairman of a hospital supplies warehouse for St John 
G27  30 of Jerusalem during the Great War. At the first dinner party of 
G27  31 their married life the guests included Robert Browning, John Ruskin 
G27  32 and Sir Edward Burne-Jones. She was the first person to supply 
G27  33 recipes to <tf_>The Times<tf/>, which were later published in 1922 
G27  34 as <tf_>Kitchen Essays, with recipes and their occasions<tf/>.<p/>
G27  35 <p_>Barbara's early years were spent at Munstead in a close-knit 
G27  36 and happy family. As was the custom of the period, she and her 
G27  37 younger sister Pamela were educated mostly at home, and only her 
G27  38 brother Timmy was sent to boarding school. Timmy had a brilliant 
G27  39 beginning, getting into College at Eton, where he won the classical 
G27  40 Newcastle Scholarship in 1900 and then an Exhibition to Balliol 
G27  41 College, Oxford; but unfortunately his early promise did not 
G27  42 endure. Barbara and Pamela, a lively and intelligent pair of 
G27  43 sisters remained close, however, all their lives. In 1908, at the 
G27  44 age of eighteen, Pamela married Reginald McKenna, then First Lord 
G27  45 of the Admiralty, who was twenty-four years older than she was. By 
G27  46 the time Bernard first met him in 1916 he was Chancellor of the 
G27  47 Exchequer. In 1922, when Bernard and Barbara married, he was 
G27  48 Chairman of the Midland Bank, a position he retained until his 
G27  49 death. 'Reggie' was one of the few people of whom Bernard was 
G27  50 always much in awe and he frequently turned to him for advice. 
G27  51 <quote_>"Reggie is undoubtedly the wisest man I know,"<quote/> 
G27  52 Bernard used to say.<p/>
G27  53 <p_>Bernard also acquired a number of lively aunts by his marriage. 
G27  54 The most remarkable as well as the most formidable was Gertrude 
G27  55 Jekyll (1843-1932). Through her books she probably did more than 
G27  56 anyone else to change the face of English gardening at the 
G27  57 beginning of the century. Her talents were wide-ranging and 
G27  58 diverse. She was a competent painter, and from her workshop came a 
G27  59 steady stream of metalwork including salvers worked in silver. She 
G27  60 was an expert at carving in wood, and also a photographer, who 
G27  61 developed and printed her own films. For nearly forty years she and 
G27  62 Sir Edwin Lutyens worked together - he as architect of the house, 
G27  63 she designing the garden - culminating in the Viceroy's House in 
G27  64 New Delhi. When Bernard knew her she had entered the last decade of 
G27  65 her life.<p/>
G27  66 <p_>In one respect Gertrude was fortunate, namely the age in which 
G27  67 she lived. When she was born gardens were mostly elaborately 
G27  68 formal, laid out in accordance with a rigid Italianate pattern. By 
G27  69 the time she began to take an interest in gardening in the late 
G27  70 1870s the tradition was ripe for change. In conjunction with other 
G27  71 kindred spirits, such as William Robinson, Gertrude began to 
G27  72 experiment with more informal garden layouts. The first was at her 
G27  73 new home at Munstead House, which was built the year after her 
G27  74 father's death in 1876. Gradually, as her scope and experience 
G27  75 increased, she started to write articles in the <tf_>Journal of the 
G27  76 Royal Horticultural Society<tf/>, <tf_>Country Life<tf/> and other 
G27  77 papers and magazines. By the turn of the century she was ready to 
G27  78 consolidate her knowledge into a series of gardening books which 
G27  79 became classics in her own lifetime. In her later years she became 
G27  80 more and more of a recluse, cutting herself off from a world with 
G27  81 which she felt increasingly out of sympathy. At heart she was a 
G27  82 Victorian countrywoman who rejoiced in nature's order of things.<p/>
G27  83 <p_>Bernard and Gertrude got on well together. When Bernard went to 
G27  84 Moore Barracks at Shorncliffe in 1929 Gertrude made a design for 
G27  85 the Commanding Officer's small garden there. It was among the last 
G27  86 things she did. After Sir Herbert Jekyll's funeral on 3 October 
G27  87 1932, Sir Edwin Lutyens went to see Gertrude:<p/>
G27  88 <p_><quote_>Afterwards I saw Bumps [Sir Edwin's nickname for 
G27  89 Gertrude], self<?_>-<?/>possessed and herself - very feeble she was 
G27  90 in her bedroom with a delicious dark blue felt cap on her head. She 
G27  91 was very happy with Bernard [Freyberg] who sees a good deal of her 
G27  92 and asks her endless questions and waits for her deliberate answers 
G27  93 in which she delights.<quote/><p/>
G27  94 <p_>Gertrude died two months later on 8 December 1932.<p/>
G27  95 <p_>Caroline Eden (n<*_>e-acute<*/>e Jekyll) was another gardening 
G27  96 aunt of Barbara's. Born in 1837, she was the eldest sister of 
G27  97 Herbert and Gertrude. In 1867 she married Frederick Eden and 
G27  98 because he suffered from poor health they decided to make their 
G27  99 home in Venice. Caroline lived there for the next fifty years. 
G27 100 Their house, called the Palazzo Barbarigo, was at the entrance to 
G27 101 the Grand Canal and they also had a large garden on the Guidecca, 
G27 102 which inevitably became known to the considerable English community 
G27 103 in Venice as the Garden of Eden.<p/>
G27 104 <p_>Aunt Caroline's (or 'Cary's') house in Venice was very popular 
G27 105 with her family in England. It gave them not only the excuse for 
G27 106 visits but a comfortable residence once they got there, after the 
G27 107 twenty-four hour journey on the Orient Express. Barbara stayed at 
G27 108 the Palazzo Barbarigo several times before the First World War. 
G27 109 After Frederick Eden died in 1916 Cary decided to remain until the 
G27 110 war was over. She was still there in July 1922 when Bernard and 
G27 111 Barbara stayed during the second part of their honeymoon. She died 
G27 112 in London in 1928 aged ninety-one.<p/>
G27 113 <p_>Barbara's mother Agnes had four sisters, of whom the closest to 
G27 114 her was Frances. In 1883 Frances married Sir John Horner of Mells 
G27 115 Manor near Frome in Somerset. Mells was that rarest and most 
G27 116 desirable of all properties, a <tf|>small Elizabethan manor house. 
G27 117 It had come into the Horner family after the Dissolution of the 
G27 118 Monasteries in 1537, and before then had belonged to the Abbey of 
G27 119 Glastonbury. This was the origin of the nursery rhyme about Little 
G27 120 Jack Horner pulling out a plum - Mells Manor. Lady Horner, an 
G27 121 intellectual and a leading hostess in Edwardian times, was one of 
G27 122 the 'Souls' - the group, including Arthur Balfour and Margot 
G27 123 Asquith, who used to meet from time to time in each other's houses 
G27 124 to discuss philosophy and the topics of the day. For nearly half a 
G27 125 century, because of Frances and Agnes, there was a close link 
G27 126 between Munstead and Mells. This continued into the next generation 
G27 127 through Pamela and Barbara, for when the time came for the McKennas 
G27 128 to find themselves a country house in the early 1920s they came to 
G27 129 an arrangement with the Horners and commissioned Sir Edwin Lutyens 
G27 130 to rebuild Mells Park, which had burnt down in 1917. Bernard and 
G27 131 Barbara used frequently to visit Mells in the early years of their 
G27 132 marriage.<p/>
G27 133 <p_>Alice Hogg was another of Barbara's aunts. By the time Bernard 
G27 134 came on the scene she was dead, but her son Douglas was much in 
G27 135 their life at this period. In later years as Lord Hailsham he was 
G27 136 appointed Lord Chancellor (1928-9 and 1935-8), an office held in 
G27 137 1970 and 1979 by his son, the irrepressible Quintin.<p/>
G27 138 <p_>In the early years of his marriage Bernard also came into 
G27 139 frequent contact with the first Lord and Lady Aberconway, the 
G27 140 parents of Barbara's first husband Francis McLaren. They always 
G27 141 took a close interest in their grandsons and lent their house, 
G27 142 Bodnant, to Barbara and Bernard for their honeymoon.<p/>
G27 143 <p_>The Freyberg 'family' consisted of Bernard, Barbara and Paul 
G27 144 (born 1923); but also Barbara's two sons, Bernard's stepsons, 
G27 145 Martin and Guy McLaren. One of the reasons why Barbara took so long 
G27 146 to agree to marry Bernard had been because she wanted to be certain 
G27 147 that her sons would accept him in place of their own father, whom 
G27 148 they were too young to remember. She also wanted to be sure that 
G27 149 Bernard would treat them as if they were his own children. On both 
G27 150 counts she never had any cause for regret.<p/>
G27 151 <p_>Martin and Guy were quite different from each other. Martin was 
G27 152 serious-minded, scholarly, good at games, fond of music and with a 
G27 153 keen sense of history and of beauty. Guy was an extrovert, 
G27 154 interested in people rather than abstract theory. He was 
G27 155 particularly good at making friends and enjoying life, and was more 
G27 156 at home on the racecourse than in the library.<p/>
G27 157 <p_>One other important member of our family circle was my mother's 
G27 158 maid Muriel Tolley, or Milly as she was invariably called, who came 
G27 159 from Breamore in Wiltshire. Although strictly speaking she was not 
G27 160 one of the family, she was certainly one by adoption. She was the 
G27 161 principal prop of the household and played a major part in my 
G27 162 father's life for thirty years. Cooks, parlourmaids, housemaids and 
G27 163 nannies came and went, but Milly was always there - even during the 
G27 164 Second World War when my mother travelled to Egypt and Italy with 2 
G27 165 NZEF - and because of her continuity she acquired a remarkable 
G27 166 influence and authority. All of us, my mother, my father and we 
G27 167 three boys, were devoted to Milly, and I believe that the feeling 
G27 168 was returned, although there were moments when this was far from 
G27 169 obvious. Millie could be very much of a disciplinarian, and when I 
G27 170 was little and had done something I should not have done I was far 
G27 171 more concerned about what Milly, rather than my parents, might say. 
G27 172 When roused she had a remarkable command of the English language, 
G27 173 and could give a more effective 'rocket' than any I ever heard in 
G27 174 twenty-five years in the Grenadier Guards. In the early days my 
G27 175 brothers and I would say to each other, <quote_>"Watch out, Milly's 
G27 176 on the warpath,"<quote/> in tones of alarm tinged with no little 
G27 177 apprehension. Even my father was not immune from Milly's 
G27 178 strictures. Although she was devoted to him her first loyalty was 
G27 179 always to my mother. Several generations of ADCs would testify that 
G27 180 in small matters my father was often vague and 
G27 181 absent<?_>-<?/>minded. But none of them would have dared to say to 
G27 182 him what Milly did when he lost the special gloves my mother had 
G27 183 given him, or forgot her birthday.<p/>
G27 184 <p_>My parents' marriage was an extremely happy one. They were to 
G27 185 go through many anxious times together, particularly during the 
G27 186 Second World War, but it was made sustainable by the deep love and 
G27 187 affection they had for each other. Bernard and Barbara were both 
G27 188 strong characters, but because they were quick to adapt to each 
G27 189 other's ways their personalities complemented one another and 
G27 190 rarely clashed.
G27 191 
G28   1 <#FLOB:G28\>She loved both his sense of humour and his 
G28   2 inventiveness. He made up stories for her about kings and knights 
G28   3 and about Snatchcraftington, a wizard who looked like a stalk of 
G28   4 rhubarb. At the same time he supported her faith in her writing. No 
G28   5 other woman had ever written poetry like hers, he told her, and 
G28   6 with his help she felt certain that within a year she could produce 
G28   7 a book of thirty-three poems that would <quote_>"hit the critics 
G28   8 violently"<quote/>.<p/>
G28   9 <p_>From this new perspective, all previous relationships looked 
G28  10 tawdry and insecure. Even when she was with Richard Sassoon, an 
G28  11 opportunistic mental lawcourt had been in session - hadn't it? - 
G28  12 drawing her attention to his weaknesses and proposing alternative 
G28  13 men, stronger, healthier. Now, for the first time, she felt fully 
G28  14 satisfied with the man she had. She loved the <quote_>"virile, 
G28  15 deep, banging poems"<quote/> he'd written, loved relaxing with him 
G28  16 at Cambridge. Punting on the Cam, they saw cows, baby-owls and even 
G28  17 a water-rat; at Grantchester they picnicked in an orchard.<p/>
G28  18 <p_>When Aurelia came to London in June 1956, Sylvia and Hughes 
G28  19 decided to marry immediately. Less than four months had gone by 
G28  20 since they'd met, and he didn't tell his parents about the wedding. 
G28  21 Although it was difficult to get a licence in time, they were 
G28  22 married on 16 June at St George's Church in Bloomsbury. They chose 
G28  23 the day partly because of James Joyce - 16 June is Bloomsday. Their 
G28  24 witness was the sexton, who'd been on the point of escorting a 
G28  25 group of mothers and children on a church outing to the zoo; they 
G28  26 were all kept waiting outside in a bus. Hughes was wearing the old 
G28  27 black corduroy jacket he wore every day; Sylvia was in a pink 
G28  28 knitted dress her mother had bought for herself but never worn. The 
G28  29 church was empty, and bathed in the watery-yellow light of a rainy 
G28  30 day.<p/>
G28  31 <p_>They spent the summer in Spain, going first to Benidorm, which 
G28  32 was still an unspoiled fishing village; Sylvia did several sketches 
G28  33 of it. Later they moved inland. When they watched a bullfight, her 
G28  34 sympathy was with the bulls; she was pleased when one of them 
G28  35 managed to gore a plump picador, who was carried out with blood 
G28  36 spurting from his thigh.<p/>
G28  37 <p_>They had to live cheaply. In the early morning they went to the 
G28  38 market for fish and vegetables, buying potatoes from the stand 
G28  39 which sold them at 1.50 a kilo instead of 1.75. They wrote from 
G28  40 eight-thirty in the morning till twelve, and again from four till 
G28  41 six, studying French and Spanish from eight till ten in the 
G28  42 evening. Sylvia was still ecstatic at possessing and being 
G28  43 possessed by a man who tallied so closely with her fantasies. 
G28  44 <tf_>Magnificent, handsome<tf/>and <tf|>brilliant were the words 
G28  45 she used to describe him; living with him was like listening to a 
G28  46 story that never stopped, or like living in a country that kept on 
G28  47 extending its frontiers. She could feel his energy pouring directly 
G28  48 into her work, and it was an adventure just to buy a loaf of bread 
G28  49 or step over goat-droppings.<p/>
G28  50 <p_>But within six weeks of the wedding, quarrels were threatening 
G28  51 to capsize their happiness. Incredulous at her vulnerability, she 
G28  52 felt the hurt <quote_>"going in, clean as a razor, and the dark 
G28  53 blood welling"<quote/>. In the unfamiliar landscape, under the full 
G28  54 moon, with crickets chirruping and donkey-bells jangling in the 
G28  55 distance, she felt wrongness growing between them and making his 
G28  56 skin hard to touch. It went on growing till it seemed to fill the 
G28  57 house, like a carnivorous plant. When he announced he was going out 
G28  58 for a walk, she went with him, knowing it would be intolerable to 
G28  59 stay alone in the house, but she felt foolish as she strode towards 
G28  60 the hills, past the railway station, and when they sat down, it was 
G28  61 with a distance between them. They walked back in silence and slept 
G28  62 separately. In the morning it felt as if the house were being 
G28  63 choked with wrongness, but their sense of togetherness revived when 
G28  64 Hughes found an ant-track and they played with their superiority by 
G28  65 lifting the stone above the nest, throwing the colony into 
G28  66 confusion. To a spider who'd captured two ants they tossed a third, 
G28  67 and they gave the ants a big dead fly.<p/>
G28  68 <p_>Generally the habits he'd acquired were quite different from 
G28  69 hers. He went on wearing the same clothes day after day, apparently 
G28  70 untroubled when they were too thick or too thin for the current 
G28  71 weather. Sometimes he was suspicious of food she gave him, 
G28  72 complaining she was trying to kill him with a protein diet. 
G28  73 Sometimes, when he couldn't find what he was looking for, he 
G28  74 accused her of hiding his things or secretly destroying them. 
G28  75 Sometimes he'd sink into black moods, and when he took his clothes 
G28  76 off, he tended to throw them on the floor, while she was always 
G28  77 careful in keeping all her things tidy. But though she wrote in 
G28  78 detail about their life together in the diaries she kept, she 
G28  79 speculated remarkably little about what was going on in his mind. 
G28  80 Sometimes they talked to each other about dreams, but, endlessly 
G28  81 interested in her own inner life, she seems to have been uncurious 
G28  82 about his.<p/>
G28  83 <p_>Towards the end of August they left for Paris, and when they 
G28  84 returned to England in early September, they went to stay in 
G28  85 Heptonstall with his parents, who readily forgave him for not 
G28  86 telling them about the wedding until he wrote to them from 
G28  87 Benidorm. They were friendly and welcoming. Sylvia describes them 
G28  88 as <quote_>"dear, simple Yorkshire folk"<quote/>.<p/>
G28  89 <p_>Having spent all their money in Spain and France, she and 
G28  90 Hughes stayed in Heptonstall until term began. Hughes's Uncle Walt 
G28  91 took them in his car to see the Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/>s' Haworth, 
G28  92 and they picnicked amongst the heather. She reread <tf_>Wuthering 
G28  93 Heights<tf/>, which helped her to enjoy the wild landscape of bare 
G28  94 hills, the deep-creviced valleys and the heather purpling the 
G28  95 moorland. Wiry and white-haired, Hughes's father was half Irish; 
G28  96 still a tobacconist, he drove every day to his shop in Hebden 
G28  97 Bridge, while Hughes's plump, arthritic mother told stories about 
G28  98 the neighbours and made starchy pastries and meat pies for her son 
G28  99 and her new daughter-in-law, but Sylvia was allowed to do most of 
G28 100 the cooking for Hughes and herself in the tiny kitchen. One night 
G28 101 Hughes took her out to stalk rabbits in the woods, but when he shot 
G28 102 a beautiful doe with its young, Sylvia didn't have the heart to 
G28 103 take it home to make a stew.<p/>
G28 104 <p_>Back at Cambridge, she kept the wedding a secret: having 
G28 105 married without permission, she was in danger of being sent down 
G28 106 and losing her Fulbright Scholarship. But when she confessed, she 
G28 107 was forgiven, and at first she and Hughes were happy together, in 
G28 108 spite of living in a shabby, depressingly grimy flat which wasn't 
G28 109 self<?_>-<?/>contained: they had to share the bathroom with their 
G28 110 upstairs neighbour, while soot seemed to be ingrained in 
G28 111 everything. Domestic surroundings obviously mattered less to 
G28 112 Hughes, who'd lived at Cambridge with Lucas Myers in a hut which 
G28 113 had once served as a chicken coop and later in a tent in Myers's 
G28 114 garden.<p/>
G28 115 <p_>Wendy Campbell, a friend of Dorothea Krook's, was allowed to 
G28 116 sit in on Sylvia's supervisions and immediately liked her: 
G28 117 <quote_>"she was so alive and warm and interested. She seemed to be 
G28 118 entirely collected and concentrated and in focus."<quote/> When she 
G28 119 came with Hughes to a party, they were both <quote_>"smiling and 
G28 120 smiling, almost incandescent with happiness ... They seemed to have 
G28 121 found solid ground in each other."<quote/> She'd at last found 
G28 122 <quote_>"a man on the same scale as herself. Her vividness demanded 
G28 123 largeness, intensity, an extreme"<quote/>, while he seemed 
G28 124 unfettered and unafraid. <quote_>"He didn't care, in a tidy 
G28 125 bourgeois sense, he didn't give a damn for anyone or 
G28 126 anything."<quote/><p/>
G28 127 <p_>In their flat in Eltisley Avenue they used to get up at five in 
G28 128 the morning to write before the day began. Sylvia struck Wendy 
G28 129 Campbell as having a natural excellence at everything she 
G28 130 attempted. The flat was well kept, she cooked superbly, and 
G28 131 <quote_>"her very remarkable efficiency"<quote/> seemed to be 
G28 132 <quote_>"very natural to her and was never accompanied by any sense 
G28 133 of strain"<quote/>. In fact there was a great deal of strain, 
G28 134 physical and financial, but, like a ballerina who knows how to keep 
G28 135 a radiant smile on her face while executing dance steps that 
G28 136 involve both anxiety and pain, Sylvia knew how to appear happy and 
G28 137 exhilarated.<p/>
G28 138 <p_>Doris Krook (as she was known in Cambridge) was amazed at how 
G28 139 much marriage had changed her. Antonia Byatt, who met her at the 
G28 140 beginning of her Cambridge career, found her <quote_>"very hard to 
G28 141 talk to: she was very gracious, very deliberately outgoing, almost 
G28 142 aggressively an image of the healthy American girl, blonded hair, 
G28 143 red mouth, full of bouncy wonder"<quote/>. After Sylvia married, 
G28 144 her extreme happiness was unmistakable but almost worrying. What 
G28 145 would happen, Doris Krook wondered, if anything should go wrong 
G28 146 with this marriage? Her fears were allayed by Sylvia's 
G28 147 <quote_>"serenity, her tranquillity, her confidence and (most of 
G28 148 all) her marvellous vitality which seemed a guarantee of limitless 
G28 149 powers of resistance"<quote/>. But Sylvia, who knew these powers 
G28 150 weren't limitless, was aware of being dangerously dependent on 
G28 151 Hughes.<p/>
G28 152 <p_>Ever since the suicide attempt she'd been struggling to rebuild 
G28 153 her identity, making it flexible and strong. What she needed was a 
G28 154 solid core of self, but everything that constituted her existence 
G28 155 had become interwoven with Hughes. Within twelve months of meeting 
G28 156 him, she found life without him inconceivable. She told herself 
G28 157 that if she lost him, she'd either go mad or kill herself. After 
G28 158 spending twenty-five years searching for someone just like him - so 
G28 159 she told herself - she knew he was the only man in the world who 
G28 160 was right for her. Her father's death had pushed her into a 
G28 161 symbiotic relationship with her mother; the suicide attempt had put 
G28 162 an end to the symbiosis and Dr Beuscher had become a surrogate for 
G28 163 both parents. By leaving America Sylvia had lost Dr Beuscher; 
G28 164 Hughes now had to serve as a replacement for father, mother and 
G28 165 psychiatrist. At first he seemed to be offering all the love and 
G28 166 protection Sylvia needed. If her life was like a sea, he appeared 
G28 167 to be holding it steady and spreading his deep, rich colours 
G28 168 through it. She focused on him all her capacity for hero-worship, 
G28 169 all the adulation she'd lavished on poets such as Auden and on the 
G28 170 teachers who'd helped her the most. Hughes seemed like a classical 
G28 171 god she'd conjured out of the slack water. He'd surfaced with his 
G28 172 spear shining and rare fish trailing in his wake. She'd always been 
G28 173 a perfectionist; now she was committed to perfectionism 
G28 174 <tf_><*_>a-grave<*/> deux<tf/>. The balance was going to be 
G28 175 precarious.<p/>
G28 176 <p_>For pounds9-10-0 they bought a huge, soiled, second-hand sofa 
G28 177 for the living-room, but they were finding it so hard to pay for 
G28 178 food, electricity, gas and coal that by the middle of November it 
G28 179 looked as if Hughes, who'd been hoping to find work as a teacher, 
G28 180 would have to settle for a labouring job. Before the end of the 
G28 181 month Sylvia had her first meeting with his sister, Olwyn, who came 
G28 182 to stay for a weekend on her way from Heptonstall to Paris. After 
G28 183 taking an arts degree at London University, she'd settled in Paris, 
G28 184 doing secretarial work. Her relationship with Sylvia was uneasy 
G28 185 from the start; Olwyn, who'd never married, had dominated her 
G28 186 younger brother during childhood, and Sylvia formed the impression 
G28 187 that as children they'd slept in the same bed. Olwyn's attitude to 
G28 188 Ted struck her as proprietorial, and, writing to Aurelia, she 
G28 189 described her sister-in-law as selfish and extravagant over clothes 
G28 190 and cigarettes. Not long afterwards, she started sketching out a 
G28 191 story about a <quote|>"diabolical" sister who is jealous of her 
G28 192 younger brother's marriage and finds things intolerably different 
G28 193 from what they used to be.<p/>
G28 194 <p_>Though it was too late for Hughes to get a Cambridge teaching 
G28 195 diploma, he managed to land a job at a day-school for boys, 
G28 196 teaching English and helping with sports.
G28 197 
G29   1 <#FLOB:G29\><h_><p_>EARLY YEARS IN HAMPSHIRE<p/><h/>
G29   2 <p_>Jane Austen was born on 16 December 1775 in her father's 
G29   3 parsonage at Steventon, a small village five miles from 
G29   4 Basingstoke, and it remained her home for the next twenty-five 
G29   5 years until her father decided suddenly to retire to Bath. It was 
G29   6 at Steventon and on holidays in different parts of Hampshire and 
G29   7 Kent that she drafted her first three novels, <tf_>Sense and 
G29   8 Sensibility<tf/>,<tf_>Pride and Prejudice<tf/> and <tf_>Northanger 
G29   9 Abbey<tf/>, all between the ages of nineteen and twenty-three.<p/>
G29  10 <p_>George Austen's parsonage or rectory was pulled down not many 
G29  11 years after her death because it had become too decrepit in the 
G29  12 eyes of his successor, his own son James, and today its site is the 
G29  13 corner of a field marked only by the iron pump which stood in the 
G29  14 Austen's courtyard, now guarded against the cows by ugly railings. 
G29  15 Behind it, higher up the slope, are traces in the turf of terracing 
G29  16 where they contrived a short walk across the top of their modest 
G29  17 garden. Beyond the hedge were the few fields that George Austen 
G29  18 farmed. The situation was agreeable but by no means idyllic. This 
G29  19 part of Hampshire is decently but dully undulating, the fields too 
G29  20 large for their hedges to form interesting patterns, the hills 
G29  21 unspectacular, while Steventon itself was more a line of cottages 
G29  22 than a village, the church and manor house standing half a mile 
G29  23 from where its centre ought to be.<p/>
G29  24 <p_>The parsonage was quite large and had a certain style. We have 
G29  25 two drawings of it, front and back, done by Anna Austen, James's 
G29  26 daughter, in about 1814, and they indicate something of its 
G29  27 huggermugger amplitude and modest pretensions to gentility. There 
G29  28 is a short approach drive to a latticed front door, and the 
G29  29 windows, one or two to a room, show how their large family was 
G29  30 packed in. There were two parlours and a kitchen, a private study 
G29  31 for the Vicar and ten bedrooms above, three of them in the attics. 
G29  32 Jane and Cassandra shared a bedroom, as they continued to do in 
G29  33 other houses all their lives, but they had a 'dressing-room' where 
G29  34 Jane kept her pianoforte and, one supposes, wrote.<p/>
G29  35 <p_>Given the lack of privacy, of lavatories, running water, 
G29  36 adequate lighting and any method of preserving perishable food 
G29  37 except by salting or smoking, and a household which at times 
G29  38 amounted to fifteen people counting servants and the students whom 
G29  39 the vicar enrolled to supplement his stipend, only remarkable good 
G29  40 temper and forebearance can have made life tolerable. None of 
G29  41 Jane's fictional families except the Prices of Portsmouth lived so 
G29  42 much on top of one another. But it was more than tolerable: it was 
G29  43 exuberant and intensely affectionate. All the Austens except one 
G29  44 mentally backward son were alert people, as playful as they were 
G29  45 industrious, ambitious in the least obnoxious way, humorous, 
G29  46 companionable and above all good-natured. Their father, Rev. George 
G29  47 Austen, was handsome in feature, energetic, intelligent and 
G29  48 profoundly attached to his children. His tolerance is shown in his 
G29  49 attitude to Jane's early writing. Far from putting it aside as a 
G29  50 childhood fantasy, he encouraged her, laughed with her over her 
G29  51 mounting roll-call of real or imaginary characters, and when she 
G29  52 produced a full-length novel, <tf_>First Impressions<tf/>, (later 
G29  53 to become <tf_>Pride and Prejudice<tf/>), which contained 
G29  54 literature's most brilliant lampoon of a foolish clergyman, he 
G29  55 offered it to Cadell's for publication <quote_>"at the author's 
G29  56 expense"<quote/> and shared her disappointment when it was refused. 
G29  57 Jane's mother, born Cassandra Leigh, was shrewd, high-minded, 
G29  58 determined and capable, with a strong sense of humour and an 
G29  59 attachment to her children which equalled her husband's and their 
G29  60 love for each other. It was a family exceptional for its mutual 
G29  61 support and lifelong cohesiveness.<p/>
G29  62 <p_>Their occupations at Steventon were those of any middle-class 
G29  63 family: household chores, drawing, reading aloud, music-making, 
G29  64 sewing, card<?_>-<?/>playing, amateur theatricals, church-going, 
G29  65 walking, shooting and riding for the boys, and for all of them 
G29  66 visiting and being visited. Their treats were not concerts, 
G29  67 theatres or seaside holidays (at least, not yet) but dances. It was 
G29  68 dancing, and friendships nurtured on the dance<?_>-<?/>floor, that 
G29  69 took Jane Austen away from the ramshackle rectory into a wider 
G29  70 society, and who can doubt that her novels originated in the 
G29  71 family's jovial postmortems on the parties they attended and the 
G29  72 odd people they met, for they shared an ironic view of the world, 
G29  73 delighted in the ridiculous, and balanced propriety with 
G29  74 irreverence in a wholly healthy proportion. At the same time, they 
G29  75 were left in no doubt that the life they enjoyed was privileged. 
G29  76 Jane well understood the hardships of the rural poor, which in her 
G29  77 lifetime, as William Cobbett constantly reminded the gentry, were 
G29  78 extreme. She was excellently placed to observe English society 
G29  79 upward and downward, humble enough to meet the villagers on terms 
G29  80 not intimidating to them, refined and bright enough to associate 
G29  81 with the minor and not so minor aristocracy without awe or 
G29  82 awkwardness. Like Elizabeth Bennet, <quote_>"there was a mixture of 
G29  83 sweetness and archness in her manner which made it difficult for 
G29  84 her to affront anybody"<quote/>.<p/>
G29  85 <p_>Her appearance, as well as her natural high spirits and 
G29  86 curiosity about people, gave her confidence. She was exceptionally 
G29  87 attractive. It is unfortunate that the only two portraits we have 
G29  88 of her are sketches by her sister which do her less than justice. 
G29  89 The more unfamiliar of the two shows her from behind, her features 
G29  90 and body so concealed by her voluminous clothes and bonnet that it 
G29  91 might be a sketch of any woman of any age from sixteen to sixty, 
G29  92 when in fact she was about twenty-seven when it was made. The 
G29  93 second, drawn some nine years later, is even more misleading, for 
G29  94 where is the intelligence, the humour, the imagination, the 
G29  95 <tf|>kindness in those dim eyes and pinched lips beneath the mob 
G29  96 cap? It contradicts every account we have of her, like Mrs 
G29  97 Beckford's, <quote_>"I remember her as a tall thin <tf|>spare 
G29  98 person, with very high cheekbones, great colour, sparkling eyes not 
G29  99 large but joyous and intelligent"<quote/>, or the Rev. Fowle's in 
G29 100 conversation with a friend, the more convincing because it is 
G29 101 hesitant: <quote_>"Pretty - certainly pretty - bright and a good 
G29 102 deal of colour in her face - like a doll - no, that would not give 
G29 103 at all the idea, for she had so much expression - she was like a 
G29 104 child - quite a child, very lively and full of humour - most 
G29 105 amiable, most beloved"<quote/>; and finally her niece Caroline's 
G29 106 first-hand testimony, <quote_>"She was not an absolute beauty, but 
G29 107 before she left Steventon she was established as a very pretty 
G29 108 girl."<quote/> She enjoyed her own delectability, dressed with 
G29 109 design, and she could attract and flirt. The importance she 
G29 110 attaches in her novels to the handsomeness of her heroes and the 
G29 111 beauty of her heroines (not only from the neck up) is an indication 
G29 112 of the pleasure she took in good appearance. She was not without 
G29 113 vanity. <quote_>"A pleasing young woman"<quote/> was how a friend 
G29 114 described her to Cassandra, who repeated the compliment. 
G29 115 <quote|>"Well", commented Jane, who was then thirty-five, 
G29 116 <quote_>"that must do: one cannot pretend to anything better now, 
G29 117 thankful to having it continued a few years longer."<quote/><p/>
G29 118 <p_>Much as she enjoyed party-going, it was no part of her doctrine 
G29 119 that the grander the party the better. She knew that the dullest 
G29 120 occasions were often found in the smartest houses, as at Lady 
G29 121 Middleton's in<tf_>Sense and Sensibility<tf/>, where the insipidity 
G29 122 of the conversation <quote_>"produced not one novelty of thought or 
G29 123 expression"<quote/>. What she most enjoyed was a small, lively 
G29 124 dinner-party followed by an impromptu dance, and a visit to or from 
G29 125 the most attractive guest next morning. She based the most 
G29 126 significant scenes in her novels on such occasions, advancing the 
G29 127 plot mostly by conversation. Her ear was astonishingly receptive 
G29 128 and retentive, for how otherwise, aged twenty or little more, could 
G29 129 she have invented conversations so subtle in thought and so 
G29 130 beautifully balanced in language unless she had experienced and 
G29 131 contributed to them? Indeed was she not improving on them, since 
G29 132 few of her friends could have been capable of so spontaneous, 
G29 133 melodious and epigrammatic a style as Emma or Henry Crawford, who 
G29 134 expressed themselves so well that in real life we would need thirty 
G29 135 seconds pause between each sentence while we shaped the next?<p/>
G29 136 <p_>The neighbourhood of Basingstoke was well suited to the 
G29 137 upbringing of a novelist intent on reproducing, half-satirically, 
G29 138 the society of the upper-middle class and clergy. The mix of rank, 
G29 139 their varied dwellings, the scattering of villages round a small 
G29 140 market town afforded all she needed for plotting her simple stories 
G29 141 and expressing her moral attitudes. One is aware of a wickeder 
G29 142 world outside, in large towns and seaports, and she does not wholly 
G29 143 suppress the distant boom of naval gunfire, specially in 
G29 144 <tf|>Persuasion, but her books are mainly concerned with the normal 
G29 145 and apparently immutable style of English country living where 
G29 146 nothing much happens except the slow shift in the relationship of 
G29 147 one young person to another.<p/>
G29 148 <p_>There was only a difference of eight years between the five 
G29 149 youngest Austen children. They grew up together, shared the same 
G29 150 friendships, visited the same houses - Steventon Manor, Ashe Park, 
G29 151 Ashe House, Deane, Manydown, Oakley Hall, and then the grander 
G29 152 quintet - Hackwood, Hurstbourne Park, The Vyne, Kempshott Park and 
G29 153 Laverstoke. There were several others. When Mrs Bennet boasts, 
G29 154 <quote_>"We dine out with four and twenty families"<quote/>, the 
G29 155 same could have been said of the Austens. It was probably a wider 
G29 156 selection of houses than most vicarage children would enjoy today 
G29 157 when communication between them is easier and class distinctions 
G29 158 less rigid. Just because the badness of the roads confined people 
G29 159 to their immediate neighbourhood in winter, and to the range of a 
G29 160 pony-cart in summer, and because they lacked any other form of 
G29 161 social entertainment (no tennis, no swimming pools), they tended to 
G29 162 make the most of their close group, even the higher aristocracy 
G29 163 among them, though the peers did not expect to be invited back to 
G29 164 the parsonages.<p/>
G29 165 <p_>We hear, for example, of the Lords Portsmouth, Dorchester and 
G29 166 Bolton attending a ball at the Angel Inn at Basingstoke where sixty 
G29 167 people were packed into the 'Assembly Rooms', a large hall above 
G29 168 the stables and coach-house, later to become a hayloft with the old 
G29 169 chandelier still swinging above the hay, but demolished when 
G29 170 Basingstoke became so pleased with its present that it forgot its 
G29 171 past. Dances were held there once a month during the Season, and 
G29 172 there can be little doubt that in describing the dance at Meryton 
G29 173 when Darcy snubbed Elizabeth, Jane Austen was drawing directly upon 
G29 174 them. The scene in the novel resembles too exactly the scene as she 
G29 175 described it for Cassandra at Christmas 1798: <quote_>"Mr Calland, 
G29 176 who appeared as usual with his hat in his hand, stood every now and 
G29 177 then behind Catherine and me to be talked to and abused for not 
G29 178 dancing. We teased him, however, into it at last."<quote/> About 
G29 179 another ball she wrote, <quote_>"There were more dancers than the 
G29 180 room could hold. I do not think I was very much in request. People 
G29 181 were apt rather not to ask me if they could help it."<quote/> One 
G29 182 catches the mocking and self-mocking style which may account for 
G29 183 her shortage of partners. But there was another motive in her 
G29 184 eagerness. All dances are courtships of a kind. <quote_>"To be fond 
G29 185 of dancing"<quote/>, pontificates Sir William Lucas in <tf_>Pride 
G29 186 and Prejudice<tf/>, <quote_>"was a certain step towards falling in 
G29 187 love."<quote/><p/>
G29 188 <p_>We know of one serious flirtation, and one proposal, during the 
G29 189 Steventon days, each linked with a house that came to mean much to 
G29 190 her.<p/>
G29 191 <p_>The flirtation was with Tom Lefroy, a handsome young Irishman, 
G29 192 nephew of the Rev. George Lefroy, Rector of Ashe, a village within 
G29 193 walking distance of Steventon. Jane spoke and wrote of him in a 
G29 194 jocular, off-hand manner which revealed her more serious 
G29 195 attraction.<p/>
G29 196 <p_><quote_>I am almost afraid to tell you, [she told her sister in 
G29 197 the very first of her letters to survive, dated January 1796,] how 
G29 198 my Irish friend and I behaved.
G29 199 
G30   1 <#FLOB:G30\><h|>HESS
G30   2 <p_>Rudolf Hess was born into the house of a prosperous German 
G30   3 import-export merchant in the Egyptian seaport of Alexandria in 
G30   4 1894. The firm, Hess & Co., had been founded almost thirty years 
G30   5 earlier by his grandfather, a self-made man who had married well. 
G30   6 His father, Fritz Hess, ran the business and his family with the 
G30   7 punctilious formality and sternness natural to the age. The 
G30   8 household revolved around his convenience. For Rudolf and his 
G30   9 brother, Alfred, born three years after him in 1897, he was an 
G30  10 inhibiting, frightening presence who seldom showed affection; it 
G30  11 was only later that Rudolf Hess discovered his father's real 
G30  12 fondness for them. Fritz's circle of acquaintance and his outlook 
G30  13 were narrowly German and business-orientated; Hanfstaengl, meeting 
G30  14 him in later years, described his conversation as banal, his 
G30  15 mentality that of a bowling club member, an estimate that seems 
G30  16 borne out by the few anecdotes Rudolf Hess told about his father. 
G30  17 So Rudolf was sent first to a one-room school serving the small 
G30  18 German community, and then, from the age of twelve, taught at home 
G30  19 by his mother and tutors. It was accepted that he would follow his 
G30  20 father into the family firm.<p/>
G30  21 <p_>All the pleasantest memories of childhood which returned to him 
G30  22 in later years were connected with his mother and the beauty of sky 
G30  23 and sea, garden and desert shared with her. When he read the names 
G30  24 of stars, they evoked her image under the shining Egyptian night as 
G30  25 she pointed them out and identified them. Exceptionally beautiful 
G30  26 sunsets recalled the blazing colours he had watched with her from 
G30  27 the roof garden of their substantial villa in the coastal suburb of 
G30  28 Ibrahimieh. <quote_>"What a paradise it was in our garden at the 
G30  29 edge of the desert,"<quote/> he reminded her in 1951. <quote_>"Do 
G30  30 you remember how we would gather violets together and how glorious 
G30  31 they smelled ...?"<quote/> From confinement in Landsberg he wrote 
G30  32 to Ilse Pr<*_>o-umlaut<*/>hl: <quote_>"One's whole youth is 
G30  33 incorporated in one's mother. She is part of one's being, one's own 
G30  34 original essence - even today ... without her one would have become 
G30  35 someone else."<quote/><p/>
G30  36 <p_>Every summer from 1900 Fritz Hess took his family 'home' to 
G30  37 Germany to holiday in a large house he had had built in Art Nouveau 
G30  38 style below the hamlet of Reicholdsgr<*_>u-umlaut<*/>n in the 
G30  39 Fichtel mountains of northern Bavaria. It was not far 
G30  40 <}_><-|>form<+|>from<}/> the village of Wunsiedel, where his 
G30  41 father's forbears had been master shoemakers. No doubt this and the 
G30  42 isolated position in hilly country so different from the low 
G30  43 coastal plain of Egypt recommended the place; it could not have 
G30  44 been desire for society, nor it seems for culture. It was not until 
G30  45 Rudolf was fourteen and placed in a boarding school in Bad 
G30  46 Godesberg on the Rhine that he developed a love of music, 
G30  47 particularly Beethoven, which lasted throughout his life. 
G30  48 Hanfstaengl recalled that the only time he ever established brief 
G30  49 personal, as opposed to professional, contact with Rudolf Hess was 
G30  50 during a social get-together at Hess's house in 1933: Hess asked 
G30  51 him to play Beethoven and told him how he had discovered his love 
G30  52 for the great man's works while a pupil at the Evangelical School 
G30  53 at Godesberg.<p/>
G30  54 <p_>As a man, Hess was withdrawn and difficult to know; his 
G30  55 adjutant Leitgen described him as coming out of his shell only in 
G30  56 the small circle of his brother and parents. His wife Ilse said 
G30  57 that he had difficulty in opening up to others. He was also highly 
G30  58 sensitive. Projecting these traits back to his schooldays and 
G30  59 remembering the sheltered life he had lived until then in the 
G30  60 restricted family circle, it can be assumed that things were not 
G30  61 easy for him as a boarder at Bad Godesberg. He was known there as 
G30  62 <quote_>"the Egyptian"<quote/>, partly perhaps because of his dark 
G30  63 hair and complexion; it was an epithet which stuck to him 
G30  64 throughout his years in the Nazi Party. In class he proved well 
G30  65 above average in maths and the sciences, and his teachers suggested 
G30  66 he should study engineering or physics at university. This accorded 
G30  67 with his own inclinations and lack of any desire to follow his 
G30  68 father into the family business, but Fritz Hess would not hear of 
G30  69 it. As the future head of the firm, he was to have a commercial 
G30  70 training. Thus, after three years at Bad Godesberg, the 
G30  71 seventeen-year-old was sent to the Ecole Sup<*_>e-acute<*/>rieur de 
G30  72 Commerce at Neuch<*_>a-circ<*/>tel, Switzerland, and, after a 
G30  73 disinterested year there, he was apprenticed to a firm in Hamburg 
G30  74 to learn the practical side of trading.<p/>
G30  75 <p_>War came as a personal, emotional release for him. Strong as he 
G30  76 was in mathematical and practical abilities, he was also a dreaming 
G30  77 idealist with fervent emotional drives which became visible on 
G30  78 occasions in his deep-set greenish eyes. The coming of war at the 
G30  79 end of July 1914 was surely one such. It found him at the villa at 
G30  80 Reicholdsgr<*_>u-umlaut<*/>n on holiday with his family - now 
G30  81 augmented by a little sister, Margarete (Grete), born long after 
G30  82 the boys in 1908.<p/>
G30  83 <p_>For years, like all Germans, he had been exposed to an 
G30  84 insistent chorus of triumphal expansionist aspiration. It was 
G30  85 proclaimed from every organ of Government and State, from press and 
G30  86 lectern, led by the Kaiser, Wilhelm II himself, who called for a 
G30  87 German <quote_>"place in the sun"<quote/> alongside (more 
G30  88 practically at the expense of) the older colonial empires as 
G30  89 metaphorically he brandished the <quote_>"mailed fist"<quote/> that 
G30  90 would assure this world power. <foreign|>'Weltpolitik' was the name 
G30  91 of the exercise - 'world policy' as opposed to the traditional 
G30  92 Prusso-German continental policy. It was supported by big business 
G30  93 and finance and more reluctantly by the Prussian ruling class of 
G30  94 soldiers and officials who leant their agreement in the hope that 
G30  95 it would divert internal social and, as it was believed, 
G30  96 pre-revolutionary pressures caused by the rapid industrialisation 
G30  97 of the country, thus enabling them to preserve their power and 
G30  98 status beside the Kaiser at the head of the empire. The policy was 
G30  99 also supported by the Navy, a parvenu service which had hardly 
G30 100 existed in the previous century and then only as the coastal arm of 
G30 101 the Prussian Army. The means used to bring the claims of the Navy 
G30 102 before an essentially land<?_>-<?/>orientated nation gathered 
G30 103 terrific momentum until the inspiration and creator of the new 
G30 104 German fleet, Admiral Tirpitz, had become a major political 
G30 105 force.<p/>
G30 106 <p_>Rudolf Hess was one of the thousands enthused by the naval 
G30 107 propaganda. Whether this was because he was working in the 
G30 108 commercial port of Hamburg, whether it had something to do with his 
G30 109 Egyptian background, childhood glimpses of British battle squadrons 
G30 110 or the ever<?_>-<?/>present impression of the power of the sea 
G30 111 empire which held this cross<?_>-<?/>roads between east and west, 
G30 112 or whether perhaps it was simply caused by his need to find 
G30 113 something more inspiring to feed his idealism than trade and 
G30 114 ledgers is unclear. Whatever the reasons, he had developed an 
G30 115 interest in warships and naval history which he was never to lose. 
G30 116 Some years later he told his brother that it started while he was 
G30 117 working in Hamburg: he had learnt K<*_>o-umlaut<*/>hler's Fleet 
G30 118 Calendar by heart and knew the vital statistics of all the 
G30 119 principal German warships.<p/>
G30 120 <p_>It was also during this time immediately prior to the war that 
G30 121 the German architects of <foreign|>Weltpolitik in the Foreign 
G30 122 Ministry and in the Kaiser's cabinets, and powerful backers like 
G30 123 the shipping magnate Albert Ballin were confronted with the 
G30 124 contradictions inherent from the first, namely that the propaganda 
G30 125 needed to awaken the German people to their world mission and the 
G30 126 huge naval building programmes required to support it first alarmed 
G30 127 Great Britain, whose world position rested on her unchallengeable 
G30 128 fleet, then forced her into a hostile alliance with France and 
G30 129 Russia. The German Chancellor, Bethmann-Hollweg, and his Foreign 
G30 130 Minister made great efforts to curb Tirpitz and smooth British 
G30 131 feathers; indeed, they were sufficiently successful that, by July 
G30 132 1914, when they provoked what they believed to be the inevitable 
G30 133 showdown with Russia and France, they still hoped that the pacifist 
G30 134 wing of the British Government would prevail and keep the island 
G30 135 empire out of their continental war.<p/>
G30 136 <p_>As the crisis broke, Bethmann sent Albert Ballin to London to 
G30 137 sound out the reaction. Returning to Berlin, he reported that no 
G30 138 British cabinet minister had stated unequivocally that the British 
G30 139 Government would support France if she were attacked; and, misled 
G30 140 by the strong pacifist sentiment of several ministers and a general 
G30 141 feeling in the country that what happened in the Balkans - seat of 
G30 142 the Austro-German pretext for war - was none of their concern, 
G30 143 Ballin was able to conclude that the British decision would turn on 
G30 144 Germany's intentions towards France. Thereupon Bethmann called in 
G30 145 the British Ambassador: Germany had no desire to <quote|>"crush" 
G30 146 France in any conflict which might arise and, <quote_>"provided 
G30 147 that the neutrality of Britain were certain, every assurance would 
G30 148 be given to the British Government that the Imperial [German] 
G30 149 Government aimed at no territorial expansion at the expense of 
G30 150 France"<quote/>. The British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, 
G30 151 read this note of the conversation with despair: that anyone should 
G30 152 propose a bargain which would reflect such discredit not only on 
G30 153 Great Britain's honour but also on her common sense and instinct 
G30 154 for self-preservation ... He replied that His Majesty's Government 
G30 155 could not entertain the proposal; it would be a disgrace from which 
G30 156 the good name of the country would never recover.<p/>
G30 157 <p_>Rudolf Hess could not have known of these exchanges or the 
G30 158 delusions prevailing among the Kaiser's ministers as they braced 
G30 159 themselves for the leap into the dark of European war, but 
G30 160 twenty-five years later, as Hitler's deputy, preparing to follow 
G30 161 his F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>hrer into a second European war, he was 
G30 162 animated by the same illusions about the exigencies of Britain's 
G30 163 honour and self-preservation - illusions which continued to shimmer 
G30 164 in his imagination long after England had once again been forced 
G30 165 into the hostile camp.<p/>
G30 166 <p_>At the end of July 1914 the young Hess, a few months past his 
G30 167 twentieth birthday, was concerned only with enlisting for the 
G30 168 front. A skilfully managed press campaign had convinced Germans 
G30 169 that they were encircled by an envious coalition jealous of their 
G30 170 success and determined to invade and crush the Fatherland. Even the 
G30 171 Socialists, who had been appealing the previous week for 
G30 172 international workers' solidarity and <quote_>"Down with 
G30 173 War"<quote/>, were swept up in ardent nationalism. When the Kaiser 
G30 174 proclaimed, <quote_>"I no longer know parties - only 
G30 175 Germans,"<quote/> they rallied behind him. <quote_>"Brilliant 
G30 176 mood,"<quote/> the chief of his naval cabinet wrote in his diary, 
G30 177 <quote_>"the Government has succeeded very well in making us appear 
G30 178 the attacked."<quote/><p/>
G30 179 <p_>Everywhere the call to arms was greeted with enthusiasm. In 
G30 180 Munich, Adolf Hitler, living a lonely, rootless existence as a 
G30 181 view-card painter and copier joined the cheering multitudes in the 
G30 182 Odeonsplatz and, eyes shining, waved his hat high to 
G30 183 <tf|>'deliverance' from the aimlessness and frustration, 
G30 184 <quote_>"from the vexatious moods of my youth"<quote/>.<p/>
G30 185 <p_>Similar emotions gripped Rudolf Hess in 
G30 186 Reicholdsgr<*_>u-umlaut<*/>n. Rebelling openly for the first time 
G30 187 against his father's determination to make him a businessman, he 
G30 188 sped off to Munich to volunteer as a trooper in the cavalry, 
G30 189 <quote_>"firmly resolved"<quote/>, as he wrote to his parents on 3 
G30 190 August, <quote_>"to play my part in giving these barbarians and 
G30 191 international criminals the thrashing they deserve"<quote/>. He 
G30 192 added that he had just read that enemy aircraft had been buzzing 
G30 193 across the borders before the outbreak of war and that the French 
G30 194 in Metz had attempted to sow cholera bacilli in the wells. 
G30 195 <quote_>"It makes one's hair stand on end just to think of 
G30 196 it."<quote/><p/>
G30 197 <p_>Both his parents replied with their blessing, his father ending 
G30 198 his letter, <quote_>"now farewell, dear Rudi, acquit yourself well, 
G30 199 we all embrace you heartily and send you most affectionate 
G30 200 greetings and kisses. Your Papa."<quote/><p/>
G30 201 <p_>The regiment Hess applied to join was over-subscribed, but on 
G30 202 20 August he enrolled as a private in the 7th Bavarian Field 
G30 203 Artillery, then transferred for some reason a month later to the 
G30 204 1st Reserve Battalion of the <*_>e-acute<*/>lite 1st Bavarian Foot; 
G30 205 <quote_>"Rejoice with me,"<quote/> he wrote home, <quote_>"I am an 
G30 206 infantryman."<quote/>
G30 207 
G31   1 <#FLOB:G31\><p_>It was a difficult period for Diana too. It was the 
G31   2 first time she had witnessed such raw and naked grief; it was also 
G31   3 her first experience of the death of someone close. And there was 
G31   4 the awesome realization that her husband had very nearly been 
G31   5 killed too. She grew up a lot that day. The next hurdle for them 
G31   6 all was the funeral, held at the Memorial Chapel at Sandhurst. Ten 
G31   7 members of the Royal Family were there - more than there had been 
G31   8 at any funeral service since the Duke of Windsor's two years before 
G31   9 - and a thousand friends, relatives, fellow officers and men from 
G31  10 the 9th/12th Royal Lancers. Charles read the lesson.<p/>
G31  11 <p_>He then sought refuge in the Highlands. Diana meanwhile stayed 
G31  12 at home with the children and put a brave face on it. Even the day 
G31  13 before the funeral she had insisted upon keeping to her work 
G31  14 schedule, and no one would have guessed the torment she was 
G31  15 suffering. It was a Birthright visit to a fitness centre in 
G31  16 Holywell, near Clwyd in North Wales, where a whole array of little 
G31  17 girls dressed up as characters from nursery rhymes awaited her. 
G31  18 There were no grand people to meet, just some spiders and Little 
G31  19 Miss Muffets, all of whom had been busily practising their curtsies 
G31  20 and their 'Ma'ams' for weeks, and Diana did not let them down.<p/>
G31  21 <p_>The Princess only cancels engagements when there is no option. 
G31  22 Both she and the Prince are painfully aware that every engagement 
G31  23 represents a gathering of people for whom this is a big day. They 
G31  24 have prepared and rehearsed, possibly gone out and bought new 
G31  25 clothes, and had their hair done for the occasion; they may even 
G31  26 have redecorated the building in the Prince or Princess's honour, 
G31  27 and have looked forward to this as a day they will remember and 
G31  28 talk about for the rest of their lives. They both feel very 
G31  29 strongly that these people should not be disappointed, and that 
G31  30 there should be no hitches in the arrangements, no 
G31  31 embarrassments.<p/>
G31  32 <p_>One of the rare occasions when Diana did cancel, was in May 
G31  33 1988 when Prince Harry was rushed into Great Ormond Street Hospital 
G31  34 for an emergency hernia operation. Like his father, he was 'a blue 
G31  35 light special', and Diana had spent the night with him at the 
G31  36 hospital. The following evening she was supposed to have attended a 
G31  37 Mother and Child exhibition in aid of Birthright, but Anne 
G31  38 Beckwith-Smith telephoned a couple of hours beforehand to say the 
G31  39 Princess was so exhausted that she could not make it. While she had 
G31  40 been in the hospital, she had not hidden herself away in Harry's 
G31  41 room; she had gone out into other wards, while her son was under 
G31  42 the anaesthetic, to talk to other sick children and their parents. 
G31  43 It had been a draining twenty-four hours.<p/>
G31  44 <p_>Despite Earl Spencer's curious plea for her to spend more time 
G31  45 at home being a mother, Diana has always been the central figure in 
G31  46 William and Harry's lives. She has always tried to work her 
G31  47 schedule around them, and has very much been a warm and close 
G31  48 mother to them. Unless she has to be in the north of England or 
G31  49 even further afield, she will take them to school in the mornings, 
G31  50 before going back to Kensington Palace to change for the day's 
G31  51 engagements. On the whole, nothing is scheduled to go on much later 
G31  52 than 3.30 in the afternoon, so that she can be back home again in 
G31  53 time for their tea and bath before bed. Frequently, though, like 
G31  54 the Prince, she spends longer with people than has been allowed 
G31  55 for, so schedules usually run a little late. On her way home she 
G31  56 often pops into her local branch of Sainsbury's to buy the boys 
G31  57 some Twiglets or some other treat that they particularly like. 
G31  58 <quote_>"I know they're not good for them,"<quote/> she will say, 
G31  59 <quote_>"but they do love them."<quote/><p/>
G31  60 <p_>On Friday afternoons they invariably set off for the country. 
G31  61 Diana usually drives the boys, and the nanny follows with all the 
G31  62 gear. Charles seldom manages to get away as early as Diana, and 
G31  63 often drives down later. At Highgrove the children have far greater 
G31  64 freedom than in London, and they love the countryside. They can 
G31  65 roam about the garden and farm and see all the animals. There is a 
G31  66 climbing frame on the lawn and a swing, there's the swimming pool, 
G31  67 and their tree-house, and plenty of hedges for all sorts of games. 
G31  68 They have their hamsters there, which live up in the nursery on the 
G31  69 top floor of the house, and the Prince's two Jack Russells, Tigger 
G31  70 - a present from Lady Salisbury in 1986 - and her daughter Roo, who 
G31  71 generally stay at Highgrove unless the family is going to be away 
G31  72 for longer than a week. They have ponies at Highgrove too. Both 
G31  73 boys are very keen riders, and go off to local gym<?_>-<?/>khanas 
G31  74 and shows in the summer. They have practice jumps in the fields, 
G31  75 and a riding instructor comes to give them lessons. When they spend 
G31  76 holidays at Sandringham or Balmoral, the ponies go too.<p/>
G31  77 <p_>If Charles is at home, the boys often garden with him, or go 
G31  78 for a drive or a walk round the farm. Charles and Diana both firmly 
G31  79 believe in teaching their children good manners. It has been a 
G31  80 struggle - they are no different from any other young boys - but 
G31  81 they are both impeccably behaved nowadays, at least when on parade. 
G31  82 King Constantine, who is Prince William's godfather, says that 
G31  83 Charles treats them like young adults. He does not force them to do 
G31  84 anything, but explains and reasons with them. William, whom he 
G31  85 usually refers to as Wombat, is bright, exhausting and extremely 
G31  86 wilful, and would stretch even the patience of a saint at times. 
G31  87 One day, when he was four, he went with his father to the farm. It 
G31  88 was a freezing cold day and William had no gloves. As his hands 
G31  89 became colder he began to grumble, and finally he started to cry. 
G31  90 <quote_>"I told you to bring some gloves,"<quote/> said Charles, 
G31  91 <quote_>"and you wouldn't listen, so shut up."<quote/><p/>
G31  92 <p_>He used to run rings around his mother too. Stephen O'Brien and 
G31  93 Cathy Ashton were sitting in the Prince's study at Kensington 
G31  94 Palace waiting for the Prince to arrive for a meeting one evening, 
G31  95 when Diana burst through the door, clearly not expecting to find 
G31  96 anyone so large inside. <quote_>"I'm sorry,"<quote/> she said, 
G31  97 <quote_>"I'm looking for William. It's bed<?_>-<?/>time so he's 
G31  98 vanished. Will you give me a shout if you see him?"<quote/> Cathy 
G31  99 Ashton was left quietly wondering how one might give the Princess 
G31 100 of Wales a shout, when giggles from above indicated that it would 
G31 101 not be necessary.<p/>
G31 102 <p_>Another visitor to encounter the boys in full cry was Roger 
G31 103 Singleton, director of Barnado's. He arrived at Kensington Palace 
G31 104 for lunch one day, bearing a large plaster frog. The frog was a 
G31 105 gift from some physically handicapped children at a school in 
G31 106 Taunton which Diana had visited the previous week. The children 
G31 107 were being taught simple trades, including filling moulds with 
G31 108 plaster of Paris, and painting the resulting object. Diana had been 
G31 109 asked if she would like a frog. <quote_>"I'd love one,"<quote/> she 
G31 110 said and, since Roger happened to be seeing her the next week, he 
G31 111 had undertaken to deliver it.<p/>
G31 112 <p_>The butler opened the front door and, as Roger was carrying 
G31 113 this great green horror along the corridor, William and Harry came 
G31 114 bouncing down the stairs and started clamouring to have the frog. 
G31 115 It was too heavy for either of them to carry, so William went 
G31 116 racing off up the stairs, excitedly telling his mother that a frog 
G31 117 was coming.<p/>
G31 118 <p_>Harry refused to be parted from it, so he and Roger shared it, 
G31 119 and, with one small hand supporting the frog's bottom and the other 
G31 120 firmly clasping Roger's hand to help him up the stairs, the trio 
G31 121 progressed slowly upwards, to be met at the top by Diana, who had 
G31 122 come to see what all the fuss was about.<p/>
G31 123 <p_>She is a good instinctive mother, clearly besotted by her sons, 
G31 124 and determined to ensure that they grow up into secure adults. How 
G31 125 this is achieved is something Diana has become increasingly 
G31 126 interested in, not only in her work with Barnado's, but also with 
G31 127 Relate.<p/>
G31 128 <p_>Relate, previously called the Marriage Guidance Council, had 
G31 129 first written to the Princess in 1987, asking whether she would 
G31 130 consider becoming patron of their Golden Jubilee Appeal in 1988, 
G31 131 when they hoped to raise pounds1 million. The charity has been the 
G31 132 largest provider of counselling to married couples since it was 
G31 133 founded in 1938; they counsel over 50,000 clients a year, but felt 
G31 134 that it was time to bring it more up to date<&|>sic!. Society's 
G31 135 needs are changing and problems go far beyond the partners in a 
G31 136 marriage, so the charity felt they should be reflecting that. Thus, 
G31 137 to coincide with their Golden Jubilee, they planned to relaunch 
G31 138 under the new name, with a wider range of services more appropriate 
G31 139 to the needs of the 1990s. <quote_>"Relate helps people who need to 
G31 140 talk to someone about marriage and relationships - relationships 
G31 141 with partners, with children, with parents, at home or at 
G31 142 work."<quote/><p/>
G31 143 <p_>The Princess, came the reply, was too heavily committed to take 
G31 144 on another patronage, but she would be very interested to see the 
G31 145 work they did; so, in March 1988, not long after Hugh Lindsay's 
G31 146 funeral, Diana went to Rugby to visit their national headquarters. 
G31 147 She was there for one and a quarter hours and, as well as hearing 
G31 148 about the work they did such as counselling, sex therapy, education 
G31 149 and training, she also watched a role-playing session. It was a 
G31 150 classic situation, which they use in their counsellor-training 
G31 151 programmes, where a counsellor had to deal with a couple, played by 
G31 152 experienced trainers, who were in the midst of a fierce marital 
G31 153 row. It was very real and very powerful, and Diana was riveted. She 
G31 154 immediately asked to see more, so six weeks later she went to visit 
G31 155 a neighbourhood centre in London. She was clearly very interested 
G31 156 in the work they did. From the start she was asking acute and 
G31 157 sensitive questions about what makes a good marriage, and a 
G31 158 recurrent interest has been what effect the quality of a marriage 
G31 159 can have on the children.<p/>
G31 160 <p_>According to Relate's figures, there are over 151,000 divorces 
G31 161 in Britain a year - that is, two marriages in five break down, and 
G31 162 that gives this country the highest divorce rate in Europe. Those 
G31 163 figures involve 149,000 children under the age of sixteen; one 
G31 164 third of those children are under five, and more than two thirds 
G31 165 are between five and ten; and there is evidence that such children 
G31 166 are very seriously affected by the break-up of the family unit. 
G31 167 Dramatic research published recently has shown that the delinquency 
G31 168 rate in children whose parents divorced when the offspring were 
G31 169 between the ages of five and twenty-one is twice as high as for 
G31 170 those children whose parents remained together. There is increasing 
G31 171 awareness of the damaging effect of divorce, and much of the work 
G31 172 that Relate now does involves children, and giving them the support 
G31 173 that their parents are very often unable to give them when their 
G31 174 own lives are in turmoil. Having experienced her own parents' 
G31 175 divorce when she was six years old, this is an area in which Diana 
G31 176 is especially interested.<p/>
G31 177 <p_>She opened a pilot centre in Portsmouth in 1989, set up 
G31 178 specifically to deal with whole families, to help them sort out the 
G31 179 difficulties of adjusting to one another; and, where a marriage is 
G31 180 coming to an end, to help limit the damage inflicted on the 
G31 181 children by a messy divorce. On that occasion she listened to the 
G31 182 problems of a couple who were living together, who had both been 
G31 183 married before, and both had three children from their previous 
G31 184 marriages. All eight of them were endeavouring to live under one 
G31 185 roof and had discovered that it was not as simple as it seemed.
G31 186 
G31 187 
G31 188 
G32   1 <#FLOB:G32\><h_><p_>JAMES DYSON<p/>
G32   2 <p_>10 December 1914 - 22 January 1990<p/>
G32   3 <p_>Elected F.R.S. 1968<p/>
G32   4 <p_>BY T.E. ALLIBONE, F.R.S., F.ENG.<p/><h/>
G32   5 <p_>JAMES DYSON always reckoned that he had been a lucky person, 
G32   6 actually <tf|>paid to do just what he wanted to do, work in optics. 
G32   7 He recalled that as a very small boy in his cot he had noticed that 
G32   8 he could see through the slats of the cot, could see objects behind 
G32   9 these slats (because, of course, of binocular vision); had been 
G32  10 surprised to see images of passing vehicles - seen on the wall of 
G32  11 his bedroom - apparently moving in the wrong direction; this was 
G32  12 because a hole in the fan light acted as a pin-hole camera, and 
G32  13 even at that age he worked out the reason for the strange 
G32  14 movements. His father, a joiner and cabinet maker and artist with a 
G32  15 strong flair for invention, had made a telescope for which he 
G32  16 ground the mirrors; watching the telescope grow set 'Jim' firmly on 
G32  17 the track of optical instrumentation, a track that he travelled 
G32  18 fast and with distinction. His interest in the telescope led him to 
G32  19 astronomy; at an early age he tried to calculate Jupiter's orbit 
G32  20 and thus became interested in mathematics, all his life he was 
G32  21 never at a loss to calculate all he needed for the development of 
G32  22 the many instruments he invented. In the Research Laboratory of the 
G32  23 Associated Electrical Industries (AEI Ltd) he was in great demand, 
G32  24 helping scientists in other disciplines to solve their problems by 
G32  25 one or other of the instruments he devised, and in moving to the 
G32  26 Optics Division of the National Physical Laboratory (NPL) he 
G32  27 continued in the same vein. He was extremely happy in all his 
G32  28 scientific work and gave great satisfaction to his colleagues by 
G32  29 the cheerful way he helped them.<p/>
G32  30 <p_>His father, George, and mother, Mary Grace (n<*_>e-acute<*/>e 
G32  31 Bateson), were married in 1903 and lived at 15 Ellencroft Road, 
G32  32 Horton, Bradford, where their first child Bessie was born in 1907, 
G32  33 followed by Jim seven years later, both children living to nearly 
G32  34 the same age. Jim attended the Grange Road primary school in 
G32  35 Bradford but when he was seven his parents went to live in his 
G32  36 maternal grandmother's home in Burton-in-Lonsdale.<p/>
G32  37 <p_>Little is known of George's family but the Batesons owned 
G32  38 several potteries in what was called 'Black Burton', and here Jim 
G32  39 went to the local village school, Thornton. He has written that the 
G32  40 school did not inspire him but we know that the headmaster, Mr 
G32  41 Mayell, plied Jim with questions he found he could always answer 
G32  42 correctly, and he did so well that he won a County minor 
G32  43 scholarship to the Queen Elizabeth Grammar School in Kirkby 
G32  44 Lonsdale, Lancashire. He has recalled that as he walked from Burton 
G32  45 into Kirkby Lonsdale through the country lanes he had several times 
G32  46 seen the 'green flash' which occurs just as the sun appears above 
G32  47 the horizon. He encountered an intelligence test before going to 
G32  48 the Grammar School and he had been surprised to find that he could 
G32  49 answer all the questions: but like so many children of that 
G32  50 generation he had found a wealth of interest in the <tf_>Children's 
G32  51 encyclopaedia<tf/> and of course this stood him in good stead in 
G32  52 school tests. He kept these volumes all his life.<p/>
G32  53 <p_>There is little information as to his progress in the Grammar 
G32  54 School except that he won several book prizes. A letter from one of 
G32  55 his school masters, Mr J.S. Deane, dated December 1960, 
G32  56 congratulating Jim on his Cambridge Sc.D. is significant: 
G32  57 <quote_>"It is true to say that, although we have passed quite a 
G32  58 number of bright boys on to Cambridge since your time I still 
G32  59 regard you as my 'star' pupil; you certainly taxed my somewhat 
G32  60 limited resources to the extremity."<quote/> He owed some of that 
G32  61 thirst for knowledge to his father who became very severely 
G32  62 crippled by rheumatoid arthritis during Jim's school days yet 
G32  63 pursued his technical interests and even learnt French and German, 
G32  64 and later as deafness and blindness fell upon him, he constructed 
G32  65 for himself optical and mechanical devices to overcome his physical 
G32  66 difficulties: Jim wrote that his father's never-failing courage had 
G32  67 always been an inspiration to him, and indeed, in the closing years 
G32  68 of Jim's life he too showed great courage and he pursued, as best 
G32  69 he was able, the optical interests of his life.<p/>
G32  70 <p_>In his last year at school, December 1932, he won the 
G32  71 Liversidge Scholarship to Christ's College, Cambridge, where, at 
G32  72 the end of his first year he gained a second in Part 1 of the 
G32  73 mathematical tripos on the strength of which success he was awarded 
G32  74 the Wilson Exhibition backdated to the Michaelmas term of the first 
G32  75 year; then he moved over to mechanical engineering and in the first 
G32  76 year of this course he won the College Prize and Bachelor 
G32  77 Scholarship. He finished in 1936 with a first in the Mechanical 
G32  78 Sciences Tripos, gaining a 'distinction', a 'B' star, in electrical 
G32  79 power; again he won the College prize.<p/>
G32  80 <p_>In July 1936 he was awarded an Industrial Bursary by the Royal 
G32  81 Commissioners (I suspect of the Exhibition of 1851) but he had been 
G32  82 interviewed by the British Thomson Houston Company of Rugby (BTH) 
G32  83 and he accepted its offer of a three-year apprenticeship at the 
G32  84 princely salary of <quote_>"8.93 d per working hour plus a cost of 
G32  85 living bonus"<quote/>, altogether about pounds2 per week. It was a 
G32  86 widely based apprenticeship, design, manufacture, sales and eight 
G32  87 months in research where he worked on television time-base 
G32  88 circuits; the final report on his apprenticeship reading <quote_>"a 
G32  89 very dependable worker with very good self-reliance and 
G32  90 initiative"<quote/>. On completion he was appointed to the staff of 
G32  91 the Transformer Department, a post he held until 1942, but it has 
G32  92 been impossible to find any former employee of the company who can 
G32  93 add to this information. Then he moved to the Research Department; 
G32  94 again there are difficulties for he never stated in the notes he 
G32  95 left just what his duties were; fortunately there are two of his 
G32  96 published papers that deal with some of the work (1,2) primarily 
G32  97 concerned with radio-frequency measurements, and five BTH reports 
G32  98 that have come to light.<p/>
G32  99 <p_>In 1946 Jim went to Berlin in uniform with the rank of Group 
G32 100 Captain to examine enemy equipment but I have found no details of 
G32 101 his activities there, although at the 1946 I.E.E. Radiolocation 
G32 102 Convention he did lecture on the radio-wave contour plotter (1). It 
G32 103 is, however, known that he was not very happy in the Research 
G32 104 Department; Dennis Gabor, F.R.S., Nobel laureate, told me that Jim 
G32 105 was dissatisfied with the research direction and was thinking of 
G32 106 making a move when an offer from AEI Ltd was made to him.<p/>
G32 107 <p_>After the War AEI Ltd (which held all the shares of the BTH 
G32 108 Co., Ediswan Ltd, Ferguson Pailin Ltd, Metropolitan-Vickers (M-V) 
G32 109 and Siemens Bros.) decided to try to stop the rivalry between BTH 
G32 110 and M-V research departments by creating one laboratory for the 
G32 111 longer-term research requirements of the company; the other 
G32 112 laboratories would continue to deal with the huge amount of 
G32 113 day-to-day needs. I was offered the directorship of the former. I 
G32 114 wanted to recruit at least a few members of staff from the two 
G32 115 research departments to help maintain a good liaison with them and 
G32 116 from Rubgy. Jim Dyson applied to join me.<p/>
G32 117 <p_>I clearly recall his story dealing with his interest in optics, 
G32 118 astronomy, mathematics, etc., and at once offered him an 
G32 119 appointment to join me at Aldermaston Court, the site of the new 
G32 120 laboratory. It had already been agreed that we should look into 
G32 121 very advanced electron microscopy and also into the more 
G32 122 intractable problems of friction and wear, such as arise from time 
G32 123 to time in rotating and other machines, so a good specialist in 
G32 124 optics would almost certainly be an asset, as indeed Jim was.<p/>
G32 125 <p_>It was in Aldermaston that Jim did his major work leading to 
G32 126 his election to the Royal Society: he contributed some 40 papers to 
G32 127 various learned bodies and in due course (1960) submitted them to 
G32 128 Cambridge for his Sc.D. The external examiner was C.R. Burch, 
G32 129 F.R.S., a former colleague of mine in the Research Department of 
G32 130 the Metropolitan-Vickers Electrical Co., and a frequent visitor to 
G32 131 Aldermaston; he recommended to me that we should put Jim's name 
G32 132 forward for election to the Society. Specialists in optics gave 
G32 133 support, including Sir Thomas Merton, Dennis Gabor, R.W. Ditchburn 
G32 134 and E.W. Taylor.<p/>
G32 135 <p_>Jim had his own room in Aldermaston Court, moderately equipped 
G32 136 with its own small workshop, and it was with the simplest of means 
G32 137 that he made prototypes from which the main workshop could then 
G32 138 produce the fine devices needed for our own research, and where 
G32 139 appropriate, for commercial exploitation. He was indeed a very 
G32 140 skilled craftsman as well as a fine theoretician; in this he 
G32 141 closely resembled C.R. Burch, and for Jim's dual qualities Burch 
G32 142 had the highest degree of praise. The words of Samuel Johnson again 
G32 143 come to mind: <quote_>"The philosopher may be delighted with the 
G32 144 extent of his views; the artificer with the readiness of his hands; 
G32 145 but let one remember that without mechanical performance, profound 
G32 146 speculation is but an idle dream, and the other that without 
G32 147 theoretical prediction dexterity is little more than brute 
G32 148 instinct."<quote/><p/>
G32 149 <p_>During his Rubgy period he married, in 1940, Ena Lillian Turner 
G32 150 and their daughter, Gaynor Jacqueline, born 10 March 1944, can even 
G32 151 remember seeing her father's telescope in the garden. Alas the 
G32 152 marriage did not prosper well, and it was dissolved in 1948. 
G32 153 Further details are lost but we know that at times Jim was 
G32 154 <quote_>"deeply distressed sometimes to the point of illness by the 
G32 155 break up of that marriage"<quote/>. Ena died when Gay was about 12, 
G32 156 by which time Jim had married Marie Florence Chant - on 21 June 
G32 157 1948 - who had been an assistant in the research laboratory in 
G32 158 Rugby. In 1945 she was a student at the Slade School of Fine Art, 
G32 159 then evacuated to Oxford. She was an artist of considerable merit, 
G32 160 and was engaged in printing, drawing, lithography and in textile 
G32 161 design, for which branch of art she became widely known. 
G32 162 Aldermaston is specially in her debt: in its 12th-century church 
G32 163 were four ancient hatchments which were by then in very poor 
G32 164 condition. There was also a very rare painting of a coat of arms of 
G32 165 Charles I which had been stowed away secretly from Cromwellian 
G32 166 eyes. Marie restored these fine specimens to their original glowing 
G32 167 colours where they now enhance the walls of the nave.<p/>
G32 168 <p_>In the grounds of Aldermaston Court were many army buildings, 
G32 169 relics of the war years, and at a time when there was a severe 
G32 170 housing shortage, I got permission from the AEI Company to have 
G32 171 these converted to resonably attractive dwellings, each suitable 
G32 172 for a married couple. Here Jim and Marie started married life. They 
G32 173 were - to their deep regret - childless, and here they entertained 
G32 174 generously amid the glorious woods where nightingales flourished. 
G32 175 She held art classes for wives and children, and played a full part 
G32 176 in village life helping the Vicar and the W.I. in various ways 
G32 177 until, in due course, they found a home in Reading. Several 
G32 178 colleagues have written to me about the kindness of the Dyson home, 
G32 179 of the way they helped others in time of illness and have stressed 
G32 180 that Marie could not have done this without strong active support 
G32 181 from Jim. When Gay lost her mother, Marie and Jim offered her their 
G32 182 home but nothing came of this offer. They attended Gay's wedding to 
G32 183 Anthony Wagstaff in 1965, and later on Gay and her husband stayed 
G32 184 with Jim, and attended his wedding to Rosamund Shuter; they and 
G32 185 their two children attended the funeral and memorial service in 
G32 186 1990.<p/>
G32 187 <p_>Of the Aldermaston period I shall make just a few comments. The 
G32 188 work of the laboratory was divided between five sections but Jim 
G32 189 stood alone, almost as a consultant to anyone needing his help; I 
G32 190 shall be dealing with his work in the second part of this memoir.
G32 191 
G32 192 
G33   1 <#FLOB:G33\><h_><p_>MERVYN HORDER<p/>
G33   2 <p_>Grant Richards<p/>
G33   3 <p_>PORTENT & LEGEND<p_><h/>
G33   4 <p_><quote_>So, too, his real instinct for friendship, his 
G33   5 unruffled amiability, his handsome attire and monocle concealed a 
G33   6 recurrent lack of scruple which startled many of his best friends 
G33   7 in literary and other circles, and would have permanently alienated 
G33   8 them but for his genius in conciliation and cajolery.<quote/><p/>
G33   9 <p_>I noted this sentence down in my commonplace book many years 
G33  10 ago as an example of the kind of beautifully convoluted prose to 
G33  11 which the English language lends itself so well. It is taken from 
G33  12 <tf_>The Times<tf/> of 25 February 1948, the obituary notice of 
G33  13 Grant Richards contributed by his solicitor, E. S. P. Haynes, who 
G33  14 knew him well and had helped him through many of the crises of his 
G33  15 career. What sort of man was 'Grantie'? - as he came to be known to 
G33  16 his friends from an early age.<p/>
G33  17 <p_>Born in October 1872 the son of an Oxford classics don and 
G33  18 claiming Keats somewhere among his remote ancestors, Franklin 
G33  19 Taylor Grant Richards manifested at an early age that passion for 
G33  20 books which animated him all his life. While still at the City of 
G33  21 London he started a circulating library among his fellows at 1d a 
G33  22 loan, but soon failed through under-capitalization, the cheapest 
G33  23 novels then costing 6d each. In spite of his father he had no 
G33  24 university education, but in 1888 entered the book-wholesalers 
G33  25 Hamilton Adams in Paternoster Row at pounds20 a year. While on 
G33  26 holiday in Cornwall he experimented with expendable books, the 
G33  27 pages of which could be thrown away after reading; but found that 
G33  28 with novels he too often wanted to refer back to something blown 
G33  29 away forever on the wind. Most of the 1890s he spent as book 
G33  30 factotum on the staff of the <tf_>Review of Reviews<tf/>, whose 
G33  31 rather formidable editor W. T. Stead was the first to coin for him 
G33  32 the affectionate nickname 'Grantie'. He long remembered the thrill 
G33  33 of opening in Stead's office a single parcel of three new review 
G33  34 copies: Hardy's <tf|>Tess and Wilde's <tf_>Dorian Gray<tf/> and 
G33  35 <tf|>Intentions.<p/>
G33  36 <p_>He at first toyed with the idea of being a dramatic critic, but 
G33  37 his whole life began to centre itself on the London book scene. On 
G33  38 1 January 1898, having collected from his father and others 
G33  39 pounds1,450 of capital he started out formally as a book publisher 
G33  40 at No 9 Henrietta Street, the first of six or seven different 
G33  41 business addresses across the years. E. V. Lucas was his first 
G33  42 reader, his graceful colophon was the work of Will Rothenstein; and 
G33  43 a retentive memory helped him to pick up enough of the rudiments of 
G33  44 book production. There was, however, no nonsense about waiting 50 
G33  45 or 100 years for his firm's first celebration: a piano was hired 
G33  46 and they danced all night in the office <tf|>before opening for 
G33  47 business the next morning.<p/>
G33  48 <p_>Some will find this light-hearted approach to business 
G33  49 endearing, others the reverse; for better or worse, it was how 
G33  50 Richards did things. <quote_>"His great struggle is to avoid the 
G33  51 dingy and the dull, and to escape the penalties of encroaching 
G33  52 age"<quote/>; thus his American friend Theodore Dreiser, and again: 
G33  53 <quote_>"He had a delicious vivacity which acted on me like 
G33  54 wine."<quote/><p/>
G33  55 <p_>In two departments of life, however - the sartorial and the 
G33  56 gastronomic - his preoccupations were always serious. The monocle 
G33  57 in his right eye by which he is often remembered was worn in 
G33  58 adulthood without any string attached, and at the end of his life 
G33  59 in bed at night as well. He was capable of agonizing doubt whether 
G33  60 it was correct to wear a butterfly collar with a tweed suit; and 
G33  61 when in 1892 he paid the first of many annual visits to Paris, he 
G33  62 went in grey tail-coat and top hat and was not at all pleased by 
G33  63 the merriment this caused. Not yet 20, he had still something of 
G33  64 the prig about him.<p/>
G33  65 <p_>In Paris and later on the Riviera he acquired expert knowledge 
G33  66 of French food and wine, again taken very seriously as gourmet 
G33  67 rather than gourmand: it was wrong to squeeze lemon on the best 
G33  68 caviare, or to use mint sauce with <foreign_>agneau de 
G33  69 lait<foreign/>. His nephew remembers today the zest with which his 
G33  70 uncle explained to him at the age of nine the difference in shape 
G33  71 between a claret and a burgundy bottle - the uncle being a burgundy 
G33  72 man himself. It was surprising that in spite of regular visits 
G33  73 neither Grantie nor his friend Housman, in whose company he so 
G33  74 often travelled, ever learned to speak more than middling good 
G33  75 French.<p/>
G33  76 <p_>Richards never forgot a friend, and accordingly had many. At a 
G33  77 dinner he gave in the Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> Royal to speed the painter 
G33  78 C. R. W. Nevinson on his first trip to America in 1919 the hundred 
G33  79 guests included Sickert in the chair, Harold Monro, Firbank, 
G33  80 Laurence Housman, J. L. Garvin, C. E. Montague, Campbell Dodgson 
G33  81 and Alberto Guevara. The menu was chosen with all the 
G33  82 <}_><-|>gastromonic<+|>gastronomic<}/> flair at the command of the 
G33  83 host, who made all the journalists present pay for their meals; 
G33  84 Sickert chose to make his speech in Greek, Firbank succumbed to a 
G33  85 fit of schoolgirl giggles, and a lot of clean Bohemian fun was had 
G33  86 by all.<p/>
G33  87 <p_>The longest-standing of all his friends - <quote_>"very 
G33  88 definitely my chief publishing interest"<quote/> as Richards 
G33  89 himself wrote - was A. E. Housman. The story of how Richards, at 
G33  90 the prompting of Richard le Gallienne took over <tf_>A Shropshire 
G33  91 Lad<tf/> from Kegan Paul - who had remaindered their first 1896 
G33  92 edition, published at Housman's own expense - and reissued it is a 
G33  93 fairly familiar one. Housman had a curiously puritanical attitude 
G33  94 to business, seeing the acceptance of royalties as some kind of 
G33  95 encroachment on his copyright liberty; he therefore used to return 
G33  96 uncashed all cheques from American publishers to whom he did not 
G33  97 want to be hidden. With Richards the arrangement was that any sums 
G33  98 earned in royalty should be ploughed back to help keep the 
G33  99 published price down: <tf_>A Shropshire Lad<tf/> was still being 
G33 100 sold at 1s.6d in 1926.<p/>
G33 101 <p_><tf_>Last Poems<tf/> in 1922 was issued on an orthodox 15 per 
G33 102 cent royalty basis. Housman suggested printing 10,000, but the 
G33 103 trade subscription was so poor that Richards did only 4,000. 21,000 
G33 104 were in print by the first Christmas.<p/>
G33 105 <p_>On his side Housman stuck through thick and thin to Richards 
G33 106 and the convenience of having only one man who would handle all his 
G33 107 business, though he acknowledged that the principal factor keeping 
G33 108 him faithful was laziness, the <foreign_>vis inertiae<foreign/>. He 
G33 109 continued to pay for all his classical texts himself - 
G33 110 <tf_>Juvenal, Lucan<tf/> and the five volumes of <tf|>Manilius - 
G33 111 pricing all of them well below cost, the highly sophisticated 
G33 112 typography by Robert Maclehose of Glasgow contrasting oddly with 
G33 113 the ungainly cut-flush paper board bindings. (The 400 copies of his 
G33 114 <tf|>Juvenal in 1905, including binding half the edition, were 
G33 115 invoiced at pounds67.5s.) Bibliophiles have noted that all these 
G33 116 books were imprinted <quote_>"Apvd Grant Richards"<quote/> except 
G33 117 the fifth <tf|>Manilius (1930) which had to be <quote_>"Apvd 
G33 118 Societatem The Richards Press"<quote/>.<p/>
G33 119 <p_>They must have been a strangely assorted pair: Richards dressy, 
G33 120 dandyish and talkative, Housman taciturn in the battered 
G33 121 schoolboy's cricket cap he affected on holiday; Richards' slapdash 
G33 122 deficiency in editorial skills often maddening to the precise and 
G33 123 scholarly Housman for whom every comma was a matter of life and 
G33 124 death; Housman an early patron of Imperial Airways, Richards always 
G33 125 going by sea; but the accounts given in 
G33 126 <}_><-|>Richard's<+|>Richards'<}/> 1942 book of their holiday 
G33 127 jaunts by hired car round France together are as convincing as they 
G33 128 are vivid.<p/>
G33 129 <p_>Grantie's family was an important part of his life. All his 
G33 130 four children - a daughter and three sons - were by his first wife, 
G33 131 an Italian, from whom he parted when the daughter was eight and the 
G33 132 youngest son two. He suffered from the feeling that he had himself 
G33 133 been rejected by his own aloof, academic father, and wanted to 
G33 134 avoid that mistake with his own children. After the parting he 
G33 135 bought Bigfrith, a house which still stands on the common at 
G33 136 Cookham Dean, where the children largely brought themselves up in 
G33 137 the charge of a superior parlourmaid. When at work in London he 
G33 138 thought nothing of the daily two-mile walk to the station and back 
G33 139 again in the evening.<p/>
G33 140 <p_>The family circle was a tight one, the discipline strict - none 
G33 141 of the children were allowed to see their mother till they came of 
G33 142 age. Nor was Grantie inclined to extend his hospitality outside the 
G33 143 wide circle of his own invited friends. He coached the superior 
G33 144 parlourmaid to deliver in ringing tones a standard rebuff to all 
G33 145 unwanted local callers: <quote_>"Mr Richards is not at the moment 
G33 146 enlarging the circle of his acquaintance."<quote/><p/>
G33 147 <p_>A tragedy he felt very deeply was the accidental death of his 
G33 148 eldest son Gerard, aged 14, who on holiday in 1916 was buried by 
G33 149 the sudden collapse of a sand dune in Cornwall. Not being a 
G33 150 Christian - he considered that <tf_>The Origin of Species<tf/> had 
G33 151 put paid to Christianity for ever - he sought in vain for a 
G33 152 suitable epitaph for the boy's granite grave in Ruan Minor 
G33 153 churchyard, and finally took this extract from Gerard's Eton 
G33 154 housemaster's latest report: <quote_>"He was a happy boy and a good 
G33 155 one and made many others happy."<quote/><p/>
G33 156 <p_>One of the most regular visitors of Bigfrith was Pauline 
G33 157 Hemmerde, tall, stiff and somewhat forbidding, but always popular 
G33 158 with the children. This was the lady who in the early 1900s decided 
G33 159 to take Grantie and his business under her wing and served him 
G33 160 loyally thenceforward as secretary and personal assistant, often 
G33 161 with her own salary in arrears, till the time came for him to give 
G33 162 up in 1928. At that point she had to remove no less than two tons 
G33 163 of Richard's office archives to her own small flat, preparatory to 
G33 164 their sale to an American university. She also took home the 
G33 165 original manuscript of <tf_>The Ragged-Trousered 
G33 166 Philanthropists<tf/>, which she had done much to get into print. 
G33 167 This was a parting present to her from Richards 'against a rainy 
G33 168 day'; when that day came, quite soon, she is believed to have 
G33 169 parted with it for only pounds10.<p/>
G33 170 <p_>Solvency being a matter of temperament rather than income, it 
G33 171 has to be acknowledged that Grantie was by nature weak to the point 
G33 172 of irresponsibility on the financial side; not for him the proper 
G33 173 pride a publisher can take in being the prompt paymaster of 
G33 174 everyone connected with a book. He had little shame in borrowing 
G33 175 from a friend when he wanted a holiday, and borrowing from another 
G33 176 friend on his return, to pay the first friend back. One of the 
G33 177 chapters of <tf_>Author Hunting<tf/> (1934) makes play with what 
G33 178 his ledgers reveal about the early years of the business; one has 
G33 179 the feeling that he had not consulted the ledger <tf|>until 1934, 
G33 180 and that a closer attention to its disclosures at the time might 
G33 181 have saved him from the over-trading which led to his first 
G33 182 bankruptcy in 1904. It seems probable that the principal strain on 
G33 183 his resources came from launching the World's Classics on top of 
G33 184 the rest of his distinguished but slow-selling list.<p/>
G33 185 <p_>Reprint series of this kind were very much in the air at the 
G33 186 start of the century. Collins, Nelson, Routledge, Methuen and 
G33 187 Newnes were all at it, and the 1913 reference catalogue lists 
G33 188 eleven different editions of Boswell's <tf|>Johnson; but Richards' 
G33 189 World Classics had a style all their own. Size five x 
G33 190 three-and-a-half inches, their standard bulk one-and-a-half inches, 
G33 191 stamped with a gilt spine decoration by Laurence Housman, they sold 
G33 192 at no more than 1s cloth and 2s skiver leather. The series ranged 
G33 193 through Emerson, Hazlitt, Gilbert White, Machiavelli, and Gibbon in 
G33 194 seven volumes. The first volume, <tf_>Jane Eyre<tf/>, came out in 
G33 195 1901, six years before the first Everyman in 1906; the last to 
G33 196 appear with the Richards imprint was <tf|>Lavengro in 1904. The 
G33 197 series was both a burden to him and a release, in that the sale of 
G33 198 stock and rights in the first 66 titles to Henry Frowde of the 
G33 199 Clarendon Press - which carried them on in the smaller format 
G33 200 familiar to us today - enabled him to discharge his bankruptcy 
G33 201 sooner than expected.
G33 202 
G34   1 <#FLOB:G34\><p_>Blair Worden in his paper on <tf|>Sejanus 
G34   2 (unpublished) describes Essex as <quote_>"a rebel without a 
G34   3 theory"<quote/>. In the sense of theory as a single coherent 
G34   4 ideology or a practical political programme he is certainly right. 
G34   5 There was indeed no single theory in the Essex circle - rather 
G34   6 various strands of anti-absolutist feeling and interest which found 
G34   7 space and encouragement there. The milieu included aristocrats who 
G34   8 intensely resented their increased economic dependence on the Court 
G34   9 and its 'upstart' favourites and the restriction of their military 
G34  10 power, but also City Puritan ministers and ambitious army officers; 
G34  11 rising diplomats, historians, and Oxford classical scholars; and a 
G34  12 remarkable number of writers, playwrights, and poets, involved 
G34  13 either as patrons or clients.<p/>
G34  14 <p_>The commitment to an active anti-Spanish foreign and military 
G34  15 policy in Europe and the New World, and to protection of 
G34  16 non-separatist Puritanism at home against increasing persecution by 
G34  17 the State church, Essex partly took over from Sidney and from his 
G34  18 own stepfather Leicester, together with much of the faction itself, 
G34  19 the Dudley family, for whatever reasons, having been protectors of 
G34  20 radical Protestants since Reformation times. Along with the bequest 
G34  21 of Sidney's best sword, Essex inherited connexions with the 
G34  22 Huguenot aristocracy and theories of justified resistance to royal 
G34  23 tyranny in religion, expounded by Sidney's friends Mornay and 
G34  24 Languet. A new emphasis on scientific history and secular realism 
G34  25 in politics came with the rediscovery and English translation of 
G34  26 Tacitus, in which Essex himself was especially interested, and 
G34  27 which had strong republican connotations. While Puritan preachers 
G34  28 and divines looked to Essex as their general against the Popish 
G34  29 Antichrist as well as defender of their rights within the 
G34  30 established church, his Catholic supporters (many of them 
G34  31 fellow-soldiers knighted by him or semi-feudal adherents from the 
G34  32 Welsh borders) believed he could ensure greater toleration for 
G34  33 loyal Catholics in the succeeding reign, besides careers for 
G34  34 military talent; and tolerationist writers dedicated works to him. 
G34  35 The very variety of anti-absolutist ideas and oppositional views of 
G34  36 history within the Essex circle, openly discussed as they could 
G34  37 never have been at Court, may indeed have contributed to 
G34  38 Shakespeare's astonishingly multi<?_>-<?/>vocal drama.<p/>
G34  39 <p_>Essex seems to have imagined himself uniting all the varied and 
G34  40 contradictory currents of ideological and practical hostility to 
G34  41 the government into a single movement, bound by his own charisma, 
G34  42 and this proved a gross overestimation and self-delusion. He 
G34  43 expected and gambled on active popular and City support for his 
G34  44 revolt, but did not get it, and went to execution as a traitor. His 
G34  45 friends had plenty of time to ponder on what went wrong, especially 
G34  46 those who were lucky to escape beheading and remained imprisoned in 
G34  47 the Tower till Elizabeth's death.<p/>
G34  48 <p_>Soon after James's accession, however, the verdict of treason 
G34  49 began to be openly questioned, and Essex became retrospectively - 
G34  50 and still more in popular culture - a Protestant or even a Puritan 
G34  51 patriot-martyr (witness the evidence of Lucy Hutchinson from one 
G34  52 end of the political spectrum and the Earl of Newcastle from the 
G34  53 other, or Thomas Scot's pamphlet <tf_>Robert Earl of Essex His 
G34  54 Ghost<tf/> in 1624). The ideological and practical alliance which 
G34  55 had failed to cohere in the 1590s did so up to a point in the 
G34  56 1620s, with Essex's son the third Earl and Essex's close friend the 
G34  57 Earl of Southampton among its most prominent figures, but this time 
G34  58 alongside a powerful City interest, many members of Parliament and 
G34  59 country gentry, Puritan preachers, professional soldiers, and much 
G34  60 of the London working population. Instead of a minority coup by 
G34  61 force of arms, dissidence was now expressed within Parliament, the 
G34  62 City, and the popular culture.<p/>
G34  63 <p_>Economic and political developments during James's reign helped 
G34  64 to bring about this alteration, but 'mentalities' were also 
G34  65 affected by cultural and ideological influences, including the 
G34  66 Puritan preachers and the commercial theatres and London shows, the 
G34  67 nearest thing to our modern mass media. The drama did not merely 
G34  68 reflect, but helped over a period to articulate and reinforce 
G34  69 something like a political public opinion - or rather opinions - 
G34  70 despite the variable but ever-present censorship.<p/>
G34  71 <p_>To study this process for the Essexians as a group would be a 
G34  72 formidable undertaking. I shall attempt only a few tentative ideas 
G34  73 on the later patronage of the third Earl of Southampton, next to 
G34  74 Essex the main leader of the revolt: and since even that is too 
G34  75 large a subject for a single paper, especially on the connexions he 
G34  76 may have had with citizen and popular culture.<p/>
G34  77 <h|>II
G34  78 <p_>It is at least thought-provoking that Southampton, the only man 
G34  79 named by Shakespeare as a personal patron, should later have earned 
G34  80 a reputation, both among friends and enemies, as the outstanding 
G34  81 'popular' nobleman of Jacobean times, popular both in the modern 
G34  82 and the equivocal Jacobean sense of the word. This seems also to 
G34  83 have been how he saw his own role as politician and patron, when he 
G34  84 wrote to his friend Sir Dudley Carleton on his belated elevation to 
G34  85 the Privy Council in the critical year of 1619:<p/>
G34  86 <p_><quote_>I had much rather have continued a spectator than 
G34  87 become an actor. But I will make the same request to you that I 
G34  88 have made to others, not to expect too much of me. You know well 
G34  89 how things stand with us, and how little one vulgar councillor is 
G34  90 able to effect. (DeLisle MSSv, p. 221, 233: cited Rowse, 
G34  91 <tf_>Shakespeare's Southampton<tf/> p. 227).<quote/><p/>
G34  92 <p_>Before considering his patronage in detail we need to recall 
G34  93 briefly some of the main facts about the Earl's public life after 
G34  94 the Essex revolt.<p/>
G34  95 <p_>Immediately on James's accession in 1603 he released 
G34  96 Southampton and other Essexians from the Tower and restored him to 
G34  97 his honours and titles. The Earl also received important financial 
G34  98 grants, notably the farm of sweet wines which Essex had formerly 
G34  99 held: James regarded Essex as his committed ally, and was prepared 
G34 100 to reward his friends. Southampton, however, was never trusted by 
G34 101 Robert Cecil, the powerful Secretary, and failed to get either 
G34 102 major office or the high military command he hoped for. After 
G34 103 Cecil's death, when Southampton was one of the leaders (with the 
G34 104 Earls of Pembroke and Sheffield) of the anti-Howard faction at 
G34 105 Court, a reputation for radicalism and even republicanism still 
G34 106 kept him marginalized.<p/>
G34 107 <p_>Early in James's reign Southampton became a close ally both in 
G34 108 business and politics of Sir Edwin Sandys, recognized as the 
G34 109 principal leader of opposition and anti-absolutist trends in the 
G34 110 Commons from the Parliament of 1604 to the mid-1620s. Southampton 
G34 111 was a principal investor in the Virginia Company (among his other 
G34 112 business interests), where he was not a mere sleeping partner but 
G34 113 played an active role. When Sandys was pushed out of the 
G34 114 Treasureship of the Company by James's intervention, Southampton 
G34 115 was elected in his stead and continued his policies until the 
G34 116 Company's charter was revoked in 1624.<p/>
G34 117 <p_>Throughout his life Southampton remained committed to the old 
G34 118 Essexian anti-Spanish foreign policy and support for Protestant 
G34 119 forces in Europe. On the invasion of the Palatinate in 1618 he 
G34 120 pressed strongly for English military aid. He planned to head a 
G34 121 force of volunteers and contribute to financing it, but was not 
G34 122 allowed to do so, and when a small force raised by voluntary 
G34 123 subscription did finally go, Southampton as a Privy Councillor was 
G34 124 refused permission to join it: for King James was still pursuing 
G34 125 the vain aim of a Spanish alliance and a Spanish marriage for 
G34 126 Prince Charles to restore peace in Europe. Southampton continued, 
G34 127 in direct contact with the King and Queen of Bohemia, to work for 
G34 128 English intervention, openly opposing the policy of the King and 
G34 129 Buckingham. In 1621 he was arrested and interrogated, along with 
G34 130 MPs Sir Edwin Sandys and John Selden, for organizing 'mischievous 
G34 131 opposition' in both Houses of Parliament, and remained under 
G34 132 house-arrest for a time. It was apparently the threat to deprive 
G34 133 him of the Court grants which formed a large part of his income 
G34 134 which induced him temporarily to withdraw from active Parliamentary 
G34 135 opposition; but in 1623 he refused to take the oath demanded of 
G34 136 Privy Councillors to support the match.<p/>
G34 137 <p_>Finally when the Crown's policy changed in 1623-24, and 
G34 138 Buckingham and Prince Charles agreed on the need for some form of 
G34 139 military intervention, Southampton was at last appointed to lead a 
G34 140 force of 6,ooo volunteers to reinforce the English troops already 
G34 141 fighting with the Dutch against the Spaniards, an expedition on 
G34 142 which he and his eldest son died of fever.<p/>
G34 143 <p_>In his discussion of <tf|>Sejanus, Blair Worden suggests that 
G34 144 Jonson saw only two alternatives for noble political opponents 
G34 145 under a despotic state: futile rebellion, or stoical acceptance and 
G34 146 quietism, with the aim of securing minor concessions. Southampton 
G34 147 seems consciously to have attempted a third way: to be 'popular', 
G34 148 to build support among people outside the Court, and even outside 
G34 149 the 'political nation'. His career as patron gives many indications 
G34 150 of this fairly consistent, if intermittent, political course.<p/>
G34 151 <p_>Southampton was one of the foremost Jacobean aristocrats 
G34 152 turning increasingly to business investment - both in industry, in 
G34 153 modernizing their estates and in overseas trade and colonization. 
G34 154 The landed gentry indeed led the way in such investment in a way 
G34 155 which did not happen in any other European country. No craftsman 
G34 156 and few individual merchants could have laid hands on the kind of 
G34 157 money the earls of Pembroke, Southampton, Salisbury, and De La Warr 
G34 158 were able to invest in founding the Virginia Company. For Essexian 
G34 159 peers excluded from the highest office at Court by Cecil's 
G34 160 distrust, this also offered an alternative opportunity to salvage 
G34 161 and extend their wealth and power with a degree of independence, 
G34 162 and brought them into contact and sometimes active partnership with 
G34 163 City merchants and the new entrepreneurial groups and their ways of 
G34 164 thinking.<p/>
G34 165 <p_>Southampton himself modernized and rack-rented his estates, 
G34 166 pressurizing copyholders into becoming lease-holders by increased 
G34 167 fines. He also started a new ironworks at Titchfield and financed 
G34 168 the first tinplate mill in England; developed his London property 
G34 169 in Holborn and Bloomsbury; sponsored the voyage that led to the 
G34 170 foundation of the Virginia Company, of which he was a leading 
G34 171 member; belonged to the East India and New England Companies, and 
G34 172 backed Hudson's exploration of the North-West passage. As Lawrence 
G34 173 Stone says, it would be impossible to draw up a list of merchants 
G34 174 or country gentry with such a wide range of interests. Both mining 
G34 175 and overseas ventures were high-risk undertakings, well-suited to 
G34 176 aristocrats used (as Southampton had been) to losing pounds1,ooo a 
G34 177 night gambling.<p/>
G34 178 <p_>Southampton's own reputation for republicanism went back to his 
G34 179 association with Essex's secretary Henry Cuffe, a Puritan Oxford 
G34 180 don and one of the translators of Tacitus, who read Aristotle's 
G34 181 political theory with Southampton and Rutland in Paris and was 
G34 182 alleged at Essex's trial to have influenced Southampton with 
G34 183 republican opinions. Since Cuffe was not an aristocrat and did not 
G34 184 have the powerful protectors who saved Southampton, he was made a 
G34 185 scapegoat and barbarously executed, making a strongly Puritan 
G34 186 speech from the scaffold. Some years later (1607) a philosophical 
G34 187 tract by him, <tf_>The Difference of the Ages of Man's Life<tf/>, 
G34 188 was published and dedicated to Lord Willoughby De Eresby (another 
G34 189 Essex knight) by an anonymous editor R.M. who claimed to be a 
G34 190 servant both of Willoughby and of the Puritan Lord Montagu of 
G34 191 Boughton, whose daughter Willoughby had just married. The book was 
G34 192 several times reprinted, and it is possible that its religious and 
G34 193 political reference was clearer to contemporaries than it is 
G34 194 now.<p/>
G34 195 <p_>This reputation was later reinforced by Southampton's 
G34 196 association and friendship, first in the Virginia Company and then 
G34 197 in Parliamentary opposition, with Sir Edwin Sandys, who really was 
G34 198 a radical thinker as well as a practical politician, from the time 
G34 199 of the 1604 Parliament a consistent opponent of royal absolutism 
G34 200 and determined to limit the prerogative and assert the rights of 
G34 201 the subject in accordance with ideas of natural law. Far from being 
G34 202 the stereotype of intolerant dogmatic Protestantism, Sandys in his 
G34 203 book <tf_>Europae Speculum<tf/> argued for an alliance against 
G34 204 Papal domination by all the rest of Christendom, including the 
G34 205 anti-Papal Catholic republic of Venice as well as the Dutch 
G34 206 republicans. This attitude may well have been congenial to 
G34 207 Southampton, who had converted from his family's Catholicism to 
G34 208 Protestantism (probably at some time in the 1590s, though Sandys 
G34 209 claimed the credit for his conversion), but continued personally to 
G34 210 protect individual Catholic loyalists.
G34 211 
G34 212 
G35   1  <#FLOB:G35\><h_><p_>PRIESTS AND PATRONS IN THE EIGHTEENTH 
G35   2 CENTURY<p/>
G35   3 <p_>by LEO GOOCH<p/><h/>
G35   4 <p_>IN 1834 the Rev. William Riddell warned Bishop Penswick to take 
G35   5 care when dealing with the Catholic gentry on chaplaincy business 
G35   6 because they could be <quote_>"very ticklish and nice"<quote/>. As 
G35   7 the younger brother of a Northumbrian squire he was in a good 
G35   8 position to know but, in any case, the Church had long been aware 
G35   9 of lay susceptibilities in these matters. Some sixty years 
G35  10 previously Bishop Challoner had reminded Bishop Walton that the 
G35  11 gentry took particular exception to the clergy <quote_>"meddling 
G35  12 with their temporals"<quote/>. Furthermore, as the northern bishops 
G35  13 well knew, the relationship between a patron and his chaplain was 
G35  14 far from amicable in an embarrassingly large number of cases in the 
G35  15 eighteenth century. In 1786 Henry Rutter, a young chaplain in 
G35  16 Northumberland, told his uncle Robert Banister, also a priest, that 
G35  17 he had <quote_>"a most despicable opinion of our Catholic nobility 
G35  18 and gentry"<quote/>. Banister was of a like mind, and theirs was 
G35  19 not an uncommon view among the northern clergy at that time. It 
G35  20 was, moreover, usually reciprocated.<p/>
G35  21 <p_>In addition to the problem of personal animosity and squabbling 
G35  22 over ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the mission in north-east England 
G35  23 under seigneurial rule was beset by financial instability and 
G35  24 insecurity of tenure. Since over half of the mission stations in 
G35  25 the region were chaplaincies, a majority of priests and Catholic 
G35  26 gentlemen were living in some degree of disharmony with each other, 
G35  27 which not only made daily life something of an ordeal, but it 
G35  28 inhibited missionary development. The aim of this paper, then, is 
G35  29 to examine the somewhat chequered social history of the northern 
G35  30 chaplaincy from, roughly, the Revolution of 1688 to the Restoration 
G35  31 of the English Hierarchy in 1850.<p/>
G35  32 <p_>One chaplaincy in which almost everything that could go wrong 
G35  33 did, was Stonecroft Farm, and it is appropriate to outline briefly 
G35  34 the main events in its history as the main statement of the theme. 
G35  35 Stonecroft Farm was a property of some three hundred acres, six 
G35  36 miles north-west of Hexham in Northumberland. It was bequeathed by 
G35  37 Ursula Mountney to Lord William Widdrington in 1680, and she 
G35  38 charged the estate with a yearly payment of 20 as the salary of 
G35  39 the chaplain, who was to be a Dominican or a Franciscan <quote_>"if 
G35  40 a priest of any such order can conveniently be had"<quote/>. 
G35  41 Although the Dominicans had provided chaplains at Stonecroft some 
G35  42 years before, Mrs. Mountney preferred Franciscans and at the time 
G35  43 of her death a friar occupied the post. When he died, the 
G35  44 Franciscans sent a replacement but the Dominicans objected; the 
G35  45 trustee of the fund compromised with Widdrington that the incumbent 
G35  46 Franciscan could be left in place for one year but that a Dominican 
G35  47 should then take over. Widdrington, however, appointed another 
G35  48 Franciscan and nothing was said. So things remained for ten years, 
G35  49 that is until Widdrington sold the estate to Thomas Gibson.<p/>
G35  50 <p_>The ownership of Callaly Castle changed hands at the same time, 
G35  51 a combination of circumstances that normally would not have any 
G35  52 connection, but on this occasion the wife of John Clavering wanted 
G35  53 her Jesuit brother to be chaplain at the castle. Clavering 
G35  54 therefore dismissed his late father's Dominican chaplain, George 
G35  55 Gibson, brother of the new owner of Stonecroft Farm. Being out of 
G35  56 place, Gibson naturally turned to his brother who obligingly 
G35  57 discharged the Franciscan Constantine Jackson to make way for him. 
G35  58 When the latter appealed to the Vicar Apostolic, Bishop Smith 
G35  59 declined to become involved because, he said, <quote_>"Mr Gibson is 
G35  60 master of his own house and may or may not admit Mr Jackson as he 
G35  61 pleases"<quote/>. But that was not the end of the matter, for the 
G35  62 bishop was again petitioned by several local Catholic gentlemen who 
G35  63 said that whenever neighbouring Catholics applied to Father Gibson, 
G35  64 he directed them to <quote_>"Father Jackson who has, ever since his 
G35  65 removal from Stonecroft, been destitute of any certain place of 
G35  66 abode or maintenance"<quote/>. Again the bishop declined to 
G35  67 intervene with the Gibsons. Instead, he wrote to the Franciscan 
G35  68 Provincial to have the displaced friar removed from the locality 
G35  69 altogether. Bishop Smith was probably more shrewd than callous in 
G35  70 acting this way, for he would know, as his petitioners might not, 
G35  71 that another Gibson had been ordained as a Dominican priest shortly 
G35  72 before, and that he would obtain his family's patronage, as in fact 
G35  73 it turned out. At any rate, the Dominican tenure of the Stonecroft 
G35  74 chaplaincy seemed secure.<p/>
G35  75 <p_>The family lost property as a consequence of George Gibson's 
G35  76 participation in the Fifteen and the chaplain was forced to go into 
G35  77 hiding for a while. Fortunately, George Gibson predeceased his 
G35  78 father and Stonecroft Farm was thus saved from forfeiture. The farm 
G35  79 passed to another George Gibson in 1720; he was aged nine and 
G35  80 during his minority the farm became the residence of Jasper Gibson, 
G35  81 his great<?_>-<?/>uncle. The chaplain at that time was the 
G35  82 Dominican Peter Thompson. Thompson did not get on with Gibson, and 
G35  83 he declared that he had suffered a great deal at Jasper's hands 
G35  84 over many years. The chapel and priest's room were in a farmyard 
G35  85 building, and Thompson complained that geese and hens were driven 
G35  86 <quote|>"promiscuously" under the chapel where they made such a 
G35  87 noise that he was much disturbed and could scarce hear himself 
G35  88 speak. He also recorded the events which took place one Sunday 
G35  89 morning in May 1721 when Gibson <quote_>"fell upon me like a hell 
G35  90 dog in the presence of his Protestant servants and others that were 
G35  91 come to prayers"<quote/>. Within a year of Jasper's arrival, 
G35  92 Thompson wrote in his journal: <quote_>"after more than the usual 
G35  93 abuse, perceiving I could not live easy at Stonecroft, I went away 
G35  94 and left the Gibsons"<quote/>. He moved into Hexham, and the farm 
G35  95 became a supply mission for the next thirteen years attended, no 
G35  96 doubt unwillingly and uneasily by Father Thompson.<p/>
G35  97 <p_>There happened to be a Franciscan at Swinburne Castle when 
G35  98 Thompson left Stonecroft Farm. He would have been well aware of the 
G35  99 terms of Mrs. Mountney's will and of Thompson's discharge; it must 
G35 100 have seemed an ideal opportunity to recover the chaplaincy for his 
G35 101 order, and he broached the matter with the trustee. After a series 
G35 102 of meetings, however, the latter declared once and for all in 
G35 103 favour of the Dominicans, and there the matter rested; the 
G35 104 Dominicans resumed their residential tenure at the farm after Peter 
G35 105 Thompson's retirement. The chaplaincy came to an end in 1815 when 
G35 106 the family fell on hard times. George Gibson had mortgaged the 
G35 107 estate for pounds5,000 some years before but he could no longer 
G35 108 sustain the debt and he sold the property to a kinsman. He too got 
G35 109 into financial difficulties and his affairs were put into the hands 
G35 110 of trustees. The first economy was to dispense with the chaplain, 
G35 111 but that was not sufficient, and six years later the farm was sold 
G35 112 to Protestants. So ended the Stonecroft Farm mission; in 1828 it 
G35 113 was reported that <quote_>"few Dissenters and fewer 
G35 114 Catholics"<quote/> lived in the locality.<p/>
G35 115 <p_>The history of the Stonecroft Farm mission exemplifies most of 
G35 116 the disadvantages of the chaplaincy system. It shows the 
G35 117 difficulties that could arise over ambiguously drafted wills and 
G35 118 when patrons became involved in politics. It shows that the power 
G35 119 of the lay patron over the chaplaincy was supreme; the availability 
G35 120 of the mission station depended on the continued solvency of the 
G35 121 family, and security of tenure in a chaplaincy depended entirely on 
G35 122 goodwill. Finally, it showed that when clerical rivalries arose, 
G35 123 and particularly when regulars were involved, the ecclesiastical 
G35 124 jurisdiction of the Vicar Apostolic was limited; indeed, he was 
G35 125 effectively impotent in chaplaincy matters, yet the majority of his 
G35 126 priests were chaplains. The Stonecroft Farm case is perhaps 
G35 127 exceptionally unfortunate, but in the course of the eighteenth 
G35 128 century one or more circumstance of a similar kind arose in almost 
G35 129 every chaplaincy in the north-east.<p/>
G35 130 <p_>Dilston Hall, Widdrington Castle, Eslington Hall and Coxhoe 
G35 131 Hall all closed as a direct result of the patronal family's 
G35 132 involvement in the Fifteen, and their chapels were lost to the 
G35 133 mission. Sir Edward Swinburne fell out with his chaplain, expelled 
G35 134 him from Capheaton Hall and forbade him to visit the chapel unless 
G35 135 specifically invited. John Swinburne succeeded him as sixth baronet 
G35 136 in 1786; he immediately renounced Catholicism, dismissed the 
G35 137 chaplain and demolished the chapel. He married a niece of the Duke 
G35 138 of Northumberland, through whose patronage he obtained a seat in 
G35 139 the Commons. Charles Brandling of Felling and Gosforth also married 
G35 140 a Protestant lady and shortly afterwards renounced the Catholic 
G35 141 religion. He later became Member of Parliament for Newcastle on 
G35 142 Tyne without, it has been remarked, <quote_>"greatly affecting the 
G35 143 course of history."<quote/><p/>
G35 144 <p_>There are other examples of a mixed marriage leading to a 
G35 145 dislocation of the mission. In 1772 Margaret Thornton, with her 
G35 146 sister joint-owner of Netherwitton Hall, married Walter Trevelyan, 
G35 147 a staunch Methodist. He promptly invited the Catholic chaplain to 
G35 148 remove himself and his chapel out of the Hall and into a disused 
G35 149 tower-house at Witton Shields a mile and a half away. Some years 
G35 150 later it was rumoured that his heir might become a Catholic, and 
G35 151 the Vicar Apostolic called on him. But Trevelyan senior had two 
G35 152 Protestant clergymen in the house all that summer to dissuade the 
G35 153 young man from taking such a step. The conversion did not take 
G35 154 place; Trevelyan became <quote_>"a red-hot Methodistical 
G35 155 preacher"<quote/> instead. He later abrogated the family's bequests 
G35 156 for the upkeep of the mission and closed the chapel. Thomas 
G35 157 Swinburne of Pontop Hall married a Protestant lady. While she 
G35 158 agreed to allow the chapel to remain open, she refused to allow the 
G35 159 chaplain to live in the Hall, and in a little while the mission 
G35 160 moved out altogether to new premises in Brooms.<p/>
G35 161 <p_>Considerable disruption to the mission was caused by the 
G35 162 extravagance of some gentry families. In 1784 Ralph Peter Clavering 
G35 163 had become so indebted as a result of his expenditure on 
G35 164 renovations to Callaly Castle over thirty years that he was forced 
G35 165 to go abroad where the living was easier. His brother, a secular 
G35 166 priest, was left with the management of both temporal and spiritual 
G35 167 affairs at Callaly. As has been pointed out, Clavering was in a 
G35 168 dilemma; his temporal self had to reduce the size of the Catholic 
G35 169 community, while his spiritual self was presumably devoted to 
G35 170 increasing it. His temporal self won, for the congregation at 
G35 171 Callaly Castle fell steadily, and by the time of Catholic 
G35 172 Emancipation it was barely a third of what it had been in 1767. 
G35 173 Ralph Clavering's grand-son returned to the castle in the 1830s to 
G35 174 resume the development of the estate. Since this involved 
G35 175 demolishing the village to open up the view from the morning room, 
G35 176 not surprisingly the congregation fell even further. Edward 
G35 177 Clavering learned nothing from his kinsman's experience. Despite 
G35 178 limited means he sold off a number of farms to finance the 
G35 179 rebuilding of Berrington Hall. The estate was exhausted by this 
G35 180 venture and what was left of it was dissolved in 1816, and the 
G35 181 chapel was lost.<p/>
G35 182 <p_>Henry Witham came into the possession of three estates with 
G35 183 long<?_>-<?/>standing chaplaincies - Cliffe, Hardwick and 
G35 184 Lartington. Cliffe and Hardwick had to be sold in the 1820s to pay 
G35 185 off Witham's gambling debts. The Duke of Cleveland bought Hardwick 
G35 186 and the estate shortly began to yield fabulous quantities of coal 
G35 187 in the newly-developing coalfields of Durham, justifying the rueful 
G35 188 comment of Monsignor Thomas Witham that, had it not been for the 
G35 189 extravagance of his father, he would have been the richest commoner 
G35 190 in England. The monsignor did quite well as it was because he 
G35 191 inherited Lartington. He was something of a <tf_>bon viveur<tf/> 
G35 192 and socialite, but he had the village inn closed down.<p/>
G35 193 <p_>The mission at Hesleyside was endangered late in the eighteenth 
G35 194 century, <quote_>"for what with the penal laws, cockering up the 
G35 195 Pretender, ancestral extravagance and, alas! the undying vice of 
G35 196 drink"<quote/>, the estate was brought to the verge of ruin. 
G35 197 Fortunately, William Charlton, <quote_>"the inebriate and hardly 
G35 198 responsible Squire"<quote/>, as his grand-daughter called him, 
G35 199 married the redoubtable Margaret Fenwick, and she set about the 
G35 200 recovery of the estate, but it meant the closure of the chapel for 
G35 201 several years.<p/>
G35 202 
G35 203 
G35 204 
G36   1 <#FLOB:G36\><h_><p_>1<p/>
G36   2 <p_>INTRODUCTION<p/>
G36   3 <p_>WHY THEATRE SEMIOTICS?<p/><h/>
G36   4 <p_>Before mapping out the ground we propose to cover in this 
G36   5 study, we need at the outset to clarify our own position in 
G36   6 relation to theatre semiotics. Fundamentally, we view theatre 
G36   7 semiotics not as a theoretical position, but as a <tf|>methodology: 
G36   8 as a way of working, of approaching theatre in order to open up new 
G36   9 practices and possibilities of 'seeing'.<p/>
G36  10 <p_>This is not, however, a view which has been widely held either 
G36  11 by theatre departments in higher education or by the theatrical 
G36  12 profession at large. 'Theatre Semiotics: An 'Academic Job Creation 
G36  13 Scheme?'', for example, was the provocative title of Brean 
G36  14 Hammond's retrospective reflection upon the theatre conference held 
G36  15 at Crewe and Alsager College in 1983 (1984). This title hints at 
G36  16 the palpable hostility towards semiotics expressed both by a number 
G36  17 of the conference panellists, who came from the academic world and 
G36  18 the theatrical profession, and by participants speaking from the 
G36  19 floor. Given this persistent and broad-based attack, one is tempted 
G36  20 to ask, Why a book on theatre semiotics?<p/>
G36  21 <p_>At one level, some of the criticism which theatre semiotics 
G36  22 attracts is, in our view justified. The dangers of establishing a 
G36  23 jargon-laden language accessible only to academics, of a dialogue 
G36  24 between theoreticians and theoreticians, have not always been 
G36  25 heeded. Martin Esslin (post-Alsager, a born-again semiotician) 
G36  26 laments as follows in his preface to <tf_>The Field of Drama<tf/>: 
G36  27 <quote_>"What struck me as unfortunate, however, from the outset, 
G36  28 was the obscure language and excessively abstract way in which the, 
G36  29 in many cases, outstandingly brilliant exponents of semiotics 
G36  30 presented their findings"<quote/> (1987: 11). The degree of 
G36  31 obfuscation has been such that the benefits of the 'findings', of 
G36  32 understanding theatre as a sign-system, have tended to be eclipsed 
G36  33 and the considerable advantages of studying theatre through a 
G36  34 semiotic approach overlooked. It is our intention, therefore, to 
G36  35 provide in this volume an introduction or guide to some of the most 
G36  36 useful 'findings' theatre semiotics has to offer, and to do so in 
G36  37 relatively straightforward terms. Furthermore, it is important at 
G36  38 the outset both to identify what it is that theatre semiotics is 
G36  39 reacting against and to indicate what its uses are.<p/>
G36  40 <p_>In most academic institutions drama has, until relatively 
G36  41 recently, been taught as a branch of literary studies, as dramatic 
G36  42 literature and hence as divorced from the theatrical process. Such 
G36  43 approaches to reading a play as were generally on offer did not 
G36  44 significantly differ from the ways in which students were called 
G36  45 upon to read a poem or work of prose fiction, i.e. as literary 
G36  46 objects. At best, a student might be invited to become an armchair 
G36  47 critic or to imagine a theatrical space in her or his 'mind's eye'. 
G36  48 Rarely, however, did drama leave the written page. Neither did 
G36  49 discussion move beyond the boundaries of the text, in which 
G36  50 characters were 'read' as 'real' people (and by implication could 
G36  51 be psychoanalysed as such), and in which the key objective became 
G36  52 the identification and analysis of a play's literary qualities, in 
G36  53 order to establish what a play 'meant' via the reflexive 
G36  54 application of the intentional fallacy. Theatrical consideration 
G36  55 did not enter the frame of theoretical or critical practice.<p/>
G36  56 <p_>The imposition of such approaches has proved singularly 
G36  57 negative for the advancement of theatre studies, inasmuch as they 
G36  58 fail to consider drama in its theatrical context: as a work which 
G36  59 exists not only to be read but also to be <tf|>seen. To examine a 
G36  60 play for its literary qualities alone ignores its fundamental 
G36  61 function as blueprint for production, a theatrical event which is 
G36  62 to be realised in two planes (time and space), not one. Once the 
G36  63 'doing' of theatre is reinstated, then the notion of individual 
G36  64 authorship is also challenged, given that the 'doing' also requires 
G36  65 the collaboration of the performers, director(s), technical staff, 
G36  66 and so on, all of whom contribute to the making of the theatrical 
G36  67 event. At this point, one begins to grasp the plurality and 
G36  68 complexity of the theatrical process, and to understand why it has 
G36  69 been easier to abandon or relegate theatre to the province of 
G36  70 dramatic literature for so long.<p/>
G36  71 <p_>It was only when twentieth-century thought and approaches to 
G36  72 literature and language radically shifted from the traditions of 
G36  73 the nineteenth - the shift crudely recognised as the move from the 
G36  74 'what' to the 'how' - and attempted to understand the structures of 
G36  75 'artistic' language, that the primacy of the focus on the 
G36  76 aesthetics and thematics of the text was displaced. This shift was 
G36  77 achieved through the advent and development of what are now 
G36  78 recognised as structural and semiotic approaches to literature (a 
G36  79 brief history of which is offered below). The structuralist focus 
G36  80 on the 'parts' of a work that make up a 'whole', and the semiotic 
G36  81 enquiry into how meaning is created and communicated through 
G36  82 systems of encodable and decodable signs, have changed the nature 
G36  83 and function of literary criticism, in theory and in practice, and 
G36  84 have had wide-ranging implications for all three literary genres: 
G36  85 for poetry and prose, as well as drama. In the case of drama, this 
G36  86 has involved both the development of new ways of interrogating the 
G36  87 text and the generation of a methodology or 'language' with which 
G36  88 to tackle the complexity of the theatrical sign-system. In this 
G36  89 study we propose to document both of theses areas, to see <tf|>how 
G36  90 meaning is generated through the elements involved in the scripting 
G36  91 of drama, and <tf|>how meaning is created within a performance 
G36  92 context.<p/>
G36  93 <p_>Linking the semiotic approaches under examination to specific 
G36  94 dramatic texts and performances is, in our view, a vital way of 
G36  95 avoiding the problems of obfuscation which were cited in the 
G36  96 opening paragraphs of this introduction. Where the analysis of 
G36  97 theatre as a sign-system has become divorced from the object of its 
G36  98 enquiry, i.e. theatre, the sense of difficulty and frustration is 
G36  99 intensified, and rejection of the semiotic approach is likely to 
G36 100 follow. Two earlier studies which propose dramatic and theatrical 
G36 101 analysis, J.L. Styan's <tf_>The Dramatic Experience<tf/> (1971 
G36 102 [1965]) and Ronald Hayman's <tf_>How to Read a Play<tf/> (1977), 
G36 103 texts which still have currency as introductions to theatre, are 
G36 104 written in seeming ignorance of the relevance of semiotics to 
G36 105 theatre studies, despite the development of this approach since the 
G36 106 turn of the century. This rejection is further reflected in the 
G36 107 cross-section of recently published works which come under the 
G36 108 umbrella of how-to-study-theatre guides, and which equate 
G36 109 accessibility with a rejection of the semiotic 'how' and 
G36 110 demonstrate an empiricist return to the seemingly unproblematic 
G36 111 'what' (see Griffiths 1982, Kelsall 1985, Reynolds 1986).<p/>
G36 112 <p_>As the impetus for a semiotic enquiry into theatre has derived 
G36 113 primarily from continental Europe, the difficulty of establishing 
G36 114 and developing theatre semiotics in English-speaking countries has 
G36 115 been exacerbated by the problems of translation. Difficult 
G36 116 terminology is compounded by the need to find equivalents in 
G36 117 translation, thereby unhelpfully increasing the number of new terms 
G36 118 brought into the semiotic vocabulary. Aside from reception 
G36 119 difficulties, certain key texts have remained untranslated, thereby 
G36 120 hindering the advancement of the field (see Bassnett 1984: 38-9). 
G36 121 Or, when these are finally translated, the field may have moved on, 
G36 122 and what may appear to some as a startling revelation is already 
G36 123 viewed by others as <tf|>pass<*_>e-acute<*/>. The one, seminal, 
G36 124 study which has attempted to outline both the history of theatre 
G36 125 semiotics and current areas of theory and practice for an English 
G36 126 readership is Keir Elam's <tf_>The Semiotics of Theatre and 
G36 127 Drama<tf/>, published in 1980. While this has filled a need for 
G36 128 published documentation of theatre semiotics, it has nevertheless 
G36 129 been greeted by students of theatre at first-degree level or below, 
G36 130 as complex, difficult, and obscure to the point of inaccessibility. 
G36 131 In the wake of Elam's publication, attempts to match accessibility 
G36 132 with a mapping out of the semiotic field, such as Esslin's <tf_>The 
G36 133 Field of Drama<tf/>, have unfortunately proved simplistic, 
G36 134 reductive, and ultimately misleading. It is with these reservations 
G36 135 in mind that we have set ourselves the task of achieving a more 
G36 136 productive balance: to be both readable and informative.<p/>
G36 137 <p_>The reply to 'Why theatre semiotics?' perhaps needs one final 
G36 138 word of defence. Practitioners have constantly queried the need for 
G36 139 a semiotic methodology of theatre, since this is viewed by them as 
G36 140 a wholly academic enterprise. Hammond's post<?_>-<?/>seminar 
G36 141 article summarised the view of the practitioners John Caird 
G36 142 (director) and Peter Flannery (dramatist) who claimed <quote_>"that 
G36 143 they had never heard of theatre semiotics before the Seminar and 
G36 144 that they were none the wiser now that they had - they could do 
G36 145 their jobs quite nicely without it, thank you"<quote/> (Hammond 
G36 146 1984: 78). Of course, there would be no attempt on our part to 
G36 147 argue that a grasp of semiotic theory is essential to the making of 
G36 148 effective pieces of theatre. However, whether we are involved in 
G36 149 the making of theatre or whether we go to the theatre as 
G36 150 spectators, the usefulness of the approach lies in its potential to 
G36 151 make us more aware of <tf|>how drama and theatre <tf_>are 
G36 152 made<tf/>. As so much of British theatre operates as a commercial 
G36 153 enterprise, the rationale for putting on plays is often reduced 
G36 154 wholly to financial considerations, with an inevitable emphasis on 
G36 155 product rather than process. The aim is to be successful (in 
G36 156 commercial terms), not meaningful (in artistic/creative terms). 
G36 157 Rehearsal techniques rooted in the blocking of moves and the 
G36 158 learning of lines and little else are responsible for so much of 
G36 159 what Peter Brook has identified as the all too prevalent mode of 
G36 160 'deadly theatre' (1968). Moreover, if we are in the business of 
G36 161 'seeing' theatre, whether for academic or professional or 
G36 162 recreational purposes, surely we need a base from which to assess 
G36 163 what we have seen? How often, when leaving a theatre, do we hear an 
G36 164 uncertain voice saying, <quote_>"Well, I liked the 
G36 165 scenery"<quote/>, or <quote_>"The costumes were nice"<quote/>? 
G36 166 Adopting an approach which invites us to look at the <tf|>how can 
G36 167 only serve to make us more aware of the potential of drama and 
G36 168 theatre, whatever our interest, and more critical of how that 
G36 169 potential is being ignored or abused.<p/>
G36 170 <h_><p_>STRUCTURALISM AND SEMIOTICS:<p/>
G36 171 <p_>A BRIEF HISTORY<p/><h/>
G36 172 <p_>At the turn of this century a new approach to the study of 
G36 173 language was pioneered by the Swiss linguist, Ferdinand de 
G36 174 Saussure. His <tf_>Course in General Linguistics<tf/>, published 
G36 175 posthumously in 1915, advocated a structural study involving both 
G36 176 the <tf|>diachronic (historical) and <tf|>synchronic (current) 
G36 177 dimensions of language. Saussure's binary approach to the 
G36 178 structural properties of language further posited the distinction 
G36 179 between <tf|>langue and <tf|>parole, a duality which has remained 
G36 180 central to structuralist approaches and has been simplified to an 
G36 181 understanding of language (in the abstract, i.e. as system) and 
G36 182 speech (as concrete utterance). What emerged from Saussure's work 
G36 183 was an understanding of language as a sign-system, in which the 
G36 184 linguistic sign was further presented in binary terms as 
G36 185 <tf|>signifier and <tf|>signified or 'sound-image' and 'concept'. 
G36 186 The two sides of the linguistic sign are arbitrary, which enables 
G36 187 language to be a self-regulating, abstract system, capable of 
G36 188 transformation. It is through the interplay of similarities and 
G36 189 differences between signifiers that meaning is created, and, in 
G36 190 order to understand this, a structuralist approach is required in 
G36 191 which the 'parts' of language are considered in relation to the 
G36 192 'whole'. In the light of this, it may be understood that language 
G36 193 is the sign-system by which people mediate and organise the 
G36 194 world.<p/>
G36 195 <p_>A second turn-of-the-century pioneer in the field of 
G36 196 sign-systems was the American philosopher, Charles S. Peirce. From 
G36 197 Peirce's work on the complex way in which we perceive, and 
G36 198 communicate in, the world by sign-systems, his classification of 
G36 199 sign-functions has proved the most important and widely cited 
G36 200 legacy in the field of theatre semiotics. His second 'trichotomy' 
G36 201 of signs consists of: (i) <tf|>icon: a sign linked by similarity to 
G36 202 its object, e.g. a photograph; (ii) <tf|>index: a sign which points 
G36 203 to or is connected to its object, e.g. smoke as an index of fire; 
G36 204 (iii) <tf|>symbol: a sign where the connection between sign and 
G36 205 object is agreed by convention and there is no similarity between 
G36 206 object and sign, e.g. a dove as a symbol of peace.
G36 207 
G36 208 
G36 209 
G37   1 <#FLOB:G37\>Once accept the ontological priority of the subject - 
G37   2 or of experienced being (like the experience of understanding a 
G37   3 theorem) - over unexperienced being (like the theorem itself, or 
G37   4 the system of which it forms part, or some physical machine like 
G37   5 the brain in which it might be incorporated) - and there is no 
G37   6 dialectic by which you can wriggle out into the real physical world 
G37   7 again. Is there an alternative position? Well, there was one 
G37   8 proposed during the High Structuralist period; and I want to 
G37   9 repropose it, even though it requires, in the sense given above, a 
G37  10 logocentric metaphysics. I think we can regard mathematics as the 
G37  11 study of the infinite set of all possible structures; science as 
G37  12 the investigation of which of them are real; and subjectivity as a 
G37  13 side-effect of objective structures. It was probably this 
G37  14 objectivist vision that drove structuralism when it was at its 
G37  15 height. Notoriously, it is Derrida more than anyone who is 
G37  16 responsible for undermining this vision.<p/>
G37  17 <h_><p_>4 MISREADING SAUSSURE<p/><h/>
G37  18 <p_>The greatest philosophical achievement of Jacque Derrida is 
G37  19 supposed to have been to show that the same ubiquitous metaphysics, 
G37  20 the metaphysics of presence, that underlies phenomenology and 
G37  21 existential philosophy, also underlies structuralism; and thus to 
G37  22 undermine the scientific pretensions of structuralism. For this 
G37  23 purpose the founding text of structuralism, Saussure's <tf_>Cours 
G37  24 de Linguistique G<*_>e-acute<*/>n<*_>e-acute<*/>rale<tf/>, was 
G37  25 analysed and what is usually taken as its most 'scientific' aspect 
G37  26 - the phonology - was subjected to particular scrutiny. A critical 
G37  27 step here was to show the existence of a metaphysical tradition of 
G37  28 phonocentrism, alongside of or united with logocentrism, and 
G37  29 governing all Western thought.<p/>
G37  30 <p_>Phonocentrism means something much stronger than the 
G37  31 commonplace observation that some people, at some time - Romantic 
G37  32 poets, Hebrew prophets, for example - have thought that an inner 
G37  33 voice gives contact with God; just as others have thought that an 
G37  34 inner light gives such contact, and others that it is to be found 
G37  35 in sacred books, or rituals, or dances, or peculiar physical 
G37  36 exercises. Phonocentrism means the universal metaphysical 
G37  37 privileging of speech over writing as the authentic vehicle of 
G37  38 meaning and truth; it is supposed to dominate the entire conceptual 
G37  39 tradition of the West, and to be present even in our use of 
G37  40 alphabetic writing. Derrida convicts Saussure of phonocentrism, and 
G37  41 attempts to show from Saussure's own text that a kind of writing - 
G37  42 an 'arche-writing' is presupposed by both speech and writing. (This 
G37  43 kind of reversal is known as 'deconstruction'.)<p/>
G37  44 <p_>Derrida has to face two problems here - a philosophical problem 
G37  45 in mapping the phenomenological conception of the sign on to the 
G37  46 linguist's conception; and a historical one. The philosophical 
G37  47 problem is that while it is true that Saussure's 'sign' is a 
G37  48 combination of sound-image and concept-about-the-world, Saussure, 
G37  49 with his fundamental principle of the arbitrariness of the sign, 
G37  50 explicitly denies that the meaning is inherent in, or in any sense 
G37  51 constituted by, the sound. Moreover, the sign for Saussure belongs 
G37  52 to <tf|>langue; it is a part of a pre-existing social store of 
G37  53 sound-image/ concept combinations and it doesn't represent any 
G37  54 intention or idea in any subjectivity until it is used in 
G37  55 <tf|>parole. Husserl, however, doesn't have a concept of 
G37  56 <tf|>langue - few philosophers did - and seems to think of writing 
G37  57 and speech alike as processes in some subjectivity. Finally, both 
G37  58 sound-image and concept are for Saussure determined by purely 
G37  59 conventional systems of oppositions with other signs; and not the 
G37  60 same system of oppositions either; the principle later known as 
G37  61 double articulation is already clear enough in the text. There is 
G37  62 hardly any logical space for inserting <tf|>presence into this 
G37  63 theory. Really, Saussure's signs are intended to do a different job 
G37  64 from Husserl's; something like helping us to write grammars of 
G37  65 Modern French; they have to be forcibly conscripted into the 
G37  66 philosophy of the subject.<p/>
G37  67 <p_>The historical problem that Derrida has to face - and his 
G37  68 followers often magnificently ignore - is that there is no evidence 
G37  69 whatever that phonocentrism in this strong sense exists, or even 
G37  70 has existed. What the historical record shows is that in 
G37  71 civilizations - at least since Ancient Egypt, from which we have an 
G37  72 eloquent document about the wonderful privileges of being a scribe 
G37  73 - writing, that is, ordinary, empirical, worldly, everyday writing, 
G37  74 has been privileged in every possible way over speech. In every 
G37  75 possible way: books have always been thought of as more 
G37  76 authoritative than speeches, even to the point of having magic 
G37  77 powers; literate people have had political privileges over 
G37  78 illiterate ones, even to the point of escaping with a penance when 
G37  79 their fellow men were hanged. Compared with the mass of evidence 
G37  80 against phonocentrism, there is not much for it. Voice has never 
G37  81 been systematically privileged over writing; the case is, rather, 
G37  82 that a few important thinkers have protested at the privileging of 
G37  83 writing over speech. Derrida trawls through the whole of 
G37  84 intellectual history and picks up such items as Plato grumbling 
G37  85 that you can't ask questions of a book. (This is a slightly unfair 
G37  86 summary, but much less unfair than Derrida's account.)<p/>
G37  87 <p_>What makes the point even more striking is that logocentrism 
G37  88 and phallocentrism certainly do exist. If logocentrism means the 
G37  89 desire to talk consistently about, and act on consistent 
G37  90 assumptions about, the real world - i.e. rationality - then it is 
G37  91 surely true that the whole of Western thought has evolved under the 
G37  92 partial control of this metaphysical category. And a very good 
G37  93 thing too; the alternative is irrationality. And if you believe in 
G37  94 any version of Freudian theory, phallocentrism is a condition of 
G37  95 being socialized; the only alternative is to be a schizophrenic, 
G37  96 and only Deleuze and Guattari are in favour of that. But there is 
G37  97 no evidence for phonocentrism; it has to be manufactured, by 
G37  98 applying deconstructive arguments to Saussure, to an essay by 
G37  99 L<*_>e-acute<*/>vi-Strauss which says that writing is a device for 
G37 100 political dominance, and to an essay by Rousseau, <tf_>On the 
G37 101 Origin of Languages<tf/>, which takes no very decisive stand either 
G37 102 way.<p/>
G37 103 <p_>The crucial text in which these arguments are set out is a very 
G37 104 curious one; it is called <tf_>Of Grammatology<tf/> and, as I have 
G37 105 already said, it appears by title to be a satire on proposals for a 
G37 106 science of semiology: a vast book on a pseudo-science of marks to 
G37 107 mock the efforts of those who thought they were working on a real 
G37 108 science of signs. But most of the arguments in <tf_>Of 
G37 109 Grammatology<tf/> are serious enough, once one has adjusted to the 
G37 110 phenomenological perspective Derrida takes for granted as the only 
G37 111 possible philosophy.<p/>
G37 112 <p_>The method known as 'deconstruction' is particularly powerful 
G37 113 within this framework. Phenomenological and existential accounts of 
G37 114 the world are often heavily descriptive and metaphorical and rely 
G37 115 on this for much of their force. It is characteristic of the 
G37 116 deconstructive method to pick out ways in which the presuppositions 
G37 117 of an argument undermine the argument; or in which rhetorical 
G37 118 procedures, which are essential to the presentation of some 
G37 119 doctrine, undermine the doctrine. It will be seen that this is a 
G37 120 looser version of the standard argument form called <tf_>reductio 
G37 121 ad absurdum<tf/>, in which a theory is refuted by drawing self 
G37 122 contradictory-conclusions from it. I personally think that 
G37 123 deconstruction is valid only when it does entail a <tf|>reductio; 
G37 124 and it often does, when the argument is phenomenological and 
G37 125 metaphysical. But deconstruction is never very convincing when it 
G37 126 is applied to science or engineering. Expositions of these are full 
G37 127 of dead metaphors inconsistent with current theory, and nobody 
G37 128 cares much. The atomic theory wasn't refuted when somebody split 
G37 129 the atom, even though 'atom' means 'unsplittable'.<p/>
G37 130 <p_>The three texts considered in <tf_>Of Grammatology<tf/> are of 
G37 131 rather different kinds. The Rousseau is a speculative philosophical 
G37 132 essay comparable to the Husserl essay mentioned earlier. It is safe 
G37 133 to say that Rousseau knew no more about the origin of languages 
G37 134 than did Husserl about the origin of geometry. Deconstruction as a 
G37 135 method bites very well on speculative philosophy of this kind. And 
G37 136 the L<*_>e-acute<*/>vi-Strauss is more political polemic than 
G37 137 anthropology. The Saussure text, however, is a very different 
G37 138 matter. It is a series of university lectures giving an elementary 
G37 139 introduction to a science about which a great deal is already 
G37 140 known. It contains an immense amount of factual detail. Its 
G37 141 philosophy consists largely of a set of methodological proposals 
G37 142 for reconstituting and developing that science - proposals which 
G37 143 had been very successfully followed out by the time Derrida was 
G37 144 writing: We have here the basic ingredients of the metaphysician's 
G37 145 nightmare: that his philosophy will come to contradict the findings 
G37 146 of an established science on some matter of fact. And - although he 
G37 147 is careful to say that he is not questioning the right of a 
G37 148 scientist, on the empirical level, to say what he needs to say - 
G37 149 this in the end, in my view, is exactly what Derrida does.<p/>
G37 150 <p_>What Derrida is entitled to do, by his method, is to consider 
G37 151 the categorial foundations of the proposed science of linguistics 
G37 152 in order to establish what metaphysical commitments they involve. 
G37 153 There are several of these he might look at. There is, for example, 
G37 154 the definition of the sign as an arbitrary pair of signifier and 
G37 155 signified. There is the sharp distinction between language, as a 
G37 156 collection of signs, and speaking or writing as the use of them. 
G37 157 There is the distinction between the synchronic study of a language 
G37 158 as a system, and the diachronic study of its history. There is even 
G37 159 the division within the synchronic study of language between the 
G37 160 syntagmatic and the associative axes of connection. Each of these 
G37 161 technical concepts has a genuine metaphysical dimension which would 
G37 162 repay analysis. But rather than any of these, Derrida picked out 
G37 163 for stress the one major distinction that is not part of the 
G37 164 founding apparatus of linguistics as a science, being as familiar 
G37 165 to laymen, or philosophers, as to linguists: the distinction 
G37 166 between speaking and writing.<p/>
G37 167 <p_>The reason that he thought this distinction of importance 
G37 168 presumably lies in the world-constituting functions that speech and 
G37 169 writing, under very different and philosophically essentialist 
G37 170 definitions, have in phenomenology. They have no particular 
G37 171 philosophical significance in linguistics; linguistics as a 
G37 172 science, set up on the basis of the categorial distinctions above, 
G37 173 is interested not in the putative world-creating functions of 
G37 174 speaking or writing, and not even in the relative proximity of the 
G37 175 signs used in them to the intentions of a putative speaker/writer - 
G37 176 for the linguistics of <tf|>langue is not concerned with intentions 
G37 177 at all - but in the internal grammatical and other structures that 
G37 178 speech and writing have. For this purpose linguists can study 
G37 179 either speech, or writing, or both; nothing in the categorial 
G37 180 constitution of the science raises speech above writing in the way 
G37 181 that <tf|>langue is raised above <tf|>parole. But linguists do have 
G37 182 a lot to say about the relation between the two; and one of the 
G37 183 things they have to say is that the spoken language is the primary 
G37 184 object of study in linguistics, writing being a merely derivative 
G37 185 and secondary form.<p/>
G37 186 <p_>Their basis for saying this is a factual one. Languages have 
G37 187 been spoken for perhaps a quarter of a million years (that is my 
G37 188 guess based on physical evidence - an analysis of the evolution of 
G37 189 the vocal tract, Lieberman 1975); but writing has been around for 
G37 190 only a few thousand. Most languages don't have writing systems. 
G37 191 Even where they do, people always learn the spoken language first, 
G37 192 and sometimes don't learn to write at all. Like everyone else who 
G37 193 has taught linguistics, I have made these points to my first-year 
G37 194 students. Saussure made them at great length and with vigour; and 
G37 195 every incautious word was paraded by Derrida as solid evidence for 
G37 196 phonocentrism. For if one thing seemed certain to Derrida, it was 
G37 197 that Saussure couldn't be getting that excited about a matter of 
G37 198 fact. <quote_>"The tone counts,"<quote/> he said. Everyone knows 
G37 199 people get excited only over metaphysics.<p/>
G37 200 <p_>If you put the text of Saussure back into its original context 
G37 201 you can see a rather better reason to get excited. Saussure is 
G37 202 giving a course of lectures to students of philology. Philologists 
G37 203 are people who study old texts in order to describe the history of 
G37 204 languages.
G37 205 
G38   1 <#FLOB:G38\><h_><p_>T. E. Lawrence: The Myth and the Message<p/>
G38   2 <p_>JOHN M. MACKENZIE<p/><h/>
G38   3 <p_>If fame be judged by numbers of biographies, then T. E. 
G38   4 Lawrence is the most famous Briton of the twentieth century. Over 
G38   5 thirty biographies of him have been published, and more flooded 
G38   6 from the presses for the centenary of his birth. Few reputations 
G38   7 have swung so wildly from hero-worship to notoriety; few 
G38   8 personalities have so successfully eluded definition. But through 
G38   9 it all Lawrence continues to exercise an extraordinary hold on the 
G38  10 imaginations of Britons in the twentieth century. John Buchan wrote 
G38  11 that he <quote_>"could have followed Lawrence over the edge of the 
G38  12 world"<quote/>. He intrigued figures as diverse as George Bernard 
G38  13 Shaw (not to mention Charlotte Shaw), E. M. Forster, Winston 
G38  14 Churchill and Robert Graves, while Michael Foot, not long before 
G38  15 becoming leader of the Labour Party, wrote, <quote_>"My guess is 
G38  16 that <tf_>The Mint<tf/> will help to restore the reputation of the 
G38  17 <tf_>Seven Pillars<tf/>, which in turn will restore the reputation 
G38  18 of Lawrence."<quote/> Sure enough, a television documentary in 
G38  19 1986, repeated in 1988, largely re-created the atmosphere of 
G38  20 uncritical adulation.<p/>
G38  21 <p_>What started as a Lawrence Bureau (as Richard Aldington called 
G38  22 the fan club) became a Lawrence industry, whose production fed off 
G38  23 the vast quantities of raw material left by Lawrence himself. Each 
G38  24 incident of his life is likely to have several different versions; 
G38  25 each viewpoint, letter or report several variants; each publication 
G38  26 several texts. As more and more evidence has been uncovered, it has 
G38  27 become hard to distinguish truth through a fog of dissimulation or 
G38  28 solve the riddle of the recluse who fled from the fame he courted, 
G38  29 the puritan obsessed with the sexuality he rejected, the sensitive 
G38  30 scholar who abhorred the brutalities of war while revelling in 
G38  31 them, the exalted intellect which sought to reduce mind and body to 
G38  32 the level of the automaton, or the gentle soul who sought extremes 
G38  33 of self-abasement and punishment. Some of these apparent 
G38  34 dichotomies are not so unusual, but in Lawrence the chemistry was 
G38  35 particularly complex, and the harder he tried to conceal the 
G38  36 formulae the more traces he seems to have left. Yet, although he 
G38  37 grossly inflated his own achievements and appropriated those of 
G38  38 others, although the evidence of charlatanry is extensive, his 
G38  39 ideas were often proved wrong, and his great Middle Eastern 
G38  40 sandcastle lies in ruins, he refuses to go away.<p/>
G38  41 <p_>This essay is concerned not with the life, but with the myth. 
G38  42 Where did it come from, why did it grown, and why has it survived 
G38  43 (at least in part) when so many other myths  - such as those of 
G38  44 Livingstone, Gordon and Rhodes, apparently even more potent in 
G38  45 their day - have now dispersed? The myth needs to be explored in 
G38  46 terms of certain key aspects of the life, the background against 
G38  47 which it was formed, and the elite among whom it aggregated, 
G38  48 functioned and had instrumental power. Above all, it is necessary 
G38  49 to understand the media by which it was propagated: journalism, the 
G38  50 newly potent cinematograph, lecturing, popular writing for adults 
G38  51 and juveniles, school textbooks, 'serious' biography, and the 
G38  52 publications of Lawrence himself. To be fully understood, the 
G38  53 Lawrence myth <}_><-|>need<+|>needs<}/> to be set into its proper 
G38  54 tradition, that of the nineteenth-century imperial hero.<p/>
G38  55 <h_><p_>I HEROIC MYTHS<p/><h/>
G38  56 <p_>A state at the height of its power seems to require legendary 
G38  57 figures. They explain and justify its rise, personify national 
G38  58 greatness, offer examples of self-sacrificing service to a current 
G38  59 generation, provide warnings for the future to an elite fearful of 
G38  60 decline, and act as the instrument of pressure groups and interests 
G38  61 in the formulation of policy. Once it became apparent that such 
G38  62 figures had popular potency on a considerable scale, they could be 
G38  63 used to whip up agitations to influence governments which were 
G38  64 often as much reactive as active. By the later nineteenth century 
G38  65 Carlyle's dictum that <quote_>"No great man lives in vain. The 
G38  66 history of the world is but the biography of great men"<quote/> had 
G38  67 become, in effect, the guiding principle of school texts and the 
G38  68 countless works on heroes published for juvenile reading. For an 
G38  69 adult audience, biographical 'series'  - for example of leading 
G38  70 figures of British India  - had become the rage.<p/>
G38  71 <p_>Leaving aside the occasional use of ancient and medieval 
G38  72 examples, heroic figures inhabited three main periods. The reign of 
G38  73 Elizabeth I produced a clutch of heroes who illustrated the 
G38  74 emergence, consolidation and early expansion of the Protestant 
G38  75 state; the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries produced 
G38  76 empire-builders and naval and military figures who confirmed 
G38  77 British superiority over the French; and, increasingly important, 
G38  78 the Victorian era spawned contemporary heroes of exploration, 
G38  79 missionary enterprise and empire. Heroism needed to pit itself 
G38  80 against an enemy, and through these periods the enemy changes from 
G38  81 Catholic Spain to Catholic France to 'heathen', Hindu or Muslim 
G38  82 inhabitants of Empire. Heroes not only offered historical 
G38  83 instruction embracing an understanding of politics, military 
G38  84 tactics, geography, religious precepts and even natural history, 
G38  85 but acted above all as moral exemplars.<p/>
G38  86 <p_>Their moral power, image superimposing reality, was forged out 
G38  87 of a combination of indomitable will, almost superhuman physical 
G38  88 stamina, and religious (or quasi-religious) fervour in the 
G38  89 attainment of nearly miraculous objectives. Martyrdom was usually 
G38  90 the essential qualification for promotion to the top rank of heroic 
G38  91 myths, which offered both moral touchstones and weapons to belabour 
G38  92 governments and stimulate public expenditure. Martyrdom often 
G38  93 produced the icon through which the message could be conveyed in 
G38  94 its most direct form: Nelson dying on <tf|>Victory; Livingstone in 
G38  95 the heart of Central Africa, kneeling in prayer; Gordon at the top 
G38  96 of the flight of stairs in the palace at Khartoum facing the forces 
G38  97 of Dervish darkness.<p/>
G38  98 <p_>The manufacture and use of heroes quickened in the late 
G38  99 nineteenth century: their appeal reflected a growing apprehension, 
G38 100 an awareness of an empire possibly ready for its recessional, 
G38 101 subject to growing jealousies and gathering foes, both European and 
G38 102 non-European. Moreover, this was a period of endemic warfare in 
G38 103 exotic localities, and exoticism was a necessary backdrop to heroic 
G38 104 stature. Clive and Wolfe would have been unknown without it. 
G38 105 Nelson's most famous victory before Trafalgar had been in the East, 
G38 106 incorporated the resonant name of the most mysterious of rivers to 
G38 107 the ancient as to the modern world, and crucially checked Napoleon 
G38 108 in his oriental ambitions. Gough and Napier, though Peninsular 
G38 109 veterans, were unknown before they approached heroic stature 
G38 110 (though of the second rank) through the Chinese, Sikh and Sind wars 
G38 111 of the 1840s. The Mutiny of 1857 produced heroes of the distinctive 
G38 112 Victorian stamp: Sir Henry Havelock, Sir John Nicholson, Sir Colin 
G38 113 Campbell, the Lawrence brothers  - Christian militarists and 
G38 114 administrators who became cult figures of the ensuing decades.<p/>
G38 115 <p_>These military figures were catapulted into heroic fame by the 
G38 116 press, the new science of photography and engravings derived 
G38 117 therefrom, popular writings, texts and sometimes theatrical 
G38 118 representation. The Church and a whole range of national and local 
G38 119 intellectual and cultural societies played their part in the 
G38 120 dissemination of legend. There are two excellent examples of this 
G38 121 process.<p/>
G38 122 <p_>Just before the Mutiny, in 1856, David Livingstone arrived home 
G38 123 from his first great African journey, his transcontinental crossing 
G38 124 from Angola to Mozambique, to find that he was already a celebrity. 
G38 125 The press, scenting a scoop, had laid the groundwork and he built 
G38 126 upon it by publishing the best-selling <tf_>Missionary Travels<tf/> 
G38 127 and lecturing indefatigably throughout the country. Such fame 
G38 128 helped unlock the coffers of the Treasury for the officially 
G38 129 authorised Zambesi expedition. Its failure, together with the 
G38 130 emergence of other celebrated explorers such as Burton and Speke, 
G38 131 helped to eclipse Livingstone for a period, but his final journey 
G38 132 to discover the sources of the Nile, his meeting with Stanley, and 
G38 133 his death in Central Africa re-created the myth on the grandest 
G38 134 scale possible. By any conventional standards Livingstone was a 
G38 135 failure  - as a missionary, as an explorer (certainly in terms of 
G38 136 his own objectives) and as a husband and father. Yet he was the 
G38 137 perfect vehicle for a myth because he came to personify the 
G38 138 Victorian fascination with Africa, abhorrence of the Arab slave 
G38 139 trade, yearning for heroic and successful missionary endeavour, and 
G38 140 the legitimate commerce of free trade with or without 
G38 141 colonisation.<p/>
G38 142 <p_>But the myth was not self-generating. Initiated by the press, 
G38 143 fostered by Livingstone himself, it was given a tremendous fillip 
G38 144 by the Stanley 'scoop' of 1871 and all the publications that flowed 
G38 145 from it. Even the devotion of his African servants, Susi and Chuma, 
G38 146 in bringing the body out of Africa for burial in Westminster Abbey 
G38 147 was not enough to ensure the final canonisation. The careful 
G38 148 editing of Livingstone's <tf_>Last Journals<tf/> in order to slant 
G38 149 his efforts towards the slave trade, commerce and Christianity, and 
G38 150 away from the failed geographical objectives, the fabrication of 
G38 151 the icon of his death and the inauguration of a wave of Livingstone 
G38 152 publications all served to make Livingstone the patron saint of 
G38 153 imperial endeavour in Africa in the 1880s and 1890s. Whenever this 
G38 154 endeavour seemed likely to be checked, in Nyasaland in 1890 or in 
G38 155 Uganda in 1892 for example, his name became a rallying cry.<p/>
G38 156 <p_>Charles Gordon secured fame in the Taiping revolt in China in 
G38 157 the 1860s, then passed through a temporary eclipse before 
G38 158 burnishing his reputation once more as a scourge of the slave trade 
G38 159 when serving the Egyptian Knedive in the Sudan. Interestingly, it 
G38 160 was the press and popular agitation which trapped Gladstone, 
G38 161 against his better judgement, into using Gordon to evacuate the 
G38 162 European and Egyptian inhabitants of Khartoum in the face of the 
G38 163 developing conquest of the Mahdi. Gordon secured a self-imposed 
G38 164 martyrdom by failing to evacuate himself, and his death had 
G38 165 powerful repercussions in British politics as well as on imperial 
G38 166 policy in North-East Africa. The circumstances of his death were 
G38 167 carefully fabricated for iconographic purposes, and his reputation 
G38 168 was assiduously used to promote the reconquest of the Sudan. The 
G38 169 commitment to Kitchener's campaign of 1896-8 was made by 
G38 170 Gladstone's successor, Lord Roseberry, though executed by the 
G38 171 Conservative and Unionist administration of Lord Salisbury. In many 
G38 172 ways Kitchener inherited the mantle of Gordon, and the immense 
G38 173 popularity of the Nile campaign was rooted in the belief that it 
G38 174 was waged to avenge Gordon. Khartoum became virtually a memorial 
G38 175 city, while the 'River War' helped to spawn another legend, that of 
G38 176 Winston Churchill, who was in turn to be important in the 
G38 177 development of the Lawrence myth.<p/>
G38 178 <p_>Livingstone and Gordon were perhaps the two most potent heroic 
G38 179 myths of the late nineteenth century, although they were 
G38 180 underpinned by those of the Mutiny generals, Wolseley, Kitchener, 
G38 181 Rhodes and a few missionaries. Both Livingstone and Gordon were 
G38 182 flawed figures whose frailties were widely apparent and who made 
G38 183 many enemies, but legends once created have a capacity to shout 
G38 184 down criticism. Once engendered by the extraordinary capacities of 
G38 185 the subject, the events of his life, the propaganda of the 
G38 186 myth-making machine and public willingness to be caught up in an 
G38 187 emotional outburst, the myth becomes self-generating, because to 
G38 188 knock it down is to endanger the system on which it feeds. By 
G38 189 becoming structurally important it impinges on the vested interests 
G38 190 of many members of the elite; to sustain it was often to sustain 
G38 191 their own role. In the conditions of the late nineteenth century 
G38 192 the myths came to be bound up with patriotism and its twin, 
G38 193 xenophobia. It is only in the light of these two powerful forces 
G38 194 that one can explain the connivance of radicals such as Labouchere 
G38 195 in the efforts of Rhodes and Chamberlain to save each other after 
G38 196 the Jameson Raid of 1895-6, an event which, in spite of all the 
G38 197 evidence of both duplicity and incompetence, prepared the way for 
G38 198 another, albeit minor, legend, that of Dr Jameson.<p/>
G38 199 <p_>Major myths cannot, however, be manufactured out of men of 
G38 200 straw. That is why Jameson, despite all the efforts of the Kaiser, 
G38 201 never really qualified. The myth needs substance to work upon, and 
G38 202 there can be no doubt that the subjects of heroic legends were 
G38 203 remarkable figures. The very complexities of their personalities, 
G38 204 which have left them open to the debunking process, have usually 
G38 205 been an essential, if often concealed, part of their extraordinary 
G38 206 characters.
G38 207 
G39   1 <#FLOB:G39\><h_><p_>2 In Pursuit of the Receding Plot: Some 
G39   2 American Postmodernists<p/>
G39   3 <p_>David Seed<p/><h/>
G39   4 <p_>In recent years a critical consensus has gradually been forming 
G39   5 as to the nature of postmodernism. Peter Brooks, for instance, 
G39   6 insists that there has been a metafictional dimension to the novel 
G39   7 since its very beginnings but now finds a new degree of emphasis 
G39   8 among post<?_>-<?/>modernists, <quote_>"a greater explicitness in 
G39   9 the abandonment of mimetic claims, a more overt staging of 
G39  10 narrative's arbitrariness and lack of authority, a more open 
G39  11 playfulness about fictionality"<quote/> (Brooks 1984: 317). The 
G39  12 relation of postmodernism to modernism is, in other words, a 
G39  13 complex continuity which, in America at least, can be dated with 
G39  14 comparative precision. All the novelists who are to be discussed in 
G39  15 this chapter began their writing careers in the 1960s and recoiled 
G39  16 from the hegemony of naturalistic modes of fiction. They have 
G39  17 either demonstrated or explicitly acknowledged influences from 
G39  18 Beckett, Nabokov, and Borges, or, within the American tradition, 
G39  19 from Kerouac (himself the heir of such modernists as Thomas Wolfe) 
G39  20 who opened up new possibilities of voice and open structure. Where 
G39  21 Andr<*_>e-acute<*/> Malraux has stated that modern art is becoming 
G39  22 an <quote_>"interrogation of the world"<quote/> (Malraux 1950: 
G39  23 151), the writers under discussion here do not abandon plot as such 
G39  24 but interrogate the very means they are using to structure their 
G39  25 works. Richard Martin's comment on Walter Abish has a general 
G39  26 relevance in this context. Abish's use of arbitrary formal limits 
G39  27 in <tf_>Alphabetical Africa<tf/> (1974) <quote_>"becomes the 
G39  28 vehicle for an adventurous plot while simultaneously investigating 
G39  29 various narrative modes"<quote/> (Martin 1983: 230). Plot may 
G39  30 become a pretext. It may be eroded by comedy or decomposed, but it 
G39  31 can never disappear, for it constitutes the <quote_>"dynamic 
G39  32 shaping force of the narrative discourse"<quote/> (Brooks 1984: 
G39  33 13). It is typical of the vigour of contemporary experimentation in 
G39  34 America, that apocalyptic statements of the novel's demise should 
G39  35 be converted into fiction in Ronald Sukenick's <tf_>The Death of 
G39  36 the Novel and Other Stories<tf/> (1969).<p/>
G39  37 <p_>Since the early 1970s, Sukenick has emerged as one of the 
G39  38 leading practitioners of narration as process. Like Pynchon, he has 
G39  39 admitted an influence from Kerouac and the Beats, and, in his 1973 
G39  40 article 'The New Tradition', Sukenick places himself within a late 
G39  41 phase of the modernists' 'Revolution of the Word' where verbal and 
G39  42 structural experimentation were aimed at coping with the enigmatic 
G39  43 nature of the world (Federman 1975: 42). Sukenick has also gone on 
G39  44 record as seeing writing as an essentially adversarial activity: 
G39  45 <quote_>"When I grew up, I grew up with an idea of writing as a 
G39  46 form of resistance to the establishment and culture at 
G39  47 large"<quote/> (Sukenick 1985: 139). One focus to this resistance 
G39  48 has been realistic plot-paradigms which Sukenick constantly 
G39  49 subverts in the interest of getting nearer to the real. 
G39  50 <quote_>"Things don't appear to happen according to Aristotle any 
G39  51 more"<quote/>, he remarks. However, Sukenick has been equally 
G39  52 consistent in rejecting the view that such a direction marks a 
G39  53 narcissistic introversion of fiction, arguing instead that he has 
G39  54 engaged more directly with his culture. The shift in stance away 
G39  55 from cultural exile towards critical engagement, for him marks a 
G39  56 shift away from the <*_>e-acute<*/>litism of the moderns towards 
G39  57 postmodernism.<p/>
G39  58 <p_>The political implications of Sukenick's experimentation can be 
G39  59 seen clearly in his second novel <tf|>Out (1973), which sets up a 
G39  60 journey as structural metaphor in order to comment on the political 
G39  61 temper of the late Nixon years. A backdrop of meaningless shifts in 
G39  62 national policy, from 'escalation' to 'deescalation' and back 
G39  63 again, foregrounds the 'characters' in this work, who are 
G39  64 subversives armed with sticks of dynamite. Sukenick repeatedly 
G39  65 draws attention to such underground processes, always as a prelude 
G39  66 to comic dismissal: the dynamite is a dud, weapons fire blanks, and 
G39  67 so on. Before any line of action can gel, starkly contrasted 
G39  68 possibilities are introduced: <quote_>"You're either part of the 
G39  69 plot or part of the counter-plot"<quote/> (Sukenick 1973: 1). The 
G39  70 novel is mainly devoted to exploring the implications of these 
G39  71 propositions for its own form. Firstly, within the atmosphere of 
G39  72 conspiracy, ludicrous and later incomprehensible messages are 
G39  73 introduced to play games with the reader's capacity to interpret 
G39  74 textual data. A particular detail may <quote_>"show how events 
G39  75 conspire. It indicates a plot. The job of intelligence is to 
G39  76 uncover this plot ... As you can see everything falls into 
G39  77 place"<quote/> (Sukenick 1973: 124). Through a series of strategic 
G39  78 puns Sukenick associates the collection of evidence, analysis and 
G39  79 causal sequence with political totalitarianism. The threat of 
G39  80 'arrest' becomes the threat of fixity, of stabilized forms, whereas 
G39  81 the thrust of the novel is to take us further and further away from 
G39  82 such stability. This impulse is figured partly in geographical 
G39  83 terms (as Jerome Klinkowitz has noted, <quote_>"<tf|>Out moves from 
G39  84 the clutter and hassle of the East to the pure space of an empty 
G39  85 Californian beach"<quote/> (Klinkowitz 1980: 137)) and partly by 
G39  86 shifting the names of the characters and the nature of their 
G39  87 situations, so that travelling ceases to be a realistic indication 
G39  88 of movement and becomes instead a metaphor for textual purpose. A 
G39  89 journey in a camper shades into a lift with a driver who turns out 
G39  90 to be a narcotics agent; the former episode is then repeated, with 
G39  91 sado-masochistic variations, until that too shades into a bus 
G39  92 journey. The situational shifts prevent a consistent plot-line from 
G39  93 forming, making the novel essentially unpredictable, and Sukenick 
G39  94 further complicates our sense of sequence by counterpointing a 
G39  95 'count-down' sequence of chapters against the ascending 
G39  96 page-numbers. As the novel approaches its end, spaces between its 
G39  97 verbal segments grow larger and larger until the text finally 
G39  98 recedes into a blank white page.<p/>
G39  99 <p_>By politicizing his text in this way Sukenick runs the risk of 
G39 100 linking authorial production with political manipulation, but he 
G39 101 regularly plays down the privilege of composition by including 
G39 102 himself as a minor character within his narratives. In the case of 
G39 103 <tf|>Out, a dialogue within the novel articulates Sukenick's 
G39 104 engagement with the reader's probable, realistic expectations. A 
G39 105 suitably pedagogic figure called Skuul puts the case for cause and 
G39 106 effect which is speedily reduced to relativism by an opposing 
G39 107 voice: <quote_>"You pursue essentials I ride with random ... You 
G39 108 struggle towards stillness I rest in movement"<quote/> (Sukenick 
G39 109 1973: 127). As in <tf_>Gravity's Rainbow<tf/>, Sukenick pairs 
G39 110 contrasting voices to raise the epistemological implications of his 
G39 111 own novel and to nudge the reader towards an acceptance of 
G39 112 indeterminacy. Indeed, Jerzy Kutink has shown that amorphousness 
G39 113 and mobility are the prime characteristics of Sukenick's texts. 
G39 114 They constitute <quote_>"the ideal condition for fiction but not 
G39 115 just for purely aesthetic reasons: they are the natural condition 
G39 116 of 'things chronic and cosmic', including humanity itself"<quote/> 
G39 117 (Kutnik 1986: 87). The very title of <tf|>Out suggests avoidance, 
G39 118 absence, departure (from norms, order, etc.); even the ending of 
G39 119 the novel is signalled as an exit. What limits this work is the 
G39 120 close association between formal fluidity and a life-style 
G39 121 reminiscent of the Beats. It is this underwriting of 'moving on' 
G39 122 which Sukenick's next novel brings into question.<p/>
G39 123 <p_><tf|>98.6 (1975) is divided into three sections. The first 
G39 124 assembles a collage of images to confirm the proposition that 
G39 125 <quote_>"love - power = sadism + masochism"<quote/> (Sukenick 1975: 
G39 126 7). Sukenick's own composed sequences (revolving around routine 
G39 127 violence) are juxtaposed with excerpts from contemporary reports on 
G39 128 Hell's Angels, the Manson family, etc. to suggest a picture of 
G39 129 conditions. It is as if Sukenick were putting into practice the 
G39 130 principles of what he has called the <quote_>"architectonic 
G39 131 novel"<quote/> which (and he cites Raymond Federman's <tf_>Double 
G39 132 or Nothing<tf/> as a prime example) works like a jigsaw puzzle: 
G39 133 <quote_>"the picture is filled out but there is no sense of 
G39 134 development involved"<quote/> (Federman 1975: 38). Having 
G39 135 established a context, in the second section Sukenick presents the 
G39 136 attempts of a group to set up a commune within the country of 
G39 137 Frankenstein (a transparent label for the USA). This section 
G39 138 follows the trajectory of an arc in that the attempts gradually 
G39 139 fail. The commune attempts to enact its own solidarity through 
G39 140 rituals (group sex, baseball, potlatch, etc.), apparently trying to 
G39 141 stave off the threats of such hostile outside forces as truckers 
G39 142 and bikers. The third section ('Palestine') does not conclude the 
G39 143 novel so much as make explicit the narrative implications of what 
G39 144 has happened so far. The sequence of composition and decomposition, 
G39 145 seen in <tf_>Out<tf/>'s alternation between meetings and 
G39 146 departures, now becomes a textual fact of life: 
G39 147 <quote_>"Interruption. Discontinuity. Imperfection. It can't be 
G39 148 helped ... Together for an instant and then smash it's all gone 
G39 149 still its<&|>sic! worth it. I feel. This composure grown out of 
G39 150 ongoing decomposition"<quote/> (Sukenick 1975: 167). The narrative 
G39 151 base to this section (Sukenick's visit to Israel) represents a 
G39 152 journey to a country of spiritual origins as if he is seeking a 
G39 153 lost unity antecedent to the modern state of division.<p/>
G39 154 <p_>In his more recent works, Sukenick has moved even further away 
G39 155 from conventional narrative sequences. <tf_>Long Talking Bad 
G39 156 Conditions Blues<tf/> (1979) makes a virtue out of the condition of 
G39 157 <quote_>"accelerated shatter"<quote/> he had located in his earlier 
G39 158 novels by attempting to link the diverse aspects of his text within 
G39 159 a verbal flow, a <quote_>"stream of language"<quote/> introduced by 
G39 160 a twelve-page unpunctuated single sentence. This flux depresses 
G39 161 narrative reflection (<quote_>" ... it was almost impossible to 
G39 162 come to a conclusion about one's own flow and that in fact this was 
G39 163 a contradiction in terms since one was precisely one's own flow ... 
G39 164 "<quote/> (Sukenick 1979: 11)) and also direction, as the title 
G39 165 appropriately suggests a spoken improvisation. Characters thus 
G39 166 become splintered versions of the dominant voice, examples of what 
G39 167 Thomas LeClair has called <quote_>"artful ventriloquism"<quote/> 
G39 168 (in McCaffery 1986: 121). Continuity of utterance now becomes an 
G39 169 end in itself and lacunae in consciousness, gaps and verbal 'black 
G39 170 holes' (linguistic vortices), things to be avoided like the plague. 
G39 171 Both this work and <tf_>The Endless Short Story<tf/> (1986) confirm 
G39 172 Peter Currie's general assertion that <quote_>"American 
G39 173 post<?_>-<?/>modernism may be seen to endorse a rhetorical view of 
G39 174 life which begins with the primacy of language"<quote/> (in 
G39 175 Bradbury and Ro 1987: 64). <tf_>Long Talking<tf/> is preoccupied 
G39 176 with the physicality of utterance, whereas <tf_>The Endless Short 
G39 177 Story<tf/> equivocates about its own length and means. It begins as 
G39 178 a mock-documentary on Simon Rodia (architect of the Watts towers) 
G39 179 and then shifts through stories-within-stories, digressions, verbal 
G39 180 improvisations (explicitly modelled on jazz), and numerous 
G39 181 references to the practicalities of narrating. These devices cut 
G39 182 across a linear reading of the text, in spite of the early 
G39 183 injunction to the reader: <quote_>"It doesn't matter where you 
G39 184 start. You must have faith. Life is whole and continuous whatever 
G39 185 the appearances"<quote/> (Sukenick 1986: 7). The latter assertion 
G39 186 represents no more than a pious belief, since Sukenick's text 
G39 187 repeatedly fragments itself into short phrasal units, disparate 
G39 188 narrative strands, and oddly shifting 'characters'.<p/>
G39 189 <p_>Many of Sukenick's concerns are shared by his friend Raymond 
G39 190 Federman. Where both are university teachers, Federman began his 
G39 191 career as a critic with a study of Samuel Beckett, <tf_>Journey to 
G39 192 Chaos<tf/> (1965), which played a crucial role in the formation of 
G39 193 his attitude towards modern fiction. Federman presents Beckett as a 
G39 194 practitioner of perversely inverted narrative values, in effect 
G39 195 deconstructing the novel in order to expose the deceits of realism. 
G39 196 Beckett's characters <quote_>"begin and end their fictional journey 
G39 197 at the same place, in the same condition, and without having 
G39 198 learned, discovered, or acquired the least knowledge about 
G39 199 themselves and the world in which they exist"<quote/> (Federman 
G39 200 1965: 4). Federman has fully digested Beckett's influence on him to 
G39 201 the point of formulating carefully thought-out positions on the new 
G39 202 direction fiction will take. His view of the American situation 
G39 203 follows out the formal consequences of earlier complaints by such 
G39 204 writers as Nathanael West and Philip Roth, that the American novel 
G39 205 can no longer keep up with contemporary reality. Federman sees the 
G39 206 post<?_>-<?/>modern period as one in which the media have taken 
G39 207 over the informational role of fiction, drastically reducing its 
G39 208 status. The works which are aware of this predicament Federman has 
G39 209 called <quote|>"surfiction" whose primary purpose <quote_>"will be 
G39 210 to unmask its own fictionality, to expose the metaphor of its own 
G39 211 fraudulence"<quote/>. Among other casualties in this process will 
G39 212 be plot: <quote_>"the plot having disappeared, it is no longer 
G39 213 necessary to have the events of fiction follow a logical, 
G39 214 sequential pattern (in time and in space)"<quote/> (Federman 1975: 
G39 215 810).
G39 216 
G40   1 <#FLOB:G40\><h_><p_>Books on the Box: the BBC Chronicles of 
G40   2 Narnia<p/>
G40   3 <p_>KIMBERLEY REYNOLDS<p/><h/>
G40   4 <p_>It is rare to find parents and educators actively promoting a 
G40   5 television series (other than the specifically didactic 'schools' 
G40   6 broadcasts) and treating it as a cultural event. This reflects a 
G40   7 deeply rooted ambivalence about television as entertainment which 
G40   8 is directly linked to attitudes surrounding children's reading. 
G40   9 Watching television is inevitably regarded as an activity less 
G40  10 worthwhile than reading, and for long has been accused of seducing 
G40  11 children away from books. Nevertheless, when in 1989 the BBC 
G40  12 launched its three-year serialisation of C.S. Lewis's Chronicles of 
G40  13 Narnia, families around the country regularly settled down to an 
G40  14 early Sunday evening's viewing, and the whir of institutional video 
G40  15 recorders switching themselves on was almost audible. The ongoing 
G40  16 adaptation of the Narnia books for television (at the time of 
G40  17 writing <tf_>The Silver Chair<tf/> is being screened in the six 
G40  18 weeks leading up to Christmas 1990) raises a number of key issues 
G40  19 about children's literature and television. These have primarily to 
G40  20 do with status, audience, and the construction of narrative. In 
G40  21 particular, the 'made-for-TV' nature of the series (as compared 
G40  22 with the many film adaptations of children's texts such as 
G40  23 <tf_>Black Beauty, National Velvet, The Secret Garden<tf/> and 
G40  24 <tf_>Treasure Island<tf/>) created problems and possibilities which 
G40  25 need to be explored. In this article I shall be less concerned with 
G40  26 the specific adaptation of Lewis's books than with the attitudes 
G40  27 toward televised versions of children's books the series 
G40  28 highlights. In particular, I want to question the long-held 
G40  29 assumptions about the fugitive and reductionist nature of visual 
G40  30 renditions now that the video recorder has come of age.<p/>
G40  31 <h_><p_>Screened stories: sceptics, status, and skills<p/><h/>
G40  32 <p_>C.S. Lewis belonged to a well-established school of thought 
G40  33 which holds that books are infinitely superior to films and 
G40  34 (especially) television, and that any attempt to make a filmed 
G40  35 version of a 'good' book is doomed to fail. He identified some of 
G40  36 the reasons for this failure in a brief analysis of a filmed 
G40  37 version of Rider Haggard's <tf_>King Solomon's Mines<tf/>.<p/>
G40  38 <p_><quote_>Of its many sins - not least the introduction of a 
G40  39 totally irrelevant young woman in shorts who accompanied the 
G40  40 adventurers wherever they went - only one here concerns us. At the 
G40  41 end of Haggard's book  ...  the heroes are awaiting death entombed 
G40  42 in a rock chamber and surrounded by the mummified kings of that 
G40  43 land. The maker of the film version, however, apparently thought 
G40  44 this tame. He substituted a subterranean volcanic eruption, and 
G40  45 then went one better by adding an earthquake. Perhaps we should not 
G40  46 blame him. Perhaps the scene in the original was not 'cinematic' 
G40  47 and the man was right, by the canons of his own art, in altering 
G40  48 it. But it would have been better not to have chosen in the first 
G40  49 place a story which could be adapted to the screen only by being 
G40  50 ruined.<quote/><p/>
G40  51 <p_>Lewis goes on to say that the story is ruined not because one 
G40  52 ending is necessarily better than another, but because they create 
G40  53 entirely different feelings in the reader/spectator. This 
G40  54 difference in feeling he attributes to two causes. First, the 
G40  55 dictates of cinematic conventions and expectations (his prejudices 
G40  56 against which are not denied), and second, the lack of 
G40  57 understanding on the part of the film's director of what 
G40  58 constitutes a good story. The educated <*_>e-acute<*/>lite, Lewis 
G40  59 argues, tend to disparage the power of narratives which concern 
G40  60 themselves more with plot than character development or portraits 
G40  61 of society, and particularly those plots which involve excursions 
G40  62 into other worlds or 'shadow lands'. The kind of literary 
G40  63 snobbishness which dismisses genres such as children's fiction or 
G40  64 science fiction as all plot and no substance misses an important 
G40  65 point, for to a certain kind of reader such writing has the power 
G40  66 to convey <quote_>"profound experiences, which are  ...  not 
G40  67 acceptable in any other form."<quote/><p/>
G40  68 <p_>Lewis's defence of literature characterised by powerful plots 
G40  69 is based entirely on the subjective nature of the <tf|>reading 
G40  70 experience. It is unique, personal, private and capable of enabling 
G40  71 the reader to transcend mundane reality. Because of these qualities 
G40  72 the written text is supremely able to adapt to the needs of the 
G40  73 individual reader and to do this at different stages in his/her 
G40  74 development. Lewis believed utterly in the power of the written 
G40  75 word, be it poetry for the educated or adventure stories for the 
G40  76 masses, and likewise deprecated filmed narratives. 
G40  77 <quote|>"Nothing", he wrote, <quote_>"can be more disastrous than 
G40  78 the view that cinema can and should replace popular written 
G40  79 fictions. The elements which it excludes are precisely those which 
G40  80 give the untrained mind its only access to the imaginative world. 
G40  81 There is a death in the cinema."<quote/><p/>
G40  82 <p_>In such passages Lewis is articulating the fear held by many 
G40  83 that television and films would do two things; especially with 
G40  84 regard to the juvenile population. First, that they would prove so 
G40  85 seductive that children would abandon, or fail to acquire, the 
G40  86 habit of reading. Second, that filmed versions of texts would make 
G40  87 even the best stories mechanical: each viewing would be identical 
G40  88 to the one before; the child would not be free to change emphases; 
G40  89 the viewer would become a passive spectator, as all the 'work' 
G40  90 (e.g. the animation of the text) had been done, etc. All in all, 
G40  91 the viewing process was portrayed as an entirely impoverished one 
G40  92 when compared to that of reading. It was believed that the child 
G40  93 would develop no analytical skills through watching rather than 
G40  94 reading. Perhaps most important of all, Lewis is suggesting that 
G40  95 watching a film prevented the child from making the complex series 
G40  96 of unconscious identifications with characters and situations which 
G40  97 make fantasy literature useful for psychological development.<p/>
G40  98 <p_>However vaild some of these arguments may be, they must also be 
G40  99 understood as typical of attitudes toward popular culture 
G40 100 throughout the ages. Ironically, Lewis was at great pains to defend 
G40 101 the virtues of popular forms of literature (including children's 
G40 102 fiction) precisely because of their appeal to less experienced or 
G40 103 sophisticated readers. It needs also to be remembered that at the 
G40 104 time that Lewis was writing his defence of popular texts (1947), 
G40 105 television ownership was not widespread, prolonged daily viewing 
G40 106 was impossible, the VCR had yet to be invented, and no research had 
G40 107 yet been done into the viewing process.<p/>
G40 108 <p_>Since Lewis's death in 1963 a considerable amount of research 
G40 109 into the effects of television on the child has been conducted, and 
G40 110 much of it can be used to debate the objections outlined above. In 
G40 111 particular, it is now recognised that children are not necessarily 
G40 112 passive and indiscriminate viewers, but may instead develop 'visual 
G40 113 literacy' skills which can complement those acquired through 
G40 114 reading. The ability to decode a complex visual narrative often 
G40 115 precedes but does not necessarily preclude a similar degree of 
G40 116 sophistication and facility with written texts. Despite frequent 
G40 117 media discussion of these issues, there has long remained a 
G40 118 distrust of television and filmed versions of classic children's 
G40 119 books, and the advent of cable and satellite TV seems bound to 
G40 120 provoke a reactionary revival of those parents who announce that 
G40 121 they have no television as if this were a virtue. (Funnily enough, 
G40 122 such behaviour is closely related to the non-smoking, teetotalling, 
G40 123 vegetarian adults Lewis repeatedly mocks in the Narnia books.) 
G40 124 Recently, however, there has been a <tf_>volte-face<tf/> on the 
G40 125 part of many adults who previously deplored filmed versions of 
G40 126 children's books as at best inevitably disappointing and at worst 
G40 127 travesties of the original. There seem to be two key reasons for 
G40 128 this U-turn. The first is that far from discouraging children from 
G40 129 reading, television and films have given birth to a vigorous new 
G40 130 publishing activity - the book of the film/programme. Children's 
G40 131 book sales have increases by 170 per cent over the last five years, 
G40 132 precisely the period over which domestic sales of VCRs have also 
G40 133 rocketed. Through TV tie-ins young readers are introduced to an 
G40 134 eclectic range of writing, from Ghostbusters to Adrian Mole and 
G40 135 back to such classics as <tf_>A Little Princess<tf/> and, of 
G40 136 course, the Chronicles of Narnia. More importantly, the viewing and 
G40 137 reading processes have increasingly been recognised to be 
G40 138 complementary rather than mutually exclusive.<p/>
G40 139 <p_>The second and in some ways more interesting reason for the new 
G40 140 acceptability of filmed versions of juvenile texts, also based on 
G40 141 the widespread use of VCRs in homes and schools, is the growth of a 
G40 142 children's video library. Much work needs to be done to raise the 
G40 143 overall quality of material readily available on video for 
G40 144 children, and this is important. <}_><-|>Video's<+|>Videos<}/> are 
G40 145 not just 're-usable resources', useful for keeping children quietly 
G40 146 entertained; they have the potential to make the viewing process 
G40 147 more analogous to reading and so for developing analytical skills 
G40 148 useful for both activities. VCRs make it possible to re-view, to 
G40 149 skim, to watch selected scenes repeatedly, to omit sections and 
G40 150 pause over others - all of which make viewing more personal, more 
G40 151 creative, and potentially more intellectually demanding. They also 
G40 152 mean that greater care has to be taken over the translation of 
G40 153 complex texts into videos, as re-viewing, like re-reading, demands 
G40 154 that there be something new to discover at different stages in the 
G40 155 young viewer's development.<p/>
G40 156 <p_>The ramifications of this degree of control over the 
G40 157 presentation of video material are many. For the older child it 
G40 158 enables very detailed interaction between the written and visual 
G40 159 texts. By encouraging visual decoding, videos may enhance 
G40 160 understanding of the director's version of a text and so the 
G40 161 potential for comparison with the reader's own interpretation. 
G40 162 Repeated watching of a visual version of a text with which the 
G40 163 child is familiar can highlight differences in the narrative 
G40 164 functioning and capabilities of the two media. Even a young child 
G40 165 will notice and understand adjustments to the way in which a story 
G40 166 is told; for instance, the need to make the narrator a character in 
G40 167 the action or to substitute descriptions of events (as in a letter) 
G40 168 with enactment. By comparing the narrative organisation of printed 
G40 169 and visual versions of a text a great deal can be learned about the 
G40 170 relationship between structure, form and meaning.<p/>
G40 171 <p_>Re-viewing is undoubtedly the most important aspect of video 
G40 172 material. According to Lewis, the desire to re-read indicated that 
G40 173 a story was not just being read to find out what happened or 
G40 174 whodunnit; indeed, his criterion for a good book was that it became 
G40 175 more pleasurable on subsequent readings. Particularly in the young 
G40 176 child it is no aesthetic qualities which are being sought through 
G40 177 repeated readings, listenings, or tellings but (as the psychologist 
G40 178 Bruno Bettelheim has observed) the satisfaction of having resolved 
G40 179 difficult emotional problems. The same applies equally to the 
G40 180 viewing process, which additionally has the reassuring property of 
G40 181 never forgetting or changing what comes next.<p/>
G40 182 <p_>For all of these reasons videos have the potential both to 
G40 183 complement printed versions of juvenile texts and to raise the 
G40 184 standard and status of televised adaptations. If they are to do 
G40 185 this effectively it is necessary to overcome established attitudes 
G40 186 to children's literature itself and, just as importantly, 
G40 187 habitualised practices in the adaptation process. To render the 
G40 188 narrative complexity of texts (and particularly those which were 
G40 189 not originally intended for reading aloud), those involved in 
G40 190 making adaptations must be encouraged to exploit the medium of 
G40 191 television to its full potential. At present most books which are 
G40 192 adapted for television make unhappy compromises as to how far they 
G40 193 are prepared to 'adapt' the original text, and as a consequence 
G40 194 generally leave the viewer dissatisfied. In a recent article for 
G40 195 <tf|>Screen, Paul Kerr identifies the principal cause of this 
G40 196 dissatisfaction as the tendency for televised versions to 
G40 197 <quote|>"flatten" a text so that, <quote_>"it is less a 'novel' as 
G40 198 such that is being adapted than its plot, characters, setting [and] 
G40 199 dialogue"<quote/>. The reason for this flattening is a direct 
G40 200 consequence of the elevation of the written text over the film (and 
G40 201 especially over TV). Tradition has enshrined the practice of trying 
G40 202 to be entirely faithful to the original, which means treating film 
G40 203 or television as a transparent medium purely concerned with showing 
G40 204 what the writer has written.
G40 205 
G41   1 <#FLOB:G41\>Olive Chancellor later concludes that Basil has 
G41   2 determined to destroy Verena's powers of utterance <quote_>"because 
G41   3 he knew that her voice had magic in it"<quote/>; he can be 
G41   4 motivated only by <quote_>"devilish malignity"<quote/> (<tf|>B, p. 
G41   5 364). Half-borrowing Coleridge's famous phrase, she imagines Ransom 
G41   6 as a kind of Iago. Ransom is no more merely an Iago than he is an 
G41   7 Othello (though he thinks of himself, like Othello, as 
G41   8 <quote|>"unhoused" (<tf|>B, p. 14), and his first name connotes 
G41   9 royalty), nor is he simply the portrait of a father. One might say 
G41  10 that he is the spectre incarnate of an outsize, excess manliness, a 
G41  11 super-man.<p/>
G41  12 <p_>Of course <tf|>Othello is not a specific source for this novel, 
G41  13 in the usual sense of the word. When we read of Miss Birdseye that 
G41  14 <quote_>"Since the Civil War much of her occupation was 
G41  15 gone"<quote/> (<tf|>B, p. 24), we are not being encouraged to 
G41  16 identify <tf|>her with Othello. But echoes from the play are 
G41  17 diffused throughout James's writings, and certain aspects of it 
G41  18 particularly nourished his imagination. In some obvious thematic 
G41  19 senses it is the most Jamesian of Shakespeare's plays, in its 
G41  20 concern for the ways in which people can enter each other's inner 
G41  21 worlds, for good and ill, the varying allure of psychic possession 
G41  22 and trespass and betrayal. There is a striking passage in <tf_>A 
G41  23 Small Boy and Others<tf/> in which James draws a distinction 
G41  24 between the jealousy of which he believes his childlike self to 
G41  25 have been free and the envy with which he believes it to have been 
G41  26 consumed. He perpetually envied the being of others: <quote_>"They 
G41  27 were so <tf|>other - that was what I felt;..."<quote/> (<tf|>SBO, 
G41  28 p. 101). Iago would have understood James's fictional world. But 
G41  29 this world, rife with Iagos as it is, draws richly and variously on 
G41  30 Shakespeare's play. <tf|>Othello especially fuelled James's 
G41  31 creative anxieties about the charm of physical presence, the 
G41  32 constitution of sexuality through and in the body and the voice. 
G41  33 What <tf|>is the measure of a man, of manliness - the presence of a 
G41  34 <quote_>"powerful, active, manly frame"<quote/> such as Salvini 
G41  35 displayed for all the world to see (<tf|>SA, p. 172)?<p/>
G41  36 <p_>In a remarkable sequence in <tf_>Notes of a Son and 
G41  37 Brother<tf/> we find James associating his own father with the 
G41  38 powerful, active, manly frame of <tf|>another famous 
G41  39 nineteenth-century Othello, Edwin Forrest. The context is a series 
G41  40 of loosely related anecdotes about his father's youth, a more 
G41  41 rascally and 'Bohemian' youth than his son finds entirely credible. 
G41  42 James remembers himself as a child asking his father to repeat the 
G41  43 favourite story, <quote_>"his most personal, most remembering and 
G41  44 picture-recovering 'story'"<quote/> (<tf|>NSB, p. 396). The story 
G41  45 is about the elder Henry's youthful return to Ireland to visit the 
G41  46 family relations. He was a celebrity, but he was not so in his own 
G41  47 right. He was eclipsed by the fascination of the Negro servant who 
G41  48 accompanied him, but also and more importantly, he drew his fame 
G41  49 from his own prodigious father, the Irish immigrant who had become 
G41  50 a millionaire. Looking back to this grandfather's death in 1832, 
G41  51 the younger Henry James could identify with his youthful father - 
G41  52 <quote_>"I find myself envying the friendly youth who could bring 
G41  53 his modest Irish kin such a fairytale from over the sea"<quote/> 
G41  54 (<tf|>NSB, p. 396). The magic of tale-telling is always for James 
G41  55 likely to rouse an echo of <tf|>Othello, and it is a happy 
G41  56 coincidence that an Irish maid called Barbara looms out of the 
G41  57 mists of his father's romance. What kind of a past had his father 
G41  58 enjoyed? One of his early comrades had been Edwin Forrest, an actor 
G41  59 whom the younger James had caught in his latter years, and whom he 
G41  60 now recalls as a <quote_>"rank barbarian"<quote/> and 
G41  61 <quote_>"mighty mountebank"<quote/>. Given that Othello was one of 
G41  62 Forrest's most famous roles, it is unsurprising to find echoes of 
G41  63 the play in the words <quote|>"barbarian" and <quote|>"mountebank"  
G41  64 (<tf|>Othello, I. iii. 354, and I. iii. 61). More surprising is the 
G41  65 recollection of his father's memory of calling on the great 
G41  66 tragedian one morning to find him <quote_>"fresh and dripping from 
G41  67 the bath"<quote/>, entering the room upside down, walking on his 
G41  68 hands, <quote_>"the result... of mere exuberance of muscle and 
G41  69 pride and robustious joie de vivre"<quote/> (<tf|>NSB, p. 400). As 
G41  70 with the Irish shenanigans, James recreates his father in a state 
G41  71 of borrowed glory - drawing his identity from images of other 
G41  72 manhoods, images of exoticism, of material success, of physical 
G41  73 prowess.<p/>
G41  74 <p_>What or who speaks through the spell-binding 'frame' of a 
G41  75 Salvini or a Forrest - or their female equivalents? Through the 
G41  76 bodies of a Basil Ransom and a Verena Tarrant? These questions lie 
G41  77 close to the heart of James's most troubled novel, and resonate 
G41  78 through many of his others. We may guess that Salvini's Othello 
G41  79 gave them a fillip in urging on James the different kinds of 
G41  80 witchcraft that the human presence can exert and by which it can 
G41  81 find itself possessed. The witchcraft of Othello's presence is not 
G41  82 just a matter of his manly frame, but also of the stories he tells, 
G41  83 of his voice as well as his body. Yet there is a fatal 
G41  84 vulnerability in the nature of this power, dependent as it is on 
G41  85 the thrill of presence, the risk, the exposure, the credulity and 
G41  86 gullibility.<p/>
G41  87 <p_><tf|>Othello spoke urgently to Victorian readers and audiences, 
G41  88 and to Americans experiencing the return of military heroes after 
G41  89 the Civil War it could speak with some special nuances. When Oliver 
G41  90 Wendell Holmes Jr. came home wounded from the war, he found 
G41  91 celebrity awaiting him, at least among a circle of admiring women. 
G41  92 His father registered the impact made by his war-hero son with a 
G41  93 certain ruefulness.<p/>
G41  94 <p_><quote_>I envy my white Othello, with a semicircle of young 
G41  95 Desdemonas about him listening to the often told story which they 
G41  96 will have over again.<quote/><p/>
G41  97 <p_>Oliver Wendell Holmes Sr. could not have been the only 
G41  98 non<?_>-<?/>combatant male to feel an envy for all the white 
G41  99 Othellos returning from the war to entrance the young women. What 
G41 100 position could a bystander assume in such a semi-circle? Henry 
G41 101 James became good friends with this particular war<?_>-<?/>hero, 
G41 102 and together with another ex-soldier, he spent a month of the 
G41 103 post-war summer of 1865 in North Conway in the company of his 
G41 104 beloved cousin Minny Temple. In the elegy to Minny that forms the 
G41 105 closing chapter of <tf_>Notes of a Son and Brother<tf/>, he wrote 
G41 106 that <quote_>"'North Conway'... has almost the force for me of a 
G41 107 wizard's wand"<quote/>. It was not a semi-circle that he recalled, 
G41 108 however, but a circle, <quote_>"a little world of easy and happy 
G41 109 interchange"<quote/> (<tf|>NSB, pp. 506-7). As the memory grows 
G41 110 warm, he elevates the magical image to a 'Circle' - with Minny at 
G41 111 its centre.<p/>
G41 112 <p_>James kept his eyes and ears open as the white Othellos 
G41 113 enthralled their Desdemonas. Twenty years later, as he was working 
G41 114 on <tf_>The Bostonians<tf/>, Grace Norton quizzed him on the 
G41 115 prospects of his setting up in matrimony with the British female. 
G41 116 James thanked her for the thought, but asserted robustly: 
G41 117 <quote_>"I shall never take that liberty with her and shall to a 
G41 118 dead certainty never change my free unhoused condition"<quote/> 
G41 119 (<tf_>L3, p. 54). He would preserve his own liberty so that he 
G41 120 could watch the Othellos losing theirs. In <tf_>The American<tf/> 
G41 121 Mrs Tristram calls Christopher Newman <quote_>"the great Western 
G41 122 Barbarian"<quote/>, and she warns him that Claire de 
G41 123 Cintr<*_>e-acute<*/> is <quote_>"a supersubtle Parisian"<quote/> 
G41 124 (<tf|>AM, pp. 45, 178). This recalls Iago's shameful description of 
G41 125 the <quote_>"frail vow betwixt an erring barbarian and a 
G41 126 super-subtle Venetian"<quote/> (I. 3. 354-5), but the allusion 
G41 127 passes over Newman's head. (<quote|>"Supersubtle" becomes such an 
G41 128 integral element of James's vocabulary that he would have had to 
G41 129 coin the word himself, had Shakespeare not obliged.) The echo 
G41 130 returns, with a vengeance, at the climax of Newman's recognition 
G41 131 that the supersubtleties of the Bellegardes have robbed him of his 
G41 132 selfhood: <quote_>"He had nothing to do, his occupation had gone, 
G41 133 had simply strayed and lost itself in the great desert of 
G41 134 life"<quote/> (<tf|>AM, p. 529). It is symptomatic that the wound 
G41 135 with which he has long been associated should now begin to 'ache' 
G41 136 again, as he faces the prospect of a complete self-abandonment.<p/>
G41 137 <p_>The passage in <tf|>Othello on which James draws most 
G41 138 frequently, however, is the scene before the Senate in which 
G41 139 Othello justifies his marriage to Desdemona by re-telling the story 
G41 140 of his life. Thinking of his time at Harvard Law School, for 
G41 141 instance, James recalls Othello's phrase <quote_>"the tented 
G41 142 field"<quote/> (I. 3. 85) to claim the precarious, even negative 
G41 143 analogy between the scene of his own wound and the scene of civil 
G41 144 war: <quote_>"The Cambridge campus was tented field enough for a 
G41 145 conscript starting so compromised;..."<quote/> (<tf|>NSB, p. 417). 
G41 146 In a pregnant few pages in one of the Prefaces, he reflects on the 
G41 147 virtues for the writer of giving indirect representation to 
G41 148 <quote_>"moving accidents and mighty mutations and strange 
G41 149 encounters"<quote/> (<tf|>LC2, p. 1259). James is thinking in 
G41 150 particular of the fantastic, the supernatural or mystifying (the 
G41 151 passage bears closely on 'The Turn of the Screw'). The effect of 
G41 152 these will fall flat unless they are represented by their effect on 
G41 153 and refraction through some attendant, attentive consciousness. 
G41 154 Three times in quick succession James recurs to Othello's phrase 
G41 155 <quote_>"moving accidents"<quote/> (I. iii. 134). That scene before 
G41 156 the Senate connotes for him the magic of a truly dramatic 
G41 157 tale-telling, where the teller and his listeners and their mutual 
G41 158 responsiveness are all necessarily on show.<p/>
G41 159 <p_>But the most favoured of all Othello's sayings is the one with 
G41 160 which he triumphantly concludes his tour-de-force: <quote_>"This 
G41 161 only is the witchcraft I have used"<quote/> (I. iii. 168). This 
G41 162 clinchingly rebuts Brabantio's charge that his daughter could have 
G41 163 been won only <quote_>"By spells and medicines, bought of 
G41 164 mountebanks"<quote/>, by <quote|>"witchcraft" (I. iii. 61, 64). 
G41 165 These words are vital to James's imagination - spells, charms, 
G41 166 magic, witchcraft - as the following range of illustrations seeks 
G41 167 to demonstrate.<p/>
G41 168 <p_>There is evidently more than one way to read <tf_>Daisy 
G41 169 Miller<tf/>, but James wrote a detailed letter to Eliza Lynn Linton 
G41 170 about his intentions for the tale, explaining the <quote|>"keynote" 
G41 171 of her character and her conduct. He concludes his defence of 
G41 172 Daisy's innocence and his <tf|>own <quote|>"innocence" in creating 
G41 173 her: <quote_>"This is the only witchcraft I have used"<quote/> 
G41 174 (<tf|>L2, p. 304). There is a generous way of reading Daisy's 
G41 175 character and conduct, and there is a suspicious way. Poor 
G41 176 Winterbourne gets left as Iago. The wry self-assurance of Othello's 
G41 177 great line is good for quelling suspicions and unmasking 
G41 178 ungenerosity. In 1904, as he prepared to cross the Atlantic for the 
G41 179 first time in twenty years, James was irked by a letter from his 
G41 180 brother William. Henry was planning to travel in the company of a 
G41 181 Mrs Benedict and her niece, her sister and niece of Constance 
G41 182 Fenimore Woolson. A decade earlier James had helped them in the 
G41 183 melancholy business of sorting through Miss Woolson's effects after 
G41 184 her suicide in Venice. James told his older brother: <quote_>"As a 
G41 185 lone and inexpert man I simply and naturally <tf|>assented to that 
G41 186 very kind proposal.... But that is the only witchcraft I am 
G41 187 using"<quote/> (<tf|>L4, p. 306). No, he is <tf|>not enthralled by 
G41 188 women, nor seeking to enthrall them. The irritated and defensive 
G41 189 tone can partly be explained by the scurrilous gossip that has 
G41 190 reached William's ears. Henry is rejecting with scorn the rumour 
G41 191 that he is engaged to be married to a certain Emilie Busbey 
G41 192 Grigsby, who believed herself the look-alike of his own Milly 
G41 193 Theale. There was no escaping from Venice, it seemed, from the 
G41 194 malignant intrigues around sex and marriage. Indeed the whole 
G41 195 letter brims with indignation at <quote_>"this nightmare-world of 
G41 196 insane <foreign|>bavardage"<quote/>:<p/>
G41 197 <p_><quote_>It's appalling that such winds may be started to blow, 
G41 198 about one, by not so much as the ghost of an exhalation of one's 
G41 199 own, and it terrifies and sickens me for the prospect of my visit 
G41 200 to your strange great continent of puerile <tf|>cancans. Who and 
G41 201 what, then, is safe?<quote/> (<tf|>L4, p. 306)<p/>
G41 202 <p_>It was as if Iago now ruled the world, the very spirit of 
G41 203 newspaperism, of the gutter gossip that twenty years previously 
G41 204 James had begun to excoriate in <tf_>The Bostonians<tf/>.
G41 205 
G42   1 <#FLOB:G42\><p_>There is a general collection of mainly 
G42   2 nineteenth-century British art, with some Dutch paintings.<p/>
G42   3 <p_>The Wolverhampton Art Gallery opened in 1884, its classical 
G42   4 building paid for by Philip Horsman. The contents of the gallery, 
G42   5 or money to buy them, came from other citizens, whose generosity 
G42   6 never really caught up with the grandeur of the architecture.<p/>
G42   7 <p_>Initially the collection was of nineteenth-century British art. 
G42   8 Later, eighteenth-century works were acquired, and more recently an 
G42   9 attempt has been made to form a collection of contemporary art, 
G42  10 including works by Andy Warhol, Lichtenstein, Rosenquist and 
G42  11 Caulfield.<p/>
G42  12 <p_>Though the county of West Midlands is largely an urban sprawl, 
G42  13 made up of Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall, Wolverhampton, Dudley and 
G42  14 West Bromwich, it does have three houses of interest.<p/>
G42  15 <p_>Wightwick Manor, due west of Walsall, has a collection which 
G42  16 includes a number of important Pre-Raphaelite works. Aston Hall, 
G42  17 owned by the City of Birmingham, has a collection which includes 
G42  18 paintings related to the Holte family, previous owners, though 
G42  19 their own collection was sold in 1817. It is maintained as an 
G42  20 eighteenth-century period house. The third and most important 
G42  21 country house is Hagley Hall.<p/>
G42  22 <p_>This eighteenth-century house, with its rococo plasterwork, 
G42  23 Soho tapestries and good period furniture, reflects the fact that 
G42  24 it was largely the creation of one man, the First Lord Lyttelton 
G42  25 (1709-73). He was a politician of some distinction, serving briefly 
G42  26 as Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was after he was raised to the 
G42  27 peerage, in 1756, that he pulled down the Elizabethan structure and 
G42  28 built the present house in a style which derives its essential 
G42  29 elegance from Colen Campbell's designs for Houghton Hall in 
G42  30 Norfolk.<p/>
G42  31 <p_>Lyttelton wrote that <quote|>"Athenian" Stuart <quote_>"has 
G42  32 engaged to paint me a Flora and four pretty little Zephyrs, in my 
G42  33 drawing room ceiling"<quote/>; there is some possibility that 
G42  34 Cipriani had a hand in the work. Throughout the house the period is 
G42  35 reflected in the detail, Stuart also designing such things as 
G42  36 candelabra.<p/>
G42  37 <p_>The collection sustains the eighteenth-century atmosphere with 
G42  38 interesting portraits, including an early Richard Wilson of 
G42  39 <tf_>Admiral Sir Thomas Smith<tf/>, painted before the artist went 
G42  40 to Rome. <tf_>The First Lord Lyttelton<tf/>is the subject of an 
G42  41 austerely formal portrait by Benjamin West, giving no hint of his 
G42  42 diverse interests and gregarious nature. He was a friend of Pope, 
G42  43 who designed an urn in the grounds, of James Thomson, whose poem, 
G42  44 <tf_>The Seasons<tf/>, contains a lengthy passage praising Hagley, 
G42  45 and Horace Walpole, who wrote: <quote_>"I wore out my eyes with 
G42  46 gazing, my feet with climbing and my Tongue and vocabulary with 
G42  47 commending."<quote/> It is a familiar form of fatigue.<p/>
G42  48 <p_>Earlier works of art in the house, notably the Van Dyck and 
G42  49 Lely portraits, came to the collection as a result of the 
G42  50 friendship of the Worcester royalist, Sir Thomas Lyttelton, with 
G42  51 General Brouncker, whose portrait by Lely hangs in the Gallery, at 
G42  52 the entrance to the Van Dyck Room. Brouncker was a founder-member 
G42  53 of the Royal Society, and its president for seventeen years. He 
G42  54 bequeathed works to Sir Thomas Lyttelton, uncle to the First Lord 
G42  55 Lyttelton, whose father's marriage to Viscount Cobham's sister was 
G42  56 responsible for bringing further acquisitions to the house. Many of 
G42  57 the seventeenth-century paintings have carved mahogany and boxwood 
G42  58 frames, some carved by Thomas Johnson. One room celebrates Van Dyck 
G42  59 and his school and includes <tf_>The Children of Charles I<tf/> and 
G42  60 <tf_>The Second Earl of Carlisle<tf/>.<p/>
G42  61 <h_><p_>COLLECTIONS IN DERBYSHIRE<p/><h/>
G42  62 <p_>Joseph Wright no longer needs the addition to his name 'of 
G42  63 Derby', which until recently was a vaguely pejorative term 
G42  64 indicating the limited range of his reputation. In recent years he 
G42  65 has been increasingly recognised for his talent and range as a 
G42  66 painter, a process crowned in 1984, when the National Gallery paid 
G42  67 pounds1.3 million for his portrait group, <tf_>Mr and Mrs Thomas 
G42  68 Coltman<tf/>.<p/>
G42  69 <p_>Fittingly, the Derby Art Gallery has a number of his works, 
G42  70 including some of the most famous. The county, however, apart from 
G42  71 the Derby City Art Gallery, is poorly provided with public 
G42  72 collections, a situation rectified by the number of fine country 
G42  73 house collections open to the public.<p/>
G42  74 <h_><p_>HARDWICK HALL (NT)<p/><h/>
G42  75 <p_>Hardwick Hall is the most remarkable Elizabethan house in 
G42  76 England. The towering influence there of the woman who built it, 
G42  77 Elizabeth Hardwick, Countess of Shrewsbury, dominates any visit. 
G42  78 Virtually the whole of the collection reflects the history of the 
G42  79 house, its first owner and her illustrious heirs, and the events 
G42  80 which swirled around them, mainly during the turbulent reigns of 
G42  81 Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary I, Elizabeth I and James I.<p/>
G42  82 <p_>Elizabeth Hardwick was the daughter and co-heiress of John 
G42  83 Hardwick, a modest Derbyshire squire. Parts of his original house 
G42  84 still exist in the Old Hall. She married, in succession, Robert 
G42  85 Barley, Sir William Cavendish, who bought the Chatsworth estate, 
G42  86 Sir William St Loe, and George Talbot, Sixth Earl of Shrewsbury.<p/>
G42  87 <p_>She outlived her last husband, from whom she had separated 
G42  88 after an irreconcilable quarrel. By the time of his death, in 1590, 
G42  89 her combined wealth gave her an income estimated at pounds60,000 a 
G42  90 year. She had already settled at Hardwick and begun building the 
G42  91 hall. After her death her descendants, the Earls and Dukes of 
G42  92 Devonshire, chose to make Chatsworth their principal home, and 
G42  93 Hardwick Hall was little used. With the aid of sensitive 
G42  94 nineteenth-century restoration work, it appears much as it was in 
G42  95 the 1590s, with many of the original contents, including splendid 
G42  96 tapestries, painted wall hangings, and embroideries. These, though 
G42  97 outside the strict terms of reference of this book, are the 
G42  98 decorative glories of the house. No comparable collection exists 
G42  99 anywhere. Patchwork seems a derogatory term for some of the 
G42 100 hangings, in all probability made from the rich copes and vestments 
G42 101 taken at the time of the dissolution of the monasteries. The 
G42 102 greater part of this work is recorded in Bess's inventory of 
G42 103 1601.<p/>
G42 104 <p_>The collection of portraits hangs in the Long Gallery, over the 
G42 105 tapestries, with smaller ones in the Dining Room, above the 
G42 106 panelling. Works by, or attributed to, Mytens, Larkin, Wissing, 
G42 107 Dahl and Lockey record the associations between Bess and the 
G42 108 families of her last three husbands, as well as Mary, Queen of 
G42 109 Scots, who was for some fifteen and a half years entrusted to the 
G42 110 care of the Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury.<p/>
G42 111 <p_>Lady Arabella Stuart, Bess's granddaughter, and a claimant to 
G42 112 the throne of England, is represented as a child in a portrait by 
G42 113 an unknown artist, hanging in the Dining Room. A portrait of her as 
G42 114 a young girl hangs in the Long Gallery, together with a group near 
G42 115 to the High Great Chamber, of Bess, and two of her husbands. At the 
G42 116 other end of the Long Gallery is a portrait of Queen Elizabeth, 
G42 117 dating from about 1592 and showing her in a heavily embroidered 
G42 118 dress.<p/>
G42 119 <p_>Perhaps not inappropriately, there also hangs in the same room 
G42 120 a portrait of the political philosopher Thomas Hobbes, who was 
G42 121 tutor to the Second and Third Earls of Devonshire, and who died at 
G42 122 Hardwick in 1679. His final utterance was: <quote_>"I am about to 
G42 123 take my last voyage, a great leap in the dark."<quote/> It is a 
G42 124 sombre comment on the multitudinous ambitions with which he is 
G42 125 surrounded.<p/>
G42 126 <h_><p_>SUDBURY HALL (NT)<p/><h/>
G42 127 <p_>The collection at Sudbury Hall reflects the period of the 
G42 128 house, the second half of the seventeenth century. It was started 
G42 129 in the year of Charles II's return to the throne, and is a highly 
G42 130 individual example of the period, with copious, even extravagant 
G42 131 decoration, including fine carvings, mainly the work of Edward 
G42 132 Pierce, though including examples of Grinling Gibbons as well, 
G42 133 plasterwork by Robert Bradbury and James Pettifer, and murals by 
G42 134 Louis Laguerre. The building was begun immediately after George 
G42 135 Vernon succeeded to the family inheritance, in 1660. From that date 
G42 136 there appear regular payments in family account books to painters, 
G42 137 notably to John Michael Wright, the London-born portraitist, 
G42 138 responsible for a series at Sudbury Hall.<p/>
G42 139 <p_>Michael Wright, as he is generally known since he allowed the 
G42 140 name John to lapse, was the son of a London tailor, and was 
G42 141 apprenticed in 1636, at the age of nineteen, to the Scottish 
G42 142 painter George Jamesone. He worked in Rome, and became a Catholic 
G42 143 convert, to the grief of his parents. Though in style and ability 
G42 144 he might well have rivalled Lely, he seems to have had neither the 
G42 145 ambition nor the temperament to do so.<p/>
G42 146 <p_>He is represented at Sudbury Hall by the impressive oval 
G42 147 portraits of his principal patron there, <tf_>George Vernon<tf/>, 
G42 148 Vernon's first of three wives, <tf_>Margaret Onley<tf/>, her 
G42 149 parents <tf_>Edward Onley<tf/> and <tf_>Margaret Onley<tf/>, 
G42 150 <tf_>Robert Shirley<tf/>, <tf_>First Earl Ferrers<tf/>, and at 
G42 151 least four other portraits. The Michael Wright portraits are in 
G42 152 their original 'Sunderland' frames.<p/>
G42 153 <p_>Other Restoration painters represented in the collection 
G42 154 include John Riley, Gerhard Soest, Michael Dahl, the little-known 
G42 155 William Sheppard's portrait of the much-painted playwright 
G42 156 <tf_>Thomas Killigrew<tf/>, and Jan Griffier's <tf_>View of the 
G42 157 South Front of Sudbury and its Original Formal Garden<tf/>. It was 
G42 158 painted in 1681, one of the earliest such views of an English 
G42 159 country house in its setting, and a work of considerable 
G42 160 architectural and horticultural interest. The formal gardens were 
G42 161 done away with in the eighteenth century.<p/>
G42 162 <p_>Louis Laguerre's work includes <tf_>Juno and the Peacock<tf/>, 
G42 163 decorating the Great Staircase, and a mural contained within a 
G42 164 plaster frame to appear as a painting, <tf_>An Allegory of Industry 
G42 165 and Idleness<tf/>, which represents the rewards of the former, a 
G42 166 cornucopia, and those of the latter, a bunch of thorns.<p/>
G42 167 <p_>Early eighteenth-century portraits include works by Hudson, 
G42 168 Kneller, Richardson and Enoch Seeman.<p/>
G42 169 <p_>Of a much later period are the dramatic examples of Thomas 
G42 170 Lawrence's work, his full-length portraits of <tf_>Edward 
G42 171 Vernon<tf/>, <tf_>Archbishop of York<tf/>, and <tf_>The Third Lord 
G42 172 Vernon<tf/>, his elder brother.<p/>
G42 173 <h_><p_>CHATSWORTH HOUSE<p/><h/>
G42 174 <p_>Chatsworth House contains one of the world's great private 
G42 175 collections. Its paintings and sculpture span several centuries; it 
G42 176 contains fine English family portraits, Old Master paintings, 
G42 177 neo-classical sculpture, splendid late seventeenth - and early 
G42 178 eighteenth-century murals, and an exquisite collection of drawings. 
G42 179 And, unlike so many of the great collections, modern acquisitions 
G42 180 are continually being made. It has, in addition, the finest setting 
G42 181 of any house in England, wonderfully laid-out gardens, and 
G42 182 furniture and applied arts generally of high order.<p/>
G42 183 <p_>The First Duke of Devonshire was responsible for the present 
G42 184 house (with extensive additions made in the nineteenth century by 
G42 185 the Sixth Duke). He commissioned painted rooms from Louis Laguerre, 
G42 186 Antonio Verrio, and then, in the final phase of the building of the 
G42 187 house, from James Thornhill. Originally, few paintings were hung, 
G42 188 the house being mainly panelled, with tapestry decorations. Some 
G42 189 early easel pictures were in the collection, among them Vouet's 
G42 190 <tf_>Allegory of Peace<tf/>.<p/>
G42 191 <p_>The Second Duke was the real creator of the collection. He had 
G42 192 a passion for drawings which he indulged at the dispersal of the 
G42 193 Lely and Lankrink collections. To these he added Italian and Dutch 
G42 194 drawings which had belonged to N. A. Flinck, the son of Rembrandt's 
G42 195 pupil, Govaert Flinck. He also bought Claude Lorraine's <tf_>Liber 
G42 196 Veritatis<tf/>, now in the British Museum, one of a number of 
G42 197 former Chatsworth treasures since acquired by the nation. He was 
G42 198 also responsible for the lifesize Holbein cartoon of Henry VIII 
G42 199 which now greets one on the top floor of the National Portrait 
G42 200 Gallery.<p/>
G42 201 <p_>In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries many of the major 
G42 202 works of art which are now at Chatsworth were in the family's 
G42 203 London home, Devonshire House, in Piccadilly. In the mid-eighteenth 
G42 204 century, by his marriage to Charlotte Boyle, the daughter and 
G42 205 heiress of the Third Earl of Burlington, one of the great patrons 
G42 206 and collectors of that period, the Fourth Duke extended the 
G42 207 collection substantially. Charlotte inherited two great London 
G42 208 properties, Burlington House, also in Piccadilly, and Chiswick 
G42 209 House, ten miles to the west near the River Thames. Both built by 
G42 210 her father, they were filled with collections of fine art which 
G42 211 included works by Rembrandt, Vel<*_>a-acute<*/>zquez, Ricci and 
G42 212 others, and a spectacular collection of drawings, among them Inigo 
G42 213 Jones's collection of architectural drawings by Palladio, and his 
G42 214 own drawings for masques.<p/>
G42 215 <p_>Two of the three London houses remain.
G42 216 
G43   1 <#FLOB:G43\>It has been suggested that this particular subject was 
G43   2 chosen because, with its bard (in the opera he becomes a chorus of 
G43   3 bards), its evocative descriptions of wild scenery and its spasms 
G43   4 of balladesque melancholy, it was of all Scott's works the most 
G43   5 Ossianic (Ambrose 1981: 65-6). Scott was to be a primary source of 
G43   6 much that was most representative of the new era: of Manzoni's 
G43   7 great historical novel <tf_>I promessi sposi<tf/>, and its many 
G43   8 imitations; of Tommaso Grossi's epic of the crusades, <tf_>I 
G43   9 Lombardi alla prima crociata<tf/> (the source of Verdi's opera); 
G43  10 and of many strands in the historical dramas of Victor Hugo and his 
G43  11 epigones. It is no coincidence that the high tide of Scott's 
G43  12 popularity in Italy arrived in the late 1820s at exactly the time 
G43  13 when Bellini and Romani were producing Italy's first full-blooded, 
G43  14 uncompromisingly Romantic operas.<p/>
G43  15 <p_>In a telling phrase Robert Louis Stevenson defined Romanticism 
G43  16 as <quote_>"the movement of an extended curiosity and an 
G43  17 enfranchised imagination"<quote/> (Schmidgall 1977: 114), and 
G43  18 placed Scott at the head of it. The Waverley Novels came to be seen 
G43  19 as <quote_>"the scenic and historical wonders of the Romantic 
G43  20 era"<quote/> (<tf|>ibidem); and that far, at least, critical 
G43  21 perceptions in Italy matched those in Britain. It is true that 
G43  22 Scott was imperfectly understood, sometimes flagrantly 
G43  23 misrepresented, often ineptly imitated. Some saw in his books 
G43  24 little but <quote_>"ghosts, ruined castles and ancestral 
G43  25 curses"<quote/>, and therefore placed him among the manifestations 
G43  26 of Gothic Horror (Ambrose 1981: 59); some distorted his meaning for 
G43  27 political ends; in dramatic adaptations, especially in opera 
G43  28 librettos, little trouble was taken to build up the all-important 
G43  29 historical background that might have given some deeper perspective 
G43  30 to the Romantic agonies holding the centre of the stage. But when 
G43  31 all is said, Scott's books provided Italian opera with some kind of 
G43  32 model for dramatic themes in which were blended history -in the 
G43  33 sense of a distant past that could be upheld as exemplary in faith, 
G43  34 or ethics or valour -and bizarre and terrible happenings, which 
G43  35 attacked the nerves and emotions of the spectator as much as they 
G43  36 spoke to the mind. This blend proved uniquely appealing to theatre 
G43  37 audiences of the second quarter of the century.<p/>
G43  38 <p_>The mood of opera grew more sombre; the tragic close became 
G43  39 more general. As the full tide of Romanticism flooded in over Italy 
G43  40 from the North, it was increasingly difficult for even the most 
G43  41 nostalgic enthusiasts for Enlightenment optimism to evade this 
G43  42 issue. There was of course resistance to the tragic mode, and 
G43  43 spasmodic efforts to mitigate its effect. A notorious case was the 
G43  44 re-writing of the final scenes of Rossini's <tf|>Otello for Rome in 
G43  45 1816. But once accepted, the closing death-scene became a cherished 
G43  46 ingredient of Romantic opera. In <tf_>Il pirata<tf/> and the other 
G43  47 'melo-tragedies' he wrote for Bellini, Romani took particular care 
G43  48 over the culminating 'tableau of terror', establishing a pattern 
G43  49 for those scenes of death, devastation and despair which, a few 
G43  50 years later, Verdi was to make so peculiarly his own. And at least 
G43  51 one great singer of the period, <foreign_>il tenore della bella 
G43  52 morte<foreign/> -Napoleone Moriani -owed much of his reputation to 
G43  53 his prowess in such scenes: <quote_>"the extinction of life is 
G43  54 expressed by singing that has the tints, the shuddering, of death 
G43  55 itself; it is like a trampled narcissus that bows its head, and in 
G43  56 whose bosom the transient echo weeps and laments"<quote/> (a review 
G43  57 in <tf_>La fama<tf/>, 1844, quoted in Walker 1962: 88).<p/>
G43  58 <p_>Librettists usually found their subjects in the repertory of 
G43  59 the prose theatres of the larger cities: the Teatro Fiorentini in 
G43  60 Naples, for instance, supplied most of Cammarano's (Black 1984: 
G43  61 160). A few of these plays were Italian, a few German or English, 
G43  62 at least in origin, but the overwhelming majority came from France, 
G43  63 where the playwrights of the period poured forth well made plays 
G43  64 with inexhaustible facility. To a large extent this theatrical 
G43  65 profusion amounted to the playing of resourceful variations on a 
G43  66 common stock of themes; but this was no disadvantage as far as 
G43  67 operatic adaptation was concerned. Librettists and composers had 
G43  68 few qualms about repeating subjects that were already familiar: a 
G43  69 tragic and sanguinary love-triangle in a pseudo-historical setting, 
G43  70 for instance, rarely failed to fire Donizetti's muse. The first 
G43  71 Romantic generation in Italy was too enthralled with the expressive 
G43  72 potential of the new fashion to worry much about repetitiousness 
G43  73 within the fashion. They sought intoxicated states of soul, 
G43  74 passions driven to violent extremes, tangles of character which 
G43  75 sped the protagonists to an irrational doom. For no longer was 
G43  76 there any question of the dictates of the heart being qualified by 
G43  77 virtue and reason, no longer could every intrigue, every conflict 
G43  78 be finally resolved in a harmonious denouement.<p/>
G43  79 <p_>Though many Italian librettists might now have cried with 
G43  80 Werther: <quote_><foreign_>"Ossian hat in meinem Herzen den Homer 
G43  81 verdr<*_>a-umlaut<*/>ngt"<foreign/><quote/>, ultramontane fashions 
G43  82 did not quite monopolize the Italian stage. Romani was ambivalent 
G43  83 in his attitude to Romanticism from the first (cf. p. 402 above), 
G43  84 and ultimately, after he had abandoned his career as a theatre-poet 
G43  85 for one in journalism, he became deeply hostile to many aspects of 
G43  86 the new movement. Even Cammarano, a younger man by more than a 
G43  87 decade, was sometimes prompted to distance himself from the more 
G43  88 extreme manifestations of Romantic taste. Of <tf_>Maria di 
G43  89 Rudenz<tf/> (Venice 1838), based on Anicet-Bourgeois and Maillan's 
G43  90 <tf_>La nonne sanglante<tf/>, he was to write, <quote_>"those who 
G43  91 know the crude and gloomy happenings in that play will readily 
G43  92 appreciate that I wanted to tone down its outlandish horrors, and 
G43  93 if I hadn't been able to succeed in my purpose (and perhaps no one 
G43  94 could) these few words will serve to indicate how much I abhor this 
G43  95 bloodstained northern genre"<quote/> (Black 1984: 44). And Bellini 
G43  96 did not speak for quite all composers in his scorn for Classical 
G43  97 historical subjects. Mercadante seems to have been reluctant to 
G43  98 abandon Metastasio: even as Romani and Bellini were revealing the 
G43  99 brave new world of uncompromising Romanticism in the years 1827-28, 
G43 100 he was still setting <tf|>Ezio and <tf_>Adriano in Siria<tf/> 
G43 101 (admittedly in much altered form); and he returned to Classical 
G43 102 sources with every appearance of satisfaction after barely a decade 
G43 103 dabbling with more fashionable types of theme: for, reported 
G43 104 Florimo, <quote_>"in subjects taken from Roman history, Mercadante 
G43 105 felt at ease, and his imagination had ample space to roam. He 
G43 106 seemed to envisage with surprising clarity those severe customs, 
G43 107 those virile sentiments, those robust practices which made the 
G43 108 Roman people conquerors and governors of the world"<quote/> 
G43 109 (Florimo 1880-84, III: 16).<p/>
G43 110 <h_><p_>The staging of Romantic opera<p/><h/>
G43 111 <p_>New dramatic themes and new aesthetic ideals inevitably led to 
G43 112 a new type of spectacle. Traditional neo-classical perspective sets 
G43 113 remained popular into the 1820s, and particularly in Milan made the 
G43 114 opera of the age of Rossini a spectacle of monumental grandiosity: 
G43 115 <quote_>"in Milan, everything is sacrificed to mass effects of form 
G43 116 and colour, and to the general impression. It is [Jacques-Louis] 
G43 117 David's own special genius transposed into the medium of 
G43 118 decor"<quote/> (Stendhal 1956: 439). But during that decade sets 
G43 119 became more modest, and a greater premium was set on the suggestive 
G43 120 and the individual. The vogue for Romantic historicism brought in 
G43 121 new iconographical motifs: the ruined Gothic castle, graveyards, 
G43 122 moonlight scenes, and scenes of wild nature which surely echo 
G43 123 contemporary developments toward a more natural style of landscape 
G43 124 painting (Ambrose 1981: 76-7). New effects of lighting became 
G43 125 possible. As a matter of fact gas-lighting was often felt to be 
G43 126 more prosaic and less flexible than the oil lights and prisms of 
G43 127 the past -Ricci indeed goes so far as to call it a <quote_>"mortal 
G43 128 blow to scenography"<quote/> (1930: 28) -but Daguerre's invention 
G43 129 of the diorama in Paris in 1822, and such new resources as the 
G43 130 phantasmagoria, which Verdi learned about from Sanquirico at the 
G43 131 time he was planning <tf|>Macbeth, put extra poetic and evocative 
G43 132 powers into the hands of stage designers.<p/>
G43 133 <p_>It remained a prime consideration in Italian opera to present 
G43 134 an enchanting visual composition on stage. A cultivated pictorial 
G43 135 allusiveness was still common. Moses' costume in Rossini's 
G43 136 <tf|>Mos<*_>e-grave<*/> was copied from Michelangelo's statue in 
G43 137 the church of San Pietro in Vincoli (Stendhal 1956: 310); Verdi 
G43 138 intended to model the spectacle of the Act I finale of <tf|>Attila 
G43 139 on the Raphael <quote_>"tapestries or frescoes"<quote/> in the 
G43 140 Vatican (Verdi 1913: 441). But an interest in visual authenticity 
G43 141 was slowly gaining ground -Stendhal tells us that for the 
G43 142 premi<*_>e-grave<*/>re of Rossini's <tf|>Elisabetta in 1816 the 
G43 143 Naples management sent to England for historically accurate costume 
G43 144 sketches; and Lady Morgan witnessed a production of Spontini's 
G43 145 <tf_>La Vestale<tf/> at La Scala in (?)1820 in which<p/>
G43 146 <p_><quote_>the chariots, moulded upon that splendid relic of 
G43 147 antiquity, the <foreign|>Biga at Rome, are drawn by fiery and 
G43 148 impatient horses, and driven by impetuous charioteers, exactly as 
G43 149 they are represented in the ancient bas-reliefs... The living 
G43 150 groups are formed after the finest sculptures, and down to the 
G43 151 bronze vase in the Consul's festive board, the lamp, tripod, and 
G43 152 consular chair, all seemed borrowed from <tf|>Herculaneum or 
G43 153 <tf|>Pompeii.<quote/> (Morgan 1821, I:99)<p/>
G43 154 <p_>Above all librettists and scenographers were becoming sensitive 
G43 155 to the need for a more intimate harmony between the action, the 
G43 156 characters and their visual setting. A good example of this 
G43 157 scenographic pathetic fallacy is to be found in Cammarano's 
G43 158 synopsis for <tf_>Lucia di Lammermoor<tf/>, where he remarks of the 
G43 159 Act II duet between Edgardo and Ashton, <quote_>"... The storm 
G43 160 howls terribly and reflects the rage which invests the two cruel 
G43 161 enemies"<quote/> (Black 1984: 244).<p/>
G43 162 <p_>Performers too were affected by these developments. Malibran, 
G43 163 under the influence of Talma, <quote_>"wished to introduce in the 
G43 164 theatre artistic and archeological truth and, with this in view, 
G43 165 she had copies made of a quantity of costumes from the archives of 
G43 166 Venice, and from the miniatures in some old manuscripts"<quote/> 
G43 167 (Sterling-Mackinlay 1908: 118). Authentic and truthful 
G43 168 impersonation became the aspiration of many of the finest singers, 
G43 169 and Cammarano's production notes for Naples show that the 
G43 170 librettists of the period were eager to encourage these 
G43 171 naturalistic tendencies (Black 1984: 283). One could, however, go 
G43 172 too far; in London Giuseppe Ambrogetti had, while learning the role 
G43 173 of the father in Paer's <tf|>Agnese, sought <quote_>"to qualify 
G43 174 himself for this part [by studying] the various forms of insanity 
G43 175 in the cells of Bedlam; but unfortunately, in seeking to render his 
G43 176 impersonation true, he made it too dreadful to be borne. Females 
G43 177 actually fainted, while others endeavoured to escape from so 
G43 178 appalling a spectacle"<quote/> (Hogarth 1851, II: 299).<p/>
G43 179 <h_><p_>A new ideology<p/><h/>
G43 180 <p_>The kind of nostalgia which Mercadante felt for a more 
G43 181 familiar, humane world was not a major creative force in the opera 
G43 182 of the age. More vital was an aspiration, which we find clearly 
G43 183 articulated only by philosophers and critics, but which some 
G43 184 creative artists certainly shared, towards a quite new type of 
G43 185 drama, more in tune with the political and social aspirations of 
G43 186 the age. And in this context, we must first invoke the name of 
G43 187 Mazzini. He too, like the later Romani or the later Mercadante, 
G43 188 rejected the idea that the delirious, ego-centred effusions of 
G43 189 Romantic melodrama provided a sound basis for modern opera. But he 
G43 190 rejected it not in order to regress into an outdated 
G43 191 eighteenth-century world view. Mazzini saw, or believed that he 
G43 192 saw, that mankind was on the verge of a new stage in its evolution, 
G43 193 which he defined as the age of <quote_>"socialized 
G43 194 humanity"<quote/>. This new age needed its own archetypal dramatic 
G43 195 form. It would be a <quote_>"profoundly religious, profoundly 
G43 196 educative social drama... greater than Shakespeare by as much as 
G43 197 the idea of Humanity is greater than the idea of the 
G43 198 individual"<quote/> (Mazzini 1910: 196). Mazzini's prescription, 
G43 199 clearly, is a left-wing programme for <foreign|>risorgimento 
G43 200 art.<p/>
G43 201 <p_>Ideologically tendentious opera had occasionally made its 
G43 202 appearance in the productions of the revolutionary period at the 
G43 203 close of the eighteenth century, but at the Restoration this note 
G43 204 falls silent. The <tf_>bel canto<tf/> of Rossini and his epigones 
G43 205 was largely innocent of extra-musical ideas -<quote_>"who would 
G43 206 seek in an opera for an idea?"<quote/> enquired Mazzini witheringly 
G43 207 (1910 127); though that was not to prevent audiences at a later 
G43 208 date from reading their own ideology into Rossini (cf. Chapter 
G43 209 25,p. 453 below).
G43 210 
G43 211 
G43 212 
G43 213 
G43 214 
G44   1 <#FLOB:G44\>The hostile critic of <tf_>Le 
G44   2 T<*_>e-acute<*/>l<*_>e-acute<*/>graphe<tf/> (17 March 1877) who 
G44   3 juxtaposed this particular passage and Lantier's humming (p.630) to 
G44   4 accuse Zola of plagiarism would have felt vindicated had he had 
G44   5 access to the novelist's work-notes. But Zola's reading of this 
G44   6 section of Poulot's book has implications beyond selective 
G44   7 citation. While it remains interesting that by no means all the 
G44   8 songs of <tf|>L'Assommoir are referred to in <tf_>Le Sublime<tf/>, 
G44   9 more significant is the fact that some of Poulot's formulations are 
G44  10 associatively elaborated, both structurally and thematically. And 
G44  11 it is precisely at these textual moments, as we shall see, that 
G44  12 Zola's conception of the caf<*_>e-acute<*/>-concert becomes more 
G44  13 problematic than his original recourse to prejudices shared with 
G44  14 Poulot might suggest.<p/>
G44  15 <p_>What has been amply demonstrated by recent research is that 
G44  16 singing, in this period, was not an innocent activity. While 
G44  17 relaxation of the Second Empire's censorship laws coincided with 
G44  18 its demise, the experience of the Commune was sufficient to remind 
G44  19 those now in authority of the dangers of collective grievances 
G44  20 being articulated in harmony. Words to be sung in the 
G44  21 caf<*_>e-acute<*/>s-concert were thus subject to daily scrutiny; 
G44  22 and approval was accordingly refused if there could be detected 
G44  23 even the most oblique allusion to famine, begging or borrowing, the 
G44  24 disinherited, trials, fraternity, revolutions from 1789 to the 
G44  25 Commune itself, Hugo, military dishonour and the like; songs 
G44  26 submitted under the inadequate camouflage of a <foreign_>"chant 
G44  27 moral et patriotique"<foreign/> or a <foreign_>"chanson 
G44  28 patriotique"<foreign/> fooled nobody. The merely bawdy engaged 
G44  29 song-writers and censorship officials in a semantic duel notable 
G44  30 for its feeble humour and interpretative prowess. Even grammar was 
G44  31 suspect: the imperative was to be avoided! But the extent to which 
G44  32 this obsessive process was taken seriously is underlined by the 
G44  33 1872 retrospective analysis of songs permitted under an earlier 
G44  34 r<*_>e-acute<*/>gime. And the Censor's voluminous files in the 
G44  35 Archives Nationales do allow us to reposition those of 
G44  36 <tf|>L'Assommoir in an ideological context it would be a mistake to 
G44  37 ignore.<p/>
G44  38 <p_>To re-read <tf_>Qu<*_>e-acute<*/> cochon d'enfant<tf/> in this 
G44  39 perspective is to be made newly aware of the resonance of its 
G44  40 vocabulary. Its <quote_>"la Gr<*_>e-grave<*/>ve"<quote/> (p.593) is 
G44  41 less the water's edge than the place of the guillotine and of those 
G44  42 congregating there in the hope of earning their daily bread. It was 
G44  43 not surprising that a song explicitly called <tf_>La 
G44  44 Gr<*_>e-grave<*/>ve<tf/> was banned in May 1870. To refer to a 
G44  45 <quote_>"ma<*_>i-circ<*/>tr' vidangeur's"<quote/> <quote_>"noyaux 
G44  46 de c<*_>e-acute<*/>rises"<quote/> (p.594) scatologically challenged 
G44  47 the ruling on <tf_>Les Vidangeurs<tf/> two years earlier. The 
G44  48 Censor, at least, had no need of the more comprehensive glossary 
G44  49 our editions of <tf|>L'Assommoir fail to provide. The <quote|>"Non" 
G44  50 scrawled across <tf_>La Moutarde de Dijon<tf/> 
G44  51 (<quote_>"chansonnette <*_>a-grave<*/> la sauce piquante"<quote/>) 
G44  52 in November 1868 recognized preoccupations other than the 
G44  53 gastronomic. The refrain <quote_>"qu'est-ce qui paiera"<quote/>, in 
G44  54 <tf_>La Baronne de Follebiche<tf/> (p.585) came into the same 
G44  55 dangerous category as <tf_>Ma Paye<tf/>, while its title met with 
G44  56 disapproval on a number of counts: that the allusion to the 
G44  57 notorious term (<quote|>"<foreign|>biche") invented by Nestor 
G44  58 Roqueplan in 1857 involved the army (a 
G44  59 <quote|>"<foreign|>patrouille" of lovers) was bad enough; its 
G44  60 Germanic echoes and accents made it one of those songs, proscribed 
G44  61 as late as the 1880's, <quote_>"de nature <*_>a-grave<*/> 
G44  62 <*_>e-acute<*/>veiller les susceptibilit<*_>e-acute<*/>s de 
G44  63 l'Ambassade de l'Allemagne"<quote/>. Those were apparently so 
G44  64 finely sensitized that even P<*_>e-grave<*/>re Bru's <quote_>"Trou 
G44  65 la la, trou la la"<quote/> (p.588) trespasses on territory from 
G44  66 which every variation on a <quote|>"<foreign|>Tyrolienne" (Belgian, 
G44  67 no less, in 1874!) was rigorously excluded. He had been invited to 
G44  68 sing <tf_>Les Cinq Voyelles<tf/>, prohibited in January 1876 - 
G44  69 eighteen years after the scene supposedly takes place, but shortly 
G44  70 before Zola began work on <tf|>L'Assommoir. Such anachronisms are 
G44  71 less important, of course, than the extent to which the novel 
G44  72 parades these illegitimate texts. <tf_>Le Petit Riquiqui<tf/> was 
G44  73 only approved once three offending verses had been removed. 
G44  74 <tf_>C'est dans l'nez qu'<*_>c-cedille<*/>a me chatouille<tf/> 
G44  75 (p.60) had been considered beyond the pale, an 1874 decision 
G44  76 astonishing only those na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve enough not to confuse 
G44  77 one orifice with another in a manner popularized by Colmance's 
G44  78 <tf_>Le Nez Culott<*_>e-acute<*/><tf/>.<p/>
G44  79 <p_>Like those of most artists of his time, Zola's views on 
G44  80 censorship are ferocious. In 1871, flying in the face of post-war 
G44  81 interdiction, he went so far as to advocate a prize for <quote_>"le 
G44  82 po<*_>e-grave<*/>te qui aurait <*_>e-acute<*/>crit le chant le plus 
G44  83 insolent contre la Prusse"<quote/> (<tf|>OC, <tf|>XII, 708). Not 
G44  84 until 1885 (<tf|>OC, <tf|>XII, 635-41) would he turn the full force 
G44  85 of his sarcasm on officials <quote_>"[qui] sauvent le gouvernement 
G44  86 <*_>a-grave<*/> chaque couplet qu'ils biffent"<quote/>. This had 
G44  87 been sharpened by his own experience, notably in the case of the 
G44  88 interrupted serialization of <tf_>La Cur<*_>e-acute<*/>e<tf/>. In 
G44  89 response to advice to eliminate <quote_>"les expressions trop 
G44  90 nettes et trop vigoureuses"<quote/> in <tf_>Madeleine 
G44  91 F<*_>e-acute<*/>rat<tf/> (1868), Zola's construction of the 
G44  92 Censor's point of view is a pertinent one: <quote_>"Parlez du vice, 
G44  93 si vous voulez, mais parlez-en avec des calembredaines de 
G44  94 vaudevillistes, risquez des mots orduriers dans un 
G44  95 <*_>e-acute<*/>clat de rire, faites un couplet dont toutes les 
G44  96 honn<*_>e-circ<*/>tes femmes rougiront. Tout cela est 
G44  97 permis"<quote/> (<tf|>OC, <tf|>X, 769-70). For, at this juncture, 
G44  98 it should perhaps be spelt out that it is not being argued that the 
G44  99 proscribed songs of <tf|>L'Assommoir put it in formal breach of the 
G44 100 existing legislation; that would be to rewrite the laws of the time 
G44 101 by extending the brief of the authorities from public performance 
G44 102 to private reading. What the songs of the novel certainly do, 
G44 103 however, is dramatize the impotence of the legislation, in keeping 
G44 104 with Zola's irony at the expense of its absurdities and hypocrisy. 
G44 105 The anxiety of those responsible for the machinery of contemporary 
G44 106 censorship was well-founded. A confidential 1872 report on the 
G44 107 evils of the caf<*_>e-acute<*/>-concert (<quote_>"on ne peut 
G44 108 imaginer <*_>a-grave<*/> quel degr<*_>e-acute<*/> de 
G44 109 d<*_>e-acute<*/>vergondage en arrivent les auteurs de ces 
G44 110 chansons"<quote/>) barely hides official frustration at the 
G44 111 loophole whereby the printing and selling of song-sheets, and their 
G44 112 reproduction in the press, was not subject to control, <quote_>"ce 
G44 113 qui am<*_>e-grave<*/>ne une confusion dans l'esprit de bien des 
G44 114 gens"<quote/>. Indeed, it must have been somewhat galling to try to 
G44 115 pre-empt decontextualization, emphases and reading between the 
G44 116 lines, only to find advertised on the back of the submitted text a 
G44 117 <quote_>"S<*_>e-acute<*/>rie de chansons comiques, satiriques, 
G44 118 politiques, grivoises et bachiques, d<*_>e-acute<*/>fendues dans 
G44 119 les caf<*_>e-acute<*/>s-concerts de Paris par la Censure (50 
G44 120 num<*_>e-acute<*/>ros r<*_>e-acute<*/>unis en un volume 
G44 121 broch<*_>e-acute<*/>)"<quote/>. The dismissive 
G44 122 <quote|>"<foreign|>Non" across <tf_>Le Cri-cri d'Amanda<tf/> was 
G44 123 supposed to silence the refrain which, as Zola had noted a week 
G44 124 earlier, <quote_>"semble devoir faire le tour de nos 
G44 125 th<*_>e-acute<*/> <*_>a-circ<*/>tres"<quote/> (<tf|>OC, <tf|>XII, 
G44 126 68). But an oral culture was, in any case, impossible to suppress. 
G44 127 Far away from the Eldorado, <quote_>"dans les faubourgs, les 
G44 128 petites salles, les bouges o<*_>u-grave<*/> l'on chante la 
G44 129 gaudriole et la romance"<quote/> (as Zola put it; <tf|>OC, <tf|>X, 
G44 130 1060), what has been called <quote>"le roman des pauvres"<quote/> 
G44 131 escapes the Censor's vigilance altogether.<p/>
G44 132 <p_>Nor is it just the actual songs of <tf|>L'Assommoir which 
G44 133 testify to these contradictions. Mme Lerat's censoring activities 
G44 134 are precisely those of the official arbiters Zola would accuse of 
G44 135 <quote_>"une pr<*_>e-acute<*/>occupation de l'ordure qui tourne au 
G44 136 sadisme: les mots les plus innocents prennent pour eux des sens 
G44 137 abominables"<quote/> (<tf|>OC, <tf|>XII, 636). In his work-notes, 
G44 138 he described her as <quote_>"ayant une sorte de monomanie de 
G44 139 l'ordure"<quote/> (fol. 134). On the surface, she reflects an 
G44 140 <foreign|><*_>e-acute<*/>tat-civil which belies her name, 
G44 141 <quote_>"travaillait dans les fleurs et habitait la rue des 
G44 142 Moines"<quote/> (p.413). With her <quote_>"<*_>e-acute<*/>paules 
G44 143 carr<*_>e-acute<*/>es de gendarme"<quote/> (p.589), and handling 
G44 144 her umbrella like a truncheon (p.438), she defends virtue, warns 
G44 145 against moral dangers, and both represents (p.681) and imposes 
G44 146 linguistic propriety: <quote_>"pourvu qu'on n'employ<*_>a-circ<*/>t 
G44 147 pas les mots crus, on pouvait tout dire"<quote/> (p.717). But she 
G44 148 also displays <quote_>"une manie pour les mots <*_>a-grave<*/> 
G44 149 double entente et d'allusions polissonnes, d'une telle profondeur, 
G44 150 qu'elle seule se comprenait"<quote/> (p.453), matched only by a 
G44 151 perverse curiosity in word-play she is unable to fathom 
G44 152 (pp.719-20). An ambivalent response to semantic slippage may not be 
G44 153 limited, however, to this odious character. It could be suggested 
G44 154 that readers, too, are implicated in the text's punning 
G44 155 possibilities, enjoying the <quote_>"signification 
G44 156 cochonne"<quote/> by which Mme Lerat's charges 
G44 157 <quote_>"d<*_>e-acute<*/>tournaient le mot de son sens"<quote/> at 
G44 158 her expense (p.719), while still wanting to know the answer to her 
G44 159 question about Lantier's chance meeting with Nana: <quote_>"Dans 
G44 160 quel sens l'avez-vous vue?"<quote/> (p.747). And we might well ask 
G44 161 where Zola himself stands in relation to the former's 
G44 162 self-indulgence, in the midst of the laundresses, <quote_>"adorant 
G44 163 leurs gros mots, les poussant <*_>a-grave<*/> en dire, tout en 
G44 164 gardant lui-m<*_>e-circ<*/>me un langage choisi"<quote/> (p.608). 
G44 165 Amidst <tf|>L'Assommoir's rising tide of uncertainly attributable 
G44 166 <quote_>"gros mots"<quote/>, Gervaise gives expression to a problem 
G44 167 almost as intriguing as that of aesthetic distance: 
G44 168 <quote_>"lorsqu'il abordait le chapitre des salet<*_>e-acute<*/>s, 
G44 169 elle ne savait jamais s'il parlait pour rire ou pour de 
G44 170 bon"<quote/> (p.677).<p/>
G44 171 <p_>While the songs of <tf|>L'Assommoir fill only a small corner of 
G44 172 this critical frame, their own ludic value can neither be 
G44 173 discounted nor confirmed. It is clear, nevertheless, that they 
G44 174 occupy a place in the novel more consciously devised than 
G44 175 illustrative purposes alone would have warranted. The note 
G44 176 <quote_>"On chante en travaillant"<quote/> (fol.143), taken from 
G44 177 Poulot's observations, generates details less banal than simply the 
G44 178 immemorial habits of labouring men and women. These are duly 
G44 179 inserted (p.415, p.423, p.496), but also allow Zola to engage in 
G44 180 indirect commentary. Gervaise's <quote_>"chanson de 
G44 181 lavandi<*_>e-grave<*/>re"<quote/>, for example, ironically refers 
G44 182 <}_><-|>to<+|><}/> to her own <quote_>"c<*_>oe-ligature<*/>ur/ tout 
G44 183 noir de douleur"<quote/> (p.401) at the very moment of 
G44 184 <quote_>"gaiet<*_>e-acute<*/> f<*_>e-acute<*/>roce"<quote/> which 
G44 185 leaves Virginie's rump so black and blue. Many of the songs thus 
G44 186 function as an accompaniment to the narrative itself, not least the 
G44 187 wickedly appropriate <tf_>C'est dans l'nez qu'<*_>c-cedille<*/>a me 
G44 188 chatouille<quote/> (p.630) which takes Lantier back to Gervaise's 
G44 189 bed as she is overcome by an insidious sensuality at odds with 
G44 190 moral rectitude. The entire singing episode of Chapter 7 is 
G44 191 deliberately organized in counterpoint, underlined by Zola's 
G44 192 intentions (<quote_>"Enfin comme on commence les chansons, Lantier 
G44 193 arrive"<quote/> (fol.32) and translated into a double focus 
G44 194 reminiscent of Flaubert's <tf_>comices agricoles<tf/>, as news of 
G44 195 approaching temptation is interpolated between songs of seduction 
G44 196 (<tf_>Le Volcan d'amour, ou le Troupier 
G44 197 s<*_>e-acute<*/>duisant<tf/>) and resistance (<tf_>A 
G44 198 l'abordage!<tf/>). But Poulot's condemnatory <quote_>"La chanson 
G44 199 d<*_>e-acute<*/>vergond<*_>e-acute<*/>e, <*_>e-acute<*/>nervante, 
G44 200 rempla<*_>c-cedille<*/>a les chants patriotiques"<quote/> generates 
G44 201 a structure of alternation which extends beyond the sobriety of 
G44 202 <tf_>Les Adieux d'Abd-el-Kader<tf/> and the intoxication of 
G44 203 <tf_>Les Vins de France<tf/>. These are but the sanctioned pauses 
G44 204 in the accelerating rhythm of a transgressive repertoire. For 
G44 205 between the serious and the salacious, on the one hand, and 
G44 206 respectful silence and a deafening roar, on the other, the chapter 
G44 207 charts the progression of an unbridled laughter. Its disruptive 
G44 208 potential is already asserted in the telling disturbance of those 
G44 209 muslim curtains between room and street (p.585, p.592) which 
G44 210 separate the private and the public.<p/>
G44 211 <p_>Within the domestic space of <quote_>"la simple vie de Gervaise 
G44 212 Macquart"<quote/>, Zola's premeditated correlation of performer and 
G44 213 performance (fols 33-36) ensures that the songs are angled as 
G44 214 mirrors in which characters either locate themselves or are 
G44 215 reflected for the reader in individuated echoes. The strains of 
G44 216 exotic Spain and Arabia (pp.586-87), in the 'romances' for which 
G44 217 Zola had a particular loathing, open up <quote_>"des horizons 
G44 218 d'or"<quote/> which had remained encased with <quote_>"les petits 
G44 219 dieux de l'Orient"<quote/> (p.447) in the Louvre; and they 
G44 220 anticipate the more prosaic flight to Brussels in Goujet's proposal 
G44 221 to Gervaise of <quote_>"un enl<*_>e-grave<*/>vement, comme cela se 
G44 222 passe dans les romans"<quote/> (p.616). The informing desire of a 
G44 223 rural idyll is a recurrent motif: in Coupeau's 
G44 224 <tf_>Oh<*_>e-acute<*/>! les petits agneaux<tf/> (p.479) and 
G44 225 <tf_>Ah! qu'il fait bon cueillir la fraise<tf/>; and, especially, 
G44 226 in the mawkish <tf_>Faites un nid<tf/>: <quote_>"car 
G44 227 <*_>c-cedille<*/>a rappelait la campagne, les oiseaux 
G44 228 l<*_>e-acute<*/>gers, les danses sous la feuill<*_>e-acute<*/>e, 
G44 229 les fleurs au calice de miel"<quote/> (p.587). Of these 
G44 230 inconsequential negations of an urban destiny, none is more 
G44 231 grotesquely redolent than the title of the last. For Gervaise's 
G44 232 life-long dream of <quote_>"un nid chaud"<quote/> (p.644) is 
G44 233 precariously placed between the literal and the figurative; and it 
G44 234 is terminally parodied when the <quote_>"avoir un trou 
G44 235 <*_>a-grave<*/> soi"<quote/> (fol.91) takes her to the 
G44 236 <quote|>"<foreign|>niche" (p.796) previously occupied by 
G44 237 P<*_>e-grave<*/>re Bru; as we are further forewarned by his 
G44 238 <quote_>"Trou la, trou la, trou la la!"<quote/> which is the 
G44 239 hopelessly insistent sub-text of the celebration of her apparent 
G44 240 triumph.
G44 241 
G44 242 
G44 243 
G44 244 
G45   1 <#FLOB:G45\><h_><p_>Redundant genius<p/>
G45   2 <p_>Robin Holloway<p/><h/>
G45   3 <p_>Mozart died almost exactly 200 years ago. The celebrations have 
G45   4 been so neon-lit as to make the Bach/Scarlatti/Handel tercentenary 
G45   5 in 1985, even the Beethoven bicentenary of 1970, seem by contrast 
G45   6 pale and tasteful. But the great masters do not need round-figure 
G45   7 birthdays; their reputation no longer fluctuates and their music 
G45   8 requires no arbitrary boosting.<p/>
G45   9 <p_>Nonetheless Mozart's present universal popularity would have 
G45  10 surprised the taste of 1891. Early in the century he was taken by 
G45  11 Hoffmann as a harbinger of romantic daemonism, but as the romantic 
G45  12 epoch blossomed (with Hoffmann one of its key sources) Mozart was 
G45  13 seen rather as an island of innocence before music realised its 
G45  14 full powers. Between the summits of Bachian polyphony and 
G45  15 Beethovenian symphonism came Papa Haydn and the infant Mozart. 
G45  16 Schumann's well-known view (incomprehensible to us) of the G minor 
G45  17 Symphony's carefree gaiety reaches a climax in Mahler's notorious 
G45  18 contempt for classical formulae. Though his supremacy in opera was 
G45  19 never doubted, vicissitudes of taste lost <tf|>Idomeneo, 
G45  20 <tf_>Cos<*_>i-grave<*/> fan tutte<tf/>, even <tf_>The Magic 
G45  21 Flute<tf/>, for many decades. These works, unsurpassed in their 
G45  22 respective genres, all had to be revived in this century.<p/>
G45  23 <p_>In fact, Mozart is a stranger composer than his apparently 
G45  24 complete centrality would suggest. He lies athwart the main lines. 
G45  25 On one hand<&|>sic! there are the affect-and-image-makers, Bach, 
G45  26 Schubert, Wagner, with their baroque continuity of texture and 
G45  27 primacy of expressive meaning. But his native place would appear to 
G45  28 be on the other - the thematic development and tonal argument whose 
G45  29 focus is in the Viennese classical style and the sonata principle. 
G45  30 At bottom, though, Mozart is not really like his two peers, 
G45  31 Beethoven and Haydn. He is not by nature an arguer or a developer. 
G45  32 His starting point is the conventions, routines, 
G45  33 <tf|>donn<*_>e-accute<*/>es of material and form that make the 
G45  34 going commonplaces of his time. His instrumental works 'step 
G45  35 through their paces', shifting prefabricated musical units across 
G45  36 highly formalised perspectives of key and texture; construction and 
G45  37 proportion are what concern him, not logic, or journey, or organic 
G45  38 growth. They are at their greatest when most is in play, above all 
G45  39 in the mature piano concertos with their extraordinary abundance of 
G45  40 themes (far more than required by Haydn and Beethoven, whatever the 
G45  41 genre). But in symphonies and chamber music the result is often 
G45  42 neat and dry. Only when these genres are infused with a 
G45  43 vocal/dramatic element does he take off as an abstract composer.<p/>
G45  44 <p_>For what stirs his depths is virtuosity and display, wowing the 
G45  45 aisles and bringing the house down. Though this also accounts for 
G45  46 the quality of the piano concertos and those movements in chamber 
G45  47 works which seem to be rendering an operatic scene (the love-duet 
G45  48 between first violin and first viola in the andante of the C major 
G45  49 Quintet, or between the two pianists' right hands in that of the F 
G45  50 major piano-duet Sonata), it reaches its native land in music for 
G45  51 the human voice. Everything in Mozart needs to be vocally phrased, 
G45  52 never more so than when it actually is vocal. And vocal means the 
G45  53 gamut of human expression, placed in an operatic context. Church 
G45  54 music only comes to life when charged, sometimes flagrantly, with 
G45  55 theatrical fervour. Mozart's religious and ethical aspect lies 
G45  56 altogether elsewhere, in pieces for masonic rituals that culminate 
G45  57 in the sublime Funeral Music and only reach a larger public as it 
G45  58 were surreptitiously, via <tf_>The Magic Flute<tf/>.<p/>
G45  59 <p_>Another difference between Mozart and his classical peers is 
G45  60 that his catalogue is full of oddments - bits and bobs that he 
G45  61 touches with the highest flights of fantasy. Who but Mozart, 
G45  62 commissioned to write something for a glass harmonica or a 
G45  63 clock<?_>-<?/>work organ, would have bothered to turn these 
G45  64 unappealing tasks (we have his word for it) into one-off 
G45  65 masterpieces; or lavished his genius upon arias for insertion into 
G45  66 other composers' operas; or transformed routine serenades and 
G45  67 divertimenti (sometimes) into inspirations that belong with his 
G45  68 greatest work? Uninspired pieces are also, of course, numerous. 
G45  69 Glenn Gould compared Mozart on an off-day to an interdepartmental 
G45  70 communication. That such music shares the same lucidity and command 
G45  71 as his greatest makes his greatest vulnerable to easy-listening 
G45  72 muzakisation, as invited by not much of Haydn's and almost nothing 
G45  73 of Beethoven's. A high percentage of Mozart's bicentennial 
G45  74 popularity is fuelled by the wallpaper quality which can debase him 
G45  75 into a rococo successor to Vivaldi.<p/>
G45  76 <p_>This bicentenary! Its blatant commerciality can only be 
G45  77 compared to present-day Christmas: exploitative greed with a 
G45  78 saccharine veneer of quasi-religious observance. Its main message 
G45  79 is not so much the undying glory of Mozart as a reminder, lest we 
G45  80 forget, that since the end of church, then royal or aristocratic 
G45  81 patronage (at which turning-point his unhappy career is poised), 
G45  82 the creative musician lies at the bottom of the pile. In whatever 
G45  83 current present ever since, he is always dispensable and redundant, 
G45  84 in glaring contrast with the perpetual demand for singers, 
G45  85 pianists, conductors, impresarios, who actually keep the mills 
G45  86 churning. He becomes (if he makes it) necessary and 'classicised' 
G45  87 only after his death when the benefits are too late. The living 
G45  88 composer, unless he pushes or is pushed, is superfluous. There are 
G45  89 exceptions, but this with all its clich<*_>e-acute<*/>d pathos is 
G45  90 the norm. Cultured society ignores the innovative creator; then 
G45  91 venerates him, and creams the profits, spiritual and material - 
G45  92 symposia, conferences and concerts equally with the CD editions, 
G45  93 the coffee-table books, the Mozart chocolates. Death by overkilling 
G45  94 the vital essence is the awful warning of 1991 just as death by 
G45  95 neglect of the mortal individual remains that of 1791.<p/>
G45  96 
G45  97 <h_><p_>The Japanese are back<p/>
G45  98 <p_>Alistair McAlpine<p/><h/>
G45  99 <p_>The art market galloped along this month with sales in Paris 
G45 100 and New York. The first fence, the Tremaine Collection, a Becher's 
G45 101 Brook-like obstacle, presented no real problem to the auctioneers. 
G45 102 The market cleared it, just clipping the brush with 16 out of the 
G45 103 18 lots sold.<p/>
G45 104 <p_>The Fernand L<*_>e-acute<*/>ger, estimate $8-10 million, was 
G45 105 sold for $7.7 million. Some people expected it to fetch $15 
G45 106 million, but some people will always be optimistic. The price 
G45 107 seemed to me to be a very good one, for fine as the painting is - 
G45 108 and no one has disputed this - it is not the sort of picture to 
G45 109 hang in the drawing-room: three naked girls eating their packed 
G45 110 lunches. Considerable emphasis has been given to their breasts and 
G45 111 buttocks. This painting is not even the sort of thing that you 
G45 112 would want to sit in front of while buying and selling oil wells. 
G45 113 Come to think of it, the picture is perhaps a little too much even 
G45 114 for the bedroom: strictly for a museum, this work. It was sold to a 
G45 115 bidder described by Christie's as <quote_>"a private 
G45 116 European"<quote/>. Whether this customer is an enthusiast for 
G45 117 20th-century art or for breasts and buttocks has not so far been 
G45 118 revealed. In either event, he got a very fine example of the former 
G45 119 and a remarkable collection of the latter for, on the face of it, 
G45 120 not a very high price.<p/>
G45 121 <p_>The two paintings that did not sell were a Mondrian and a Miro. 
G45 122 The Miro at least was untypical of this collection, a weak 
G45 123 painting. High prices, however, are still paid in the auctions. In 
G45 124 the same sale a picture by Robert Delaunay fetched over $5 million 
G45 125 - its estimate, $2-3 million. Sold to <quote_>"a private 
G45 126 European"<quote/>, this painting is an abstract work with not a 
G45 127 part of the body in sight. In Paris, a Gauguin landscape fetched a 
G45 128 record price.<p/>
G45 129 <p_>Christie's New York sale of Impressionist and Modern Paintings 
G45 130 ended part one with 38 lots sold and 22 lots bought in. This did 
G45 131 not seem to be good news, but the dealers were smiling again. The 
G45 132 rest of the sales were patchy but still the dealers smiled. For 
G45 133 some months, the auctions have been dominated by collectors. If the 
G45 134 collector really wanted a picture he bid for it, but with no 
G45 135 opposition from the trade. For the first time the dealers are 
G45 136 beginning to bid again.<p/>
G45 137 <p_>One group of people noticeable by their absence were the 
G45 138 Japanese. They were absent as buyers in New York but present as 
G45 139 sellers and were well pleased with the prices that they received 
G45 140 for their goods. The Japanese moved into the art market straight 
G45 141 after Black Monday in October 1987. They saw art, and in particular 
G45 142 Modern and Impressionist paintings, as an alternative investment to 
G45 143 the stock market. There is very little personal money in Japan, 
G45 144 which has high taxation and higher death duties. In Japan the real 
G45 145 wealth comes from the controlling of money, the owning of companies 
G45 146 where the proprietor is, in effect, the same as the company. If he 
G45 147 will buy art, then art is bought. Many of these people were real 
G45 148 estate dealers, well used to borrowing money, often used to their 
G45 149 assets showing no cash return; used to assets that rely on capital 
G45 150 appreciation to make a profit for their owners. The art market 
G45 151 suited these people. They bought paintings by the dozen. One such, 
G45 152 when viewing a sale at Sotheby's, said, <quote_>"Why are we 
G45 153 selecting which lots to buy? Why do I not buy the whole of the 
G45 154 second part of the sale? I can well afford it."<quote/><p/>
G45 155 <p_>The prices seemed to these people small by comparison with 
G45 156 those that they paid for land. Indeed they were. All went well 
G45 157 while the price of land went up, but when the world changed and the 
G45 158 price of land went down, so did the price of pictures, for the 
G45 159 finance companies squeezed again and they began to sell. Why are 
G45 160 these collectors happy with the prices that they have been 
G45 161 receiving in New York? They are happy to be able to sell at all. 
G45 162 They are happy that there still is a market in art, for the 
G45 163 buildings that they bought are often unsaleable at any price.<p/>
G45 164 <p_>So are the Japanese out of the market? No, just in different 
G45 165 fields - dolls, for instance. Dolls fetch very large prices in 
G45 166 Japan, often in excess of pounds50,000. The dolls have, of course, 
G45 167 to be asked by their collectors - Japanese doll collectors always 
G45 168 talk to their dolls - whether they wish to become part of their 
G45 169 collection or not. Dolls can be unreliable in their answers, but 
G45 170 while the Japanese offer them comfortable homes and often other 
G45 171 enticements, the market in dolls will stay brisk.<p/>
G45 172 <p_>The Japanese are by nature true collectors. They have the 
G45 173 tradition of the <foreign|>kura or storehouse for keeping their 
G45 174 collections, displaying a painting taken from their stores for just 
G45 175 the right amount of time, on just the right occasion, to just the 
G45 176 right person. Until a collector has a warehouse in which to keep 
G45 177 his collection, he is no collector, he is merely furnishing his 
G45 178 home. So for the Japanese dealer there is no need for the circular 
G45 179 sent out by the commune of Minami Azab, a wealthy suburb of Tokyo 
G45 180 with many foreigners living there. The circular was in English and 
G45 181 said, <quote_>"If you are contemplating suicide, please do not use 
G45 182 the gas. It will merely create destruction in the 
G45 183 neighbourhood."<quote/><p/>
G45 184 
G45 185 <h_><p_>Waffle with syrup<p/>
G45 186 <p_>Martyn Harris<p/><h/>
G45 187 <p_>On Monday night the nation's <foreign|>soidisant Grand 
G45 188 Inquisitor Sir Robin Day returned to earth from his satellite orbit 
G45 189 to front <tf|>4-Thought (Channel 4, 11.20 p.m.), the series which 
G45 190 experiments with new ways of presenting current affairs - in this 
G45 191 case the fall of Mrs Thatcher.<p/>
G45 192 <p_>For his own experiment Sir Robin had hit upon the bold stroke 
G45 193 of inviting two politicians to be questioned by two journalists: 
G45 194 Sir George Younger and Nicholas Ridley on the one hand, with Alan 
G45 195 Watkins and Bruce Anderson on the other. Sir George presented the 
G45 196 challenging case that The Fall was to do with the economy, the poll 
G45 197 tax and Europe, which last he referred to puzzlingly as <quote_>"a 
G45 198 real-life situation"<quote/>. Ridley agreed, but with more emphasis 
G45 199 on the economy. Bruce Anderson agreed at length with both of them. 
G45 200 <quote_>"But what is your question, Bruce?"<quote/> demanded the 
G45 201 Grand Inquisitor, and it seemed that Bruce did not have one.<p/>
G45 202 
G46   1 <#FLOB:G46\><p_>This was well illustrated in 1989 when the British 
G46   2 Phonographic Industry (BPI) lowered the qualifying levels for 
G46   3 silver, gold and platinum discs. In 1978, thirty-one gold discs 
G46   4 were awarded; by 1988 this was down to nine (ibid. p. 68). In 1979, 
G46   5 89 million singles were sold in the UK; by 1988 this down to 60 
G46   6 million (BPI 1987, 1989). The continuing strength of the chart 
G46   7 format that reports and valorises these declining sales would 
G46   8 therefore seem odd and must indicate something about the 
G46   9 attractiveness of this way of displaying music. Secondly, the chart 
G46  10 is not central to all consumers and producers of pop music. Many 
G46  11 either do not care about it or actively resist it, but enough see 
G46  12 it as the essence of pop for the hit parade still to be centre 
G46  13 stage within this cultural field. Thirdly, it is evident that I 
G46  14 have assumed that most consumers were young, white and obsessive 
G46  15 about pop. The pop audience is a good deal more diverse than that, 
G46  16 but all the same the archetype of the teenager is undoubtedly still 
G46  17 the dominant image for pop production and consumption.<p/>
G46  18 <p_>I begin by outlining the history of the hit parade in the USA 
G46  19 and UK. Following this is a political economy of the charts which 
G46  20 views them in relation to capitalist industrial practices. 
G46  21 Concluding that this perspective is insufficient to explain the 
G46  22 attractiveness of the charts to the consumer I move on to a 
G46  23 'reading' of the charts. By reading I mean that I treat the charts 
G46  24 as text and attempt to tease out the assumptions that go into 
G46  25 constructing it. The final section attempts to draw out some 
G46  26 conclusions from the reading and touches on the nature of consumer 
G46  27 involvement in the play of the charts and its relevance for the 
G46  28 post-modernity debate.<p/>
G46  29 <h_><p_>Musical knowledge<p/><h/>
G46  30 <p_>The charts are produced by market research organisations 
G46  31 sponsored by various branches of the media. They take the form of 
G46  32 sale figures collated from week to week and are then published as a 
G46  33 table illustrating which products have sold more than others during 
G46  34 that period. There appears to have been a need to count the 
G46  35 products of the music industry from early this century: the 
G46  36 <tf_>Melody Maker<tf/> 'Honours List' was begun in 1928 and 
G46  37 <tf_>The Gramophone<tf/> had a three-part chart (sales of sheet 
G46  38 music, records and radio airplay) from 1934-6. Despite relying on 
G46  39 highly subjective measurements, little changed until 1947, when the 
G46  40 same paper introduced its '10 Best Sellers in Britain', based on 
G46  41 wholesale orders for sheet music. A fairly accurate British singles 
G46  42 chart was produced by the <tf_>New Musical Express<tf/> in 1952 (a 
G46  43 top twelve with fifteen records in it), soon followed by other 
G46  44 music papers, each using their own secret list of retailers' sales 
G46  45 returns from which to produce a feature to sell newspaper. The 
G46  46 <tf|>NME chart grew to a twenty in 1954 and a thirty in 1956. 
G46  47 Albums followed in the <tf_>Melody Maker<tf/> in 1958 but is was 
G46  48 not until 1963 that an independently audited chart was set up, at 
G46  49 first relying on postal returns from 250 record shops and being 
G46  50 published in <tf_>Record Retailer<tf/>. This Top 50 chart was sold 
G46  51 to the BBC from 1969 onwards.<p/>
G46  52 <p_>At the present time there are two large independent charts 
G46  53 produced within the UK, the Chart Information Network (CIN) and the 
G46  54 Network/MRIB (Media Research and Information Bureau). The former is 
G46  55 the one with the widest circulation since it is featured on BBC 
G46  56 TV's 'Top of the Pops' and Radio One. In 1983 the contract to 
G46  57 compile this chart was moved from the British Market Research 
G46  58 Bureau to Gallup. From 1983 until 1990 the chart was 50 per cent 
G46  59 financed by the British Phonographic Industry, 38 per cent by 
G46  60 <tf_>Music Week<tf/>, which publishes the chart, and 12 per cent by 
G46  61 the BBC. In 1990 this arrangement changed - largely because of 
G46  62 wrangles over finance and control. The structure at the time of 
G46  63 writing is that <tf_>Music Week<tf/>/CIN own the chart, use Gallup 
G46  64 to produce it, and then sell it to the BPI and the BBC. It seems 
G46  65 unlikely that this provisional arrangement will last. The chart 
G46  66 costs approximately pounds0.75 million per year to produce and 
G46  67 lists the top 200 singles and albums which could be broken down 
G46  68 into charts for separate products - 12-inch singles, compact discs, 
G46  69 music videos and so on. Data collection for the chart is now 
G46  70 substantially computerised through bar codes read at point of sale, 
G46  71 returns being taken from 500 retailers across the UK by 
G46  72 automatically dialled night-time telephone lines. Once these 
G46  73 returns have been collated, a check panel of 140 further shops, 
G46  74 from a list of 400, are telephone interviewed on the titles 
G46  75 climbing the charts in order that checks may be made on the 
G46  76 accuracy of that data. The charts must be seen to be immune to any 
G46  77 form of accidental or deliberate falsification. This is in part 
G46  78 because of the constant spectre of chart rigging that has hung over 
G46  79 the hit parade since the USA 'payola' scandals of the late fifties. 
G46  80 BPI/Gallup have the power to remove records that they believe have 
G46  81 been 'hyped' into the charts and even to fine the perpetrators but, 
G46  82 as Wallis and Malm (1984, pp. 242-52) note, there is an inescapable 
G46  83 conflict of interests in the practice of self-policing the charts. 
G46  84 'Payola, layola, flyola and freebies' are thus unlikely to 
G46  85 disappear completely but, in order to ensure the impression of 
G46  86 objectivity, there is continual recourse to rhetoric about market 
G46  87 sampling strategies, data checking and the use of the latest 
G46  88 information technologies (Gallup 1988; BPI 1989).<p/>
G46  89 <p_>The second main British chart, the Network/MRIB chart, is 
G46  90 compiled primarily for independent local radio and is constructed 
G46  91 in a similar manner to the Gallup chart. It is also sold to 
G46  92 Independent Television's teletext service and sections of the music 
G46  93 press. The MRIB also compile many of the specialist charts featured 
G46  94 in the music press, catering for particular genres of music that 
G46  95 are unlikely to gain enough sales to put them into either of the 
G46  96 other major charts. At the time of writing it is likely that there 
G46  97 may be changes in the construction of the MRIB chart since 
G46  98 <tf_>Music Week<tf/> now has an exclusivity clause with the major 
G46  99 retailers for providing sales information.<p/>
G46 100 <p_>The other chart that matters in the UK is the American 
G46 101 'Billboard Hot 100'. This has its origins in the 'Network Song 
G46 102 Census' in <tf|>Billboard (the major US trade paper) in 1934, 
G46 103 leading directly to a series of radio 'Hit Parade' programmes form 
G46 104 1935 onwards. Frith (1987) suggests that the early importance of 
G46 105 these charts reflected the fact that the main method of 
G46 106 dissemination of recorded music, juke<?_>-<?/>boxes, were almost 
G46 107 entirely American in production. The first fairly accurate 
G46 108 tabulation of popular music sales was featured in the same magazine 
G46 109 in 1940, leading finally to the 'Billboard Hot 100' from 1958 to 
G46 110 the present day. Since then this has been the major chart sponsored 
G46 111 by the American music industry. Though it indicates sales in the 
G46 112 largest recorded music market in the world, it also takes into 
G46 113 account radio airplay. This is largely because of the greater 
G46 114 importance that commercial radio has in promoting records in the US 
G46 115 market. Despite this, it is regularly featured in the UK music 
G46 116 press and is studied from within the British music industry.<p/>
G46 117 <h_><p_>Whose interests?<p/><h/>
G46 118 <p_>It would seem fairly evident that the particular form of 
G46 119 knowledge represented by music charts directly serves the financial 
G46 120 interests of one particular group - those involved in the various 
G46 121 branches of the music industry. For this group the sales charts 
G46 122 empirically demonstrate the successes and failures of record 
G46 123 companies, producers, designers, managers and recording artists, on 
G46 124 the assumption that the more units sold the better the individuals 
G46 125 have done their respective jobs. Sales of recorded music are very 
G46 126 big business - pounds1,108 million (retail value) in the UK alone 
G46 127 in 1988, with the world market in 1987 being approximately $17 
G46 128 billion (BPI 1989). However, investment risks are high: on average, 
G46 129 only 8 per cent of releases become hits (Frith 1978, p. 118), and 
G46 130 in a volatile market constant assessment of sales performance is 
G46 131 crucial in order to avoid high losses. In no other sector of the 
G46 132 economy are 700 new product lines issued every week. A huge amount 
G46 133 of money is therefore spent in order that the industry can 
G46 134 constantly feel its own pulse and test the market. The singles 
G46 135 charts also have a significant promotional function; though singles 
G46 136 are now continual loss makers, they do introduce artists to an 
G46 137 audience which will hopefully then be enticed into buying a more 
G46 138 expensive and profitable music product.<p/>
G46 139 <p_>However, an understanding of the charts must involve more than 
G46 140 this, since they amplify success as well as quantifying and 
G46 141 advertising it. In the simplest terms the higher a record is placed 
G46 142 in the charts, the more media exposure it will obtain and thus the 
G46 143 more sales, and so on. This is especially true of the 'Billboard 
G46 144 Hot 100' which is collated not only on the basis of record sales 
G46 145 but also takes into account radio play. The circularity of this 
G46 146 process becomes evident when it is noted that as a rule radio 
G46 147 playlists are constructed overwhelmingly from chart records. As 
G46 148 various commentators have noted (Rothenbuhler 1987; Hirsch 1990), 
G46 149 the 'gatekeeping' function of the various individuals and 
G46 150 organisations concerned with the music media thus becomes 
G46 151 particularly important in selecting and influencing hits. In fact 
G46 152 it could be said that the record companies spend more money buying 
G46 153 records into the charts than they do ensuring that the charts are 
G46 154 'hype proof', though not all of these expenditures necessarily 
G46 155 contravene industry regulations. In addition to this, it needs to 
G46 156 be noted that the hit parade is not quite as accurate as is often 
G46 157 suggested. The selection procedure tends to favour records that 
G46 158 sell relatively quickly throughout the country and not those that 
G46 159 sell more gradually or in specific regions. The result of this is 
G46 160 that the charts represent what Street calls a <quote_>"highly 
G46 161 selective populism"<quote/> (1986, p. 116) which discriminates 
G46 162 against minority musics in an apparently democratic fashion. They 
G46 163 are, Harker claims, incapable of providing any genuine measure of 
G46 164 popularity by their very nature:<p/>
G46 165 <p_><quote_>The charts can tell us only about the commercial 
G46 166 transaction - and they can't do that very accurately. About how 
G46 167 many times a song is played at home, on radio or television (in 
G46 168 Britain at any rate), used in cinema, performed and adapted on 
G46 169 football terraces, in the bath, in concert halls, clubs and pubs, 
G46 170 the charts can tell us nothing.<quote/> (Harker 1980, p. 97)<p/>
G46 171 <p_>The political economy of the music industry is only half of the 
G46 172 picture; the charts are also used by the consumers of the music 
G46 173 media. Radio and television shows, and both the music and general 
G46 174 press feature details of chart activity. There is even a thriving 
G46 175 industry in the production of books displaying in painstaking 
G46 176 detail the highest UK and US chart positions, dates of entry and 
G46 177 number of weeks in the chart, for records form the fifties onwards. 
G46 178 It would seem evident that the consumer's interest in the charts is 
G46 179 not as utilitarian as that of a music industry insider, but this 
G46 180 does not necessarily mean that the fan's attention will be any the 
G46 181 more casual. On the contrary, it often seems true that the consumer 
G46 182 is more deeply 'involved' in the play of figures and faces than the 
G46 183 professional ever is, the latter's enthusiasm ending with the 
G46 184 (relative) autonomy of leisure, when the former's begins. What is 
G46 185 it about the charts that has made them such a durable structure 
G46 186 when both the record industry and the consumer have changed so 
G46 187 much? In order to answer this question it is necessary to begin to 
G46 188 read the charts as a way of structuring meaning, and not simply a 
G46 189 means of satisfying the economic demands of capital.<p/>
G46 190 <h_><p_>Reading the charts<p/><h/>
G46 191 <p_>I want to say something more about the charts than the 
G46 192 foregoing political economy of the pop industry will allow.
G46 193 
G46 194 
G46 195 
G47   1 <#FLOB:G47\><h_><p_>THE ART OF COLOUR IN FLORENTINE PAINTING OF THE 
G47   2 EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY: ROSSO FIORENTINO AND JACOPO PONTORMO<p/>
G47   3 <p_>PATRICIA RUBIN<p/><h/>
G47   4 <p_>In his Life of Rosso Fiorentino, Vasari gives an account of the 
G47   5 altarpiece commissioned by the director of the hospital of Santa 
G47   6 Maria Nuova (plate 9). Seeing is sketched or roughed in 
G47   7 (<foreign|>abbozzato), the <foreign|>spedalingo fled from the 
G47   8 house, for all the saints seemed to him to be devils. Given this 
G47   9 impression it is not surprising that he did not want the panel and 
G47  10 claimed to have been cheated. Vasari explains that he had little 
G47  11 understanding of art. Rosso was in the habit of sketching his 
G47  12 figures with <quote_>"cruel and desperate"<quote/> airs, which he 
G47  13 softened in finishing them. The story of Rosso's unsuccessful 
G47  14 commission is told in such a way as to expose a client's ignorance 
G47  15 about art, thereby turning Rosso's failure into a successful 
G47  16 example and accommodating it to one of Vasari's favourite topics in 
G47  17 the <tf|>Lives (and perhaps reflecting Rosso's own justification 
G47  18 for what was apparently a failure in his career).<p/>
G47  19 <p_>Recently discovered documents give a different history. The 
G47  20 administrator of the hospital, Leonardo Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/>, was 
G47  21 indeed responsible for the commission. The contract is dated 30 
G47  22 January 1518. He was acting as executor of the testament of a 
G47  23 foreign (Catalan) widow, Francesca di Ripoi, who endowed a chapel 
G47  24 dedicated to John the Baptist in the church of Ognissanti. 
G47  25 Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/>, who perhaps did not share Vasari's or 
G47  26 Rosso's understanding of the arts, was nonetheless far from 
G47  27 na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve. He had considerable experience and interest 
G47  28 in commissioning altarpieces. One feature of his tenure at Santa 
G47  29 Maria Nuova was the attention he gave to the provision of altars 
G47  30 for the hospital's benefices. He was also a notable patron in his 
G47  31 own right. He seems to have known what he liked, favouring works by 
G47  32 Ridolfo del Ghirlandaio (plate 10) - and what he did not like, 
G47  33 which apparently included this painting. Rosso received sixteen 
G47  34 instead of the originally anticipated twenty-five florins and even 
G47  35 those only after arbitration and appraisal by two artists, Giuliano 
G47  36 Bugiardini and Francesco Granacci. It has been suggested that 
G47  37 Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/> remained steadfast while the painting 
G47  38 departed. Rejected for its intended site in Florence, it might have 
G47  39 been modified (St Leonard changed to Stephen and Benedict to 
G47  40 Anthony Abbot) to be sent to a farflung benefice of the Hospital, 
G47  41 the church of Santo Stefano in Grezzano nearly forty kilometres 
G47  42 from Florence. An altarpiece by Ridolfo was eventually to appear in 
G47  43 Ognissanti. Now lost, it is mentioned by Vasari in his Life of 
G47  44 Ridolfo.<p/>
G47  45 <p_>It is not possible to know what Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/> did see, 
G47  46 as Rosso's sketch is submerged beneath the final work. The moment 
G47  47 of Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/>'s seeing this painting, so vividly evoked 
G47  48 by Vasari, is totally irretrievable, but the record of his 
G47  49 commissions gives and indication of the kind of thing he could 
G47  50 comfortably accept. There is a marked reliance on Ridolfo del 
G47  51 Ghirlandaio and an appreciation for painted terracotta altarpieces 
G47  52 from the della Robbia shop. His mode or manner of seeing is open to 
G47  53 reconstruction. A matter of taste and expectation, it seems to have 
G47  54 clashed with the talent and temperament of that artist of 'contrary 
G47  55 opinion'.<p/>
G47  56 <p_>One aspect of the contrast of opinion may have been Rosso's 
G47  57 expressive way of painting. The judgment of the appraisers, both 
G47  58 trained in the Ghirlandaio shop, suggests that there was a 
G47  59 disagreement over Rosso's having completed the work 'according to 
G47  60 the standard of an able master' (<foreign_>ad usum boni 
G47  61 magistri<foreign/>), to borrow the standard contractual clause. His 
G47  62 idea of good and mastery was evidently in some way at variance with 
G47  63 theirs. And it is that element of difference as it pertains to the 
G47  64 question of <foreign|>colorito or colouring (the act of applying 
G47  65 colour) that will be the focus here in trying to find out what 
G47  66 devil was in this painting.<p/>
G47  67 <p_>Some hint may be given by comparing Rosso's way of painting his 
G47  68 saints with the dragon in Filippino Lippi's fresco of <tf_>St 
G47  69 Philip before the altar of Mars<tf/> (plates 11 and 12), painted on 
G47  70 the east wall of the Strozzi chapel in Santa Maria Novella around 
G47  71 1495. The dragon had killed three and poisoned many of the 
G47  72 onlookers with its noxious breath. Filippino painted the demon with 
G47  73 freedom and apparent rapidity; the brush strokes are superimposed 
G47  74 and juxtaposed in splashes of colour in a manner prefiguring Rosso. 
G47  75 It could be argued that Rosso's speed of execution was related to 
G47  76 the extremely limited time he was allowed under the terms of the 
G47  77 contract, five months, with a very strict and specific penalty: 
G47  78 Buonaf<*_>e-acute<*/> was allowed to give the commission to another 
G47  79 master of his choice if Rosso failed to deliver in time. There was 
G47  80 no such stimulating clause for Filippino, however, who worked on 
G47  81 and off in the Strozzi chapel for a period of over eleven years 
G47  82 (1489-1500). The sketchiness of both, the quality reminiscent of 
G47  83 <foreign|>abbozzo or draft even in the finished works, demands 
G47  84 something more deliberate than haste as an explanation. If one 
G47  85 looks for period terms to describe the facture, they are 
G47  86 <foreign|>fierezza, boldness, and <foreign|>prontezza, lively 
G47  87 movement. In his passage on artists in the preface to his 1481 
G47  88 commentary on Dante's <tf_>Divine Comedy<tf/> Cristoforo Landino 
G47  89 characterized Donatello as <foreign|>prompto (lively) in the 
G47  90 movement of his figures. Fifteenth- and sixteenth-century accounts 
G47  91 of Donatello consistently employ this and related terms such as 
G47  92 <foreign|>fierezza. Typically such descriptions were constructed to 
G47  93 relate both the artist and his work through one adjective. That 
G47  94 Donatello was a source of inspiration for Rosso (as well as 
G47  95 Filippino) is obvious and often stated (plates 9, 13); but the 
G47  96 influence goes beyond formal links to a more comprehensive 
G47  97 correspondence of technique and intended effect. Simply, there was 
G47  98 a correlation between what was said and what was done. Terms of 
G47  99 appreciation and statements of intention were derived from the same 
G47 100 vocabulary, which supplied convention, comparison and a powerful 
G47 101 metaphorical base. In this case the adjectives and nouns relate to 
G47 102 movement and to liveliness, strongly emphasizing the artist's 
G47 103 ability to make things lifelike, so that he becomes himself a 
G47 104 creator of life.<p/>
G47 105 <p_>Filippino's dragon is one of his boldest moments in the chapel 
G47 106 - licence reserved for the bizarre, the irrational. It is not 
G47 107 confined to the margins long reserved for the grotesque, however. 
G47 108 The dragon is central to the narrative (plate 14). Filippino's 
G47 109 chosen way of painting was expressive of the nature of the subject. 
G47 110 And though the rest of the painting of the chapel is perhaps 
G47 111 tighter, more controlled and contained by line, it is still marked 
G47 112 by the quality of <foreign|>fierezza in contrasting, sketchy, areas 
G47 113 of colour. That this is a spontaneity both calculated and 
G47 114 characteristic is shown from Filippino's drawings, as in the 
G47 115 metalpoint study in the Uffizi for the <tf_>Raising of 
G47 116 Drusiana<tf/> in the same chapel (plate 15). In the case of 
G47 117 Filippino and Rosso, this kind of colouring, which was obviously 
G47 118 connected to the hand of the painter rather than concealed through 
G47 119 meticulous, self-effacing strokes, granted the work the life of 
G47 120 immediacy.<p/>
G47 121 <p_>A different understanding of the nature of naturalism is 
G47 122 evident in the frescoes painted between 1485 and 1490 by Domenico 
G47 123 Ghirlandaio in the Tornabuoni chapel, adjacent to Filippino's work 
G47 124 (plate 16). This contrast is indicative of the variety of means 
G47 125 available during this period and further suggests some sort of 
G47 126 debate or exchange of opinions relating to the practice of painting 
G47 127 in late fifteenth-century Florence, one that certainly extended 
G47 128 into the period of Rosso's career and is at least an undercurrent, 
G47 129 if not a subtext, in the fate of the S. Maria Nuova altar. Here 
G47 130 Ghirlandaio established one set of terms, countered subsequently, 
G47 131 in direct comparison if not conflict, by Filippino Lippi's quite 
G47 132 different approach. Filippino's modelling relies in part on ridges 
G47 133 of light in constant zigzagging, with lightening flashes of 
G47 134 highlights. Ghirlandaio's figures are more gradually modulated, 
G47 135 with broad areas of light and gradations of tone in juxtaposed 
G47 136 planes, following the tradition of Florentine colour modelling 
G47 137 going back to the fourteenth century. This is the system described 
G47 138 by Cennino Cennini in his handbook on painting, the <tf_>Libro 
G47 139 dell'arte<tf/>, and evident in Giotto's works, for example (plate 
G47 140 17). Filippino's approach gives the figures an elusive, unfixed, 
G47 141 shimmering vitality and visiblity, as opposed to the solid, opaque 
G47 142 brilliance of Ghirlandaio's.<p/>
G47 143 <p_>Brilliance or brightness (<foreign|>splendore) was a value or 
G47 144 essential quality of colour as traditional as Ghirlandaio's system 
G47 145 of modelling. It can be said that Ghirlandaio's use of colour, or 
G47 146 its function in his works, fits with the traditional definition of 
G47 147 the beauty of colour. This was a material message, which, in the 
G47 148 case of the Tornabuoni chapel, was part of the contract 
G47 149 specifications and indeed the entire contractual practice on which 
G47 150 its terms were based: the obligation to paint with the finest 
G47 151 colours, <quote_>"as it is fitting and necessary in order to assure 
G47 152 the beauty and quality of the work"<quote/>. Such rich and quite 
G47 153 calculable display served the patron to honour the church and bring 
G47 154 honour to his family. This too was stated in the Tornabuoni 
G47 155 contract. The desire to embellish the church with suitably 
G47 156 beautiful paintings in order to glorify his house and family 
G47 157 accorded with the ideals of civic humanism, one of the duties of a 
G47 158 virtuous citizen. But this recognized material value or attraction 
G47 159 of colour was also part of the reason for its low theoretical 
G47 160 status. The learned tradition of appreciating the arts left the 
G47 161 attractions of matter to the ignorant. Thus a fourteenth-century 
G47 162 writer, Giovanni da Ravenna, wrote:<p/>
G47 163 <p_><quote_>When a painting is exhibited, the knowledgeable 
G47 164 beholder expresses approval not so much of the purity and exquisite 
G47 165 quality of the colours as about the arrangement and the proportion 
G47 166 of its parts, and it is the ignorant man who is attracted simply by 
G47 167 the colour ...<quote/><p/>
G47 168 <p_>This sentiment was echoed two hundred years later by Vasari in 
G47 169 the introduction to his Life of Titian where he warned of the 
G47 170 danger that the beauty (<foreign|>vaghezza) of colour might hide 
G47 171 deficiency in drawing or <foreign|>disegno. The currency and 
G47 172 persistence of these oppositions of learned and unlearned, matter 
G47 173 and idea, is equally clear in Leonardo da Vinci's criticism of 
G47 174 those artists who renounced <quote_>"the crown of science"<quote/>, 
G47 175 <quote_>"the glory of art for noble intellects"<quote/> - the 
G47 176 creation of relief through light and shade - in favour of the 
G47 177 regard of <quote_>"the ignorant crowd who want nothing more in 
G47 178 painting than the beauty of colours"<quote/>. Leonardo criticized 
G47 179 that type of painter who had to make a living from the 
G47 180 <quote_>"beauty of gold and blue"<quote/>.<p/>
G47 181 <p_>In Florence colour or colouring (<foreign_>colore, 
G47 182 colorito<foreign/>) were associated with the practice of painting: 
G47 183 the basis of the profession, but not of its prestige. In the 
G47 184 opening to the Life of the sculptor Andrea da Fiesole, for example, 
G47 185 Vasari makes the comparison between a sculptor's ability to handle 
G47 186 his tools (<foreign_>pratica de' ferri<foreign/>) and the painter's 
G47 187 skill with colours. According to Vasari it was possible to be a 
G47 188 skilled master and still lack ability in drawing, to be an 
G47 189 <foreign_>uomo senza disegno<foreign/>, as was Bastiano da 
G47 190 Montecarlo, a student of Raffaellino del Garbo. The philosophy of 
G47 191 art was in design. There can be no doubt that Florentine tradition 
G47 192 favoured clear outlines and an analytical approach to the 
G47 193 compositions of figures, and that this intellectualization of form, 
G47 194 particularly in the tempera tradition, influenced the application 
G47 195 of colour. The pre-eminence given to design also allowed for 
G47 196 cross<?_>-<?/>over between the trades of painting, sculpture and 
G47 197 goldsmithing, with painters supplying designs for sculpture and 
G47 198 architecture, and sculptors and goldsmiths running painting shops 
G47 199 (as did Andrea del Verrocchio and Antonio Pollaiuolo). Petrarch's 
G47 200 conclusion that painting and sculpture <quote_>"sprang both from 
G47 201 one fountain ...the art of drawing"<quote/>, followed a hundred 
G47 202 years later by Ghiberti's remark that <foreign|>disegno was the 
G47 203 basis and the theory of each art, was fully justified in 
G47 204 practice.<p/>
G47 205 <p_>Drawing was also the means of study, the intersection of hand 
G47 206 and intellect. The theories of <foreign|>disegno making it the 
G47 207 basis of all creative processes connected it to God's plan of 
G47 208 creation. The word <foreign|>disegno meant intention or plan.
G47 209 
G48   1 <#FLOB:G48\><h_><p_>FRITZ KORENY<p/>
G48   2 <p_>A coloured flower study by Martin Schongauer and the 
G48   3 development of the depiction of nature from van der Weyden to 
G48   4 D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer<p/><h/>
G48   5 <p_>WHEN surviving works are scarce, it may be difficult to 
G48   6 evaluate the full stature of artists whose biographies indicate 
G48   7 that they were greatly admired in the past. This is particularly 
G48   8 true of Martin Schongauer. He was known as '<tf_>pictorum 
G48   9 gloria<tf/>' within his lifetime, and after his death his name was 
G48  10 always mentioned with the greatest admiration. We learn from Jakob 
G48  11 Wimpheling, Beatus Rhenanus, Bernhart Jobin, Lambert Lombard, 
G48  12 Giorgio Vasari and other commentators - however defective their 
G48  13 knowledge of the facts may occasionally be - that Schongauer's 
G48  14 reputation and influence spread far beyond the borders of Germany: 
G48  15 not only was he honoured as a pupil of Rogier van der Weyden, but 
G48  16 he was seen as the figure who brought Netherlandish art to Germany 
G48  17 and taught the next generation of German artists, especially 
G48  18 Albrecht D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer. There are, of course, some mythical 
G48  19 elements in this picture, and a corrective was provided as early as 
G48  20 1515 by Christoph Scheurl, who reported D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's 
G48  21 statement that, although he had been a welcome guest in 
G48  22 Schongauer's brother's house in Colmar in 1492, <quote_>"he had 
G48  23 never been a pupil of Martin's, indeed he had never even seen 
G48  24 him"<quote/>. Schongauer had, in fact, died a few months before 
G48  25 D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's arrival. This statement does, however, 
G48  26 indicate that the goal of D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's journeyman travels 
G48  27 was indeed Schongauer's workshop in Colmar. Moreover, it is 
G48  28 demonstrably the case that D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer, who was then 
G48  29 twenty-one years old, acquired - whether by gift or purchase - 
G48  30 drawings by Schongauer from the artist's brothers, for there are a 
G48  31 few sheets by Schongauer which bear D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's 
G48  32 handwriting.<p/>
G48  33 <p_>Schongauer's posthumous fame was as a painter rather than as an 
G48  34 engraver. Today, by contrast, although we know some 115-16 
G48  35 engravings by him only a handful of paintings survives: the badly 
G48  36 damaged frescoes in Breisach Minster; three small panel paintings 
G48  37 in the museums of Berlin, Munich and Vienna; three other, not 
G48  38 universally accepted, small panels (one in Basel, one on loan to 
G48  39 the museum in Darmstadt, and one formerly in the von Gutmann 
G48  40 Collection); two altar-piece wings with almost life-size figures 
G48  41 from the so-called Orlier Altar, in the Unterlinden Museum, Colmar; 
G48  42 and finally the over-life-size <tf_>Madonna of the rose garden<tf/> 
G48  43 from the church of St Martin in Colmar (Fig.1). To these can be 
G48  44 added a few drawings: art historians differ as widely about whether 
G48  45 there are thirteen or fifty-one of these, as they do about the 
G48  46 attribution of the engraving of the <tf_>Battle of St Jacob near 
G48  47 Clavijo<tf/> (B.53).<p/>
G48  48 <p_>On the other hand, the <tf_>Madonna of the rose garden<tf/> has 
G48  49 universally been recognised as Schongauer's masterpiece and as the 
G48  50 most important painting in German art before D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer - 
G48  51 the 'German Sistine Madonna'. Although the panel still appears 
G48  52 impressively large (200 by 115.3 cm.), a small copy in Boston, 
G48  53 dating from the sixteenth century (Fig.3), shows that it must have 
G48  54 been cut down on all four sides: it lacks about 25 cm. on the left- 
G48  55 and right-hand sides, approximately 30 cm. at the top, and 20 cm. 
G48  56 at the bottom. The date 1473 is inscribed in large figures on the 
G48  57 back (Fig.2). The authenticity of the inscription has often been 
G48  58 doubted - the '4' in particular seems anachronistic - but the date 
G48  59 is considered to be perfectly plausible. It is also of decisive 
G48  60 importance for our knowledge of Schongauer's career, since a 
G48  61 reliable sequence of documents survives only for the years after 
G48  62 this. Schongauer is mentioned first in 1477, in the rent book of 
G48  63 the St Martin's office of works (<foreign|>Bauverwaltung), and in 
G48  64 1488 he is described as <quote_>"<tf_>Martinus Schongouwer pictorum 
G48  65 gloria<tf/>"<quote/> in a document concerning anniversary masses at 
G48  66 the Stiftungskirche church of St Martin. The following year he 
G48  67 visited Basel and, in a document which describes him as a citizen 
G48  68 of Breisach, he granted his brother Paulus power of attorney. Two 
G48  69 independent sources state that he died on 2nd February 1491, 
G48  70 whether in Breisach or in Colmar is uncertain. Other information 
G48  71 for his chronology can be derived from the inscriptions on the 
G48  72 surviving portrait of him and on his extant or recorded drawings. 
G48  73 The portrait, attributed to Hans Burgkmair or to his father, Thomas 
G48  74 Burgkmair, the painter from Augsburg, bears the date 1483 (or, as 
G48  75 some believe, 1453). It is inscribed 'HIPSCH MARTIN SCHONGAVER. 
G48  76 MALER' and shows a young man aged between thirty and thirty-five. 
G48  77 The drawings are the two on which D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer added 
G48  78 Schongauer's symbol and the date 1469 and a third on which he wrote 
G48  79 the note <quote_>"<foreign_>Das hat hubsch Martin gemacht jm 1469 
G48  80 jor<foreign/>"<quote/>; without these inscriptions it would have 
G48  81 been hard to link them to his <tf|><*_>oe-ligature<*/>uvre. Another 
G48  82 drawing, now lost, but described by its owner, the 
G48  83 eighteenth-century writer on art, Karl Heinrich von Heinecken, is 
G48  84 recorded as bearing an inscription in D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's 
G48  85 handwriting which stated: <quote_>"This was drawn by 
G48  86 H<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bsch Martin in 1470 when he was a young 
G48  87 journeyman. I, Albrecht D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer, learnt this and wrote 
G48  88 thus to honour him in 1517"<quote/>.<p/>
G48  89 <p_>In the light of this evidence, there is no reason to mistrust 
G48  90 the entry of 1465 in the registration book at the university in 
G48  91 Leipzig: <quote_>"<foreign_>Martinus Sch<*_>o-umlaut<*/>ngawer de 
G48  92 Colmar X<foreign/>"<quote/>. Schongauer must have been born around 
G48  93 1450, could be described as a young journeyman in 1470, and was 
G48  94 scarcely twenty-five years old in 1473, when he painted the 
G48  95 <tf_>Madonna of the rose garden<tf/> - an early developer 
G48  96 indeed.<p/>
G48  97 <p_>In the Colmar <tf|>Madonna Schongauer adhered to the 
G48  98 traditional, Upper-Rhenish type of the <tf_>Madonna of the rose 
G48  99 garden<tf/>, as exemplified by the <tf_>Strawberry Madonna<tf/> of 
G48 100 c.1425 at Solothurn, but he combined the quiet and detailed 
G48 101 intimacy of the garden bench surrounded by flowers with a dignified 
G48 102 spiritual humanity modelled on the Netherlandish example of Rogier 
G48 103 van der Weyden. Schongauer's Colmar <tf|>Madonna shows several 
G48 104 specific similarities to the Solothurn <tf|>Madonna, which was 
G48 105 painted almost fifty years earlier: for example the turf seat is 
G48 106 similarly supported by planks in front, the spacing of the stems of 
G48 107 the rose hedge, joining together to create an airy framework, forms 
G48 108 a comparably transparent pictorial pattern, in which birds sing on 
G48 109 the branches of this peaceful place of retreat. Nevertheless, 
G48 110 Schongauer's interpretation of the subject was entirely new and, as 
G48 111 has been noted, there is an <quote_>"unprecedented precision in the 
G48 112 drawing"<quote/>. The birds, flowers, leaves and grasses are all so 
G48 113 carefully differentiated, and are depicted so vividly and 
G48 114 individually, that one must assume the artist used a number of 
G48 115 individual preparatory studies.<p/>
G48 116 <p_>Given the precision with which the founders of Netherlandish 
G48 117 painting, the van Eyck brothers, the Master of 
G48 118 Fl<*_>e-acute<*/>malle and Rogier van der Weyden, depicted 
G48 119 individual plants, there is no doubt that they, too, must have made 
G48 120 careful drawings - perhaps in colour. The iris and lily in the jug 
G48 121 at the feet of Rogier's Medici Madonna in Frankfurt (Fig.4) are 
G48 122 drawn from nature with no less care than the physiognomy of Jan van 
G48 123 Eyck's drawing of Cardinal Albergati in Dresden. Indeed, there is a 
G48 124 clear evidence in his surviving work that Rogier made studies from 
G48 125 nature; the plants in his paintings have never received detailed 
G48 126 scholarly attention and so his characteristically economic use of 
G48 127 nature studies, repeated from one work to another, has been 
G48 128 overlooked. One example is the lily in the Medici Madonna (Fig.4), 
G48 129 which corresponds exactly to that in the Louvre <tf|>Annunciation 
G48 130 (Fig.5) and recurs, with only the smallest changes, in the small 
G48 131 Antwerp <tf|>Annunciation (Fig.6). He undoubtedly used the same 
G48 132 model for all these examples, and although no such studies by 
G48 133 Rogier are now known to us, we can safely assume that they did 
G48 134 exist.<p/>
G48 135 <p_>In Schongauer's <tf|>Annunciation wings for Jean Orlier, the 
G48 136 preceptor of the Antonite monastery in Isenheim from 1466 to 1490, 
G48 137 the two white lilies, the symbol of Mary's virginity, are arranged 
G48 138 like a still-life in a faience jug (Fig.7). Re-examining the rest 
G48 139 of Schongauer's <tf|><*_>oe-ligature<*/>uvre in the light of what 
G48 140 we have observed in Rogier's works, our attention is drawn to 
G48 141 similar flowers in two of his engravings of the <tf|>Annunciation 
G48 142 (B.2 and B.3), which appear to be based more or less freely on the 
G48 143 same model. When the lily in B.3 is seen in reverse (Fig.8), the 
G48 144 identity of that model becomes clear. Similarly, the lilies next to 
G48 145 the standing figure of the Madonna in engraving B.2 (Fig.9), which 
G48 146 at first glance appear to have a different growth pattern, reveal, 
G48 147 when seen in reverse, even closer similarities to the flowers in 
G48 148 the Orlier picture. Even such anomalies as the heart-shaped petal 
G48 149 on the left, with its rather indented outer edge, or the way the 
G48 150 upper middle petal curls in, are repeated. Finally, the small but 
G48 151 faithful copy of the <tf_>Madonna of the rose garden<tf/> in Boston 
G48 152 clearly shows that on the right-hand side of the Colmar altar-piece 
G48 153 Schongauer painted exactly the same lily stem (Fig.10) as that in 
G48 154 the Orlier altar-piece and the two engravings. These examples prove 
G48 155 that Martin Schongauer, like Rogier van der Weyden before him, used 
G48 156 such plant studies as a working aid right from the beginning of his 
G48 157 career, keeping them by him to use again and again.<p/>
G48 158 <p_>A few years ago, in an exhibition of German renaissance animal 
G48 159 and plant studies, I tried to demonstrate that 
G48 160 D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer, too, used this method, drawing attention on 
G48 161 that occasion to the peonies in Schongauer's <tf_>Madonna of the 
G48 162 rose garden<tf/> (Fig. 12) and to D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's dependence 
G48 163 on that motif in his drawing of the <tf_>Virgin and Child with a 
G48 164 multitude of animals<tf/> (Fig.14). Using the Boston copy (Fig.13) 
G48 165 it was possible to see that the second flower in 
G48 166 D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rer's drawing, shown in profile, was an accurate 
G48 167 reflexion of Schongauer's model. A coloured study from nature 
G48 168 (Fig.11), which has only recently come to light, has now made it 
G48 169 possible to re-investigate this relationship. The study is of two 
G48 170 fully opened peony blooms and one bud, each individually delineated 
G48 171 and arranged economically on the sheet, as in a pattern book. The 
G48 172 flower on the right, seen frontally, is minutely modelled, with 
G48 173 delicately drawn stamens and pistils, its coloured petals subtly 
G48 174 graded in tone. It has no stem but some foliage is indicated 
G48 175 extending out below the bloom. The flower at upper left is seen 
G48 176 from below and slightly in profile. It illustrates very beautifully 
G48 177 the transition from the foliage to the calyx, the sepals and 
G48 178 finally the petals. The foliage is strong and thick, and is 
G48 179 attached to a short stem which bends under the weight of the bloom. 
G48 180 Between these two flowers is a budding stem, with even more leaves. 
G48 181 The stemless, fully-open flower on the right is strikingly close in 
G48 182 form - and even in size - to the single large flower which was not 
G48 183 damaged when the <tf_>Madonna of the rose garden<tf/> was cut down: 
G48 184 every individual petal, every detail on the drawing is identical to 
G48 185 that in the painting; the stamens are captured in exactly the same 
G48 186 way (Figs.11, 12).<p/>
G48 187 <p_>The linear hatching applied with the brush over a broad 
G48 188 painterly wash gives a graphic accent to the study. Fine brush 
G48 189 strokes, in deeper shades of red, create the modelling on the 
G48 190 individual petals; the highlights are either created by leaving the 
G48 191 paper exposed or applied with broad brush strokes in white; the 
G48 192 outer edges are drawn in red or white. Through the virtuoso<&|>sic! 
G48 193 use of the brush to paint and draw, this study captures on paper 
G48 194 the flower which is still partly visible on Schongauer's panel, 
G48 195 despite its poor state of preservation. Exactly what remains on the 
G48 196 panel becomes clear only by examination of the water-colour study. 
G48 197 Details such as the dark red parallel strokes on the petals, the 
G48 198 broadly applied highlight on the top right of the main flower, the 
G48 199 light outline on the lower petal on the left, or the stripes on the 
G48 200 trough-shaped rounded petal at bottom centre, are appreciable in 
G48 201 the picture only with the help of the study. The two other flowers 
G48 202 in the study are lost from the Colmar picture, which was cut by 
G48 203 approximately 25 cm. on this side.
G48 204 
G49   1 <#FLOB:G49\><h_><p_>Russian & Soviet Cinema: continuity & change<p/>
G49   2 <p_>RICHARD TAYLOR, University College, Swansea<p/><h/>
G49   3 <p_>In the history of Russian and Soviet cinema the dominant 
G49   4 tendency, among both Soviet and Western scholars and critics, has 
G49   5 been to periodise that cinema's development in terms purely of the 
G49   6 development of the state itself. Soviet historians have until 
G49   7 fairly recently generally argued that pre-Revolutionary Russian 
G49   8 cinema was not worthy of attention, and that Soviet power perforce 
G49   9 built a new cinema from scratch. Western historians have until 
G49  10 equally recently tended to argue the case for a similar, but 
G49  11 downward turn at the end of the heroic golden age of the 1920s. 
G49  12 These myths have survived because, like most myths, they do contain 
G49  13 a germ of truth but they both represent an oversimplification and 
G49  14 reflect a prevailing political antithesis.<p/>
G49  15 <p_>All art, whether it is, to cite Trotsky, a mirror or a hammer, 
G49  16 reflects the context in which it is produced: where that context is 
G49  17 as highly politicised as it has consistently been in Russia, both 
G49  18 before and since the 1917 Revolution, so the art too will 
G49  19 inevitably be highly politicised. To deny this would rapidly lead 
G49  20 cinema historians into the same cul-de-sac as that inhabited in 
G49  21 recent years by literary critics insisting on the universal primacy 
G49  22 of the text at the expense of the context. Yet cinema's own history 
G49  23 and dynamic have all too often tended to be overlooked. We have 
G49  24 made certain assumptions about the transition from early Russian to 
G49  25 Soviet cinema or about the advent of sound without putting those 
G49  26 assumptions to the test. Indeed we have been unable to put them to 
G49  27 the test because of a basic lack of information: closed or 
G49  28 inaccessible archives, defective runs of newspapers and 
G49  29 periodicals, and simple absence of contact with Soviet scholars 
G49  30 working in the same field, who have themselves for too long equally 
G49  31 been denied access to their Western counterparts.<p/>
G49  32 <p_>Whatever the ultimate fate of <tf|>perestroika and the 
G49  33 accompanying process of <tf|>glasnost, their effect on cinema 
G49  34 studies has been, and will continue to be, enormous. Easier access 
G49  35 to source materials and increasing contact between Soviet and 
G49  36 Western scholars have enabled us to begin to confront the enormous 
G49  37 task of enquiry and research that lies ahead. This furnishes us all 
G49  38 with unique opportunities, but it also raises some fundamental 
G49  39 questions. Are there enough suitably qualified people in the Soviet 
G49  40 Union and the West combined to carry out this task? Are the 
G49  41 resources available? Most important of all: are the questions we 
G49  42 are asking the right ones?<p/>
G49  43 <p_>What was the actual role of what Lenin once supposedly called 
G49  44 <quote_>"the most important of all the arts"<quote/>? How did that 
G49  45 role change and develop? What was cinema like at the grass-roots 
G49  46 level, both in the studios and for the audiences on the receiving 
G49  47 end in the cinema theatres themselves? To return to my opening 
G49  48 remark: how should the periodisation of cinema history be related 
G49  49 to the periodisation of the general political history of Russia and 
G49  50 the Soviet Union?<p/>
G49  51 <p_>The contents of this special issue of the <tf|>Journal are 
G49  52 based on just under half the papers delivered to the conference on 
G49  53 'Russian and Soviet Cinema: continuity and change' that Derek 
G49  54 Spring, of the University of Nottingham, and I organised on behalf 
G49  55 of the British Inter-University History Film Consortium at the 
G49  56 Imperial War Museum, London, from 17 to 19 July, 1990. We hope to 
G49  57 publish the remaining papers in book form in the near future. We 
G49  58 should like to thank both the organisations mentioned for their 
G49  59 assistance and forebearance, and also Jim Ballantyne, of the 
G49  60 British Universities Film and Video Council, and Ian Christie, of 
G49  61 the British Film Institute, for their support in the detailed 
G49  62 administration of the conference. Invaluable financial support came 
G49  63 from the British Council, the Soros Foundation and the Ford 
G49  64 Foundation. We should also like to acknowledge the co-operation of 
G49  65 the following Soviet organisations: the USSR Union of 
G49  66 Cinematographers, the Central Film Museum, the All-Union Research 
G49  67 Institute for the History of Cinema Art (VNIIK), the All-Union 
G49  68 State Institute for Cinematography (VGIK) (all based in Moscow), 
G49  69 and Gosfilmofond. Without their assistance and support this 
G49  70 important gathering could not have taken place.<p/>
G49  71 <p_>The presence at the conference of the largest-ever delegation 
G49  72 of Soviet film scholars to visit Britain is reflected in the 
G49  73 contents of this issue. They have all played a significant part in 
G49  74 the recent and continuing reappraisal of their own cinema history: 
G49  75 they are, as it were, the front-line fighters in the battle to 
G49  76 unearth the truth. But they, and we, all recognise that in 
G49  77 historical research the answers to one set of questions merely 
G49  78 produces a new set, or indeed new sets, of questions that demand 
G49  79 their own answer. There are multiple layers, horizontal and 
G49  80 vertical, identified here that remain to be more fully explored: 
G49  81 the comparative significance of popular and avant-garde film, of 
G49  82 fiction or documentary; the influence of internal and external 
G49  83 factors on cinema's development; the role of cinema 
G49  84 vis-<*_>a-grave<*/>-vis the other arts; the political implications 
G49  85 of industrial and organisational structures; the relative roles of 
G49  86 the spontaneous and the planned; indeed, all the underlying 
G49  87 elements of continuity and change. At this stage in the unfolding 
G49  88 debate between Soviet and Western cinema scholarship, at a point 
G49  89 where - as this conference demonstrated - we can at last begin to 
G49  90 talk of common ground, such answers can only be partial and 
G49  91 tentative.<p/>
G49  92 <h_><p_>Mr Capra Goes to War: Frank Capra, the British Army Film 
G49  93 Unit, and Anglo-American travails in the production of 'Tunisian 
G49  94 Victory'<p/>
G49  95 <p_>TONY ALDGATE, The Open University<p/><h/>
G49  96 <p_>Much has been written about Frank Capra's film activities 
G49  97 during the Second World War. Not surprisingly, commentators have 
G49  98 tended to concentrate their attention on the important series of 
G49  99 seven films he produced for the US Army under the title,<tf_>Why We 
G49 100 Fight<tf/> (1942-45), <quote_>"the centrepiece of the Army's troop 
G49 101 indoctrination programme"<quote/>, as it has been correctly 
G49 102 described. Occasional, albeit significant, scholarly contributions 
G49 103 have also been forthcoming on related orientation projects such as 
G49 104 <tf_>The Negro Soldier<tf/> (1944) and <tf_>Know Your Enemy - 
G49 105 Japan<tf/> (1945). Of late, however, the spotlight has been turned 
G49 106 upon Capra's role in the course of official Anglo-American efforts 
G49 107 to co-operate in the making of two prestigious documentaries 
G49 108 intended to celebrate the allied cause. The first sought to record 
G49 109 the successful outcome to the last North African campaign while the 
G49 110 second was concerned with the war in the Far East theatre and was 
G49 111 meant to outline the strategic value of the Burma campaign.<p/>
G49 112 <p_>These collaborative ventures attracted a considerable amount of 
G49 113 high level support and interest in their day but, as recent 
G49 114 accounts have emphasised, the experiments did not prove to be 
G49 115 especially easy for the participants. Both attempts were bedevilled 
G49 116 by squabbles in production, by professional rivalry, and, to borrow 
G49 117 Frank Capra's own words, by <quote_>"national pride and 
G49 118 prejudices"<quote/>. Nor, indeed, were the results particularly 
G49 119 worthwhile as propaganda. In the case of the Burma campaign film, 
G49 120 in fact, there was no visible result, at least in the form of a 
G49 121 joint production. Having sought to act in unison between autumn 
G49 122 1944 and spring 1945, the American and British contingents felt 
G49 123 compelled, quite simply, to go their separate ways. Colonel Frank 
G49 124 Capra quickly produced <tf_>The Stilwell Road<tf/> for the US War 
G49 125 Department. And by the outset of November 1945, Lieutenant Colonel 
G49 126 David Mcdonald and Captain Roy Boulting (producer and director, 
G49 127 respectively) had finished work on <tf_>Burma Victory<tf/> for the 
G49 128 British Ministry of Information.<p/>
G49 129 <p_>In the case of the earlier proposal for a documentary on the 
G49 130 North African campaign, the concerted efforts of the American and 
G49 131 British production teams, under Capra and Major Hugh Stewart (with 
G49 132 Boulting's help, once again), did finally bear fruit in 
G49 133 <tf_>Tunisian Victory<tf/>. This was first shown in New York and 
G49 134 London on 16 March 1944, some seven months after Capra and Stewart 
G49 135 had embarked upon their combined enterprise, and fully a year after 
G49 136 the end of the campaign it purported to cover. Even among the 
G49 137 American film critics, who greeted it favourably on the whole, 
G49 138 there were those like Bosley Crowther of the <tf_>New York 
G49 139 Times<tf/> who felt compelled to point out that <quote_>"the most 
G49 140 obvious encumbrance on this picture is the fact that it is woefully 
G49 141 late"<quote/>. Among British critics, the film's tardy arrival was 
G49 142 the least of its problems and just one of several faults found with 
G49 143 <tf_>Tunisian Victory<tf/>. Campbell Dixon of the <tf_>Daily 
G49 144 Telegraph<tf/> thought it guilty of <quote_>"sins of 
G49 145 omission"<quote/> and believed it <quote_>"shows signs of having 
G49 146 been edited largely for the American public"<quote/>. <quote_>"The 
G49 147 moral of the film, which is obvious enough, is lost in a lot of 
G49 148 sentimental and incredibly well-meaning vapourings"<quote/>, 
G49 149 concluded the <tf_>Documentary News Letter<tf/>. It detected 
G49 150 <quote_>"the fell hand of Capra's Hollywood"<quote/>, as did many 
G49 151 British critics who greatly disliked the introduction of Burgess 
G49 152 Meredith and Bernard Miles on the soundtrack and the 'pie in the 
G49 153 sky' message of the film's ending. All were agreed that 
G49 154 <tf_>Tunisian Victory<tf/> fared badly in comparison with the 
G49 155 'sober' documentary style employed in its hugely successful 
G49 156 predecessor, <tf_>Desert Victory<tf/> (1943), which had been made 
G49 157 by Macdonald and Boulting of the British Army Film Unit with no 
G49 158 input from either American sources or personnel. All were agreed, 
G49 159 furthermore, that with <tf_>Tunisian Victory<tf/> Capra had simply 
G49 160 'poached' for his own nationalist ends what was intended initially 
G49 161 to be a joint Anglo-American venture.<p/>
G49 162 <p_>The charge that Frank Capra had, in effect, 'poached' 
G49 163 <tf_>Tunisian Victory<tf/> for his own purposes stuck and, indeed, 
G49 164 gained added credence with subsequent disclosures forthcoming from 
G49 165 some of the British and Americans who were most closely involved in 
G49 166 its production. J. L. Hodson, for instance, who co-wrote the 
G49 167 commentary for both <tf_>Desert Victory<tf/> and <tf_>Tunisian 
G49 168 Victory<tf/>, was one member of the team who felt the joint 
G49 169 exercise had actually proved beneficial. Yet, for all that, he 
G49 170 revealed in the second volume of his wartime diaries that he had 
G49 171 constantly found it necessary to do <quote_>"a little fighting to 
G49 172 prevent our picture on the Tunisian campaign becoming disbalanced 
G49 173 in favour of America"<quote/>. <quote_>"After all"<quote/>, Hodson 
G49 174 argued, <quote_>"we did most of the dirty work and had twice as 
G49 175 many casualties"<quote/>. It is perhaps little wonder there were 
G49 176 arguments in production since, as Hodson noted, the protagonists 
G49 177 seemed to disagree over so much else besides:<p/>
G49 178 <p_><quote_>We dined with Capra the other evening - Stewart, 
G49 179 Boulting, and I. During our talk Capra said the public was always 
G49 180 right in its judgments but I said that I thought, on the contrary, 
G49 181 they were usually wrong, and that it was only a minority of folk 
G49 182 who kept the best art going, whether music or pictures or plays or 
G49 183 books. For every lover of Shakespeare and Beethoven there are a 
G49 184 hundred who prefer swing music and Rudolph Valentino. But maybe we 
G49 185 were both wrong and the truth lies about midway.<quote/><p/>
G49 186 <p_>In the third volume of his diaries, Hodson outlined more about 
G49 187 the precise nature of the problems encountered over <tf_>Tunisian 
G49 188 Victory:<tf/><p/>
G49 189 <p_><quote_>No war documentary can be made with absolute integrity 
G49 190 and truth, some reconstruction is inevitable if the story is to be 
G49 191 properly told. A short part of <tf_>Desert Victory<tf/>, and this 
G49 192 is not the least effective, was reconstructed. The battle of Hill 
G49 193 609 in the new Tunisian film was 'shot' by the Americans in America 
G49 194 ...<p/>
G49 195 <p_>There are two schools of thought. The first says: 'Preserve 
G49 196 integrity - make it real. Use the stuff shot by the photographers 
G49 197 with the troops and <tf|>only that - even if the resultant picture 
G49 198 is poor. Keep the reconstructed stuff down to, say, 5% of the 
G49 199 whole. We realise the picture may lose something that a lot of 
G49 200 'fake' material would give it but integrity counts higher than 
G49 201 that'. The other school says: 'Make a good picture. If the 'real' 
G49 202 stuff isn't good enough, fake some that's better. The result is all 
G49 203 that counts'.<p/>
G49 204 <p_>The second, as I understand it, is the American view, and the 
G49 205 Anglo-American picture of the Tunisian campaign pretty well 
G49 206 conforms to it. And the result? Well, I think it's a good picture - 
G49 207 it is at once something more and something less than <tf_>Desert 
G49 208 Victory<tf/>.<p/>
G49 209 
G50   1 <#FLOB:G50\><h_><p_>WHAT BIBLIOGRAPHY CAN DO: MUSIC PRINTING AND 
G50   2 THE EARLY MADRIGAL<p/>
G50   3 <p_>BY STANLEY BOORMAN<p/><h/>
G50   4 <p_>TWO RECENTLY PUBLISHED VOLUMES bear titles which will whet the 
G50   5 appetite of any scholar of Renaissance music or of the history of 
G50   6 musical sources and music printing in the Italian Renaissance. One 
G50   7 is a study of the emergence of the great secular genre of the 
G50   8 period, documenting a complex group of sources; the other is the 
G50   9 first instalment of an inventory and analysis of the work of one of 
G50  10 the two leading printers who made that and other repertories 
G50  11 available. Each volume opens with an introductory study of some 80 
G50  12 pages and then devotes the bulk of the space to descriptions of the 
G50  13 sources. The emphases in the studies are, however, markedly 
G50  14 different: while Iain Fenlon and James Haar seek to use their 
G50  15 codicological, bibliographical and repertorial data to advance and 
G50  16 support a theory on the emergence of the madrigal, Mary S. Lewis 
G50  17 uses her data to provide us with a survey of printing technique and 
G50  18 published repertory. (Her study of the place of Gardano's output in 
G50  19 the music of the period and of its impact on the market for that 
G50  20 music is to appear later, at which point we may expect to see that 
G50  21 her use of the data is more like that in the other volume.)<p/>
G50  22 <p_>At least potentially, therefore, we have two books which could 
G50  23 be central to future study of sixteenth-century music, which could 
G50  24 point up the value of source study for other sorts of historical 
G50  25 work, and which could indicate the present state of expertise and 
G50  26 sensitivity in the study of Renaissance sources, printed and 
G50  27 manuscript. Bibliography, as these authors all believe and 
G50  28 demonstrate, is much more than mere description or even purely 
G50  29 bibliographical analysis. These elements certainly make up a major 
G50  30 part of such work: without detailed, accurate and perceptive 
G50  31 descriptions of the books concerned, using the most sophisticated 
G50  32 bibliographical and palaeographical awareness, there can be no 
G50  33 analysis of their contents, as the authors also recognize.<p/>
G50  34 <p_>In practice, the techniques of examining printed sources have 
G50  35 now become extremely subtle, for bibliographical study has made 
G50  36 great strides in the last decades: the result is that few 
G50  37 musicologists, even those working on music printing, can find the 
G50  38 time to keep abreast of what can be done, or what has been done, 
G50  39 given enough time, patience and enthusiasm, in other ranges of 
G50  40 sources. In the area of manuscript description, our work is often 
G50  41 more sophisticated - the result of a long and fruitful tradition in 
G50  42 the study of medieval, Renaissance and (more recently) 
G50  43 nineteenth-century music and sources - and musical scholars are 
G50  44 among the leaders in, for example, paper analysis. But we still 
G50  45 have to catch up with other disciplines in the general level of our 
G50  46 work with printed sources.<p/>
G50  47 <p_>However, this act of description, especially of detailed 
G50  48 description, is only the first stage. It is possible to describe 
G50  49 the several copies of a printed musical volume in such detail that 
G50  50 the result resembles nothing so much as the critical commentary to 
G50  51 one of the more popular motets of Josquin, and seems about as 
G50  52 useful. Of course, as a practitioner of musical bibliography, I 
G50  53 would like to think that the bibliographical analysis may well be 
G50  54 more useful than those lists of variants in concordances: for one 
G50  55 thing, it ought to lead to a consistent picture of the sources. 
G50  56 There are dangers, naturally. Many scholars, beginning with 
G50  57 McKenzie, have pointed out that our analyses of bibliographical 
G50  58 data are prone to produce simple, elegant results, having little to 
G50  59 do with how books were actually printed - or (we could add) how 
G50  60 manuscripts were compiled. But the fact remains that a principal 
G50  61 function of a bibliographical or a codicological study is that of 
G50  62 producing a clear picture of normal procedures, and hence of the 
G50  63 significance of deviations from those apparently conventional and 
G50  64 routine actions.<p/>
G50  65 <p_>It is a truism that the third aspect of a study of musical 
G50  66 documents builds on this analysis to produce a description of their 
G50  67 place in the musical context, in the developments of musical style, 
G50  68 taste and available repertory, in the careers of the composers 
G50  69 involved or in the history of manuscript preparation or of the 
G50  70 printing trades. This is perhaps the most dangerous part of the 
G50  71 study, since often the particular role of the sources can no longer 
G50  72 be determined precisely. While the evidence is, by definition, very 
G50  73 precise, and its analysis indicates specific occurrences within 
G50  74 clear patterns of production, the place of these books in a more 
G50  75 general pattern of patronage (for example) can frequently not be 
G50  76 discerned. Nor can we, as a result, often be sure of the impact of 
G50  77 a given volume on the style of other composers, on the enthusiasms 
G50  78 of new patrons, amateur audiences and performers or on the plans of 
G50  79 other printers and publishers. Yet this aspect of the study is the 
G50  80 most exciting, and must be attempted; and it is here, as I have 
G50  81 said, that the two volumes under consideration are most obviously 
G50  82 different. We will have to wait for Lewis's description of the role 
G50  83 of Gardano's music volumes, and have so far only a few (necessarily 
G50  84 specific) studies by her in journals. Fenlon and Haar, on the other 
G50  85 hand, have collected together much of their (and other people's) 
G50  86 earlier thinking, ordered it, related it to the bibliographical and 
G50  87 codicological data, and presented a rounded picture. Their work, 
G50  88 therefore, should be an exemplary display of what source study 
G50  89 could achieve.<p/>
G50  90 <p_>In this particular respect, their book is indeed of the 
G50  91 greatest interest. As they state at the beginning: <quote_>"One of 
G50  92 the principal concerns of this study is to emphasise the Florentine 
G50  93 (and to a much lesser extent, Roman) origins of the 
G50  94 madrigal"<quote/> (p.7). This objective they realize admirably, 
G50  95 while generating relatively few grounds for scepticism. True, the 
G50  96 idea is not entirely new (as they imply) - Professor Haar has been 
G50  97 approaching it in a number of papers, I remember discussing it with 
G50  98 Dr Fenlon at a London meeting of the Society for Renaissance 
G50  99 Studies in the mid-1970s, and of course Colin Slim's magisterial 
G50 100 discussion of the Newberrry-Oscott partbooks implies much the same 
G50 101 - but it is here developed and buttressed with direct and 
G50 102 circumstantial evidence in a manner that is highly effective.<p/>
G50 103 <p_>There can be little dispute with the arguments presented in 
G50 104 favour of the distinctness of the frottola (as a genre) from the 
G50 105 emerging madrigalian pieces of the period around 1520 (as found in 
G50 106 a number of early sources, including the printed edition of 
G50 107 Pisano's music and a group of stylistically important manuscripts - 
G50 108 here clearly arranged and described), or with the assumption that 
G50 109 the patrons of the two genres can have had little in common in the 
G50 110 way of literary taste. Even if we were to believe that the two sets 
G50 111 of patrons had much the same musical tastes - liking improvised 
G50 112 music of a similar style, for instance (and this is something we 
G50 113 should doubt) - the structural as well as the literary character of 
G50 114 early madrigalian verse would have to give us pause. The influence 
G50 115 of Bembo, which has been traced a number of times and which seems 
G50 116 to have been stronger in Rome, also argues for a different approach 
G50 117 on the part of his patrons. This aspect of taste, as the authors 
G50 118 remark, makes good sense of the abrupt change in the underpinnings 
G50 119 of style as we see it in the early Roman madrigal. I am not sure, 
G50 120 however, that the authors see the implications of the extent to 
G50 121 which the new musical genre (not only the Roman but also the 
G50 122 closely related - in time, at least - Florentine versions) 
G50 123 comprised a relatively sophisticated style in itself, one performed 
G50 124 from notation and one that is in effect 'composed', rather than 
G50 125 created in performance. This would seem to be an integral part of 
G50 126 the poetic mentality, in tune with the approach to literature being 
G50 127 advocated in early sixteenth-century circles, including those of 
G50 128 Florence; and it also has to be an integral part of our assessment 
G50 129 of any group which cultivated the genre. My reason for wanting to 
G50 130 see this as an important aspect of the newly emerging style has 
G50 131 only partly to do with questions of performance, and more (in the 
G50 132 present context) with two other, quite different issues. One is 
G50 133 that the style, in its break not only from the traditional styles 
G50 134 of the frottola but also from those of the <tf_>canti 
G50 135 carnascialeschi<tf/>, is perhaps also not to be seen as 
G50 136 particularly Medicean in orientation. There are points at which the 
G50 137 authors have to admit that the stamp of the Medici on this genre is 
G50 138 not very strong: for example, they confirm that few of the sources 
G50 139 can be tied to the Medici family; at the same time, of course, they 
G50 140 have to acknowledge the strong impact that the Strozzi family and 
G50 141 circle seem to have made on (at least) the dissemination of the 
G50 142 style. To me, it is tempting to see the Medici as relatively 
G50 143 lowbrow patrons of music (with one or two notable exceptions, of 
G50 144 course), tending to favour compositions bearing the stamp of 
G50 145 popular taste. This is reflected in their interest in settings of 
G50 146 <tf_>canti carnascialeschi<tf/> in 'art' styles or techniques by 
G50 147 Isaac and others (as well as the writing of poetry in the same 
G50 148 manner), in their apparent liking for the simpler styles of French 
G50 149 chansons, and perhaps in their desire for the popularizing impact 
G50 150 of the publication of the 1539 wedding music. I see no conflict in 
G50 151 their claiming a principal role in hiring musicians for the 
G50 152 cathedral or baptistry, or in the ownership of some musical 
G50 153 manuscripts containing madrigals, or of manuscripts of the 
G50 154 classics, in the same way as we are not surprised that Henry VIII 
G50 155 of England owned manuscripts - gifts or commissions - which reflect 
G50 156 tastes other than those displayed in his own compositions or those 
G50 157 of his court musicians. In any case, we are mistaken if we assume 
G50 158 that a sophisticated chapel or church style (or, even more clearly, 
G50 159 the willingness to support such a style) therefore requires a 
G50 160 sophisticated secular or entertainment style.<p/>
G50 161 <p_>If this scenario is possible, then the Medici need have had 
G50 162 little to do with the evolution of the madrigal. It should not 
G50 163 surprise us that we can exclude a leading family of Florence from 
G50 164 an artistic trend. Nor do we need to look very far for more likely 
G50 165 candidates. The importance of the Strozzi family in the 
G50 166 preservation of this repertory has been well demonstrated in the 
G50 167 research collected here, while the family's part in spreading the 
G50 168 music beyond Florence has been demonstrated by Richard Agee. While 
G50 169 I do not believe for a moment that this family single-handedly 
G50 170 created and nurtured the new genre, not least because Fenlon and 
G50 171 Haar demonstrate a convincing early role for Roman patrons, I do 
G50 172 think that we may be able to go further than they do. We may be 
G50 173 able to say, not only that the Medici showed little interest in the 
G50 174 madrigal, but also that the Strozzi were among the prime movers in 
G50 175 a small circle, perhaps no larger than the one in which Professor 
G50 176 Lewis can place Gardano in Venice (which also was to include 
G50 177 followers of Bembo). We can then see in this picture a possible 
G50 178 reason for the curious phenomenon of the madrigal suddenly bursting 
G50 179 into print in Venice during the first half of the 1530s. It is not 
G50 180 enough to say that other repertories were appearing. That is, of 
G50 181 course, true; but the patterns of influence on printers and of 
G50 182 reasons for the financial risk have much greater impact on our view 
G50 183 of the history of the young madrigal than is suggested in Fenlon 
G50 184 and Haar's book.<p/>
G50 185 <p_>This is my second difference with the authors over the impact 
G50 186 of the very different <tf|>nature of the madrigalian style - 
G50 187 written and read in performance, rather than created and then 
G50 188 re-created in performance. In the case of a repertory like this, 
G50 189 one which started out in manuscript and then moved decisively into 
G50 190 printed sources, we need to think more deeply about two issues 
G50 191 concerning this transition, both of which, in the present context, 
G50 192 have two aspects.
G50 193 
G50 194 
G51   1 <#FLOB:G51\><h_><p_>How the Airport came to Heathrow<p/>
G51   2 <p_>Philip Sherwood<p/><h/>
G51   3 <p_><tf_>The official version of the origin of Heathrow Airport has 
G51   4 always been that it was developed as an airfield for the RAF in 
G51   5 World War II and that at the end of the war it evolved into the 
G51   6 main civil airport for London. In reality this is far from the 
G51   7 truth and the true story behind its development reveals an amazing 
G51   8 picture of political intrigue which misled the War Cabinet into 
G51   9 giving approval for the its<&|>sic! construction. As a result 
G51  10 development of the airport, which was conceived from the beginning 
G51  11 as a civil airport for London, diverted resources away from the war 
G51  12 effort at a time when London was under attack from V1 flying bombs 
G51  13 and preparations were being made for the Normandy landings.<p/>
G51  14 <p_>I came across this story, almost by chance, when searching 
G51  15 through the Air Ministry files in the Public Record Office. My main 
G51  16 intention was to write an account of the history of the Heathrow up 
G51  17 to the time that the airport transformed it from a purely 
G51  18 agricultural area into the concrete jungle it has now become. I 
G51  19 hoped that the files might contain photographs and other 
G51  20 information that would help with this project; it never occurred to 
G51  21 me that they would reveal the chicanery that led up to the 
G51  22 development of the airport.<p/>
G51  23 <p_>As a result of what was discovered in the files I expanded the 
G51  24 scope of my project to include developments that occurred 
G51  25 immediately prior to and during the construction of the airport. 
G51  26 The result has been the publication of my book <tf_>The History of 
G51  27 Heathrow<tf/> of which this article is a summary.<tf/><p/>
G51  28 <h_><p_>Heathrow before the airport<p/><h/>
G51  29 <p_><tf_>The Hamlet of Heathrow.<tf/> The settlement of Heathrow 
G51  30 was spread out in a straggling manner on the west side of Heathrow 
G51  31 Road from the Bath Road to Perry Oaks (see Figure 1). Perry Oaks 
G51  32 itself could almost be regarded as separate from Heathrow and it 
G51  33 had direct access from the Bath Road via Tithe Barn Lane. The area 
G51  34 was entirely rural in character as can be seen from the following 
G51  35 quotation of Maxwell (<tf_>Highwayman's Heath<tf/> 1935): 
G51  36 <quote_>"If you turn down from the Bath Road by the 'Three Magpies' 
G51  37 you will come upon a road that is as rural as anywhere in England. 
G51  38 It is not, perhaps, scenically wonderful but for detachment from 
G51  39 London or any urban interests it would be hard to find its equal; 
G51  40 there is a calmness and serenity about it that is soothing in a mad 
G51  41 rushing world"<quote/>.<p/>
G51  42 <p_><tf|>Agriculture. Before it was overwhelmed by the airport, 
G51  43 West Middlesex had been an important market gardening area with 
G51  44 Heathrow itself virtually in the centre of what remained of the 
G51  45 Thames Valley Market Gardening Plain.<p/>
G51  46 <p_>The reason for this was that the brickearth soils of the 
G51  47 Heathrow area by virtue of their texture, topography and drainage 
G51  48 were ideally suited to intensive agriculture. Moreover, the 
G51  49 inherent fertility of the soils had been greatly improved over the 
G51  50 years by the addition of huge quantities of horse manure arising 
G51  51 from the immense horse population of London.<p/>
G51  52 <p_><tf_>The Perry Oaks Sludge Works.<tf/> A short distance past 
G51  53 Perry Oaks Farm on the western side of what was Tithe Barn Lane was 
G51  54 (and still is) the Perry Oaks sludge disposal works. These works, 
G51  55 which now occupy an enclave of some 250 acres on the western edge 
G51  56 of the airport, were opened by the Middlesex County Council in 1935 
G51  57 as part of the West Middlesex Main Drainage Scheme. The main sewage 
G51  58 works is at Mogden, Isleworth where sludge is separated from the 
G51  59 sewage and, after initial treatment at Mogden, is pumped over a 
G51  60 seven mile distance to Perry Oaks. The presence of the sludge works 
G51  61 has proved to be a thorn in the side of the aviation authorities 
G51  62 and as will be seen later they have been trying with little success 
G51  63 for the past 45 years to relocate the sludge works.<p/>
G51  64 <p_><tf_>The Fairey Aerodrome.<tf/> Aviation at Heathrow started in 
G51  65 1929 with the purchase by the Fairey Aviation Company of 150 acres 
G51  66 of land in Cain's Lane. Here they laid out an area of high quality 
G51  67 turf to construct an airfield which was used for the first time in 
G51  68 the late summer of 1930. The airfield was purchased as a result of 
G51  69 the Company having been given notice by the Air Ministry to vacate 
G51  70 leased premises at Northolt which the company used for flight 
G51  71 testing.<p/>
G51  72 <p_>The Heathrow site proved just as convenient as Northolt and had 
G51  73 the advantage that the company held the freehold -little did they 
G51  74 know that the Air Ministry, having expelled them from Northolt, 
G51  75 would eventually compulsorily acquire their new site at Heathrow! 
G51  76 Because of the obvious advantages the company decided to expand the 
G51  77 site so that it could transfer the factory from Hayes to Heathrow, 
G51  78 thus bringing the works and flight testing facilities together.<p/>
G51  79 <p_>The presence of the airfield did little to disturb the rural 
G51  80 scene, it had no concrete runways, few buildings and only a small 
G51  81 number of test flights. The airfield was, in fact, quite a local 
G51  82 attraction as it was a novelty then to see aero<?_>-<?/>planes at 
G51  83 such close quarters. From 1935 until 1939 the aerodrome was the 
G51  84 venue for the garden party of the Royal Aeronautical Society.<p/>
G51  85 <p_><O_>figure&caption<O/><p/>
G51  86 <p_>The Fairey aerodrome and the large number of people in the 
G51  87 aviation world who visited it at the time of the Garden Parties 
G51  88 were undoubtedly what led the aviation interests to cast covetous 
G51  89 eyes on Heathrow as a site for a civil airport for London. However, 
G51  90 if war had not broken out in 1939 it would have proved impossible 
G51  91 for them to acquire Fairey's airfield and the surrounding land. The 
G51  92 war presented the opportunity for the whole area to be 
G51  93 requisitioned and to begin the development of a civil airport under 
G51  94 the pretext that it was needed as a base for the RAF.<p/>
G51  95 <h_><p_>Origins of the development<p/><h/>
G51  96 <p_>The first recorded mention of the proposals in the Air Ministry 
G51  97 files (listed in the PRO principally under AVIA 2 and BT 217), is 
G51  98 in mid 1943. It is clear from these that right from the start the 
G51  99 development was envisaged as being for civil aviation. The proposal 
G51 100 for its development as a Royal Air Force base was merely a ruse to 
G51 101 circumvent a public inquiry and to quell criticism that the war 
G51 102 effort was being diverted to matters that could await the end of 
G51 103 hostilities.<p/>
G51 104 <p_>It was not until 1973 in the autobiography (<tf_>Wings Over 
G51 105 Westminster<tf/> 1973) of Harold Balfour (later Lord Balfour of 
G51 106 Inchrye) that the truth was finally admitted. Balfour was the 
G51 107 Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Air between 1938 and 
G51 108 1944 and in his autobiography he makes the astonishing claim:<p/>
G51 109 <p_><quote_>"Almost the last thing I did in the Air Ministry of any 
G51 110 importance was to hi-jack for Civil Aviation the land on which 
G51 111 London Airport stands under the noses of resistant Ministerial 
G51 112 colleagues. If hi-jack is too strong a term I plead guilty to the 
G51 113 lesser crime of deceiving a Cabinet Committee. Within the 
G51 114 Department those of us who had studied post-war civil aviation 
G51 115 needs knew that spreading out from the Fairey Aviation Company's 
G51 116 small grass aerodrome on the Great West Staines Road was land ideal 
G51 117 for London's main airport. We also knew that any thought of trying 
G51 118 to get the land for civil aviation would have to go through 
G51 119 complicated civil procedures...<p/>
G51 120 <p_>"I confess now that in our hearts we knew of several bomber 
G51 121 air<?_>-<?/>fields in the Home Counties which could have been made 
G51 122 to do the job just as well. The proposal came to the Cabinet who 
G51 123 referred the issue to a committee under the Lord President, Sir 
G51 124 John Anderson. The Committee met and I represented the Air 
G51 125 Ministry. I found that Beaverbrook who was still in the Government 
G51 126 was also a member. I took him into my confidence as to the real 
G51 127 reason we were pressing for what we were sure was London's best 
G51 128 chance of a great civil airport. He played up well......<p/>
G51 129 <p_>"I advanced as powerfully as I could the case (for 
G51 130 requisitioning the Heathrow site). I did not dare to breathe the 
G51 131 words 'Civil Aviation'. I put this right out of my mind so 
G51 132 effectively that I really convinced myself of the priority of our 
G51 133 case. The Cabinet came down on our side. We took the 
G51 134 land."<quote/><p/>
G51 135 <p_>This account seems so improbably that it has been given little 
G51 136 credence, being seen merely as the idle boasts of a senile old man 
G51 137 who had lost the wit to distinguish fact from fantasy. However, the 
G51 138 Air Ministry files make it abundantly clear that Balfour's account 
G51 139 is substantially correct.<p/>
G51 140 <p_>The proposals for development envisaged construction in three 
G51 141 stages, and at a meeting of the Anderson Committee (i.e. the one to 
G51 142 which Balfour refers) a recommendation was passed on to the War 
G51 143 Cabinet that approval to develop Stage 1 should be given. At a 
G51 144 meeting two days later on 12 November 1943 the war Cabinet 
G51 145 provisionally accepted this recommendation. This opened the way for 
G51 146 the development to begin but, as will be seen later, there were 
G51 147 still several difficulties to be overcome including worries abut 
G51 148 the legality of the action being taken. On this point advice was 
G51 149 sought from the Treasury Solicitor in a minute dated 4 February 
G51 150 1944 which gives the information that, <quote_>"On the matter 
G51 151 generally you should be aware that the ultimate object is to 
G51 152 provide a suitable (civil) airport for London. Were there no other 
G51 153 object it would be a question of Civil Aviation only and presumably 
G51 154 Defence Regulations could not have been used for obtaining 
G51 155 provision of land for use for normal peace-time purposes"<quote/>. 
G51 156 The solicitor's reply is not preserved in the files but the minute 
G51 157 leaves no doubt of the true intentions of those concerned within 
G51 158 the Air Ministry who pursued their aim with a fanatical zeal.<p/>
G51 159 <h_><p_>Factors affecting the development<p/><h/>
G51 160 <p_>Two factors inhibited the Air Ministry's proposals: one was the 
G51 161 presence of the sludge disposal works at Perry Oaks, the other to a 
G51 162 much lesser extent was the Fairey aerodrome. Three other factors 
G51 163 which might be thought to have played a part, i.e. noise, 
G51 164 agriculture and the fate of the inhabitants who were to be evicted 
G51 165 from their homes, were completely ignored.<p/>
G51 166 <h_><p_>The Perry Oaks Problem.<p/><h/>
G51 167 <p_>The proposals as approved at the first meeting involved the 
G51 168 resiting of the Perry Oaks sludge disposal works. Figure 3, dated 
G51 169 October 1943, shows the runways to be constructed as part of Stage 
G51 170 1 of the development in black. The main east-west runway on the map 
G51 171 is further south of the Bath Road than at present with the sludge 
G51 172 works being incorporated into the airport as part of the Stage 2 
G51 173 development.<p/>
G51 174 <p_><O_>figure&caption<O/><p/>
G51 175 <p_>The Defence of the Realm Act 1939, which was used to acquire 
G51 176 the land for development, allowed the authorities to requisition at 
G51 177 short notice land deemed to be needed in connexion with the pursuit 
G51 178 of the war without any right of appeal. In theory the sludge works 
G51 179 could therefore have been acquired under the Act. But there was the 
G51 180 practical difficulty that the works could not just be closed down; 
G51 181 another site would have to be found. Long and ill-tempered 
G51 182 negotiations were held with the Middlesex County Council which 
G51 183 owned the works but the Council could see no possibility of finding 
G51 184 an alternative site without resort to a public inquiry. This the 
G51 185 Air Ministry was determined to avoid at all costs as an inquiry 
G51 186 would have revealed the true reasons behind the acquisition of the 
G51 187 land. Rather than face a public inquiry the Air Ministry revised 
G51 188 the layout of the airport which avoided taking the works in the 
G51 189 first instance. The frustration felt by the Ministry over the 
G51 190 problem can be seen in the letter from the Ministry to the 
G51 191 Middlesex County Council dated 1 May 1944 which says:<p/>
G51 192 <p_><O_>figure&caption<O/><p/>
G51 193 <p_><quote_>"I am directed to inform you that the increasing 
G51 194 urgency of the need for an adequate airfield in the London area for 
G51 195 the war requirements of the RAF and the inevitable delay which 
G51 196 would arise in removal of your Council's sludge works from the 
G51 197 Perry Oaks site has made it essential to adopt an amended lay-out 
G51 198 which will avoid the immediate necessity for interference with the 
G51 199 land in your Council's possession.....<p/>
G51 200 
G52   1 <#FLOB:G52\><h_><p_>1: can we base freedom on ignorance?<p/>
G52   2 <p_>the paradox<p/>
G52   3 <p_><quote_>"But surely it's always wrong to make moral 
G52   4 judgements?"<quote/><p/><h/>
G52   5 <p_>This is the manifesto that I once heard someone lay down in an 
G52   6 argument about the duty of toleration. It was spoken ardently and 
G52   7 confidently, with no expectation that it might be questioned. It 
G52   8 was not said as a new discovery, but as a moral platitude, 
G52   9 something so obvious that it need only be mentioned to be accepted. 
G52  10 And the speaker was not being at all eccentric in so pronouncing 
G52  11 it; this confidence is normal today. In the last few decades, the 
G52  12 word 'judgemental' has been specially coined and is used, along 
G52  13 with the slightly older word 'moralistic', to describe and attack 
G52  14 this particular form of wrongdoing.<p/>
G52  15 <p_>The question is: is this manifesto itself a moral judgement, or 
G52  16 not? At first glance, to say that anything is wrong surely does 
G52  17 seem to be a moral judgement. Remarks like this are in fact used to 
G52  18 express active disapproval of particular people who are considered 
G52  19 <tf|>guilty of judging, to blame these people, to stigmatise them, 
G52  20 to discourage them from doing it again and to discourage others 
G52  21 from imitating them. These are surely characteristic uses of moral 
G52  22 judgement.<p/>
G52  23 <p_>Of course, people talking like this might not mean to give the 
G52  24 manifesto so strong a meaning. They might mean by 'a moral 
G52  25 judgement' something narrower and more obviously wrong. They might 
G52  26 merely mean poking your nose into other people's affairs or forming 
G52  27 crude opinions about things that you don't understand, and 
G52  28 expressing them offensively. If that were all, then 'being 
G52  29 judgemental' would simply be a new name for being a busybody and a 
G52  30 nosey-parker. Or again, they might have in mind chiefly the fact 
G52  31 that blame can lead to punishment, and that terrible crimes have 
G52  32 been committed, in all ages, under the pretext of punishment. But 
G52  33 to make a moral judgement is not the same thing as to punish. If 
G52  34 that were all, they should surely be talking directly about 
G52  35 punishment itself.<p/>
G52  36 <p_>Clearly, these weaker meanings are not all that is involved. If 
G52  37 they had been, the new label 'being judgemental' would not have 
G52  38 been invented. What the statement attacks is not just the intrusive 
G52  39 expression of opinions about other people, nor any possible 
G52  40 vindictive action on those opinions afterwards, but the forming of 
G52  41 opinions in the first place. The ban is on <tf|>judging - not only 
G52  42 on judging in a court of law, where sentence and punishment may 
G52  43 follow, but in ordinary life. And the reason given for this ban 
G52  44 concerns our powers of judgement. It denies that we are in a 
G52  45 position to decide these moral questions even in our own minds.<p/>
G52  46 <p_>That is why ambitious talk of judgement has displaced humbler 
G52  47 traditional accusations such as vindictiveness or nosey-parkerdom. 
G52  48 The old moral objection to intrusive <tf|>conduct is of course 
G52  49 still there, but it is now backed by the new philosophical ruling 
G52  50 that nothing at all can be known in the sphere of morals. If that 
G52  51 is right, then the objection to vindictive punishment is not being 
G52  52 made as a moral objection; it is a logical one. It simply springs 
G52  53 from the impossibility of judging that anything is a crime. A 
G52  54 direct moral objection to brutal punishment would itself be just 
G52  55 one more moral judgement, and it would not be sustainable if the 
G52  56 general invalidation of all moral judgement works.<p/>
G52  57 <p_>If it does work, then moral questions are (as is often said) 
G52  58 just a matter of everybody's own subjective opinion, of their 
G52  59 taste. In the terms of this hypothesis people can no more 'impose 
G52  60 judgements' on one another here than they can impose their own 
G52  61 taste in clothes or in food. This seems to mean that moral 
G52  62 judgements are not really in any ordinary sense judgements at all. 
G52  63 'Making judgements' in this sphere is not so much wrong as 
G52  64 impossible. The veto on doing it is something like the veto on 
G52  65 witchcraft: it forbids us to pretend to do something which in fact 
G52  66 cannot be done.<p/>
G52  67 <h_><p_>high-minded scepticism<p/><h/>
G52  68 <p_>In theory, a rather general scepticism of this kind is common 
G52  69 today. But 'being sceptical' can mean two very different things. It 
G52  70 can mean habitually asking questions, or it can mean being so sure 
G52  71 that there are no answers that one simply issues denials instead. 
G52  72 These two approaches may be called enquiring and dogmatic 
G52  73 scepticism. It is the second kind to which I want to draw 
G52  74 attention. Throughout many contemporary discussions of moral 
G52  75 questions in the social sciences it is assumed that these questions 
G52  76 make no sense, that there can be no rational way to answer them. 
G52  77 Thus, the distinguished and humane penologist Baroness Wootton, 
G52  78 resisting the suggestion that there might be some real connection 
G52  79 between the concepts of crime and sin, wrote as follows:<p/>
G52  80 <p_><quote_>Can we then in the modern world identify a class of 
G52  81 inherently wicked actions? Lord Devlin, who has returned more than 
G52  82 once to this theme, holds that we still can ... nevertheless, this 
G52  83 attempt to revive the lawyer's distinction between ... things which 
G52  84 are bad in themselves and things which are merely prohibited ... 
G52  85 cannot, I think, succeed. In the first place, the statement that a 
G52  86 real crime is one about which the good citizen would feel guilty is 
G52  87 surely circular. For how is the good citizen to be defined in this 
G52  88 context unless as one who feels guilty about committing the crimes 
G52  89 that Lord Devlin would classify as 'real'?<quote/><p/>
G52  90 <p_>(Barbara Wootton, 1981, p.42)<p/>
G52  91 <p_>According to this view, there are no actions bad in themselves 
G52  92 and no citizens good in themselves; there are only ones that Lord 
G52  93 Devlin (or someone else) might think good or bad. If we want to say 
G52  94 that rape and murder and child-abuse are terrible crimes while 
G52  95 parking offences are not, that is just our personal preference and 
G52  96 we can give no rational ground for it.<p/>
G52  97 <p_>Again, arguing that the treatment of offenders ought to depend 
G52  98 simply on predictions about how this treatment would affect the 
G52  99 particular offender, not on judgements about the gravity of the 
G52 100 offence committed, Baroness Wootton writes:<p/>
G52 101 <p_><quote_> ... Although prediction techniques are still not as 
G52 102 reliable as could be wished, they are at least open to objective 
G52 103 testing, which should provide data by which their reliability may 
G52 104 reasonably be expected to improve, whereas the validity of moral 
G52 105 evaluations of the relative wickedness of different criminal acts 
G52 106 is merely a matter of opinion and cannot in the nature of the case 
G52 107 ever be subjected to any objective test.<quote/><p/>
G52 108 <p_>(Barbara Wootton, 1981, p.63)<p/>
G52 109 <h_><p_>problems of false universality<p/><h/>
G52 110 <p_>These remarks have a characteristic that we shall find 
G52 111 repeatedly in others like them. They were actually aimed at quite a 
G52 112 narrow application to particular issues in penal reform. And the 
G52 113 moral attitudes that called for them on those particular issues 
G52 114 were (as most of us might suppose) admirable. But they were so 
G52 115 sweepingly expressed that, if they are taken literally, they carry 
G52 116 a much wider and more destructive message. It is a message of 
G52 117 radical disbelief in the whole existing system of values, including 
G52 118 the conceptions of humaneness and regard for the common good which 
G52 119 were obviously central to the writer.<p/>
G52 120 <p_>Baroness Wootton certainly did not see the importance of these 
G52 121 ideals as a mere 'matter of opinion' in the sense which that phrase 
G52 122 usually bears - namely, either as a trivial matter of taste, or as 
G52 123 really dubious. (For instance, if one were not quite sure about the 
G52 124 importance of the common good, one would scarcely be likely to go 
G52 125 to the fearful trouble of campaigning for penal reform.) What is 
G52 126 actually involved in calling something a 'matter of opinion' is a 
G52 127 point to be considered later. But the strength of this writer's 
G52 128 objections to the notion of retributive punishment - objections 
G52 129 that were certainly moral as well as prudential - led her to use a 
G52 130 far more drastic language than was needed for her thought, or than 
G52 131 she would have consented to see embodied in practice.<p/>
G52 132 <p_>For instance, if one really allotted punishments merely by 
G52 133 their probable effect on those punished, without any reference to 
G52 134 the offences committed, there would, it seems, be no need to wait 
G52 135 for any offence to be committed. People who seemed likely to be 
G52 136 dangerous could simply be taken into care and given whatever 
G52 137 treatment seemed likely to improve their conduct, without the need 
G52 138 to wait until they committed an actual offence. (This could, of 
G52 139 course, happen to any of us, since we are all imperfect and most of 
G52 140 us are capable of improvement.) And since reward as well as 
G52 141 punishment currently works on retributive principles, it too would 
G52 142 have to be reorganised in the same way. Honours and favours should 
G52 143 be handed out, not to those who had earned them, but to those 
G52 144 selected as likely to respond best to incentives.<p/>
G52 145 <p_>This misleading appearance of universality has been common in 
G52 146 such theoretical discussions. Probably there is as much of it in 
G52 147 the less formal, more everyday kinds of dogmatic moral scepticism 
G52 148 that have become even more familiar. Here are three examples from a 
G52 149 recent detective story by P.D. James:<p/>
G52 150 <p_>(1) Hilary has been making what she feels to be a justified 
G52 151 claim on Alex:<p/>
G52 152 <p_><quote_>After she had finished speaking he said quietly, 'That 
G52 153 sounds like an ultimatum'.<p/>
G52 154 <p_>'I wouldn't call it that'.<p/>
G52 155 <p_>'What would you call it then, blackmail?'<p/>
G52 156 <p_>'After what's happened between us? I'd call it justice'.<p/>
G52 157 <p_>'Let's stick to ultimatum. Justice is too grandiose a concept 
G52 158 for the commerce between us two'.<quote/><p/>
G52 159 <p_>(P. D. James, 1989, p.139)<p/>
G52 160 <p_>(2) Caroline has been pressing Jonathan to lie to the police so 
G52 161 as to give her a false alibi for the murder, but he refuses. 
G52 162 Contemptuously, she drops her request:<p/>
G52 163 <p_><quote_>'All right!' (she says) 'I'm asking too much. I know 
G52 164 how you feel about truth, honesty, your boy-scout Christianity. I'm 
G52 165 asking you to sacrifice your good opinion of yourself. No one likes 
G52 166 doing that. We all need our self-esteem ...'<quote/><p/>
G52 167 <p_>(P. D. James, 1989, p. 187)<p/>
G52 168 <p_>In the third, Alice, the actual murderess (seen throughout as a 
G52 169 sympathetic, though damaged character) is explaining to her friend 
G52 170 Meg why she did the murder. Meg protests:<p/>
G52 171 <p_><quote_>'Nothing Hilary Robarts did deserved death'.<p/>
G52 172 <p_>'I'm not arguing that she deserved to die. It doesn't matter 
G52 173 whether she was happy, or childless, or even much use to anybody 
G52 174 but herself. What I'm saying is that I wanted her dead.'<p/>
G52 175 <p_>'That seems to me so evil that it's beyond my understanding. 
G52 176 Alice, what you did was a dreadful sin.'<p/>
G52 177 <p_>Alice laughed. The sound was so full-throated, almost happy, as 
G52 178 if the amusement were genuine. 'Meg, you continue to astonish me. 
G52 179 You use words which are no longer in the general vocabulary, not 
G52 180 even in the Church's, so I'm told. The implications of that simple 
G52 181 little word are beyond my comprehension.'<quote/><p/>
G52 182 <p_>(P. D. James, 1989, p.388)<p/>
G52 183 <p_>The same device recurs often in the conversation in this novel 
G52 184 (and in many others), with this same implication that the moral 
G52 185 language other people speak is a foreign one, something 'no longer 
G52 186 in the general vocabulary' - a language that the more sophisticated 
G52 187 speaker finds senseless, childish, naive and (most damning of all) 
G52 188 out of fashion. Since it is always unnerving to be sneered at, this 
G52 189 tactic is often successful in silencing people, both in fiction and 
G52 190 real life. But that is quite another thing from saying that it 
G52 191 makes sense.<p/>
G52 192 <p_>Virtually always, the sense of the tactic is annulled by its 
G52 193 context. Again there is false universality. The characters who talk 
G52 194 like this are in general quite as ready as other people to live 
G52 195 most of their lives by existing standards, to pass judgements about 
G52 196 others, and to invoke morality when it happens to be on their side. 
G52 197 They still feel high-minded, and this is not an accident, but a 
G52 198 necessary consequence of their wish to be seen as reformers. They 
G52 199 are 'immoralists' in the sense that they want to back and recommend 
G52 200 actions currently taken to be immoral. But this backing and 
G52 201 recommending is itself unavoidably a moral stand.
G52 202 
G53   1 <#FLOB:G53\>They numbered as well those who entered most warmly 
G53   2 into elaborating the new political and cultural institutions, both 
G53   3 by entering the district or parochial administration, and by 
G53   4 developing new extra-governmental activities, including some 
G53   5 secular cultural ones. Most strikingly these men tended to develop 
G53   6 a new style of life - in clothes, in house-patterning, in work 
G53   7 roles, in their preoccupation with the education of their own and 
G53   8 their kindred's children, and in a new sensitivity to 
G53   9 extra-parochial, extra-local issues. In Tanganyika such people were 
G53  10 widely linked by their common use of Swahili. In many places they 
G53  11 were linked as well by their common experience of a particular 
G53  12 mission school. By mid-century they were in most areas immediately 
G53  13 recognisable as the district elite.<p/>
G53  14 <p_>Two features were crucial to their position. First, however 
G53  15 distinct they may have become from their rural background, the 
G53  16 tendrils by which they were attached to it possessed a quite 
G53  17 remarkable elasticity. And secondly in the virtual absence in East 
G53  18 Africa of anything which could as yet be called a national elite - 
G53  19 of the kind which in many West African countries had long been 
G53  20 present - such people had a peculiar special significance not just 
G53  21 in their own local areas but, potentially at least, as the source 
G53  22 from which those who would take the lead on a yet larger plane 
G53  23 would be drawn.<p/>
G53  24 <p_>Of vital importance here was the phenomenon of what, if we may 
G53  25 adopt the Kikuyu term, we may call the <foreign|>muthamaki 
G53  26 tradition amongst so many of the peoples of East Africa - the 
G53  27 tradition which acknowledged the existence of 'prominent men'. Its 
G53  28 foundations lay in the fact that few East African societies had 
G53  29 previously had any rigid social stratification. Where there was at 
G53  30 the same time little hereditary fostering of specialised skills, 
G53  31 there was very often room for men with particular personal skills 
G53  32 to prove themselves as leaders and pioneers, more especially 
G53  33 vis-<*_>a-circ<*/>-vis those outside the local society. When, in 
G53  34 the first half of the twentieth century, that which was originally 
G53  35 right outside the local society came to impinge increasingly upon 
G53  36 it, this tradition came to express itself in new terms. Jomo 
G53  37 Kenyatta had revealed his own relationship to it back in 1942 when 
G53  38 he had published a small pamphlet entitled <tf_>My People of Kikuyu 
G53  39 and the Life of Chief Wangombe<tf/> (a turn-of-the-century Kikuyu 
G53  40 <foreign|>muthamaki). As the twentieth century advanced there was 
G53  41 an efflorescence of this previously established tradition. That 
G53  42 meant both that there were men who felt free to provide leadership 
G53  43 for excursions into the new openings which the new century brought 
G53  44 to East Africa, and more especially that political leaders with a 
G53  45 traditionally legitimized authority were available when the 
G53  46 political situation suddenly started, as it did in the less than 
G53  47 two decades covered by this chapter, to change very rapidly. In the 
G53  48 first category one can name William Nagenda, the Balokole leader 
G53  49 from Buganda, Bishop Mathew Ajuoga of the Church of Christ in 
G53  50 Africa, Bishop Obadiah Kariuki of the Anglican Church in Kikuyu 
G53  51 country, or a Muganda farmer such as Leonard Basudde. In the second 
G53  52 one thinks of Hezron Mushenye, Chief of Tiriki; of Tom Mboya, a 
G53  53 highly effective trade union leader when he was still in his 
G53  54 mid-twenties; of Oginga Odinga with his Luo Thrift and Trading 
G53  55 Corporation; of Eridadi Mulira, the Uganda schoolmaster who became 
G53  56 a politician and newspaper publisher; and of several of those many 
G53  57 who became active in agricultural co-operatives before moving into 
G53  58 politics more centrally - George Magezi, for instance, and Felix 
G53  59 Onama in Uganda, or Paul Bomani and Nsilo Swai in Tanganyika. In 
G53  60 addition to Kenyatta himself one thinks as well of Milton Obote, of 
G53  61 Julius Nyerere, and even of that startingly dramatic figure 
G53  62 'Field-Marshal' Okello.<p/>
G53  63 <p_>It must be remembered that substantial numbers of the new elite 
G53  64 managed to find considerable personal fulfilment from participating 
G53  65 in the parochial, district, and Christian arenas into which they 
G53  66 moved. Paulo Kavuma for example, sometime Katikiro of Buganda, was 
G53  67 no anxious, uncertain, disenchanted man, despite the trauma of his 
G53  68 time in that office in the early 1950s. Though the winds of fortune 
G53  69 beat upon him, he never lost his inherent composure; and as behoved 
G53  70 a long-experienced former chief clerk to the British Resident in 
G53  71 Buganda, he was an efficient bureaucrat as well. Always, moreover, 
G53  72 a staunch Muganda according to his own personal lights, he remained 
G53  73 a man who was calmly proud of the way he believed he had served his 
G53  74 people (and he always seemed to fit a western-tailored suit better 
G53  75 than anyone else in Uganda). Kosia Shalita stood likewise. Living 
G53  76 as bishop in a former missionary's house where he had once been a 
G53  77 house-boy, and looking back upon his time as pastor of so many 
G53  78 churches at once that only he could be expected to remember their 
G53  79 number, he had, in the aftermath of a year of study at Wycliffe 
G53  80 Hall, Oxford, become the principal Protestant figure in his own and 
G53  81 a couple of neighbouring districts in south-western Uganda. As 
G53  82 father of a large family he was a much respected figure, 
G53  83 unpretentious, active, a reconciler who was always unquestioningly 
G53  84 serene in his personal religious faith. There were others like him; 
G53  85 the schoolmaster James Aryada, for instance, first of his small 
G53  86 tribe (the Samia of the Uganda-Kenya border) to go overseas - again 
G53  87 to Oxford, but in his case for a mathematics degree. As compared 
G53  88 with that of most of his compatriots his style of life was clearly 
G53  89 elitist. His kinship links however were strong. He was at his 
G53  90 happiest, moreover, when he had a piece of chalk in his hands and a 
G53  91 roomful of boys in front of him. But he also displayed a shrewder 
G53  92 knowledge of all levels of school education than anyone else in 
G53  93 Uganda, and could talk about them with unassuming authority.<p/>
G53  94 <p_>There were men like this not only in Uganda but in the other 
G53  95 territories as well. Tribal state, Christian church, and school, 
G53  96 all provided for some of those who worked within them both their 
G53  97 major commitment and a steady contentment.<p/>
G53  98 <p_>So much indeed was this the case that when numbers of other men 
G53  99 of lesser serenity saw a threat to the order within which they 
G53 100 moved, they tended to react in a highly protective manner; one 
G53 101 thinks here of the defiant actions of Kabaka Mutesa II of Buganda 
G53 102 through much of the 1950s and 1960s, or of those African clergymen 
G53 103 who would have no truck with Africanising their vestments - because 
G53 104 they saw here the symbol of a great betrayal - and clung 
G53 105 tenaciously to liturgies which by this time, even in the original, 
G53 106 were patently archaic. The assured ones may have been a minority. 
G53 107 Certainly there were acute conflicts afflicting many a parochial or 
G53 108 district situation, both internally and in relation to the colonial 
G53 109 government superimposed upon them. The split between the Iseera and 
G53 110 Ngoratok in Teso District in northern Uganda is but one example of 
G53 111 the first, the Meru land case of the second. What seems so often to 
G53 112 have accompanied them was a keen desire to take part in some 
G53 113 grouping with a cause to advance, so as to thrust aside the 
G53 114 atomizing propensities of the changes which were occurring. In 
G53 115 Kamba country in the 1950s even the British administration could 
G53 116 mobilize a popularly acceptable movement against sorcery when this 
G53 117 became widespread; while as independence neared, not only Legio 
G53 118 Maria, the breakaway movement from the Roman Catholic Church in 
G53 119 Kenya, but the Kamcape movement in south-western Tanganyika, and a 
G53 120 series of movements among the Mijikenda peoples of the Kenyan coast 
G53 121 all sought to provide through religious renewal both individual 
G53 122 security and the renovation of society. The chief appeal at this 
G53 123 time of the independent churches was precisely indeed that they 
G53 124 offered some people what Welbourn and Ogot have neatly termed 
G53 125 <quote_>"a place to feel at home"<quote/>; while the sudden alarm 
G53 126 which shot through Kipsigi country on the eve of independence in 
G53 127 Kenya exemplified the convulsion that a threat of alienation could 
G53 128 effect. Such concerns pervaded the Bataka movement in Buganda in 
G53 129 the 1950s, the Luguru rioters in 1955, and the Geita disturbances 
G53 130 in 1958.<p/>
G53 131 <p_>They were close to the centre too of the precipitation towards 
G53 132 violence upon the slopes of Mount Ruwenzori in the Rwenzururu 
G53 133 movement in the early 1960s, and in Nairobi in the 1950s, as they 
G53 134 were of course to Mau Mau generally. And as Mau Mau - or for that 
G53 135 matter the Bataka movement in Buganda - showed, they were 
G53 136 especially prevalent where the sense of political, economic, 
G53 137 social, and cultural deprivation was most acute. This was 
G53 138 particularly the case where, as with the Kikuyu, an enterprising 
G53 139 and unhide-bound people constantly found itself being confined to 
G53 140 what the regime above it saw to be the norm for Bantu Africans in 
G53 141 the first half of the twentieth century - that of a labouring 
G53 142 proletariat. Amid the torrent of unco-ordinated<&_>sic!<&/> change, 
G53 143 and within the plethora of all these separated movements, there 
G53 144 were those whose focus was narrow or who believed that life was 
G53 145 concerned with more things than politics. But there were 
G53 146 nevertheless increasingly those who saw the chief threat to their 
G53 147 individual and social integrity in outside forces - in particular 
G53 148 in the persistence of the alien colonial regime in East Africa, 
G53 149 most fearfully because it supported the privileged position which 
G53 150 the domiciled European population had attained, and the powerful 
G53 151 economic hold which the domiciled Asians had secured.<p/>
G53 152 <h_><p_>POLITICAL LEVELS AND ARENAS<p/><h/>
G53 153 If ever they were to present an effective challenge to the alien 
G53 154 regimes, those Africans who did see the issues in these political 
G53 155 terms would have to learn how to influence the various levels of 
G53 156 authority in East Africa. They would have to do more: to deploy the 
G53 157 assets they accumulated within East Africa at still wider levels if 
G53 158 they wished to bring additional pressure to bear upon the Imperial 
G53 159 government. At the 'global' level, East African politicians made 
G53 160 use of the United Nations forum, most effectively those from 
G53 161 Tanganyika for whom access to this level was formally provided 
G53 162 through the Trusteeship Council and its three-yearly Visiting 
G53 163 Missions. The 'African' or continental level also had its uses 
G53 164 which, after the All African Peoples' Conference of 1958, 
G53 165 confounded the myopic belief of many colonial administrators in the 
G53 166 political impermeability of territorial frontiers. More immediately 
G53 167 important was the 'regional' or inter-territorial level, for which 
G53 168 the Pan-African Freedom Movement for East and Central Africa 
G53 169 (PAFMECA) was founded in the same year. It faced in two directions. 
G53 170 It attempted to represent Eastern Africa as a group within the 
G53 171 continental, African arena. But at the same time, like the Imperial 
G53 172 government, PAFMECA used its authority to mediate between 
G53 173 contenders at a lower level, most notably between the Nationalist 
G53 174 and Afro-Shirazi Parties in Zanzibar. It was on the 'territorial' 
G53 175 level however - once again in replication of the imperial authority 
G53 176 - that African nationalism mainly concentrated. Until the 1950s 
G53 177 Africans had been permitted to exercise power only at the still 
G53 178 lower levels which we have called 'parochial', and it was here that 
G53 179 they acquired their political expertise. Organised nationalism was 
G53 180 thereafter the means through which Africans converted the supports 
G53 181 which they had accumulated at these subordinate levels into 
G53 182 resources which could be staked against the expatriate 
G53 183 power-holders at the territorial level. And it was as the hold of 
G53 184 the colonial governments relaxed that the territory became 
G53 185 increasingly available to Africans as an arena for their own 
G53 186 political competitions.<p/>
G53 187 <p_>The political processes involved were here, as everywhere, made 
G53 188 up of a complex interplay between the needs of societies and the 
G53 189 desires of men. East Africa experienced, however, a particular 
G53 190 stimulus to this widening of political activity which was perhaps 
G53 191 peculiar to the colonial world - namely, an increasingly 
G53 192 irreconcilable discrepancy between arenas and levels. The concerns 
G53 193 and rivalries, that is, which preoccupied the subject peoples 
G53 194 tended to diverge ever more insistently from those political 
G53 195 institutions which the colonial power had either ratified or 
G53 196 created to deal with them.<p/>
G53 197 <p_>It is important to remember that this divergence had been 
G53 198 continuous throughout the colonial period, at the parochial level 
G53 199 particularly, where every demand for the subdivision of a chiefdom, 
G53 200 for the establishment of additional village headmen - or, 
G53 201 conversely, for the recognition of a senior chief - was evidence 
G53 202 that some Africans at least thought that the existing institutions 
G53 203 prejudiced their chances in parochial competition.
G53 204 
G54   1 <#FLOB:G54\><h_><p_>5<p/>
G54   2 <p_>Fundamentalism<p/><h/>
G54   3 <p_>For some reason, religious conviction in the modern world 
G54   4 produces in us a mixture of surprise, fascination and fright, as if 
G54   5 a dinosaur had lumbered into life and stumbled uninvited into a 
G54   6 cocktail party. I remember, three years ago, taking part in a panel 
G54   7 on the use of bad language in broadcasting. Everyone else addressed 
G54   8 the subject of obscenity. I was asked to speak about blasphemy. No 
G54   9 one had given blasphemy much thought for many years. The one 
G54  10 exception - Mary Whitehouse's prosecution of <tf_>Gay News<tf/> - 
G54  11 seemed to be just that: a stray pebble tossed into a sea of calm 
G54  12 indifference.<p/>
G54  13 <p_>At the time I quoted T.S. Eliot who believed that blasphemy was 
G54  14 no longer possible. He thought that you can only blaspheme if you 
G54  15 profoundly believe in the reality of that which you profane. No 
G54  16 one, according to Eliot, believed that strongly any more. Along 
G54  17 with faith, blasphemy too had died.<p/>
G54  18 <p_>Everyone agreed, and the subject sank without trace. Few of us 
G54  19 could have imagined that within a few months <tf_>The Satanic 
G54  20 Verses<tf/> would make blasphemy front page news throughout the 
G54  21 world and that eighteen people would die in religious protests 
G54  22 about a novel. Here was religious belief very much alive in the way 
G54  23 the Bible had once portrayed the presence of God: a whirlwind 
G54  24 shattering rocks and uprooting the cedars of Lebanon, fascinating 
G54  25 in its power, terrifying in its destructiveness. It was the 
G54  26 hurricane our weather forecasters failed to predict. Why did the 
G54  27 resurgence of religion take us by surprise? And how shall we react 
G54  28 to it? We lamented the loss of faith. Shall we fear its rediscovery 
G54  29 still more?<p/>
G54  30 <p_>One picture dominated our understanding of religion in the 
G54  31 modern world. Faith was being ousted from one room after another of 
G54  32 its once stately home. Science investigated nature, history 
G54  33 explored the past, businesses maximised profits, technology 
G54  34 increased control and governments mediated conflicts, all outside 
G54  35 the sacred canopy of faith. Religions might still be true, but they 
G54  36 had lost what Peter Berger called their plausibility structure, 
G54  37 their objective embodiment in society. Faith might remain a private 
G54  38 consolation, but it could hardly govern the public domain.<p/>
G54  39 <p_>The priest, guardian of the sacred, was left stranded: the last 
G54  40 amateur in a world of professionals, the last practitioner of the 
G54  41 unquantifiable. For healing, we would prefer a doctor; for 
G54  42 catharsis, a <}_><-|>pyschotherapist<+|>psychotherapist<}/>. 
G54  43 Welfare and education had been transferred to the state. And prayer 
G54  44 had become what one churchman recently described as a list of 
G54  45 ultimatums given to God when all other avenues had been exhausted. 
G54  46 The human imagination would still need the narratives that 
G54  47 explained ourselves to ourselves. But art and drama long ago 
G54  48 declared their independence from religion. Our domestic parables 
G54  49 and metaphysical myths are no longer told in religious texts. 
G54  50 Instead they are played out on the screen as soap opera and science 
G54  51 fiction. Wherever the man of God turned, he found someone else 
G54  52 already doing his job. Religion was the ineffable become the 
G54  53 unemployable.<p/>
G54  54 <p_>The most perceptive theorists of secularisation were well aware 
G54  55 that none of this meant that the great religions were about to be 
G54  56 eclipsed. But it meant that some hard bargaining would have to take 
G54  57 place. Faith no longer had its mansion. Could it negotiate for 
G54  58 itself at least a modest apartment in the tower of Babel? And if 
G54  59 so, which of its now cumbersome furniture would it have to throw 
G54  60 away?<p/>
G54  61 <p_>So began the varied strategies of religious liberalism and 
G54  62 neo<?_>-<?/>orthodoxy. Religion would concede the loss of its 
G54  63 empire. It would grant independence to the vast domains of 
G54  64 knowledge and decision where once it had been the colonial power. 
G54  65 But it would reserve some restricted territory for itself: as a 
G54  66 mode of experience, or the voice of conscience, or a spring to 
G54  67 social action, or as some immediate, self-contained, even mystical 
G54  68 way of knowing. The very powerlessness of religion might be its 
G54  69 salvation. In Hamlet's words, it could be bounded in a nut-shell 
G54  70 and still count itself king of infinite space.<p/>
G54  71 <p_>Nowhere were these issues addressed more searchingly than in 
G54  72 Protestantism, by figures like Schleiermacher, Bultmann and 
G54  73 Bonhoeffer. But throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries 
G54  74 Judaism followed the same trajectory, as the sudden move from 
G54  75 ghetto to Enlightenment strained the bonds of rabbinic tradition. 
G54  76 Catholicism and Islam, too, had their modernist voices, who 
G54  77 stressed the need for reinterpretation of doctrine and religious 
G54  78 law.<p/>
G54  79 <p_>We can hardly understand religious reactions to modernity 
G54  80 without appreciating the extent to which scientific rationalism 
G54  81 seemed to carry all before it. From Hume and Voltaire onward, 
G54  82 religious belief became a subject of ridicule and disdain. It was 
G54  83 primitive, irrational, an opiate, a neurosis, an illusion for those 
G54  84 who could not face reality. What John Murray Cuddihy wrote about 
G54  85 Jews could be applied to believers of many other kinds: that before 
G54  86 they could enter the modern world they had to learn a 
G54  87 <quote_>"consciousness of underdevelopment."<quote/> For 
G54  88 Christians, the challenge was intellectual. It came from biblical 
G54  89 criticism, Darwin and the relativising of belief. For Muslims it 
G54  90 tended to be social and political: European colonial rule and the 
G54  91 sense that Islam had been overtaken by the West. Some form of 
G54  92 accommodation seemed necessary: the only way to recover 
G54  93 self<?_>-<?/>respect. Modernity had won the battle, and religion 
G54  94 had to salvage what it could from defeat.<p/>
G54  95 <h_><p_>THE RETURN OF RELIGIOUS CONSERVATISM<p/><h/>
G54  96 <p_>That was the picture. The intellectual, social and political 
G54  97 changes required by a modern economy meant the loss of that stable 
G54  98 world in which alone religious faith could grow. Here and there, 
G54  99 there might be groups still untouched by the process - rural 
G54 100 communities, the American Bible belt, the Jewish town<?_>-<?/>ships 
G54 101 of Poland and Russia. Some might even opt out of it altogether, 
G54 102 like the Hassidim, the Jewish mystical circles of Eastern Europe. 
G54 103 But that meant strict withdrawal, enclosed communities and a 
G54 104 sectarian form of religious organisation. There might be occasional 
G54 105 revivals, as there were in Victorian Britain and periodically in 
G54 106 America. But these were no more than lingering pools left by the 
G54 107 outgoing tide. Churches and synagogues had either to make their 
G54 108 peace with secular values, as they did in America, or lose 
G54 109 adherents, as they did in England. Either way, religion had lost 
G54 110 its power to shape societies. It had become the sacred 
G54 111 fa<*_>c-cedille<*/>ade of an increasingly secular social order. By 
G54 112 the close of the nineteenth century Oscar Wilde was already calling 
G54 113 religion the fashionable substitute for belief. Preachers were left 
G54 114 to lament the <quote_>"melancholy, long withdrawing roar"<quote/> 
G54 115 of the retreating sea of faith.<p/>
G54 116 <p_>Pictures govern our expectations. The image of inexorable 
G54 117 secularisation made any large-scale resurgence of religious fervour 
G54 118 improbable. Even the unexpected appearance among students in the 
G54 119 1960s of mysticisms, cults and counter-cultural movements was no 
G54 120 more than a minor parenthesis in the larger proposition.<p/>
G54 121 <p_>But it was just then that observers began to detect something 
G54 122 else. In 1965 Charles Liebman published an article on 'Orthodoxy in 
G54 123 American Jewish Life.' Until then, it had been assumed that Jewish 
G54 124 Orthodoxy was in a state of terminal decline. As Jews arrived in 
G54 125 America, they set foot on the escalator of acculturation and left 
G54 126 their religious baggage behind. The second and third generations 
G54 127 joined progressively more liberal congregations, if they identified 
G54 128 religiously at all. Now for the first time, Liebman's article drew 
G54 129 a different picture. Far from being ready to expire, Orthodoxy was 
G54 130 <quote_>"the only remaining vestige of Jewish passion in 
G54 131 America"<quote/> and <quote_>"the only group which today contains 
G54 132 within it a strength and will to live that may yet nourish all the 
G54 133 Jewish world."<quote/><p/>
G54 134 <p_>A few years later, Dean Kelley produced a strikingly parallel 
G54 135 analysis of American Christianity. Documenting the growth and 
G54 136 decline of various denominations, he found that those that were 
G54 137 prospering were groups like the Southern Baptists, Pentacostalists, 
G54 138 Seventh Day Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses and the Mormons. What 
G54 139 they had in common was that they rejected the accommodations of the 
G54 140 mainline churches. They were absolutists, highly disciplined and 
G54 141 zealous to proselytise. They demanded and evoked strong commitment. 
G54 142 They provided clear answers to moral and metaphysical questions. 
G54 143 The evidence since then confirms Liebman's and Kelley's analysis. 
G54 144 The more liberal, accommodationist organisations have declined. 
G54 145 Conservative and evangelical movements have continued to grow.<p/>
G54 146 <p_>It seemed as if a large-scale cultural conversion was taking 
G54 147 shape, a turning of the tide. Secularised Christians were being 
G54 148 born again. Assimilated Jews were taking the path of religious 
G54 149 return. A more considered analysis showed that this was not quite 
G54 150 so. Those who crossed denominational boundaries were highly visible 
G54 151 but numerically few. A society-wide revival was not in the making. 
G54 152 The millennium was not yet in sight. But what <tf|>was happening 
G54 153 was significant nonetheless. Those whose faith was most demanding 
G54 154 had larger families and gave their children a strong religious 
G54 155 education. They had low rates of attrition and were effectively 
G54 156 raising a new generation who shared their values. Against the 
G54 157 denominational drift, they were holding their own, and demography 
G54 158 was in their favour. In an open society, the strongest religious 
G54 159 commitments were those best fitted to survive.<p/>
G54 160 <p_>This gave confidence to once demoralised traditional voices. In 
G54 161 the backlash against the chaos of the 1960s, their convictions rang 
G54 162 out clearly. They knew what they believed, and their opinions had 
G54 163 none of the complicating subordinate clauses of the religious 
G54 164 liberals. They spoke with that rarest of modern accents: authority. 
G54 165 They had learned the lessons of modern communication and 
G54 166 organisation. Conservative and evangelical groups became the most 
G54 167 enthusiastic users of radio, television and mass mailing. In 
G54 168 America, the 'Moral Majority' became a significant force of 
G54 169 political pressure. And from these long neglected circles came the 
G54 170 unmistakable sounds of success. By the end of the 1970s, they could 
G54 171 claim that they had now acquired the influence long yielded by 
G54 172 liberals. It was a matter less of numbers than of mood. But it was 
G54 173 a significant turn, and raised serious questions about the picture 
G54 174 of religion in the modern world. Modernism, liberalism and 
G54 175 rationalism no longer looked invincible. Going with the secular 
G54 176 flow had ceased to be the best strategy.<p/>
G54 177 <h_><p_>MODERNITY AND ITS DISCONTENTS<p/><h/>
G54 178 <p_>Why did it happen? We can speak only in the broadest of terms, 
G54 179 but we can surely say this. Our image of religion these past two 
G54 180 centuries has been part of a larger picture. It is reflected in the 
G54 181 key words that came to dominate social thought in the nineteenth 
G54 182 century: civilisation, progress, evolution, even the word 'modern' 
G54 183 itself as a term of praise. These words testify to the profound 
G54 184 future-orientation of modern culture. The new is an improvement on 
G54 185 the old. Optimism and anti-traditionalism go hand in hand.<p/>
G54 186 <p_>It was a compelling scenario. Science would fathom the 
G54 187 mysteries of nature, and technology would harvest its treasures. 
G54 188 Reason would replace superstition, and tolerance would triumph over 
G54 189 prejudice. The modern state would bring participation and equality. 
G54 190 The individual would have liberty of choice, freed from paternalist 
G54 191 authority. So long as modernity delivered its promises, the voices 
G54 192 of lamentation could be ignored.<p/>
G54 193 <p_>But at some stage in the 1960s, profound doubts began to be 
G54 194 expressed. Technology had given us the power to destroy life on 
G54 195 earth. Economic growth was consuming the environment. The modern 
G54 196 state had the power to organise tyranny and violence on a scale 
G54 197 hitherto unknown. Racial animosities had not disappeared: they had 
G54 198 fired the ovens of Auschwitz. No utopia had yet been brought by 
G54 199 revolution, and the free market was increasing inequalities between 
G54 200 rich and poor. In the secular city there was homelessness and 
G54 201 violence, and individualism had made the most basic relationships 
G54 202 vulnerable. Robert Bellah caught the mood when he said: 
G54 203 <quote_>"Progress, modernity's master idea, seems less compelling 
G54 204 when it appears that it may be progress into the abyss."<quote/><p/>
G54 205 <p_>No-one was so well prepared for these doubts as those long 
G54 206 disattended conservative religious leaders. They had developed a 
G54 207 deep pessimism about modern culture. They had preached against its 
G54 208 excesses and idolatries. And now they could say: We told you so. 
G54 209 They spoke directly to modern discontents. Against the 
G54 210 fragmentation of knowledge they could offer wholeness of vision. 
G54 211 Against an over-reaching civilisation they spoke a coherent 
G54 212 language of restraint.
G54 213 
G54 214 
G55   1 <#FLOB:G55\><p_>Culture so often concedes the importance of 
G55   2 sexuality, while destroying our ability to enjoy it. From an early 
G55   3 age we are brought up to despise our bodies. Sexuality within a 
G55   4 Protestant culture is deemed dirty and low. We should be concerning 
G55   5 ourselves with 'higher' things if we want to assert our humanity 
G55   6 <tf|>against our animal nature. The same splits occur in our 
G55   7 experience, where the contradictions operate at a less conscious 
G55   8 level, since there is a significant rift between the language and 
G55   9 consciousness of liberal attitudes towards sexuality and ways 
G55  10 people are brought up to think and feel about themselves. We are 
G55  11 ashamed of our bodies, of our sexuality, while 'attractiveness' has 
G55  12 been made into an important commodity. We cannot help caring about 
G55  13 whether others are attracted towards us and, objectifying 
G55  14 ourselves, wanting to be desirable objects for others.<p/>
G55  15 <p_>Treating ourselves as objects, though profoundly different from 
G55  16 the way women are treated as sexual objects within a relation of 
G55  17 power, is a mark of the ways men have been estranged from our 
G55  18 emotional lives. As men, we are brought up to despise our 
G55  19 sexuality, in the search for 'higher' things. We find ourselves 
G55  20 denying our sexuality, while at the same time acknowledging it is 
G55  21 at the centre of our experience. We are brought up to be ashamed of 
G55  22 our sexual feelings, though at the same time often obsessed with 
G55  23 them. This is part of the dynamic of repression that has been used 
G55  24 as an integral part of social control.<p/>
G55  25 <p_>We can feel caught in a paradox. Within the middle class, men 
G55  26 are made to feel their careers are <tf|>important, while everything 
G55  27 else can only bring fleeting satisfaction. We find ourselves 
G55  28 continually asserting ourselves in competition with other men, so 
G55  29 we often end up feeling isolated. We are locked into a 
G55  30 competitiveness that can extend into the centre of our sexuality. 
G55  31 So it is very easy for women to become 'objects' for us, ways of 
G55  32 making us feel good about ourselves. It is as if relationships are 
G55  33 essentially self-referring so we can go out with women who are 
G55  34 'attractive', because this allows us to feel good about ourselves. 
G55  35 We get trapped into objectifying women, treating them as 
G55  36 possessions that reflect back upon our own sense of 
G55  37 'achievement'.<p/>
G55  38 <p_>Georg Luk<*_>a-grave<*/>cs develops his notion of reification 
G55  39 to help explain how, with bourgeois culture, possession becomes our 
G55  40 basic orientation towards the world, including our relationship 
G55  41 with others. We get glimpses of this, for instance, in the ways 
G55  42 women become 'attractive' to us because they are sought after by 
G55  43 other men. Exchange value is recognised as the only source of value 
G55  44 within a capitalist society and so dominates our experience. We 
G55  45 find it hard to value women who are not found attractive by others, 
G55  46 even if we pay lip-service to an idea that <quote_>"love is in the 
G55  47 eyes of the beholder."<quote/> This is denied in the everyday 
G55  48 reality of our experience, even if it is an experience we refuse to 
G55  49 acknowledge in these terms. Possession becomes our <tf|>mode of 
G55  50 relating to others, even though we might be largely unaware of this 
G55  51 and so deny any kind of responsibility for it.<p/>
G55  52 <p_>Given the way a liberal moral culture individualises our 
G55  53 experience, we fall into thinking of relationships as a matter of 
G55  54 individual personalities hitting it off with each other. This has 
G55  55 painful consequences. It strikes deep into the ways our emotions 
G55  56 and feelings have been structured. Jo, for instance, might have 
G55  57 been brought up to his wife as 'mine', feeling deeply committed to 
G55  58 <tf_>looking after her<tf/>, without ever realising this puts 
G55  59 restrictions on her. So if he experiences his wife as 'part of 
G55  60 him', this hints at the depths of hurt and jealousy he feels when 
G55  61 she begins to feel attracted to other people, or discovers that 
G55  62 other men find her attractive.<p/>
G55  63 <p_>This goes totally against how Jo has been brought up as a man, 
G55  64 and he cannot help feeling betrayed by her. He feels humiliated in 
G55  65 her attraction towards other men. Within the ways his own morality 
G55  66 connects to his inherited sense of masculinity, he has no way of 
G55  67 understanding his own feelings. As far as he is concerned, 
G55  68 <quote_>"she is my wife and that means she shouldn't be mucking 
G55  69 around with other men."<quote/> He does not experience this simply 
G55  70 as jealousy. He feels this deeply as an insult to his very 
G55  71 masculinity. He finds the situation unbearable and has been given 
G55  72 no cultural language and experience for preparing himself for 
G55  73 it.<p/>
G55  74 <p_>It does not help to say that he regards his wife as a 
G55  75 'possession', without developing an appreciation that goes beyond 
G55  76 moralistic judgement to see how deeply embedded this is in his 
G55  77 sense of male identity. He thinks of himself as a 'faithful 
G55  78 husband', and in many ways he is. Partly because for many men their 
G55  79 sense of individual identity is so tied up with their sense of 
G55  80 masculine identity, they literally 'go to pieces' when their 
G55  81 masculinity is challenged. This is not to justify unequal sexual 
G55  82 relationships, but it helps us to appreciate the depth of issues we 
G55  83 are dealing with, which are so often misleadingly set in the 
G55  84 rationalistic terms of choice, will and determination.<p/>
G55  85 <p_>Liberal morality often follows Kant in talking about the 
G55  86 'wrongness' of treating people as objects, almost as if it is 
G55  87 simply a matter of 'attitude' we freely take up towards others. 
G55  88 This is profoundly misleading, though deeply embedded in liberal 
G55  89 conceptions of freedom, making us feel that we are free to have 
G55  90 whatever relationship with people we want to have. This idea makes 
G55  91 it difficult to identify and question social relations of 
G55  92 oppression and domination within human relationships. It is built 
G55  93 upon a very na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve psychology of self-interest that 
G55  94 does not help us understand social forms of dependency and 
G55  95 subordination. Its truth is questioned in feminist analysis of 
G55  96 women's subordination, whose theory originally grows out of 
G55  97 consciousness-raising based in the everyday realities of women's 
G55  98 lives, rather than existing in an independent realm of its own.<p/>
G55  99 <p_>When we say, as men, <quote_>"we can't help treating women as 
G55 100 possessions"<quote/>, we might be refusing to change but we are at 
G55 101 the same time trying to show that it is not simply a matter of an 
G55 102 act of will that men are 'free' to make. What is at issue here is a 
G55 103 restructuring of our relationships and experience. We are bringing 
G55 104 out how the close relationship between our sense of ourselves as 
G55 105 men and our sense of individual identity can make it hard 
G55 106 especially for older generations of men to change themselves, and 
G55 107 to relate to women and gay men in different ways. This is to 
G55 108 question the ways identities are formed in the cultures we are 
G55 109 living in.<p/>
G55 110 <p_>The idea that 'we can relate to others in any way we wish' 
G55 111 mystifies the realities of our everyday experience as heterosexual 
G55 112 men and does not prepare us for the difficulties we all face in 
G55 113 giving up a power and superiority we take so much for granted. This 
G55 114 does not mean the need to change is not pressing, but we have to 
G55 115 realise how much of our inherited conceptions of masculinity need 
G55 116 to shift if we are to relate to women in equal ways and come to 
G55 117 terms with a homophobia that is often deeply culturally and 
G55 118 psychologically embedded. At least in challenging these notions we 
G55 119 might develop a clearer sense of the significance of feminism and 
G55 120 gay liberation rather than fool ourselves into thinking we can 
G55 121 change ourselves simply as a matter of will.<p/>
G55 122 <h_><p_>SELF-DENIAL AND FANTASY<p/><h/>
G55 123 <p_>The control and domination of our feelings on which our sense 
G55 124 of ourselves as masculine is built eventually weakens them. We end 
G55 125 up feeling very little at all. This undermines the base of our 
G55 126 experience, whether we are straight or gay, meaning that we are 
G55 127 less <tf|>grounded in our own experience. Now the 
G55 128 self-understandings of bourgeois society can protect us from 
G55 129 feeling this as any kind of 'problem'. Utilitarian culture has 
G55 130 little room for emotions. If anything, they are regarded as 
G55 131 'inferior thoughts'. It is almost as if an ideal life would 
G55 132 preclude the 'interference' of emotions and feelings. This sustains 
G55 133 fundamentally the Kantian identification of our 'humanity' with 
G55 134 'rationality'. Emotions and feelings have no real place in the 
G55 135 humanity of our lives, which is strictly defined in opposition to 
G55 136 our animal nature. This is a source of <*_>e-acute<*/>litism and 
G55 137 superiority, because a 'human life' is always defined as being 
G55 138 'superior' to an 'animal life'. For Kant, our emotions and feelings 
G55 139 are a part of our 'lower', animal selves.<p/>
G55 140 <p_>In this way, modernity, as it is lived out in bourgeois 
G55 141 morality,<tf|>undercuts our experience. Utilitarianism shares this 
G55 142 fundamental structure with Kantianism. It is this systematic denial 
G55 143 of our emotionality, that is part of what <tf|>defines morality as 
G55 144 'bourgeois'. Our experience is left inevitably fragmented, and we 
G55 145 are left denying whatever feelings and emotions are emerging, so 
G55 146 that we can live up to the ideal of ourselves as 'rational', never 
G55 147 to be 'swayed' by any feelings. This denial makes it difficult for 
G55 148 us, as men, to say what we want and need, because we do not want to 
G55 149 talk out of our emotions and feelings. Already we regard emotional 
G55 150 life as a sign of weakness. So, to give an example that illustrates 
G55 151 the workings of these processes, Richard would never say that he 
G55 152 was hurt because Susan had started a relationship with Tom. We have 
G55 153 to find room in our understanding for the idea that Richard was not 
G55 154 <tf_>allowing himself<tf/> to feel hurt. This does not mean that he 
G55 155 does not feel hurt, but that he does not allow himself to feel his 
G55 156 hurt or even his jealousy. This is not simply a question of 
G55 157 'mistaken' identity, nor is it a matter of Richard not knowing what 
G55 158 he feels.<p/>
G55 159 <p_>Richard might say that he objects to the relationship because 
G55 160 he thinks that Tom is not a nice person, and is bound to be just 
G55 161 leading Susan up the garden path. He finds himself giving all kinds 
G55 162 of 'reasons' that are supposed to be 'objective', which could bring 
G55 163 Susan to make a decision against the relationship. He wants her to 
G55 164 conclude that it is 'irrational' for her to have the relationship, 
G55 165 given what she knows about Tom. But all the time Richard refuses to 
G55 166 say he is 'hurt' and that is why Susan should give up the 
G55 167 relationship. In this way, he denies his feelings, but also 
G55 168 mystifies the reality of the relationship that exists between them, 
G55 169 presenting it simply as Susan's decision.<p/>
G55 170 <p_>He could think that his feelings do not have anything to do 
G55 171 with it, because Susan is free to do whatever she wants to do. At 
G55 172 the same time, he is providing 'objective reasons' for her ending 
G55 173 the relationship. In this way, Richard <tf|>discounts himself in 
G55 174 the situation. He presents it 'impersonally' as a matter of 
G55 175 'reasons' that should be taken into account. We need to realise 
G55 176 that this mystifies his personal reality. Whatever ideas of freedom 
G55 177 and equality he is living up to, make it difficult for him to 
G55 178 accept his feelings in this situation. His energy, as Freud 
G55 179 understood, becomes taken up with suppressing his feelings. This is 
G55 180 part of what creates a sense of 'unreality' in the situation, and 
G55 181 means that Richard is cutting off from his own experience. This is 
G55 182 part of the reality of self-denial.<p/>
G55 183 <p_>This kind of emotional self-denial is often more familiar to 
G55 184 men than it is to women, who are allowed to be more 'emotional', 
G55 185 though they are put down for it. In some sense, this relates to the 
G55 186 emotional unreality of male experience and goes some way to explain 
G55 187 what we mean by saying that men are less <tf|>grounded in our 
G55 188 emotional reality, in our experience. This follows directly from 
G55 189 the hold notions of 'rationality' have in organising our masculine 
G55 190 experience. It is also related to the high level of 'fantasy' that 
G55 191 exists in men's lives. It seems that, in some sense, men fantasise 
G55 192 much more than women or have more visual fantasies, which seem to 
G55 193 play a much larger role in their experience.
G55 194 
G55 195 
G56   1 <#FLOB:G56\><p_>It was assumed then and is to an extent to this 
G56   2 day, that boys are by nature dirtier than girls. It was women and 
G56   3 girls who spent so much of their lives carrying, heating, and 
G56   4 steeping their hands while washing things, clothes and people in 
G56   5 <tf|>water - that fluid element which dissolves matter and is so 
G56   6 often used in rituals of purification: <quote_>"water symbolizes 
G56   7 the primal substance from which all forms come and to which they 
G56   8 will return"<quote/> (Eliade, 1958:188). The middle- and 
G56   9 upper-class house, within its walls and continuing down its front 
G56  10 steps and path (ideally maids were supposed to wash both back and 
G56  11 front paths as well as steps every day) was the clean tidy haven in 
G56  12 the midst of public squalor and disorder (Davidoff, L'Esperance and 
G56  13 Newby, 1976). It was the housemistress's responsibility to make it 
G56  14 so.<p/>
G56  15 <p_>Even more important than the equation of femininity with 
G56  16 cleanliness, was, of course, the equation of cleanliness with class 
G56  17 position, part of the parcel of behaviour and attitudes bundled 
G56  18 together in that imprecise but vital concept <tf|>respectablility. 
G56  19 Whatever the other strands in respectability - church going or 
G56  20 temperance - cleanliness was supposed to be its hallmark. In the 
G56  21 nineteenth century the labouring classes, the poor, the proletariat 
G56  22 were, in middle-class minds, 'The Great Unwashed'; they 
G56  23 <tf|>smelled uncontrolled and disordered (Schoenwald, 1974). This 
G56  24 view persisted well into the twentieth century, and George Orwell 
G56  25 is one of the very few writers to discuss openly the implications 
G56  26 of this fact. He was in no doubt as to its effect on efforts at 
G56  27 social equality. <quote_>"That was what we were taught - <tf_>the 
G56  28 lower classes smell.<tf/> And here obviously you are at an 
G56  29 impassable barrier"<quote/> (his italics) (Orwell, 1959:129) - a 
G56  30 barrier created in childhood and so doubly difficult to break 
G56  31 down.<p/>
G56  32 <p_>Smell and sound as well as sight of dirt and disorder were more 
G56  33 obtrusive in crowded cities than in the countryside, and the 
G56  34 idealisation of Nature as pure compared to towns as impure may be 
G56  35 connected to this fact. <quote_>"The great unwashed were socially 
G56  36 unclean, too, the typical attitudes first expressed to this 
G56  37 emergent group by those above them were [also] stereotyped - a 
G56  38 blend of contempt, fear, hate and physical revulsion"<quote/> (Dyos 
G56  39 and Wolff, 1973). Himmelfarb notes a disturbing habit of Victorian 
G56  40 observers of using the same word to describe both the sanitary 
G56  41 condition (Chadwick) and the human condition (Mayhew) of the poor; 
G56  42 i.e. 'residum' was the offal, excrement or other waste that 
G56  43 constituted the sanitary problem; and was also the name applied to 
G56  44 the lowest layer of society (Himmelfarb, 1971).<p/>
G56  45 <p_>Conversely, manual work and hence dirt, or the absence of 
G56  46 cleanliness became associated with ideas of masculinity (Lockwood, 
G56  47 1958:122-5). Personal habits associated with dirt and mess, e.g. 
G56  48 spitting, chewing tobacco and smoking, became strictly masculine 
G56  49 from the end of the eighteenth century onwards. Similar attitudes 
G56  50 were part of an aggressively proletarian identification, and held 
G56  51 by the type of radical who was <quote_>"goaded to fury by the sight 
G56  52 of a clean shirt"<quote/> (Shipley, n.d.).<p/>
G56  53 <p_>A second element used in the separation of classes was fresh 
G56  54 air. Again, the recognition of the value of fresh air undoubtedly 
G56  55 had much to do with new forms of physical pollution - smog was 
G56  56 already a feature of London life in the eighteenth century. But the 
G56  57 metaphorical use of the term 'fresh air' to blow away and cleanse 
G56  58 social problems was also a constant theme. Newman in his 
G56  59 <tf|>Apologia wrote: <quote_>"Virtue is the child of knowledge, 
G56  60 vice of Ignorance. Therefore education, periodical literature, 
G56  61 railroad travel and ventilation seem to make a population moral and 
G56  62 happy"<quote/> (Young, 1966:7). <quote_>"Morality was intimately 
G56  63 connected with the free circulation of air - exposure to public 
G56  64 gaze"<quote/> (Stedman Jones, 1971:180). Middle-class children were 
G56  65 told that servants' bedrooms were inevitably fuggy and stale 
G56  66 smelling because they did not understand the benefits of fresh air. 
G56  67 Charity workers and others brought the message home to their 
G56  68 working class (largely female) audience with tracts such as those 
G56  69 put out by the Ladies' Sanitary Association 'A Word About Fresh 
G56  70 Air', 'The Black Hole in our own Bedrooms,' etc. (<tf|>c.1850). And 
G56  71 until very recently, the 'airing' of rooms, bedding and clothing 
G56  72 was seen as one of the English housewife's indispensable daily 
G56  73 tasks.<p/>
G56  74 <p_>I have indicated that one of the rewards of a superior position 
G56  75 within a hierarchical structure is the protection of the 
G56  76 super<?_>-<?/>ordinate from potentially polluting activities. The 
G56  77 ultimate nineteenth-century ideal became the creation of a 
G56  78 perfectly orderly setting of punctually served and elaborate meals, 
G56  79 clean and tidy warmed rooms, clean pressed and aired clothes and 
G56  80 bed linen. Children were to be kept in nurseries with nursemaids; 
G56  81 animals and gardens cared for by outdoor servants; callers and 
G56  82 strangers dealt with by indoor servants. In other words there was 
G56  83 to be a complete absence of all disturbing or threatening 
G56  84 interruptions to orderly existence which could be caused either by 
G56  85 the intractability, and ultimate disintegration, of things or by 
G56  86 the emotional disturbance of people (Davidoff, 1973). In the 
G56  87 nineteenth century this ideal of perfect order could only be 
G56  88 approximated by the small group of wealthy and powerful individuals 
G56  89 who could command the attendance of numerous domestic servants. 
G56  90 Below this small group, <tf|>men, middle class and to a certain 
G56  91 extent the best paid, most regularly employed of the working class, 
G56  92 were provided with an intensely personal form of ego-protection and 
G56  93 enhancement by their wives (or daughters, nieces and unmarried 
G56  94 sisters), aided by female general servants.<p/>
G56  95 <p_>This process must be recognised as a relational aspect of 
G56  96 social stratification. I should not be substituted for an analysis 
G56  97 of the distributive aspects of inequality. Drawing attention to the 
G56  98 part such interaction plays in the maintenance of stratification, 
G56  99 however, emphasises the way the system was divided along <tf|>both 
G56 100 class and sex lines.<p/>
G56 101 
G56 102 <h_><p_>BUDGETARY SEPARATION OF THE ENTERPRISE AND HOUSEHOLD 
G56 103 ECONOMY<p/><h/>
G56 104 <p_>The attitudes and behaviour relevant to nineteenth-century 
G56 105 middle-class housekeeping - cleanliness, order, the segregation of 
G56 106 activities in time and place, careful overall planning, diligence 
G56 107 and hard-work - had all existed and been commended for a very long 
G56 108 time. Not only do they appear in Puritan and other Nonconformist 
G56 109 precepts, but they go back as far as the moralists of Roman 
G56 110 husbandry. They are echoed in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century 
G56 111 Florence by such writers as Alberti and continued in various places 
G56 112 where trade and commerce flourished as far apart as 
G56 113 sixteenth-century Holland, Defoe's London, and eighteenth-century 
G56 114 Pennsylvania. There the rubric reached its fullest expression in 
G56 115 the writings of Benjamin Franklin, 'the perfect bourgeois', 
G56 116 particularly in his <tf|>Autobiography and <tf_>The Way to 
G56 117 Wealth<tf/> (Sombart, 1914, 1967). The purpose of all these guides 
G56 118 to conduct was, in every sphere, to make life more calculable, to 
G56 119 balance expenditure with income in an effort to save. Thrift in 
G56 120 regard to both time and money was the cardinal virtue. The goals of 
G56 121 saving might vary (a dowry for a daughter, an extra piece of land), 
G56 122 but the primary drive, for continued saving, for saving as a way of 
G56 123 life, was to create capital for commercial expansion. And it was 
G56 124 the growth of capitalist commercial enterprise which was 
G56 125 responsible for the critical organisational change: the separation 
G56 126 of the business 'house' and the domestic household. Even more 
G56 127 important than physical separation was the budgetary division of 
G56 128 these units (Weber, 1968). Strangers began to be admitted as 
G56 129 partners into what had been an organisation of kinsmen, 
G56 130 brotherhoods or guilds. This process reached a critical point in 
G56 131 the adoption of detailed accounting and eventually the introduction 
G56 132 of double-entry book-keeping into business practice (an invention 
G56 133 of seventeenth century Holland). With this development, business 
G56 134 and commercial activity were finally cut loose from other goals of 
G56 135 family life, allowing the systematic accumulation of capital. Such 
G56 136 expansion of the enterprise is not possible without the use of 
G56 137 rational accounting, which in turn must use an all purpose medium 
G56 138 of exchange - money. Only then can any true calculation of input 
G56 139 and output, of profit or loss be made.<p/>
G56 140 <p_>It is also true that the rational ordering of life is quite 
G56 141 possible whatever the chosen ends, even if they are 'unworldly' 
G56 142 ones. This is a point worth remembering in the context of the 
G56 143 present discussion. For example, European monasticism was just such 
G56 144 a system of living, for the glory of God, with its minutely 
G56 145 calibrated daily activities rigidly prescribed by the constant 
G56 146 ringing of bells. Yet even under monasticism, such attitudes seem 
G56 147 to mesh most easily with the rationalisation of economic life, for 
G56 148 the monasteries were also very often large farming and productive 
G56 149 enterprises. As Weber noted, <quote_>"the Reformation took rational 
G56 150 Christian asceticism and its methodical habits out of the 
G56 151 monasteries and placed them in the service of active life in the 
G56 152 world"<quote/> (Weber, 1971:235). In this way, the stage was set 
G56 153 for economic expansion, in enterprise which had <quote_>"no 
G56 154 boundaries to this process of addition"<quote/> (Sombart, 1916, 
G56 155 1953:35), and it is this type of enterprise and its descendants 
G56 156 which have been the concern of social commentators from the 
G56 157 seventeenth century onwards.<p/>
G56 158 <p_>Few have asked, however, about what happens to the household 
G56 159 which has been thus disengaged from production. Before trying to 
G56 160 answer that question it should be remembered that this separation 
G56 161 was a very slow process, starting with a few mercantile and 
G56 162 tradesmen's households which were exceptions to the general case of 
G56 163 more or less self-sufficient units which drew their sustenance 
G56 164 directly from the land; which ranged in scale from great landowners 
G56 165 to cottages. A high proportion of the income of such households 
G56 166 remained in kind, not cash. The large numbers of rural households 
G56 167 which were partially dependent on outwork (e.g. textiles, 
G56 168 straw-plaiting, lace-making) further complicates the total picture. 
G56 169 Nevertheless, the trend was for more and more household 
G56 170 relationships to involve a cash nexus, whether in the form of 
G56 171 proletarian wage earner, salaried or professional occupation, 
G56 172 tradesman, rentier, capitalist or a mixture of these. This shift 
G56 173 was associated with a higher proportion of families living in 
G56 174 towns, and, although this was an important aspect of the change, it 
G56 175 is not possible to discuss it here. The final and complete break, 
G56 176 however, was not reached in England until full extension of limited 
G56 177 liability with the passing of the Company Acts of 1856-62, which 
G56 178 once and for all freed business activity from any restraints 
G56 179 imposed by kinship obligations.<p/>
G56 180 <p_>The very slow pace of the separation of household and 
G56 181 enterprise and the persistence of home production of a great many 
G56 182 commodities did not prevent attempts to rationalise activity in 
G56 183 bourgeois homes as well as commercial enterprises. In particular 
G56 184 there seems to have been a transfer of the values of business into 
G56 185 the home. But these attempts were, and are to this day, 
G56 186 unsuccessful for two fundamental and interrelated reasons. The 
G56 187 first, and probably the most obvious, concerns the limited size of 
G56 188 the household. Neither vertical nor horizontal extension is really 
G56 189 possible and this means that economies of scale and the benefits of 
G56 190 specialisation are not practicable for a household. While the goal 
G56 191 of economic rationality is always the expansion of the enterprise, 
G56 192 there are inherent and quite narrow limits to household 
G56 193 expansion.<p/>
G56 194 <p_>Of course it is possible to point to examples of really large 
G56 195 establishments, but these are very exceptional. While one of the 
G56 196 biggest in the nineteenth century, Woburn Abbey, had fifty to sixty 
G56 197 indoor servants and could house several dozen guests, the mean 
G56 198 household size in social class I in York in 1851 was 6.02 (Bedford, 
G56 199 1959; Armstrong, 1974:189). As far as growth through devices such 
G56 200 as mergers or take-overs is concerned, there was a certain amount 
G56 201 of transfer of income and/or services between households across 
G56 202 generations or between siblings, but the whole tendency has been 
G56 203 for each family unit to act independently. In addition, because of 
G56 204 other effects of nineteenth- and twentieth-century capitalist 
G56 205 developments, households have tended to grow smaller as measured by 
G56 206 house size and numbers of inhabitants (Government Statistical 
G56 207 Office; 1973:12-13).<p/>
G56 208 <p_>The second point concerns the goals of family and household (it 
G56 209 should be noted that although the two terms are now almost 
G56 210 synonymous this has not always been the case). The problem here is 
G56 211 not that non-pecuniary ends cannot be reached by rational means, 
G56 212 but that the goals themselves - the maintenance of hierarchical 
G56 213 boundaries and ego-servicing of superiors - <tf|>deny the use of 
G56 214 rational calculation.<p/>
G56 215 
G56 216 
G57   1 <#FLOB:G57\><h_><p_>Matters of Conscience<p/>
G57   2 <p_>Pamela F. Sims, Consultant obstetrician and gynaecologist, 
G57   3 Hexam, Northumberland<p/><h/>
G57   4 <p_>Section 4 of the 1967 Abortion Act states that <quote_>"no 
G57   5 person shall be under any duty, whether by contract or by any 
G57   6 statutory or other legal requirement, to participate in any 
G57   7 treatment authorised by this Act to which he has a conscientious 
G57   8 objection..."<quote/>.<p/>
G57   9 <h|>Background
G57  10 <p_>It has long been felt by those of us working in the field of 
G57  11 gynaecology that there was discrimination against doctors holding a 
G57  12 pro-life position. As in the case of discrimination on grounds of 
G57  13 race and sex, it is always difficult to prove. How has the present 
G57  14 situation evolved since 1967?<p/>
G57  15 <p_>After the Abortion Act was passed the Chief Medical Officer 
G57  16 wrote various letters to the Regional Medical Officers (who are 
G57  17 responsible for employing consultants) seeking to amplify the 
G57  18 practical outworking of the law. On 19 February 1975 the CMO wrote: 
G57  19 <quote_>"Where it can be established after consultation with the 
G57  20 relevant specialist advisers that there is a demand which cannot be 
G57  21 met and where patient care would suffer if a doctor appointed to a 
G57  22 particular vacancy did not feel able, on grounds of conscience to 
G57  23 be involved in, or advise on, the termination of pregnancy it may 
G57  24 be stated that the post includes duty to advise on, undertake, or 
G57  25 participate in termination of pregnancy. ... No reference to such 
G57  26 duties should be included in the advertisement of such a 
G57  27 post"<quote/> but prospective candidates should be able to refer to 
G57  28 <quote_>"further particulars"<quote/> i.e. the job description. 
G57  29 Note, the (then) DHSS was to be informed whenever such wording was 
G57  30 used.<p/>
G57  31 <p_>The Select Committee on Abortion published its First Report 
G57  32 from the House of Commons in 1976. At that time they felt that 
G57  33 certain doctors were being barred from a number of posts. They 
G57  34 recommended that the CMO's 1975 letter should be withdrawn and 
G57  35 <quote_>"that any new guidance should emphasise that conscientious 
G57  36 objection should not normally be a bar to appointment and that 
G57  37 'exceptions should be made only in rare circumstances'."<quote/><p/>
G57  38 <p_>Thus the Chief Medical Officer wrote again on 16 July 1979. He 
G57  39 felt that the procedures recommended in the previous letter had 
G57  40 been working <quote_>"reasonably well"<quote/> but he needed to 
G57  41 <quote_>"clarify certain points"<quote/>.<p/>
G57  42 <p_>The CMO emphasised that termination duties should only be 
G57  43 included in job descriptions if adequate services within the NHS 
G57  44 were not already available. If they were, then termination duties 
G57  45 should not be specified.<p/>
G57  46 <p_>Guidance on interviewing procedure was given. The letter 
G57  47 clearly states that: <quote_>"Unless the job description specifies 
G57  48 that the duties of the consultant appointed include termination of 
G57  49 pregnancy or advice on termination, candidates should not be asked 
G57  50 whether they would be prepared to undertake termination of 
G57  51 pregnancy."<quote/><p/>
G57  52 <p_>Regarding junior medical staff, that is any doctor 'junior' to 
G57  53 consultant, the CMO is unambiguous: <quote_>"it is not necessary 
G57  54 for training purposes ... to undertake duties involving 
G57  55 termination, and for this reason it would appear inappropriate for 
G57  56 termination responsibilities to be included in the job description 
G57  57 of junior staff. It follows that (juniors) should not be questioned 
G57  58 prior to their appointment about their attitude to 
G57  59 termination."<quote/><p/>
G57  60 <h_><p_>Recent Events<p/><h/>
G57  61 <p_>As abortion became increasingly commonplace during the 70's and 
G57  62 80's so it is likely that the CMO guidelines were waived on many 
G57  63 occasions. In February 1988 the President of the Royal College of 
G57  64 Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, Mr George Pinker, understated the 
G57  65 situation in the College newsletter: <quote_>"there have been one 
G57  66 or two unfortunate examples recently of Consultant Appointments in 
G57  67 which there has been no mention of the need for termination of 
G57  68 pregnancy duties in the job description and yet candidates have 
G57  69 been questioned about this at interview. This is against the 
G57  70 instructions issued by the Department of Health ... I hope this 
G57  71 recent rash of problems ... will not continue."<quote/> However, 
G57  72 his exhortations evidently went unheeded. By the end of 1989 there 
G57  73 was clear evidence of three more instances of breaches of the CMO 
G57  74 guidelines.<p/>
G57  75 <p_><tf_>The Lancet<tf/> of 8 April 1989 placed advertisements on 
G57  76 behalf of Trent Regional Health Authority for two consultant posts 
G57  77 in obstetrics and gynaecology. The following appeared: <quote_>"The 
G57  78 successful applicants will each be expected to develop a special 
G57  79 interest ... for managing the District's abortion service within 
G57  80 the terms of the existing Act. The undertaking of abortions will be 
G57  81 shared amongst all Consultants in post."<quote/> Similar cases 
G57  82 involved West Lambeth Health Authority, advertising for a 
G57  83 consultant community gynaecologist and South Tees Health Authority 
G57  84 advertising for a locum senior house officer. Both these appeared 
G57  85 in the <tf_>British Medical Journal<tf/> on 7 October.<p/>
G57  86 <p_>A member of the Christian Medical Fellowship, a consultant in a 
G57  87 related speciality, became aware of the wording of the Trent RHA 
G57  88 advertisement before publication. He informed CARE Campaigns who in 
G57  89 turn reminded the RHA and Central Nottinghamshire Health District 
G57  90 of the CMO guidelines.<p/>
G57  91 <p_><quote_>"Despite this warning, the advertisements were printed, 
G57  92 whereupon CARE Campaigns complained to Trent RHA. There was a weak 
G57  93 apology, but recruitment continued on the basis of the 
G57  94 discriminatory advertisements printed, and interviews of 
G57  95 short-listed candidates were due to be held on 5th June.<p/>
G57  96 <p_>At this point CARE prevailed upon a sympathetic MP (Sir Bernard 
G57  97 Braine) who contacted Mr Kenneth Clarke (Secretary of State for 
G57  98 Health) directly. On Friday, 2nd June, on the last working day 
G57  99 before the interviews, Mr Clarke intervened and cancelled the 
G57 100 interviews and recruiting process, and ordered that the posts be 
G57 101 readvertised.<p/>
G57 102 <p_>In the wake of these events the Chief Medical Officer wrote 
G57 103 another letter consolidating the advice given in his letters of 
G57 104 1975 and 1979. It was dated 11 October 1989 and simply reaffirms 
G57 105 the massage of the previous ones.<p/>
G57 106 <p_>This <quote_>"rash of problems"<quote/> to which the College 
G57 107 President referred began to gain a higher profile in the media. The 
G57 108 Social Services Committee of the House of Commons decided to hold 
G57 109 an Inquiry into the application of the Conscience Clause of the 
G57 110 1967 Abortion Act, in particular seeking evidence as to whether 
G57 111 recruitment into obstetrics and gynaecology is affected. Written 
G57 112 evidence was invited from those of us who had directly experienced 
G57 113 such discrimination, or witnessed it first-hand. But we were given 
G57 114 very little time to respond. Individuals wrote, bodies such as the 
G57 115 Christian Medical Fellowship and CARE - to whom we owe grateful 
G57 116 thanks for bringing the whole matter to a head the previous summer 
G57 117 - also submitted evidence. It was all in by the end of November 
G57 118 1989.<p/>
G57 119 <p_>For once we were able to see an organisation such as CMF making 
G57 120 its position clear. A range of positions on abortion is represented 
G57 121 within its 4,000 members, nevertheless it was able to clearly state 
G57 122 <quote_>"we believe there IS evidence for discrimination against 
G57 123 those holding conservative views on abortion"<quote/>. This 
G57 124 evidence was based upon results of two surveys conducted by the CMF 
G57 125 amongst its own members during 1986 and 1987.<p/>
G57 126 <p_>CARE, in its submission to the Social Services Committee was 
G57 127 able to refer to its 70,000 supporters. The CARE Report clearly 
G57 128 outlines the recent development of <quote_>"an abortion 
G57 129 culture"<quote/>, reminding the committee that as consultant 
G57 130 gynaecologists retire they tend to be replaced by those holding 
G57 131 more liberal views. In the present climate not only is recruitment 
G57 132 to the specialty<&|>sic! affected, but also the training and 
G57 133 professional advancement of young nurses and doctors. Both CARE and 
G57 134 CMF expressed concern over a wider range of issues than would 
G57 135 appear to be immediately relevant - from the recruitment of medical 
G57 136 students to the secretary who is unwilling to type letters 
G57 137 referring patients for abortion.<p/>
G57 138 <p_>I submitted my personal testimony, recounting my experience as 
G57 139 a registrar in a large London hospital. I was applying for senior 
G57 140 registrar posts at the time and was actually told by my consultant 
G57 141 that <quote_>"I would never get a job while I held those 
G57 142 views"<quote/>.<p/>
G57 143 <h_><p_>Oral Evidence<p/><h/>
G57 144 <p_>The Social Services Committee sought oral evidence from various 
G57 145 sources. Firstly they sat with representative members of the 
G57 146 Department of Health. That meeting took place on 10th January 1990. 
G57 147 In the Chair was Frank Field, the rest of the Committee comprised 
G57 148 Andrew Bennett, Jerry Hayes, Ian McCartney, Geoffrey Pattie, David 
G57 149 Price, Roger Sims, Ann Widdecombe, and Nicholas Winterton. This 
G57 150 Committee was altered slightly when oral evidence was taken on 21st 
G57 151 March 1990; Jerry Hayes and Ian McCartney were replaced by Martin 
G57 152 Smyth and Audrey Wise.<p/>
G57 153 <p_>From the published Report of the Minutes of Evidence of the 
G57 154 first session, it would seem that the Department of Health has most 
G57 155 certainly not been fulfilling the requirements laid down in the 
G57 156 1975 CMO guidelines. They had not been effectively monitoring 
G57 157 medical job descriptions and advertisements. Mr Roy Cunningham, 
G57 158 Assistant Secretary, Department of Health, stated the following in 
G57 159 response to the challenge from Ann Widdecombe as to whether the DoH 
G57 160 is <quote_>"doing their job which statutorily they are obliged to 
G57 161 do?"<quote/> - <quote_>"...It is possible with the passage of time 
G57 162 the advice issued in the late 1970's had fallen into some kind of 
G57 163 disuse in the Health Service."<quote/><p/>
G57 164 <p_>The problem of nurses holding to a position of conscientious 
G57 165 objection was also explored. Daphne Patey, Principle Nursing 
G57 166 Officer, was of the opinion that the Conscience Clause of the 
G57 167 Abortion Act was working out satisfactorily for nurses. Naturally 
G57 168 Ann Widdecombe had evidence to the contrary! It is worth 
G57 169 remembering that numerically very many more nurses than doctors 
G57 170 could be affected by the Abortion Act simply because there are very 
G57 171 many more nurses than doctors. However, nurses are much more likely 
G57 172 to move jobs or take a break from their career than doctors; 
G57 173 certainly once they have become established in a definitive 
G57 174 post.<p/>
G57 175 <p_>The second session of oral evidence before the Social Services 
G57 176 Committee took place on 21st March 1990 and heard evidence from 
G57 177 doctors. Some of us who had earlier submitted written evidence were 
G57 178 given the opportunity to amplify our position.<p/>
G57 179 <p_>Four gynaecologists, John McGarry, David Paintin, Timothy 
G57 180 Rutter and Wendy Savage were the first to be examined by the 
G57 181 members of the Social Services Committee. They were of the opinion 
G57 182 that doctors were not being discriminated against on the grounds of 
G57 183 conscientious objection to abortion. The three consultant 
G57 184 gynaecologists (all except Timothy Rutter) were at pains to explain 
G57 185 that they regularly appointed junior doctors who did not perform 
G57 186 abortions, on the grounds that they were otherwise well qualified 
G57 187 and had other qualities to offer. They presented glowing statistics 
G57 188 showing that they did much of the abortion work themselves. In 
G57 189 discussion there was a tendency to veer off the point (the 
G57 190 implementation of the Conscience Clause) towards the pros and cons 
G57 191 of abortion itself and current practice in the UK.<p/>
G57 192 <p_>Eventually it was the turn of 'our side' to give voice to the 
G57 193 other point of view. Representing the view that discrimination is 
G57 194 in fact rife was family planning doctor, Naomi Bankole; recently 
G57 195 (at long last) appointed consultant gynaecologist, Jonathan Brooks; 
G57 196 teaching hospital consultant (Birmingham) John Kelly; general 
G57 197 practitioner, Adrian Rogers and myself. One by one we were placed 
G57 198 under the spotlight and quizzed - fairly mercilessly at times - 
G57 199 about our respective positions. Not all of us held quite the same 
G57 200 views, and indeed the waters were even muddied by the issue of 
G57 201 freemasonry by Jonathan Brooks!<p/>
G57 202 <p_>We had met as a group shortly before going to the House of 
G57 203 Commons but were somewhat unprepared for the questions. A view was 
G57 204 emerging by the end of the questioning of both sides which was to 
G57 205 prove quite worrying to onlookers (particularly friends from SPUC, 
G57 206 Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child). The Committee was 
G57 207 wondering whether the answer to the problem of doctors not wishing 
G57 208 to do abortions, and for women wishing to obtain them easily, would 
G57 209 be to separate abortion services from the rest of gynaecology.<p/>
G57 210 <p_>Both sides felt this might possibly be an answer, though 
G57 211 speaking for 'our side' we had not been able to give this due 
G57 212 consideration beforehand. SPUC worried that this could pave the way 
G57 213 for even more 'abortion on demand' than we have at present. The 
G57 214 presence of anti-abortion doctors within the system has a breaking 
G57 215 effect, which once removed could possibly result in an increase in 
G57 216 abortion numbers. This is conjecture, however, as one could argue 
G57 217 that there might be a new stigma for those undergoing abortion, 
G57 218 perhaps even having an inhibitory effect.<p/>
G57 219 
G58   1 <#FLOB:G58\><h_><p_>POP, NEO-POP POST-POP OR WHAT?<p/>
G58   2 <p_><tf_>Stuart Morgan<tf/> wonders how far an art-historical term 
G58   3 can be stretched<p/><h/>
G58   4 <p_>R<*_>e-acute<*/>my de Gourmont once pointed out how much more 
G58   5 difficult it is to abolish a term than to invent one. The business 
G58   6 of art history may depend on this very principle. Invent an '-ism', 
G58   7 for example, and someone will cap it with an anti-ism, apparently 
G58   8 challenging but actually confirming, your premise in the meantime. 
G58   9 Make a pretended quarrel about some flimsy matter of periodisation, 
G58  10 merely shoring it up as you do so, and your professional reputation 
G58  11 will be made. (Conservatism masquerading as revolt is always an 
G58  12 excellent career move.) British Pop Art expert Marco Livingstone 
G58  13 has written book after book, catalogue after catalogue, about his 
G58  14 chosen subject, including excellent monographs on Hockney and 
G58  15 Kitaj, but also on the appalling Allen Jones, the vacuous Peter 
G58  16 Phillips and more. Perhaps being a professional historian blinds 
G58  17 you to matters of quality. Or perhaps business is business.<p/>
G58  18 <p_>As time goes on, however, business is bound to decline what 
G58  19 else is there to be written? An extended monograph on the 
G58  20 Ruralists? Another essay on Hockney's Picasso rip-offs or cut-up 
G58  21 photographs? Last year, Livingstone's <tf_>Pop Art: A Continuing 
G58  22 History<tf/> appeared, a book as strange as its title suggests, not 
G58  23 changing our definition of Pop, but indicating the complexity in 
G58  24 its lineage, and working to expand it. Is Lisa Milroy a Pop Artist? 
G58  25 Or Ashley Bickerton? The real answer may be that the question was 
G58  26 not worth asking, that a movement like Pop corresponded to a moment 
G58  27 in history and that their economic backgrounds, places of birth, 
G58  28 influences, marketing, treatment of their media, in fact their 
G58  29 entire parameters of meaning, make Peter Blake and Jeff Koons not 
G58  30 simply strange bedfellows but completely incompatible ones, as the 
G58  31 recent Pop symposium at the Royal Academy suggested. How far can an 
G58  32 art historical term be stretched, after all, and why try?<p/>
G58  33 <p_>From the dodgy end of Livingstone's book, the end which reveals 
G58  34 that when he said <quote_>"continuing history"<quote/> he did not 
G58  35 mean the newer works of existing Pop artists but the new work by 
G58  36 new artists, comes the Serpentine Gallery's beautifully installed 
G58  37 pendant exhibition <tf_>Objects from an Ideal Home<tf/>, with its 
G58  38 muffled reference to Richard Hamilton's great collage <tf_>What is 
G58  39 it...?<tf/>. Perhaps it is at this point that the weak-willed and 
G58  40 easily led should take the advice of Nancy Reagan and just say 
G58  41 'No'. Or, 'Yes, but...'. Yes, John Armleder was a Fluxus member. 
G58  42 Yes, Richard Wentworth does know everything there is to know about 
G58  43 early Oldenburg. Yes, Edward Allington began his career by making 
G58  44 impeccable drawings of rubber dolls. Yes, Haim Steinbach forms a 
G58  45 link with the 60s by virtue of his age alone. Yes, the redoubtable 
G58  46 Sturtevant has drawn on Pop, but only because she 
G58  47 re<?_>-<?/>painted pictures by Pop artists.<p/>
G58  48 <p_>'If it looks like X it must be X' is not an argument any 
G58  49 respectable art historian would advance to cover art of the deep 
G58  50 past. The fact that we lived through it is just not persuasive 
G58  51 enough. Pop is indeed part of what today's artists know. So is 
G58  52 Japanese cookery, the Mercator projection and the conjugation of 
G58  53 Latin verbs. There is nothing to be gained by the related argument 
G58  54 'If it looks like a domestic object, it must be a work of Pop art 
G58  55 because Pop artists referred to domestic objects'. Is 
G58  56 Tapi<*_>e-grave<*/>s a Pop artist? Was Beuys? If there was anything 
G58  57 to be gained by calling Koons or Gober or Levine or Holzer or 
G58  58 Halley, Pop artists, we'd have done it already. And what is there 
G58  59 to be gained, apart from another group show?<p/>
G58  60 <p_>Entertain the thought for a moment. When Koons had German 
G58  61 craftsmen remake animal ornaments, was he making a Pop statement? 
G58  62 When Armleder painted on furniture and showed the result alongside 
G58  63 geometric (but partly domesticated) painting, was <tf|>that Pop? If 
G58  64 'Pop' means a leavening, the reduction of transcendence to 
G58  65 mundanity, gallery to parlour, then an unbroken line connects 60s 
G58  66 Pop and 80s neo-Conceptualism, the common element being one of 
G58  67 debunking. (<quote_>"I often say I've taken Newman's zip and turned 
G58  68 it into plumbing"<quote/>, Peter Halley wrote in 1986.) Certainly a 
G58  69 down-to-earthness permeates this exhibition, characterised by Clive 
G58  70 Barker's <tf_>Venus de Milo with her Tongue in her Cheek<tf/>. So 
G58  71 does a certain small-scale wit - Tony Cragg's broken china tigers 
G58  72 in cage-like metal containers, for example, or Julian Opie's 
G58  73 identical Minimalist wall-pieces-cum-ventilators. And Pop also 
G58  74 meant idealising, as in Grenville Davey's large-scale button, 
G58  75 regarded (for the purposes of this exhibition) as an Oldenburg 
G58  76 homage. But 60s Pop also began an investigation into art and 
G58  77 commerce: the relation between conveyor-belt and craftsmanship, 
G58  78 individuality and multiplicity. Only Edward Allington in his 
G58  79 do-it-yourself Greek architecture, Louise Lawler in her photograph 
G58  80 of Marilyn Monroe sold into slavery by Warhol, commodified, 
G58  81 labelled and ready to change hands, or Meye Vaisman in his artwork/ 
G58  82 self-portrait/ coinage/ caricature equation succeeded in hinting at 
G58  83 some of the mind-boggling ramifications of the arguments that 
G58  84 Warhol, Lichtenstein and Oldenburg proposed. Perhaps the arguments 
G58  85 of art historians and critics alike pale into insignificance in the 
G58  86 face of what these pioneers made possible: a politics of the 
G58  87 everyday, a felt connection between daily routine and greater, 
G58  88 uncontrollable power structures. Sometimes, as in Richard 
G58  89 Wentworth's <tf_>The Weather<tf/>, one of the quietest and 
G58  90 certainly one of the most effective works in the exhibition, we 
G58  91 feel that connection. Does that make it a work of Pop, neo-Pop, 
G58  92 post-Pop or what? Only Marco Livingstone or Alan Freeman could tell 
G58  93 us.<p/>
G58  94 
G58  95 <h_><p_>REALISM AND THE TWO GERMANYS<p/>
G58  96 <p_><tf_>John Roberts<tf/> looks at the conflict over realism in 
G58  97 the former FDR and GDR<p/><h/>
G58  98 <p_>Germany is the crucible of the modern debate on realism. The 
G58  99 debates of the 1930s (Benjamin, Brecht and Adorno in particular) 
G58 100 are still the founding moment of any adequate philosophical 
G58 101 engagement with the issue. The continuation of the arguments though 
G58 102 after 1949 in the two Germanys, with the formation of the GDR, has 
G58 103 been a history of subjugation, mystification and denial. The 
G58 104 powerful anti-Stalinist credentials of the early debate were not 
G58 105 something the GDR bureaucracy could stomach, just as the debate in 
G58 106 the FDR (after a brief flirtation with the idea of Capitalist 
G58 107 Realism in the early 60s and a revivalist kind of Berlin 'ugly 
G58 108 realism' in the late 70s) was either forgotten about or dismissed 
G58 109 in terms borrowed from the caricatures of the East.<p/>
G58 110 <p_>With the collapse of Stalinist state capitalism in the GDR and 
G58 111 the reunification of the two Germanys, these two partial traditions 
G58 112 now meet in a potentially new cultural space. This is very much the 
G58 113 theme of 'Models of Reality: Approaches to Realism in Modern German 
G58 114 Art', even though the organisers and contributors to the catalogue 
G58 115 would no doubt disagree with my provisional history. In his essay, 
G58 116 the former GDR critic Christoph Tannert clearly assumes he was 
G58 117 working under a socialist system.<p/>
G58 118 <p_>Artists from the East included Tina Bara, Volker Via 
G58 119 Lewandowsky, Werner T<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bke and Arno Fischer; from the 
G58 120 West, Gerhard Richter, Martin Kippenberger, G<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nther 
G58 121 F<*_>o-umlaut<*/>rg and Bernhard and Anna Blume. This is a 
G58 122 suggestive selection inasmuch as it pits Werner 
G58 123 T<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bke, the leading GDR socialist realist, against 
G58 124 West Germany's Gerhard Richter, the modernist scourge of 
G58 125 conventional realism. In fact this is the key theme of the show: 
G58 126 realism as (unproblematic) reportage and historical witness, and 
G58 127 'realism' as the critique of representation.<p/>
G58 128 <p_>Socialist realism in its classic form, particularly in the GDR, 
G58 129 privileged a given set of signifiers (the victorious Red Army, 
G58 130 Allende's defeat, manual labour, etc.) as a kind of fetishisation 
G58 131 of the popular. T<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bke certainly acknowledged this 
G58 132 framework and its aims - he couldn't do otherwise - but like 
G58 133 Brecht's anti-Stalinist Stalinist, he was a bit more canny than 
G58 134 most. Closer to the Party and the GDR state than perhaps any of the 
G58 135 country's other leading artists, his epic history paintings 
G58 136 nevertheless produce a troubling sense of displacement. 
G58 137 T<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bke's allegories of German peasant history and 
G58 138 class struggle have the look of an artist trying to outdot the 'i's 
G58 139 of the most ardent advocate of Luk<*_>a-acute<*/>csian typicality, 
G58 140 in a display of traditional skills that borders on the neurotic. It 
G58 141 is as if the only adequate form for painting under an authoritarian 
G58 142 regime was itself an authoritarian one. Represented here by two 
G58 143 small 'altar piece' history paintings and the larger 
G58 144 <tf_>Verspottung eines Ablass-H<*_>a-umlaut<*/>ndlers<tf/>, 1976, a 
G58 145 medieval scene of the torture of a monk accused of satanism, 
G58 146 T<*_>u-umlaut<*/>bke is undoubtedly the most important artist the 
G58 147 GDR produced, if only because the allegories are susceptible to a 
G58 148 second-order allegorical reading themselves.<p/>
G58 149 <p_>Similarly Richter is perhaps the most interesting artist the 
G58 150 Federal Republic has produced since the late 60s. Having left the 
G58 151 GDR just before the Berlin Wall was built his whole development as 
G58 152 an artist sensitive to the modernist critique of history painting 
G58 153 has been to map out a space of negotiation between the continuing 
G58 154 legitimacy of the act of painting and the distributive power of 
G58 155 modern mechanised imagery. Richter, essentially, is a history 
G58 156 painter engaging with photography's critique and displacement of 
G58 157 the public function of history painting. This at least makes his 
G58 158 art a more legitimate candidate for the mantle of realism, insofar 
G58 159 as he acknowledges the contradictions of his practice as a painter 
G58 160 in the form of the work itself. What made his series <tf_>18. 
G58 161 Oktober 1977<tf/> shown at the CAI in 1989 so vivid, and one of the 
G58 162 best visiting exhibitions of the late 80s, was its transformation 
G58 163 of the historical referent (police archive photographs of the 
G58 164 'suicides' of the Red Army Faction in the Stannheim<&|>sic! gaol) 
G58 165 into a focus for the reading of history itself. The blurred quality 
G58 166 of the grey paintings actually gave form to the subsequent 
G58 167 historical perception of those events: the suppression and 
G58 168 disavowal of that period by the West German state. As a result the 
G58 169 work places the spectator in a position of critical tension between 
G58 170 identification with the group (utopianism) and with that act of 
G58 171 disapproval.<p/>
G58 172 <p_>In fact this historical moment is an important one for 
G58 173 understanding the development of the realist debate, and the 
G58 174 relationship between culture and politics, in the Federal Republic. 
G58 175 The RAF was to a large extent the most extreme manifestation of a 
G58 176 dominant Maoist current on the German left in the 70s, a tendency 
G58 177 that was characterised by an exaggerated (and desperate) political 
G58 178 voluntarism. With the intellectual bankruptcy of this tradition in 
G58 179 the wake of the demise of the RAF, the extra-parliamentary left 
G58 180 opposition went into deep crisis. Those elements that weren't 
G58 181 pulled to the right or the SPD moved in the direction of the 
G58 182 emerging green movement with its 'broad church' ecologism (i.e. 
G58 183 deep ecologists, ex-Nazis, as well as ex-revolutionaries). An 
G58 184 intellectual vacuum emerged amongst those still prepared to argue 
G58 185 for the historical possibility of a socialism left of the SPD. As 
G58 186 with the crises of Maoism in Italy and France in the 70s one of the 
G58 187 immediate beneficiaries culturally of this was post-structuralism 
G58 188 and its more apocalyptic variants. Coupled with the remnants of a 
G58 189 strong Western Marxist tradition in intellectual circles, with its 
G58 190 emphasis upon the importance of commodity fetishism and a 'total 
G58 191 system' view of capitalist relations, the possibility of any 
G58 192 projective re-theorisation of culture and politics was effectively 
G58 193 forestalled.<p/>
G58 194 <p_>There are of course exceptions to this rule. For example 
G58 195 G<*_>u-umlaut<*/>nter Grass's public interventions (a leading 
G58 196 figure in the SPD but intellectually outside it), and 
G58 197 J<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rgen Habermas's heavily rationalistic hybrid 
G58 198 Marxism. However, Grass is not theorist and Habermas's interests 
G58 199 have never been specifically cultural, just as this intellectual 
G58 200 counter to the rise of the new 'left' irrationalism in the Federal 
G58 201 Republic has had little effect on the ground. Since the late 70s 
G58 202 there has not been a steady socialist tradition, if you like, that 
G58 203 could nurture a broad debate on culture and politics by drawing on 
G58 204 and bringing together the work of a younger generation and 
G58 205 important work from <}_><-|>aboard<+|>abroad<}/>.<p/>
G58 206 <p_>This to a certain extent did happen in Britain, though, which 
G58 207 is why the debate on realism in Britain during the 70s and 80s 
G58 208 (through film and photography mainly) was far in advance of 
G58 209 anything that occurred elsewhere in Europe.
G58 210 
G59   1 <#FLOB:G59\><h_><p_>SIMON FRITH<p/>
G59   2 <p_>ANGLO-AMERICA AND ITS DISCONTENTS<p/>
G59   3 <p_>I<p/><h/>
G59   4 <p_>I started writing this paper during the early stages of the 
G59   5 fight for the leadership of the Conservative Party which led so 
G59   6 unexpectedly to the demise of Margaret Thatcher. What was already 
G59   7 clear was that the Tories were split on attitudes to Europe and 
G59   8 that these, in turn, reflected attitudes to the USA. To put it 
G59   9 crudely, the pro-Europeans, like Michael Heseltine, were implicitly 
G59  10 anti-American, while those who believed in 'the special 
G59  11 relationship', like Mrs Thatcher, were explicitly anti-European.<p/>
G59  12 <p_>This is not the place to explore these arguments further (or 
G59  13 the way they were complicated by the Gulf War), but they did 
G59  14 reflect a broader British anxiety. Is our identity essentially 
G59  15 linguistic, reaching across the Atlantic to North America and the 
G59  16 Caribbean, south to the old colonies, to Australia, South Africa, 
G59  17 to India and Hong Kong? Or are we all Europeans now, part of a free 
G59  18 market that is set to expand East, our Island status finally 
G59  19 sacrificed to the Channel Tunnel?<p/>
G59  20 <p_>From a pop fan's perspective this question may seem silly. 
G59  21 Contemporary popular music, rock, <tf|>is Anglo-American; the 
G59  22 language of success is English. And, whatever I may say, musicians 
G59  23 in France and Japan, Brazil and the Philippines, Finland and Zaire 
G59  24 know where musical power lies. Even so, as an Anglo, I'm not 
G59  25 convinced that the Anglo-American domination of worldwide popular 
G59  26 music is as extensive or secure as it seems.<p/>
G59  27 <p_>To begin with, 'Anglo-American' music is a relatively recent 
G59  28 invention, dating from 1963-4 and the rise of The Beatles. Before 
G59  29 then Britain was just as insignificant and derivative a nation in 
G59  30 pop terms as any other European country. Our Elvis Presley, Cliff 
G59  31 Richard, was no more important outside Britain (and the 
G59  32 Commonwealth) than France's Elvis Presley, Johnny Halliday, was 
G59  33 outside France (and the French colonies) or than Italy's Elvis 
G59  34 Presley, Little Tony, outside Italy. Young British listeners then 
G59  35 were dependent for rock and roll sounds on Radio Luxembourg, and 
G59  36 the British music industry agitated volubly for protectionist 
G59  37 measures: guaranteed airplay for British records and British songs; 
G59  38 exclusion of touring American musicians to protect the livelihood 
G59  39 of the locals. In tracing the global progress of 'Rock Around the 
G59  40 Clock', say, or the Twist, we would find no particular reason for 
G59  41 singling out their British impact. My first question, then, is, if 
G59  42 there was a time <tf|>before Anglo-American pop, couldn't there 
G59  43 also be a time after it?<p/>
G59  44 <p_>The peculiarity of the post-Beatles situation is also indicated 
G59  45 by a brief look at other media. International book publishing could 
G59  46 be characterized, analogously, as Anglo-American; international 
G59  47 magazine publishing could not - publishing giants from Spain and 
G59  48 Germany dominate both continental Europe and sectors of the British 
G59  49 market. The global market for films and television programmes is 
G59  50 American rather than Anglo-American; British film policy has long 
G59  51 been organized, unsuccessfully, around the defence of the British 
G59  52 film industry; the export of British television remains largely 
G59  53 restricted to 'quality' shows. Even more strikingly, the world's 
G59  54 most played and watched game, Association football, has little 
G59  55 appeal in the USA, while its national sports, American football and 
G59  56 baseball, are not much watched anywhere else.<p/>
G59  57 <p_>In short, Anglo-Americanism isn't an inevitable description of 
G59  58 mass global culture, even in those media in which a shared language 
G59  59 is at a premium. The USA dominates the worldwide film and 
G59  60 television industries because of its market size and the economies 
G59  61 of scale: its producers can cover their production costs 
G59  62 domestically and undercut any other producers internationally. And 
G59  63 its market dominance has enabled it to exercise cultural dominance 
G59  64 too - not simply in the spoken language on the screen, but in 
G59  65 visual and narrative terms too. What has come to be seen as film 
G59  66 and television entertainment - in terms of genre and spectacle and 
G59  67 pace - was defined by Hollywood studio conventions and American 
G59  68 cinemagoers' tastes. Why didn't this happen in music too?<p/>
G59  69 <p_>Within the industry itself, two reasons are usually given for 
G59  70 Britain's importance in international music-making: first, the UK 
G59  71 is a <tf_>talent pool<tf/>; second, it is a <tf_>test market<tf/>. 
G59  72 My second question is whether either of these situations is 
G59  73 permanent.<p/>
G59  74 <p_>Britain became a pop talent pool in the 1960s and 1970s for a 
G59  75 variety of local reasons to do with the peculiar characteristics of 
G59  76 its musicians in terms of youth culture and education, but also 
G59  77 because of our long familiarity with American song forms and song 
G59  78 language (though there was nothing inevitable about this - Britain 
G59  79 has not produced more jazz musicians than other European countries, 
G59  80 for example). By the 1980s though, just as convincing 'American' 
G59  81 musicians were emerging from Sweden and Australia, form Germany and 
G59  82 Iceland, and the rise of 'world music' is a reminder that these 
G59  83 days successful Western pop can come from anywhere - in this case 
G59  84 mostly via Paris. Britain's uniqueness as a pop talent pool can no 
G59  85 longer be taken for granted.<p/>
G59  86 <p_>Its importance as a test market is, equally, a matter of 
G59  87 structural, historical circumstances (a national monopoly 
G59  88 broadcasting service, an influential music press, a music culture 
G59  89 more marked by stylistic differences than by class or geographical 
G59  90 mobility). British pop norms were thus important when the 
G59  91 international business thought in terms of youth and fashion (and 
G59  92 British singles sales were accurate indicators of future worldwide 
G59  93 album sales and stardom); they are less so for the pursuit of the 
G59  94 yuppie demographic and the corporate tie-in. Since punk, British 
G59  95 taste has, in fact, been decidedly erratic in international terms 
G59  96 (the 'second British invasion' of the USA, in the early days of 
G59  97 MTV, simply reflected a brief moment of revived teen marketing). 
G59  98 These days record companies are as likely to use the 'grown-up' 
G59  99 Dutch market as the British youth market as their testing 
G59 100 ground.<p/>
G59 101 <p_>The irony of this situation is that it was Britain's rise to 
G59 102 importance as talent pool and test market that changed the 
G59 103 conditions of musical production and consumption that gave it that 
G59 104 importance in the first place. The immediate business effect of 
G59 105 Britain's American impact in the mid<?_>-<?/>sixties was the 
G59 106 invasion of London by American A&R and marketing teams; by the end 
G59 107 of the decade Britain's leading musical 'exports' were being sold 
G59 108 by non-British companies. Twenty years on, EMI remains Britain's 
G59 109 only major label, and the seventies rock independents, like Island, 
G59 110 have been absorbed by foreign companies (even Virgin Records is now 
G59 111 dependent on Japanese investment).<p/>
G59 112 <p_>In the music business, then, 'Anglo-American' describes a 
G59 113 particular historical period and conceals a greater dependence of 
G59 114 the Anglo on the American than the order of the terms might 
G59 115 suggest. At the same time, the usual snootiness about European rock 
G59 116 conceals a much longer history in which British musicians have been 
G59 117 part of a European (rather than American) music world. The Beatles, 
G59 118 after all, survived as a group (and forged the style that made them 
G59 119 famous) playing clubs in Germany, and all 'alternative' British 
G59 120 musicians since, from the progressive rockers like Soft Machine and 
G59 121 Henry Cow at the end of the 1960s to the punk and indie bands of 
G59 122 the 1970s and 1980s have been dependent for their bedrock income on 
G59 123 European clubs, European broadcasters, European festivals, and 
G59 124 European audiences. The history of British club music has, 
G59 125 similarly, from the 'discotheques' of the 1960s to 1980s Hi-NRG, 
G59 126 Balearic beat and acid house, been the history of a European 
G59 127 phenomenon, even if one dependent for its sounds on Black American 
G59 128 musicians.<p/>
G59 129 <p_>There are obvious economic reasons why, for a young band or 
G59 130 little label, Europe is a better market than the USA: it is nearer, 
G59 131 more compact, and more familiar in its promotional institutions. 
G59 132 Even such an obviously Anglo-American form as heavy metal, for 
G59 133 example, now has a European identity (to which British bands must 
G59 134 subscribe) - a touring circuit, radio and TV shows, a German-based 
G59 135 magazine (with English and Spanish editions), a pool of musicians 
G59 136 who all sound the same whether they're from Germany or Sweden, 
G59 137 Britain or, now, Eastern Europe. As it becomes harder for <tf|>any 
G59 138 group or record company to cover production and promotion costs on 
G59 139 British sales alone, so it becomes necessary for <tf|>all British 
G59 140 bands to go for international sales from the start, and Europe is 
G59 141 not only nearer than the USA, these days it also generates more 
G59 142 music income. The 1980s deregulation of European broadcasting, for 
G59 143 instance, led to a huge rise in the demand for music programming, 
G59 144 whether in the form of videos, studio appearances or concert 
G59 145 footage, and late eighties pop groups like the Pet Shop Boys or 
G59 146 Bananarama planned their marketing strategy accordingly.<p/>
G59 147 <p_>What we have here is less a new invasion of Europe by British 
G59 148 pop than the development of European pop institutions (commercial 
G59 149 music TV and radio, teen magazines) to go alongside the 
G59 150 well-established European rock institutions. British musicians and 
G59 151 entrepreneurs are key players in these institutions but they are 
G59 152 not British institutions. Thus Britain's most significant radio 
G59 153 deejay, John Peel (who began his career in the 1960s as a British 
G59 154 voice in Texas) is now effectively a Euro deejay. He broadcasts 
G59 155 weekly for both Finnish radio and Hilversum, and his BBC World 
G59 156 Service show is probably now more important promotionally than his 
G59 157 Radio 1 programmes. These days he includes more European than 
G59 158 American sounds in his playlist.<p/>
G59 159 <p_>From this perspective, 1992 (the year the European Community 
G59 160 becomes a free-trade area, taking down the final barriers to the 
G59 161 flow of goods, services and labour, harmonizing the various 
G59 162 national laws on licensing and copy-right) marks the logical end of 
G59 163 a process, rather than a beginning. Production is already 
G59 164 centralized in pan-European terms - most 'British' records, tapes 
G59 165 and CDs and all British record sleeves are now manufactured in 
G59 166 France or Germany. As for taste (using the charts for a moment as 
G59 167 its basic measure), British consumers already have more in common 
G59 168 with their European neighbours than with the USA, at least in terms 
G59 169 of new music. 'Anglo-American', one might conclude, is just another 
G59 170 name for 'classic' rock.<p/>
G59 171 <h|>II
G59 172 <p_>What are the implications of this for national and 
G59 173 international pop?<p/>
G59 174 <p_>The first thing we need to do is rethink what is meant by a 
G59 175 'major' record company. In the last decade there have been two 
G59 176 significant changes in the international music business: first, the 
G59 177 USA is no longer economically dominant - RCA's absorption into the 
G59 178 German publishing company, BMG (the Bertelsmann Group), and Sony's 
G59 179 takeover of CBS, leaves WEA (now Time-Warner) as the only American 
G59 180 'giant' (the others are both European - Britain's Thorn EMI, and 
G59 181 the Dutch Polygram); second, this takeover activity (also reflected 
G59 182 in internal restructurings and lower-level deals like the 
G59 183 Mitsushita purchase of MCA) marks a recomposition of the 
G59 184 hardware/software relationship. As both the pace of technological 
G59 185 change and the consumer boom in domestic electronic goods slow 
G59 186 down, so ownership of the software (the films and music) becomes 
G59 187 more desirable. The digital-recording age has reached the stage the 
G59 188 electrical-recording age reached in the 1960s.<p/>
G59 189 <p_>Two points follow from this, one conceptual, one 
G59 190 methodological. Conceptually we can no longer sensibly define the 
G59 191 international music market in nationalistic terms, with some 
G59 192 countries (the USA, the UK) imposing their culture on others. This 
G59 193 does not describe the cultural consequences of the new 
G59 194 multinationals: whose culture do Sony-CBS and BMG-RCA represent?<p/>
G59 195 <p_>Methodologically, we can no longer measure the multinational 
G59 196 penetration of national cultures with statistics of personal 
G59 197 consumption. (How many records sold in each country? On which 
G59 198 labels? With which artists?) The basic unreliability of these 
G59 199 figures, particularly in smaller (and/or pirate-ridden) markets 
G59 200 distorts the picture in the majors' favour (their sales are more 
G59 201 likely to be reported) and, anyway, as their income base shifts 
G59 202 from primary to secondary rights ownership, so record sales cease 
G59 203 to be the best measure of even their success.<p/>
G59 204 <p_>Measuring national music success is equally problematic, and a 
G59 205 simple reference to record labels is certainly inadequate. One 
G59 206 effect of the digital 'revolution' in recording (another aspect of 
G59 207 the changing relationship between hard and software) has been to 
G59 208 transform the grounds of 'local' production: what Paul 
G59 209 Th<*_>e-acute<*/>berge has characterized as a 
G59 210 <quote_>"universalization of sound"<quote/> means that music can 
G59 211 sound the same (share the global acoustic) wherever it comes from; 
G59 212 what once were 'demos' are now to all intents and purposes 
G59 213 'finished' products.
G59 214 
G59 215 
G59 216 
G60   1 <#FLOB:G60\><h_><p_>Keith Douglas's<p/>
G60   2 <p_>Phonetic Rhetoric and Phonetic Lyricism:<p/>
G60   3 <p_>a study of three poems<p/>
G60   4 <p_>David I. Masson<p/><h/>
G60   5 <p_>Keith Douglas, 1920-44, who fought in the tank warfare with the 
G60   6 Eighth Army in the North African desert, was killed by a shell in 
G60   7 Normandy. Bernard Spencer records that Douglas considered himself 
G60   8 as in the tradition of Wilfred Owen. But his subject was not the 
G60   9 pity of war; rather, the precise nature of the war experience in 
G60  10 all its horror and mystery. And indeed, many of his poems even 
G60  11 after enlistment have quite other subjects.<p/>
G60  12 <p_>As a student in Oxford, Douglas insisted, in a printed 
G60  13 symposium on poetry, that <quote_>"every word must work for its 
G60  14 keep"<quote/>. As late as September 1941 he was writing a 'Song' in 
G60  15 which a musical refrain strikes an old-fashioned romantic note. But 
G60  16 by October 1942 the impacts of desert warfare had eroded his 
G60  17 lyricism and replaced it by a sharper, harsher kind of poetry. He 
G60  18 wrote on 10 August 1943 to fellow poet J. C. Hall, who had strongly 
G60  19 criticized his new style: <quote_>"My rhythms, which you find 
G60  20 enervated, are carefully chosen to enable the poems to be <tf|>read 
G60  21 as significant speech: I see no reason to be either musical or 
G60  22 sonorous about things at present. When I do, I shall be so again, 
G60  23 and glad to. I suppose I reflect the cynicism and the careful 
G60  24 absence of expectation (it is not quite the same as apathy) with 
G60  25 which I view the world.... I never tried to write about war... 
G60  26 [with one exception], until I had experienced it. Now I will write 
G60  27 of it, and perhaps one day cynic and lyric will meet and make me a 
G60  28 balanced style. Certainly you will never see the long metrical 
G60  29 similes and galleries of images again."<quote/> Particular 
G60  30 obsessions, however, reveal themselves throughout his all too brief 
G60  31 poetical life in certain symbolic words which have been noted in 
G60  32 William Scammell's excellent study of 1988; and some of Douglas's 
G60  33 phonetic patterns may be considered to reflect these thematic 
G60  34 obsessions, though in a manner governed by each individual context. 
G60  35 For Douglas uses both half-rhymes in the structure of his poems (to 
G60  36 be discussed fully below), and rich sound-patterning which 
G60  37 illuminates his imagery, his vision, and the rhetoric of the poem. 
G60  38 This sensuous bonding is of course much diluted in his harsher 
G60  39 pieces, but it is present in strength in some of his most intense 
G60  40 war poems and returns fully again where his personal emotions are 
G60  41 most openly shown. Douglas found half-rhymes and free phonetic 
G60  42 patterning in Wilfred Owen, but handled both differently in a style 
G60  43 that is triumphantly his own. Ted Hughes, in comparing Douglas and 
G60  44 Owen, contrasted the <quote_>"masculine movement"<quote/> and 
G60  45 <quote_>"musical structures"<quote/> of Douglas with Owen's 
G60  46 <quote|>"feminine" timbre, but did not adduce sounds or phonetic 
G60  47 patterns.<p/>
G60  48 <p_>My studies of sound-patterning in poetry were made in many 
G60  49 articles of 1951-76. The reader is referred particularly to five. 
G60  50 The difficulties of investigation and presentation in this field 
G60  51 are the steering of a course between the Scylla of pedantic 
G60  52 over-analysis and the Charybdis of subjectively emotional response; 
G60  53 between a smothering detail and a windy vagueness. Fundamentally, a 
G60  54 poem is a repeatable utterance for which the written or printed 
G60  55 text is merely an instruction (as a musical score is an instruction 
G60  56 for performance). Notwithstanding their complex mental, practical 
G60  57 and emotional associations, words are not mere semantic entities. 
G60  58 They were never meant to be soundlessly logged from the printed 
G60  59 page of poetry, at least. They are sensuous collocations, 
G60  60 articulated, felt in the mouth, uttered, sensed through the ear, 
G60  61 and should be embraced in all these sensory associations. In our 
G60  62 modern conditioning by print, we tend to forget this (and more 
G60  63 recently words have been used in poems without thought for these 
G60  64 values), but the silent reader can still sense articulation and 
G60  65 sound, as a trained reader can pick up from a sheet of music the 
G60  66 melody and harmony and in some cases the actual instrumentation. 
G60  67 Unless the reader is of a minority psychological type devoid of 
G60  68 utterance imagery, he must be ultimately capable of response to the 
G60  69 poem as utterance. Moreover, when word echoes word or syllable 
G60  70 syllable, or a sequence of speech sounds is repeated or even 
G60  71 varied, such echoings have a synergistic effect. They create a 
G60  72 sensuous entity which comments on the sense. Not only can this 
G60  73 embellish, rubricate, become implicated in a given passage or 
G60  74 statement. If poet and reader be capable (as in most cases) of 
G60  75 visual imagery, a use of sound-patterns may reflect for both 
G60  76 persons the scene as well as the argument, the sense as well as the 
G60  77 feeling. In many cases the words involved in a particular image or 
G60  78 argument are linked together by a particular set of phonetic 
G60  79 elements. Douglas, with his scorn of the critics, would doubtless 
G60  80 have been intolerant of the sort of investigation upon which I am 
G60  81 embarked. Notwithstanding this, I believe that what I uncover in 
G60  82 such work is an often overlooked part of the inner substance of 
G60  83 poetry, of the sources of its authority and appeal in so far as 
G60  84 these depend on utterance: poetry's roots in infantile babbling and 
G60  85 primitive chant, and its relation to the poet's personality.<p/>
G60  86 <p_>One may first distinguish broad categories of structural, 
G60  87 melodic, and programmatic sound-effects, besides the type of 
G60  88 sound-organization that confers generalized authority, 
G60  89 authenticity, upon the statements and images that it accompanies, 
G60  90 and the more phrase-bound support of syntax and semantic 
G60  91 collocations. These last two I shall dub 'authenticating' and 
G60  92 'statement-supporting' effects. The programmatic effects of sound 
G60  93 in poetry are like those in music, in that they do not depend on 
G60  94 rigid one-to-one correspondence; they are <tf|>suggestive. In every 
G60  95 musical or poetic context there is only a particular range of 
G60  96 possible relevances. Any ambiguities in a passage of music within a 
G60  97 particular range are supposed to be dispelled by the musical 
G60  98 context and totality of the opus, the composer's notes, if any, and 
G60  99 the title. In poetry, such ambiguities are severely curtailed by 
G60 100 the words themselves and their implications. No, this is <tf|>not a 
G60 101 mere circular argument: it is a statement of facts about relations. 
G60 102 It is not true that one may find anything one fancies in a given 
G60 103 manifestation of sounds or articulations; theories of 
G60 104 <tf_>Ur<tf/>-language (for example), such as the gestural and the 
G60 105 bow-wow, however unproven they were in themselves, were founded 
G60 106 upon natural imitative tendencies, often unconscious, in infants 
G60 107 and adults. Like the fingers, the tongue and the mouth ape the 
G60 108 occurrences of an outside world. The principles by which they do so 
G60 109 have to be the basis of one's interpretation, <tf|>anyone's 
G60 110 interpretation, of sounds, articulations, and their patterns, in 
G60 111 poetry. A paragraph below defines such programme effects.<p/>
G60 112 <p_>Douglas was not a merely musical poet, a composer of sounds; 
G60 113 even in a few 'Songs' he has a good grip on meaning; nor was he an 
G60 114 emotional poet in any simple sense: he was a poet to whom sounds or 
G60 115 articulations came naturally as tools for the propositions that he 
G60 116 was trying to construct. His work involves both authenticating and 
G60 117 statement-supporting sound-patterns, while his truly programmatic 
G60 118 effects are subtle, much more so than, for example, those of 
G60 119 Wilfred Owen. While we may feel some of his various effects, we 
G60 120 need to dissect them and to work out how and where they connect 
G60 121 with his meanings, and we may also try to guess which were 
G60 122 conscious and which not. We shall find them to be far richer, more 
G60 123 intricate, and more apposite, in certain poems, than can be 
G60 124 appreciated in a single reading or hearing, or even in many. My 
G60 125 three whole-poem examples show to what a pitch of excellence he 
G60 126 could attain in this art, and one must wonder how he might have 
G60 127 dominated the poetic scene if he had survived.<p/>
G60 128 <p_>In my principal encyclopedia article I distinguished the 
G60 129 following types of effect, which often merge and overlap: 
G60 130 <tf_>Structural Emphasis<tf/>, <tf|>Underpinning (more subtle), and 
G60 131 conversely <tf|>Counterpoising: these structural devices do 
G60 132 sometimes appear in Douglas (notably in my first whole-poem 
G60 133 example); <tf_>Rubricating Emphasis<tf/> (of words or images), 
G60 134 <tf_>Tagging/Labelling<tf/> (precise punctuation of syntax or 
G60 135 thought by placing of sounds), <tf|>Correlation (indirect support 
G60 136 of argument by related echoes), <tf|>Implication (more involved 
G60 137 interconnexion of sound, meaning, and feeling), and 
G60 138 <tf|>Diagramming (the abstract pattern symbolizes the sense): all 
G60 139 these may be found in Douglas, even diagramming, and it is in 
G60 140 rubrication, correlation and implication that authenticating 
G60 141 effects frequently reside, while labelling and diagramming may be 
G60 142 separated off as statement-supporting; <tf|>Sound-Representation: 
G60 143 used by Owen but virtually never by Douglas (I do not count 'BANG', 
G60 144 etc.); <tf_>Illustrative Mime (mouth movements recall motion and 
G60 145 shape), and <tf_>Illustrative Painting<tf/> (articulations, sounds, 
G60 146 or their patterns, correspond to appearances or non-acoustic 
G60 147 sensations, in a variety of synaesthesia): these two occur in 
G60 148 Douglas; <tf_>Passionate Emphasis<tf/>: not in Douglas; <tf_>Mood 
G60 149 Evocation<tf/> (tone colours resemble vocalizations natural to the 
G60 150 emotions): hardly perceptible in Douglas; <tf_>Expressive Mime<tf/> 
G60 151 (mouth movements ape the expression of emotion), and 
G60 152 <tf_>Expressive Painting<tf/> (sounds, articulations, or their 
G60 153 arrangement, correspond to feelings or impressions): both can be 
G60 154 found in subtle forms in Douglas, but are not prominent; 
G60 155 <tf|>Ebullience (pure exuberance in sound), <tf|>Embellishment 
G60 156 (superficially musical), and <tf|>Incantation (profoundly musical 
G60 157 or magical): Douglas got rid of embellishment, shows no ebullience, 
G60 158 and incantation is alien to him (I do not count repeated 
G60 159 song-refrains), except in one place, in 'Simplify me when I'm dead' 
G60 160 (May 1941?), the lines <quote_>"when hairless I came howling in | 
G60 161 as the moon came in the cold sky"<quote/>. Douglas's type of 
G60 162 occasional magic, less awe-inspiring, more transfixing, is that of 
G60 163 a conjurer; his statements suddenly produce a marvel or a paradox, 
G60 164 usually a totally comfortless one, which his phonemes in their 
G60 165 man<*_>oe-ligature<*/>uvres help in one way or another to bring 
G60 166 about. Correlation and implication, frequent in Douglas, often 
G60 167 confer authority upon a given statement or image.<p/>
G60 168 <p_>Douglas, who had read Auden as well as Owen, developed during 
G60 169 his short poetic life a habit of employing half-rhymes or, as 
G60 170 Scammell (like others) sometimes calls them, pararhymes, and in 
G60 171 forms which are even more free than those of these two poets, in 
G60 172 fact now and then barely perceptible, as for instance 
G60 173 'scenery':'tracery' in 'Landscape with Figures 2', 
G60 174 'laughter':'whisper' in 'Gallantry', or 
G60 175 'cont<*_>e-acute<*/>nt':'equipment' in 'Vergissmeinnicht'. His 
G60 176 metrical schemes are often, and increasingly, irregular, with 
G60 177 intervening short lines and long syllable-crowded lines. This was 
G60 178 partly his response to the pressures of war, as he makes clear to 
G60 179 J. C. Hall in the letter of 10 August 1943. Some of the scansion 
G60 180 does jar; not, however, as badly as in the earlier poem (still in 
G60 181 England), 'Simplify me when I'm dead', at the 'type and 
G60 182 intelligence' sesquipedalian line 11; though it is hard to know how 
G60 183 Douglas could possibly have civilized this prosy obstinate misfit 
G60 184 of a line. The richness of his free phonetic patterning compensates 
G60 185 for those irregularities, though this richness does not exceed that 
G60 186 attained by many writers of all ages and languages who were more 
G60 187 conventional as craftsmen. Such bonding through articulation and 
G60 188 sounds is free indeed of the bone-structure of a poem, but offsets 
G60 189 his irregular structures by internal-external rhyming or 
G60 190 consonances, as well as by its attachment to the sense, feeling or 
G60 191 implications of the words, and the way in which it more broadly 
G60 192 enhances the authority and power of the poetry. How far these 
G60 193 phonetic bonds were consciously worked out is doubtful: the 
G60 194 accomplished poet should probably, and in most cases seems to, work 
G60 195 subconsciously from a feeling of rightness in his final choice of 
G60 196 words, though undoubtedly some of the more plangent and rhetorical 
G60 197 sound-echoes will be fully recognized and acknowledged by the 
G60 198 poetic craftsman (and his readers).<p/>
G60 199 <p_>Poetry can be considered from the point of view of its density, 
G60 200 tension, or concentration; and these, in various aspects such as 
G60 201 reasoning, imagery, or utterance of sound. Dilute, relaxed, or 
G60 202 rarified poetry exists, but there is little of that in Douglas, 
G60 203 except a certain relaxation in a few 'Songs' including perhaps 
G60 204 'Sanctuary' (1940); but even in such pieces the imagery tends to be 
G60 205 fairly densely packed, while their phonetic linkages are quite 
G60 206 marked even where they are relatively simple.
G60 207 
G61   1 <#FLOB:G61\><h_><p_>Introducing the Agricultural & Allied Education 
G61   2 Sector<p/>
G61   3 <p_>Richard Eve, NATFHE's first Agricultural Sector Officer, 
G61   4 outlines the history and fills in the present picture<p/><h/>
G61   5 <p_>The setting-up of this new sector within NATFHE follows the 
G61   6 affirmative vote by members of the Association of Agricultural 
G61   7 Education Staffs to transfer their engagements as an independent 
G61   8 trade union to NATFHE. This transfer took place on 4 September 1990 
G61   9 and was announced by our President, Judith Summers, at the joint 
G61  10 NATFHE/AUT reception held at the TUC in Blackpool. The new sector 
G61  11 was more formally launched at a recent reception in the Houses of 
G61  12 Parliament, reported elsewhere in this issue.<p/>
G61  13 <p_>For those members of NATFHE who may know little about the 
G61  14 Agricultural Education service the following brief history may be 
G61  15 of interest.<p/>
G61  16 <p_>Before the second world war, responsibility for both education 
G61  17 and advice to farmers and growers was shared by the Ministry of 
G61  18 Agriculture and the County Councils. This was not mandatory, and 
G61  19 there was no set pattern, so some counties had a Farm Institute 
G61  20 providing a range of courses and an advisory service, while others 
G61  21 had almost no provision at all.<p/>
G61  22 <p_>Generally speaking, there was least agricultural education in 
G61  23 the rural counties most needing it, because they had the smallest 
G61  24 populations and lowest incomes and could not afford it!<p/>
G61  25 <p_>During the war, when food production was a priority, the 
G61  26 agricultural advice service was uniformly expanded under the War 
G61  27 Agricultural Executive Committees, and the success of this pointed 
G61  28 towards its continuation after the war.<p/>
G61  29 <p_>In the<&/>sic! 1943 the Luxmoore Report on post-war 
G61  30 Agricultural Education proposed a national council to oversee both 
G61  31 the new advisory service and a new agricultural education system 
G61  32 for the whole country, under central control. The proposal was 
G61  33 never adopted, and in 1946 the Ministry of Agriculture set up the 
G61  34 National Agricultural Advisory Service, thereby bringing about the 
G61  35 divorce of advice from education and leaving the LEAs responsible 
G61  36 for provision of agricultural education. As a result of this it was 
G61  37 decided to bring the service into the Burnham procedure and so a 
G61  38 meeting was held in May 1946 to elect a panel to represent the 
G61  39 teachers' side on the Agricultural Education Panel of Burnham. It 
G61  40 was led by J. Wickham Murray of the NUT, and A. E. Evans of the 
G61  41 ATTI (NATFHE's predecessor) provided the secretariat.<p/>
G61  42 <p_>In order to consolidate the work and gains made by the Panel it 
G61  43 was recognised that a representative body should be formed and, in 
G61  44 December 1946, a meeting was held to decide whether to join an 
G61  45 existing organisation or go it alone. Messrs Wickham Murray and 
G61  46 Evans expounded the virtues of joining ATTI but, despite some 
G61  47 support and after a long debate, it was unanimously agreed to form 
G61  48 a separate organisation. It was to be twenty years before a 
G61  49 partnership with ATTI became a reality. A Committee was set up to 
G61  50 draft rules and a constitution and it held its first meeting in 
G61  51 January 1947, with the first meeting of the Annual Conference being 
G61  52 in April 1947. The initial sub was 10/- per annum and at the end of 
G61  53 the first year of operation the balance in hand was pounds22.11.1d 
G61  54 - some 30% of the total income!! This new organisation was to go 
G61  55 from strength to strength and was equal to the many challenges and 
G61  56 changes of the next forty or so years.<p/>
G61  57 <h_><p_>New subjects, new involvements<p/><h/>
G61  58 <p_>There are 48 separate institutions in England and Wales and 
G61  59 several departments of Agriculture linked to Further Education 
G61  60 colleges. Most of these institutions provide residential courses of 
G61  61 varying duration in Agriculture and allied subjects. The 
G61  62 diversification that has taken place in recent years reflects the 
G61  63 changes that have become apparent in the rural community. Whilst 
G61  64 high tech animal production, crop technology and agricultural 
G61  65 business management still feature as the mainstay of the service, 
G61  66 the expansion has come fast in the various facets of horticulture, 
G61  67 in equestrianism, forestry, floristry, viticulture, gamekeeping, 
G61  68 fish farming, conservation, tourism, amenity park management and 
G61  69 sports green keeping.<p/>
G61  70 <p_>Virtually all the establishments have large commercial farms 
G61  71 and horticultural units. Some colleges have established themselves 
G61  72 as regional or national centres for specialist areas of work, 
G61  73 especially in the fields of horticulture, forestry and water 
G61  74 management, and they have also developed commercial ventures which 
G61  75 reflect these specialisms. The Sector has close links with the 
G61  76 industry, and active participation in committee work at all levels 
G61  77 is undertaken by lay members.<p/>
G61  78 <h_><p_>Union issues<p/><h/>
G61  79 <p_>As the Sector becomes established within the main body of 
G61  80 NATFHE, colleagues in other areas will realise that one of the 
G61  81 issues which needs to be resolved is in the area of salaries and 
G61  82 conditions of service. You may have noticed that there are separate 
G61  83 scales published alongside mainstream scales and there are also 
G61  84 separate conditions and these are used in almost all of the 
G61  85 agricultural colleges. The claim for parity in conditions of 
G61  86 service has been argued now for over ten years and, at its last 
G61  87 conference in 1990, the old AAES resolved to make parity of both 
G61  88 salaries and conditions its policy. This matter is currently being 
G61  89 addressed by the NJC in its Agricultural and Horticultural Working 
G61  90 Party, but progress is slow - not through any lack of commitment on 
G61  91 the part of the Lecturers' Side. Historically there were good 
G61  92 reasons for the differences, but times have changed and the work of 
G61  93 a lecturer in an agricultural college is just the same as the work 
G61  94 done by a lecturer in a mainstream FE college, and this has now 
G61  95 been true for a decade or more. It is a just claim which appears to 
G61  96 fall on deaf ears. It would be easy to go on at length about this, 
G61  97 but suffice to say the sector looks for support from colleagues 
G61  98 across the service in the pursuance of this claim.<p/>
G61  99 <p_>So, NATFHE now has an Agricultural Education Sector, and the 
G61 100 wishes of Wickham-Murray and A. E. Evans some 45 years ago are a 
G61 101 reality. Professional co<?_>-<?/>operation and professional unity 
G61 102 have always been embodied in the aims and objectives of the 
G61 103 Association of Agricultural Education Staffs; its members bring to 
G61 104 NATFHE commitment to strive to continue with that aim towards 
G61 105 professional unity. The new sector is a new chapter in a long and 
G61 106 proud history. The Agricultural Education Service comprises a 
G61 107 diversity of specialists brought together by the place in which 
G61 108 they work and the section of the community which they serve.<p/>
G61 109 <p_>That such a sparsely spread group could bridge the barriers of 
G61 110 both subject and geography to form the active negotiating body 
G61 111 which the AAES has become is a direct reflection of the strength of 
G61 112 character of both the early pioneers and those who have led the 
G61 113 Association over the last 45 years.<p/>
G61 114 <p_>There is a great future ahead for us all, and members in the 
G61 115 Sector will play a full and active part in NATFHE for a long time 
G61 116 to come.<p/>
G61 117 <h_><p_>IN EUROPE NOW<p/>
G61 118 <p_>Europe is now firmly on NATFHE's agenda and all members' 
G61 119 interests are affected, says Paul Bennett<p/>
G61 120 <p_>ETUCE Working Group on HE<p/><h/>
G61 121 <p_>The Higher Education Working Group of the ETUCE (European Trade 
G61 122 Union Committee for Education) is chaired by Peter Dawson of NATFHE 
G61 123 and has established itself as an influential body within the 
G61 124 European trade union scene and among those making policy for HE in 
G61 125 Europe. It was set up in 1989 and represents HE teachers and 
G61 126 researchers from 11 organisations in eight countries. NATFHE is 
G61 127 represented by Paul Bennett, Head Office Official responsible for 
G61 128 EC matters.<p/>
G61 129 <p_>The Group is able to build on the encouraging fact that HE is 
G61 130 one of the most developed areas of collective EC policy in the 
G61 131 education/training field. Predictably, perhaps, we have found that 
G61 132 the tendency, familiar in UK official and other circles, to equate 
G61 133 'higher education' with universities is mirrored in the European 
G61 134 Community, so we have to ensure that - in European policy-making 
G61 135 too - the whole of HE is taken into account.<p/>
G61 136 <p_>The Group's first meeting of 1991 takes place in Amsterdam in 
G61 137 February, hosted by the Dutch union ABOP. Last year, the Group held 
G61 138 meetings in Berlin at the end of May, and in Brussels in October, 
G61 139 following the ETUCE Colloquium on the European Dimension of 
G61 140 Education and Teachers.<p/>
G61 141 <p_>The Higher Education Working Group made a significant response 
G61 142 to the EC's medium-term guidelines for education, (set out in these 
G61 143 pages). The group also sent representatives to important meetings 
G61 144 with the European Trade Union Committee and European university 
G61 145 rector's representatives and to a major conference of European 
G61 146 university rectors in Siena in November. It is clear that the 
G61 147 various bodies we have made contact with have welcomed the voice of 
G61 148 European HE teachers, expressing their concerns. The machinery of 
G61 149 the Community and other European policymaking bodies is complex and 
G61 150 cumbersome, but the good news is that those bodies are open to a 
G61 151 wide range of advice and consultation. It is becoming increasingly 
G61 152 important to ensure that representative voices of teachers are 
G61 153 heard in all these forums, as decisions are taken more and more at 
G61 154 the level of the EC as well as - or even instead of - the national 
G61 155 level.<p/>
G61 156 <p_>The ETUCE Executive Board has agreed a proposal, originally put 
G61 157 forward by the Group, for a major colloquium on higher education 
G61 158 and teacher education in Europe, to be held during the course of 
G61 159 1991, and the February meeting of the Group will play a major part 
G61 160 in planning that event.<p/>
G61 161 <h_><p_>EC medium-term guidelines<p/><h/>
G61 162 <p_>In 1989, the European Commission produced 'Education and 
G61 163 Training in the European Community: Guidelines for the Medium Term 
G61 164 1989-1992'. This document was a milestone in the steady movement of 
G61 165 education and training issues closer to centre stage of the EC's 
G61 166 policy process, in the context of progress towards the Single 
G61 167 European Market. It was also a timely acknowledgment of the 
G61 168 importance of education and the wider social dimension in creating 
G61 169 a Community which is of benefit to all its citizens - not just to 
G61 170 big business.<p/>
G61 171 <p_>The Guidelines have generated a considerable debate within the 
G61 172 Community, and the ETUCE and the European Trade Union Committee 
G61 173 (effectively, the 'European TUC') have enabled NATFHE to make a 
G61 174 significant contribution to that debate. This has been achieved 
G61 175 particularly through the ETUCE Higher Education Working Group.<p/>
G61 176 <h_><p_>Euro-directive's implications for FHE<p/><h/>
G61 177 <p_>The European Community is accelerating its policies to promote 
G61 178 the mobility of qualified workers within the Community, as part of 
G61 179 the progress towards a Single European Market. In particular, this 
G61 180 policy is now being pursued through general directives on the 
G61 181 mutual recognition of qualifications. Following drawn-out and 
G61 182 piecemeal discussions on individual professions in the '70s and 
G61 183 early '80s, a new blanket approach was adopted in 1989, with the 
G61 184 adoption of the first general directive which applied to HE 
G61 185 qualifications requiring three years or more of study, with 
G61 186 regulations for qualifying periods or tests in individual 
G61 187 professions. Now, a <tf|>second directive, for qualifications 
G61 188 requiring less than three years, is at an advanced stage. In the UK 
G61 189 at least, this will apply to much more heterogeneous range of 
G61 190 qualifications, and will have implications for both FE and HE. It 
G61 191 will test the effectiveness of the examining and validating bodies 
G61 192 and of NCVQ and SCOTVEC - and, since individual governments must 
G61 193 interpret and implement the second directive, it will also test the 
G61 194 commitment of ministers in the new post-Thatcher era to getting the 
G61 195 most benefit from the EC for UK citizens.<p/>
G61 196 <h_><p_>ETUC/ETUCE policy developments<p/><h/>
G61 197 <p_>During 1990, NATFHE Officials, acting on behalf of the ETUCE, 
G61 198 had the opportunity to play the major part in redrafting a 
G61 199 memorandum first issued by the European Trade Union Committee in 
G61 200 1984, on education and vocational training policy in Western 
G61 201 Europe. This important document will form the basis for dialogue 
G61 202 between the ETUC and a range of advisory and policymaking bodies in 
G61 203 the EC, at a time when a variety of pressures are being mounted for 
G61 204 the expansion of the limited education provisions of the Treaty of 
G61 205 Rome to take account of the wider social role of the EC as the 
G61 206 Single European Market develops.<p/>
G61 207 <h|>EVE
G61 208 <p_>The second edition of the very successful Education booklet, 
G61 209 first published by the UK Centre for European Education in 1988, is 
G61 210 due this Spring.
G61 211 
G62   1 <#FLOB:G62\><h_><p_>The National Trust in Northern Russia<p/>
G62   2 <p_>Angus Stirling<p/><h/>
G62   3 <p_><quote_>"We will preserve you, Russian speech, from servitude 
G62   4 in foreign chains, keep you alive, great Russian word, fit for the 
G62   5 songs of our children's children, pure on their tongues, and 
G62   6 free."<quote/><p/>
G62   7 <p_>(Anna Akhmatova: extract from poem entitled <tf|>Courage, 
G62   8 February 1942)<p/>
G62   9 <p_>The <quote_>"great Russian word"<quote/> of which Akhmatova 
G62  10 writes resounds not only in the language of the people, but just as 
G62  11 eloquently through Russia's ancient buildings and works of art, and 
G62  12 the land itself. Her churches especially, caskets for the jewelled 
G62  13 splendours of the iconostases, icons, frescoes and chandeliers 
G62  14 within, utter a poetry of their own against the plunder and 
G62  15 desolation of the last seventy or so years. It was the Russian word 
G62  16 revealed through them that became, to a great extent, the 
G62  17 mainspring of our journey.<p/>
G62  18 <p_>We were privileged to be in Russia at this momentous time. We 
G62  19 did not, of course, know that our visit was taking place in what 
G62  20 turned out to be the last cathartic days of Communist rule. The 
G62  21 sensational course of events in Russia which took place only ten 
G62  22 days after our return makes the journey seem already strangely 
G62  23 distant, as if belonging to another era. One of the many reasons 
G62  24 for rejoicing in the failure of the coup is that the free 
G62  25 intercourse between peoples which made our visit possible should 
G62  26 now prosper and grow in strength and confidence. It is a vital 
G62  27 ingredient in the building of a broad, international base of 
G62  28 understanding and support which we judge to be absolutely essential 
G62  29 to the preservation of Russia's heritage.<p/>
G62  30 <p_>The invention of the National Trust came from the Cultural 
G62  31 Foundation of the USSR, established in 1986 under the chairmanship 
G62  32 of Academician Dmitri Likhachev, a distinguished literary scholar. 
G62  33 The purposes of the Foundation are to preserve the cultural 
G62  34 heritage of the country and to ensure its continuity in 
G62  35 contemporary life. One important role is the encouragement of wide 
G62  36 public participation <quote_>"in the attainment of concrete aims in 
G62  37 the cultural development of the country"<quote/>. The Foundation's 
G62  38 work is sensibly based on long-term programmes, and it is to 
G62  39 promote one aspect of these that an off-shoot has been formed 
G62  40 called the Centre for Unique Historical Territories. The aim of 
G62  41 this affiliated body is to identify areas of the country where the 
G62  42 landscape, architecture and traditions of the people together 
G62  43 constitute an inheritance which should be preserved. The Centre 
G62  44 acts as a catalyst to encourage Regional authorities to recognise 
G62  45 the importance of these unique territories, to persuade the 
G62  46 government of the necessity for financial support, to encourage 
G62  47 joint ventures capable of generating funds from other sources 
G62  48 (including overseas), to promote training of craftspeople and to 
G62  49 assist in other practical ways.<p/>
G62  50 <p_>Survivals of Russia's past are to be found throughout this vast 
G62  51 land, but nowhere has a richer inheritance than the north-western 
G62  52 region. It was to Arkhangelsk, and subsequently to three very 
G62  53 different small historic towns in the heart of this region that our 
G62  54 journey took us, sandwiched between two days in Moscow at the 
G62  55 beginning and end of the visit.<p/>
G62  56 <p_>The Foundation is clearly developing innovative yet practical 
G62  57 solutions in response to the need to provide stronger safeguards 
G62  58 for the protection of historic buildings and sensitive landscapes 
G62  59 than Soviet laws can offer at present. The poor condition of the 
G62  60 majority of the historic buildings we were taken to see served to 
G62  61 emphasise the enormity of the restoration tasks that lie ahead. The 
G62  62 sight of crumbling monasteries at Solvychegodsk, Velikiy Ustyug and 
G62  63 Kargopol' provided stark illustrations. In spite of the undoubted 
G62  64 expertise which is brought to bear on these problems, there is a 
G62  65 serious lack of available resources, training and, in some 
G62  66 instances, of proper techniques.<p/>
G62  67 <p_>Arkhangelsk has suffered grievously. Most of its former 
G62  68 handsome streets and squares of wooden houses and nearly all its 
G62  69 churches were destroyed after the Revolution, to be replaced by 
G62  70 modern blocks, mostly of mind-numbing anonymity and dullness. The 
G62  71 town is a major centre for the timber industry and is surrounded by 
G62  72 large industrial and shipping complexes in the river Dvina, 
G62  73 stretching away to the White Sea about thirty kilometers to the 
G62  74 north. In spite of its unpromising history in this century, 
G62  75 Arkhangelsk retains both a fascination and a charm of its own. The 
G62  76 'white nights' of midsummer were over, but the majestic skies 
G62  77 beyond the Dvina cast a clear invigorating light throughout the 
G62  78 town. The streets and squares are spacious and tree-lined, and 
G62  79 there is a feeling of quiet dignity about the place. Some of the 
G62  80 contemporary architecture in the centre shares that dignity. It is 
G62  81 contributed to by the people, who convey pride and a calm 
G62  82 independence of spirit. Some of the vernacular wooden buildings 
G62  83 survive and are being painstakingly reproduced in one or two 
G62  84 streets. There is also the remains of an eighteenth century 
G62  85 monastery, and some fine old buildings where sailors used to 
G62  86 lodge.<p/>
G62  87 <p_>The Foundation is helping the Social Department of the local 
G62  88 authority and the Society for the Protection of Ancient Monuments 
G62  89 in Arkhangelsk to develop major programmes for the protection of 
G62  90 wooden buildings and other aspects of the heritage. There is a 
G62  91 grave lack of resources to invest in these programmes. The objects 
G62  92 is, therefore, to try to generate income, especially by creating 
G62  93 the infrastructure to attract tourists, and by participating in 
G62  94 joint ventures with overseas interests and local industry. Joint 
G62  95 ventures are one of the benefits of <tf|>perestroika which are now 
G62  96 being energetically promoted. The young Director of the local 
G62  97 'Sputnik' tourist agency is already developing productive links 
G62  98 with Scandinavian firms, and is keen to expand them with Britain. 
G62  99 Mass tourism would not be suitable for the area, so tourism is 
G62 100 likely to be promoted on he level of high-quality tours catering 
G62 101 for specialised interests: the unspoilt places we were to see have 
G62 102 retained their character precisely because they have not been 
G62 103 exposed to the excesses of commercial development which has 
G62 104 blighted so many towns in Western Europe.<p/>
G62 105 <p_>The museum in Arkhangelsk is extremely interesting and well 
G62 106 presented, with its collection of icons, wooden ecclesiastical 
G62 107 sculpture, textiles and paintings; the highlight of our stay, 
G62 108 however, was a visit to the great open-air museum of wooden 
G62 109 architecture, Malye Karely. It is set in 150 acres of beautiful, 
G62 110 rolling wooded country with distant glimpses of the Dvina 
G62 111 contrasting with the veil of smoke from the industrial complexes 45 
G62 112 km away. Here the museum has collected and sited rare wooden 
G62 113 buildings from all Russia, large farmhouses, granaries, 
G62 114 water-wheels, windmills, bell towers and two magnificent churches. 
G62 115 These structures have all the dignity, beauty and functional 
G62 116 efficiency of the best vernacular architecture.<p/>
G62 117 <p_>This visit threw up a number of the conservation dilemmas which 
G62 118 we were able to discuss with our hosts at various sites during our 
G62 119 journey, in particular the availability of suitable techniques to 
G62 120 control the temperature and humidity in wooden buildings in such a 
G62 121 way as to protect the works of art (now being restored) from damage 
G62 122 as a result of extreme changes of climate, while ensuring that no 
G62 123 damage results to the structure of the building.<p/>
G62 124 <p_>Leaving Arkhangelsk, our journey took us to the small town of 
G62 125 Solvychegodsk, and to nearby Velikiy Ustyug. These towns at the 
G62 126 confluence of the Sukova and Ug rivers in north-western Russia 
G62 127 were, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, at the crossroads 
G62 128 of major trade routes both from east to west and north to south. 
G62 129 They were settled by rich and powerful families, in the case of 
G62 130 Solvychegodsk by the Stroganovs, who were responsible for 
G62 131 establishing the first monopoly in Europe, in the fur trade and in 
G62 132 salt. Solvychegodsk also had the advantage of being a resort famous 
G62 133 for the medicinal benefits of its natural springs, a major factor 
G62 134 in its prospective revival today.<p/>
G62 135 <p_>Solvychegodsk became not only a religious centre, but a 
G62 136 favourite habitation for rich merchants. It boasted no less than 
G62 137 fourteen churches, and magnificent palaces, and was renowned for 
G62 138 its silversmiths and textile workshops.<p/>
G62 139 <p_>All but three of the churches were razed to the ground by 
G62 140 Stalin's henchmen. Two cathedrals made way for statues of Lenin. 
G62 141 One street was originally known as the Inspiration of the Cross; it 
G62 142 became the Street of Millionaires and then, inevitably, Lenin 
G62 143 Street. It is the mark of the extraordinary transformation of 
G62 144 Russia that it is no longer entirely in the realm of the 
G62 145 imagination that it could recover its first, and most appropriate, 
G62 146 name.<p/>
G62 147 <p_>Solvychegodsk is an amazing place. Now not much more than a 
G62 148 large village, it has two churches of towering splendour, the 
G62 149 sixteenth century church of the Annunciation, and the Church of the 
G62 150 Presentation, in regular use for services. The first of these 
G62 151 contains one of the first iconostases in Russia of the high baroque 
G62 152 style, richly carved and decorated with craftsmanship of the 
G62 153 highest order; the second has another superb iconostasis, of seven 
G62 154 tiers set in a giltwood frame of elaborate design and virtuosity 
G62 155 and which was inspired by Italian masters. The principle museum is 
G62 156 a treasure house of golden needlework (for which the town was 
G62 157 famous) of the seventeenth century, delicate icons, enamel, 
G62 158 intaglio and filigree work.<p/>
G62 159 <p_>In the beautifully-kept Folk Museum, suitably set up in one of 
G62 160 the surviving humble wooden houses, it is possible to obtain a 
G62 161 clear picture of how people lived in dignity and simplicity. And, 
G62 162 irony of ironies, here is the house to which Josef Stalin was sent 
G62 163 in exile by the Tsar, from 1909 to 1911.<p/>
G62 164 <p_>Velikiy Ustyug is in different ways equally remarkable. It is 
G62 165 an ancient foundation and was the easternmost of the old Russian 
G62 166 cities in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Its Trinity 
G62 167 Monastery which stands today was founded in 1262. The lands of 
G62 168 Ustyug projected far into the territory of Novgorod in earlier 
G62 169 times, and its powerful situation made it the first among 21 cities 
G62 170 at the height of its fame. There were at one time 42 churches here, 
G62 171 of which 27 are extant, so that a good impression is conveyed of 
G62 172 the romantic splendour which this place must have possessed in its 
G62 173 heyday.<p/>
G62 174 <p_>Ustyug has a well-preserved town plan, with wide streets graced 
G62 175 by avenues of trees, many fine eighteenth and nineteenth century 
G62 176 mansions, and another wonderful museum. Some of the objects here 
G62 177 parallel those of Solvychegodsk, such as the icons worked with 
G62 178 pearls. A lovely contrast is supplied by an adjacent room of 
G62 179 stuffed creatures of the region, including an enormous moose and a 
G62 180 snowy owl. There is an interesting history painting of Sir Edward 
G62 181 Chancellor disembarking at Arkhangelsk in 1693 on his way to Moscow 
G62 182 to become the English Ambassador to Russia.<p/>
G62 183 <p_>The Trinity Monastery has passed through many vicissitudes. Its 
G62 184 wealth rested originally on the export of rye and barley crops in 
G62 185 exchange for salt and fish. It declined rapidly in the eighteenth 
G62 186 and nineteenth centuries, and since then has been a nunnery, an 
G62 187 agricultural commune and a labour camp for juvenile delinquents. It 
G62 188 is now effectively a museum. The buildings are of great interest, 
G62 189 but not in a good state. The church contains an iconostasis which 
G62 190 even by the standards of the region is of a breathtaking quality. 
G62 191 It is truly extraordinary to find carving and painting of such 
G62 192 delicacy and beauty in this remote and, even to Russians, 
G62 193 inaccessible place.<p/>
G62 194 <p_>It is disturbing that in a high proportion of the churches we 
G62 195 saw in the Arkhangelsk Region some of the principal icons made for 
G62 196 the church have been removed to Moscow ostensibly for restoration, 
G62 197 but with little prospect hitherto that they would be returned. This 
G62 198 seemed to us to be a serious deprivation, since it removes from the 
G62 199 iconostases in question much of the religious significance of their 
G62 200 carefully laid-out sequences.<p/>
G62 201 <p_>Our final visit in the region was to Kargopol', which we 
G62 202 reached from Arkhangelsk by light plane, landing on a grass strip 
G62 203 among the wild flowers. The journey gave us a good opportunity to 
G62 204 see the vastness of the Russian forest lands, intersected by the 
G62 205 great Dvina river, and relieved occasionally by large lakes, open 
G62 206 areas of peat bog and clearings with the occasional settlement.
G62 207 
G63   1 <#FLOB:G63\><h_><p_>The Presence of Mind<p/>
G63   2 <p_>Daniel Hutto <tf_>on Causation, Naturalism and Folk 
G63   3 Psychology<tf/>.<p/>
G63   4 <p_>The current climate in contemporary philosophy of mind is one 
G63   5 of disbelief. More surprisingly it is the <tf|>reality of beliefs 
G63   6 themselves which philosophers are more and more inclined to doubt. 
G63   7 Several major contemporary thinkers do not regard beliefs as real 
G63   8 entities. This threat to our everyday 'folk psychological' concepts 
G63   9 of belief and desire may come as a surprise to many.<p/>
G63  10 <p_>What is meant by 'folk psychology'? Whatever the current 
G63  11 philosophical disagreements about folk psychology's <tf|>exact 
G63  12 definition the common denominator in all accounts is that folk 
G63  13 psychology involves the explanation of our actions by appeal to 
G63  14 beliefs and desires. Thus, if you explain your 
G63  15 attending-the-meeting-late behaviour by saying, 'I <tf|>thought it 
G63  16 was at 4.00 clock and I did honestly <tf|>want to be here on time', 
G63  17 then you are engaging in a bit of folk psychology.<p/>
G63  18 <p_>It is also generally accepted that these ascriptions of mental 
G63  19 states are theoretical. In other words, it is always possible for 
G63  20 them to be wrong. There are many psychological experiments which 
G63  21 show that even in our own case we do not always give the correct 
G63  22 belief ascription for our actions. And there are also more 
G63  23 sophisticated philosophical arguments concerning the indeterminacy 
G63  24 and holism of belief and desire ascriptions which also support this 
G63  25 claim. The idea is that more than one coherent set of belief/desire 
G63  26 ascriptions can always be provided to explain exactly the same 
G63  27 behaviour - and if introspection is not infallible then there is no 
G63  28 principled way of choosing between these various belief/desire sets 
G63  29 of explanations. Those interested in examining this line of 
G63  30 thinking should read the work of Stich, Dennett and Davidson.<p/>
G63  31 <p_>Folk psychology is important as it underwrites much of what we 
G63  32 hold to be true about ourselves not just in philosophy and ordinary 
G63  33 discussion but also in psychology, the social sciences, our legal 
G63  34 systems and moral discourse. The elimination of 'folk psychology' 
G63  35 would radically change our view of ourselves; just as our view of 
G63  36 the world changed when we stopped treating trees and stones as 
G63  37 thinking agents. We could imagine (in fact I have been told about 
G63  38 one such legal case) a situation where a person is completely 
G63  39 relieved of responsibility for his acts because of his genetic 
G63  40 make-up. What <tf|>made me do it? It must be in my DNA, or the 
G63  41 flashing of my motor neurons; but it wasn't me.<p/>
G63  42 <p_>Why should anyone wish to eliminate our talk of beliefs and 
G63  43 desires? It is not just a way of dodging moral responsibility. 
G63  44 Since about 1963 a movement including such philosophers as 
G63  45 Feyerabend, Rorty, Patricia and Paul Churchland and Stephen Stich 
G63  46 (and psychologists such as Skinner) have been arguing that any view 
G63  47 which postulates mental entities such as beliefs and desires is as 
G63  48 radically mistaken as the theories of alchemy and astrology. Their 
G63  49 goal has been to show that our ordinary talk about 'mental life' 
G63  50 (and all that follows from it) is but one amongst other competing 
G63  51 theories in the domain of action explanation; and that it is in 
G63  52 fact a bad one. Their suggestion is that there really are no such 
G63  53 things as beliefs and desires.<p/>
G63  54 <p_>The strongest 'eliminativist' argument is motivated by the 
G63  55 desire not only to unify all theories with science, but also to 
G63  56 improve the quality of human knowledge. Eliminativists see 
G63  57 themselves as revisionaries who are clearing our lives of stagnant 
G63  58 and superstitious bad theorising. The common sense theories we hold 
G63  59 to be true are in fact out of step with the superior physical 
G63  60 sciences - thus they should be eliminated. Since it is unlikely 
G63  61 that beliefs and desires will reduce suitably to the entities of 
G63  62 physics we must do away with beliefs and desires if we wish to 
G63  63 speak truly about the causes of behaviour.<p/>
G63  64 <p_>Stich offers a more sophisticated argument for the elimination 
G63  65 of folk psychology. He argues that whenever we assign content to 
G63  66 someone's (or some beast's) beliefs and desires in order to explain 
G63  67 their behaviour we are engaging in a bit of 'domestic 
G63  68 anthropology'. 'Content' here just means what the belief is about; 
G63  69 i.e. 'The chair in the corner', 'Socrates' hemlock', etc. When 
G63  70 describing what others believe and desire we are making sense of 
G63  71 them by ascribing beliefs which we might have; thus we can only 
G63  72 employ our folk psychology on subjects who are similar to 
G63  73 ourselves. But a <tf|>serious psychology would need to make sense 
G63  74 of exotic subjects as well, such as children, animals, confused 
G63  75 people, etc.<p/>
G63  76 <p_>Thus, we should concern ourselves with the internal causes of 
G63  77 behaviour when attempting a serious psychology as these are not 
G63  78 parochial. And if folk psychology is a form of domestic 
G63  79 anthropology then it is not likely that the internal causes of our 
G63  80 behaviour and our beliefs will turn out to be the same things. And 
G63  81 if they do not, then beliefs will slowly be removed from our 
G63  82 explanations of behaviour.<p/>
G63  83 <p_>Why shouldn't beliefs turn out to be the internal causes of our 
G63  84 behaviour? Well as Stich points out they are likely to be 
G63  85 identified in different, sometimes conflicting, ways. For example, 
G63  86 consider his case of a contemporary of ours and, say, a Victorian 
G63  87 chap who are both associated, by description alone, with two 
G63  88 different politicians of their own times. Both know of their 
G63  89 politician as 'Ike' and they are acquainted with exactly the same 
G63  90 limited details about the habits, tastes and character of these 
G63  91 men. So perfect is the match in descriptions that both our man and 
G63  92 the Victorian fellow will answer in <tf|>exactly the same way to 
G63  93 any question about 'Ike'. If that is the case then our serious 
G63  94 psychology would and <tf|>should say that both men believe the same 
G63  95 thing. But we, as good folk psychologists, would say 'Rubbish'. Of 
G63  96 course they don't believe the same thing because their beliefs are 
G63  97 about men of completely different historical periods (there are 
G63  98 plenty more examples like these in the literature, cf. Putnam, 
G63  99 Burge, Kripke).<p/>
G63 100 <p_>But times and places are not the type of things that we find 
G63 101 inside one's skin. Thus, if we avail ourselves of such things when 
G63 102 identifying the content of our beliefs while doing folk psychology, 
G63 103 then we are not concerned principally with the <tf_>internal causes 
G63 104 of behaviour<tf/> while doing folk psychology. Therefore, argues 
G63 105 Stich, such things as beliefs and desires, which make use of these 
G63 106 external features of the world, have no business in a serious 
G63 107 psychology. The implication is, of course, that a serious 
G63 108 psychology will eventually replace our folk psychology even in our 
G63 109 ordinary speech.<p/>
G63 110 <p_>To avoid this consequence some philosophers have held that 
G63 111 reasons, that is, beliefs and desires, are not causes. Ironically, 
G63 112 that is the eliminativist conclusion, but unlike the eliminativists 
G63 113 these philosophers also hold that whether science recognises 
G63 114 beliefs and desires as real or not just doesn't matter and could 
G63 115 never really matter to us.<p/>
G63 116 <p_>But whether or not it is true that it wouldn't matter to us is 
G63 117 beside the point. Surely we want our reasons to be causes - 
G63 118 especially if cause is to mean, as it does in the OED, 
G63 119 <quote_>"what produces an effect"<quote/>. Why did you hit that 
G63 120 man? I <tf|>thought he was poking fun at me (and I <tf|>wanted to 
G63 121 teach him a lesson). Why did you eat that cake? I <tf|>wanted some 
G63 122 chocolate (and I <tf|>thought the icing was chocolate). These are 
G63 123 paradigms of causal explanations if, by causal, we mean 'what made 
G63 124 something happen'. They are not paradigms of scientifically 
G63 125 respectable causal explanations, mechanistically conceived.<p/>
G63 126 <p_>So what would it be like if reasons were not causal? Given the 
G63 127 definition of cause (not my definition) we would have to answer 
G63 128 questions such as 'What made you do that?' by <tf|>forever saying - 
G63 129 certainly not for a reason. For those types of question are, by 
G63 130 definition, causal questions. It won't do to change the 'what' to a 
G63 131 'why' if the 'why' is asking the same type of question. Let's not 
G63 132 be thwarted by surface grammar. The fact that we can give more than 
G63 133 one answer to these types of question does not make them any less 
G63 134 causal in nature. Consider these statements:<p/>
G63 135 <p_>(1) A chemical imbalance in his brain has depressed him.<p/>
G63 136 <p_>(2) The belief that his attentions were rejected has depressed 
G63 137 him.<p/>
G63 138 <p_>(3) Wilder Penfield's (a psychologist) firing of his neurons 
G63 139 for him has depressed him.<p/>
G63 140 <p_>Why should we think that only the second description in 
G63 141 non-causal? Surely this would be arbitrary and desperate. We should 
G63 142 not seek to protect reasons by claiming that they are non-causal; 
G63 143 to do so would be to completely undermine explanations in terms of 
G63 144 reasons.<p/>
G63 145 <p_>That we talk in this way and give these types of explanations 
G63 146 is, I think, beyond dispute. Consider a statement which is amenable 
G63 147 to the substitution of cause for reason.<p/>
G63 148 <p_>(4) I have (reason/cause) to believe.<p/>
G63 149 <p_>Some philosophers claim that a wider analysis will reveal cases 
G63 150 which do not lend themselves to this type of description. We might 
G63 151 find cases in which the <tf|>words are not interchangeable such as 
G63 152 in the expressions:<p/>
G63 153 <p_>(5) Give me one good (reason/cause).<p/>
G63 154 <p_>But even if this is true, even if there are exceptions to this 
G63 155 common usage, it does not change the fact that our explanations in 
G63 156 terms of beliefs and desires are casual in just the way previously 
G63 157 described. One has but to examine the way in which the terms are 
G63 158 <tf|>used in these cases. To argue against one ordinary piece of 
G63 159 discourse by having located a handful of others is to forego 
G63 160 description and to attempt a form of ordinary language 
G63 161 legislation.<p/>
G63 162 <p_>What's more, viewing reasons as causes is the only way to save 
G63 163 our belief/desire explanations from the charge of being explanatory 
G63 164 miracles and the only way to give them some hope of a respectable 
G63 165 account of their origin.<p/>
G63 166 <p_>We are left with a quandary: be true to our <tf|>selves or our 
G63 167 <tf|>science. Never the twain shall meet. Some, the scientific 
G63 168 realists, choose the latter path. Others, those who find the very 
G63 169 suggestion of eliminating of what is so obviously real, choose the 
G63 170 former. But I find both responses deeply unsatisfactory. Surely we 
G63 171 can do better than this.<p/>
G63 172 <p_>We must explain how the following three claims can all be true 
G63 173 together and yet harmless if we are to overcome the arguments of 
G63 174 the eliminativists and yet maintain that reasons are causes.<p/>
G63 175 <p_>Claim (i): Beliefs and desires will likely not appear as 
G63 176 entities at the level of physics (Paul Churchland's argument).<p/>
G63 177 <p_>Claim (ii): Beliefs require a principled way of tying external 
G63 178 features of the world to the internal causes of behaviour (Stich's 
G63 179 argument).<p/>
G63 180 <p_>Claim (iii): Explanations in terms of beliefs and desires are 
G63 181 causal explanations. (The Ordinary Language argument as I have 
G63 182 construed it).<p/>
G63 183 <p_>Let's look at claim (i). Why should beliefs and desires show up 
G63 184 at the level of physics? No one should expect to see them there. 
G63 185 This would be like doing algebra badly. It is analogous to reducing 
G63 186 only one side of the equation. The price of giving exact 
G63 187 <tf|>physical definitions of our movements is that we no longer 
G63 188 enter into the picture. The only way to get these predictively 
G63 189 exact definitions is to reduce, on <tf|>both sides, to a purely 
G63 190 physical vocabulary (i.e. in terms of electrons, protons, etc.). 
G63 191 Thus it is legitimate to ask whose actions will be uniquely 
G63 192 predicted. Ours? We, as agents, don't appear in the matter at 
G63 193 all.<p/>
G63 194 <p_>Fear not. This is also true of geology and meteorology (and a 
G63 195 host of other <tf|>respectable sciences as well). The only way to 
G63 196 exactly predict the motions of a lightning bolt is to sacrifice 
G63 197 talk of it as a 'lightning bolt' altogether. And if that's correct 
G63 198 physics can never, even in principle, predict our (or the lightning 
G63 199 bolt's) actions. Thus physics does not compete with folk 
G63 200 psychology.<p/>
G63 201 <p_>Lots of ontologically real objects (tables, chairs, rocks, 
G63 202 etc.) don't exist in the language of mature physics. We don't 
G63 203 exorcise their causal powers because of it.<p/>
G63 204 <p_>But the scientific realist does not want to admit that chairs 
G63 205 and tables <tf|>really exist either.
G63 206 
G64   1 <#FLOB:G64\><h_><p_>Industrial recruitment of chemistry students 
G64   2 from English universities: a revaluation of its early importance<p/>
G64   3 <p_>JAMES DONNELLY<p/><h/>
G64   4 <h|>INTRODUCTION
G64   5 <p_>In England, institutionalized locations for science in academe 
G64   6 and industry sprang up at approximately the same time, that is to 
G64   7 say, during the period from the mid-nineteenth century to the First 
G64   8 World War. By the latter date science was well established within 
G64   9 most academic institutions and, more rudimentarily, in many 
G64  10 industrial firms. Standardized forms of practice were to be found 
G64  11 in both sectors, and there existed mechanisms for the transfer of 
G64  12 personnel, knowledge and finance between the two. Both sites were 
G64  13 of course surrounded and sustained by a network of other 
G64  14 institutions and practices: scientific and technical societies and 
G64  15 journals, patent and company law, government agencies and so on. 
G64  16 Nevertheless, during the period just identified these two developed 
G64  17 as the key occupational sites (outside schoolteaching) for men 
G64  18 trained in science.<p/>
G64  19 <p_>Their relationship was self-evidently symbiotic. However, the 
G64  20 historical origins of that symbiosis remain sufficiently unclear to 
G64  21 give point to the question which underpins this paper: was the 
G64  22 institutional growth of academic science in England dependent on 
G64  23 'industrial demand' for scientifically trained employees? Some 
G64  24 twenty years ago D.L.S. Cardwell gave a negative answer to the 
G64  25 question:<p/>
G64  26 <p_><quote/>until the universities were producing the specialist, 
G64  27 industrial demand could not make itself felt - did not, in fact, 
G64  28 exist - and young men could not enter industrial research in large 
G64  29 numbers. This is a reversal of that theory which explains 
G64  30 professional scientific training by reference to industrial 
G64  31 demand.<quote/><p/>
G64  32 <p_>'Industrial demand' is commonly recognized to be more difficult 
G64  33 to investigate than the supply side represented by academic 
G64  34 provision. 'Demand' might be interpreted at various levels, ranging 
G64  35 from recruitment (the focus of the present paper) through pressure 
G64  36 on curricula and academic government, and ultimately as a directing 
G64  37 influence on research programmes. Quantitative work bearing on 
G64  38 supply has been published, notably on Germany by Peter Lundgreen, 
G64  39 and a number of qualitative accounts exist. Several studies have 
G64  40 indicated that industrial and other 'practical' influences on the 
G64  41 early growth of academic science were considerable. Meinel 
G64  42 suggested that in eighteenth-century Sweden academic chemists 
G64  43 devised the novel categories of 'pure' and 'applied' science to 
G64  44 exploit 'practical' support for their studies. Hufbauer traced the 
G64  45 formation of a community of chemists in Germany during the 
G64  46 eighteenth century to a shift towards a status both 'fundamental' 
G64  47 and utilitarian in relation to medicine, mining etc. Steven Turner 
G64  48 showed that the occupational destinations of nineteenth-century 
G64  49 chemistry students in Germany were largely in the fields of 
G64  50 industry, pharmacy and medicine, with schoolteachers (<quote_>"this 
G64  51 most obvious of clientele"<quote/>) comparatively unimportant. 
G64  52 David Cahan has suggested that German physics, too, had a large 
G64  53 industrial element in its institutionalization. In France, Paul 
G64  54 showed the importance of the applied science institutes to the 
G64  55 growth of provincial science faculties during the late 
G64  56 nineteenth-century.<p/>
G64  57 <p_>The argument for a seminal industrial influence on modern 
G64  58 academic science has been pursued most vigorously within the 
G64  59 Marxist tradition represented by writers such as Gorz, Levidow and 
G64  60 Noble. Gorz has suggested that <quote_>"in the United States 
G64  61 applied research ...has been more or less the only form of research 
G64  62 since about 1870"<quote/>. Characteristically he does not document 
G64  63 this statment. A key study from this perspective is David Noble's 
G64  64 <tf_>America by Design<tf/>, in which he traces the multiple 
G64  65 interactions between industrial capital and developing academic 
G64  66 institutions in the United States around the turn of the century. 
G64  67 He argues that interventions by industrialists in academic finance 
G64  68 and government influenced curricula and helped propagate forms of 
G64  69 academic activity which serviced the requirements of capitalist 
G64  70 industry. Some writers have questioned the empirical bases of parts 
G64  71 of Noble's approach. His argument fits within a wider Marxist 
G64  72 concern with the role of education in the capitalist economy. An 
G64  73 important element of this is Bowles and Gintis' 'correspondence 
G64  74 theory' of the social relations of industry and education. However, 
G64  75 this 'correspondence' refers to affective and hierarchical aspects 
G64  76 of the education system, rather than its cognitive dimension. Noble 
G64  77 himself is more convincing when dealing with the former aspects. 
G64  78 Marxist scholars have also been concerned to trace the industrial 
G64  79 utilization of trained men to further the real subordination of 
G64  80 labour. There is a large literature in this field, concerned with 
G64  81 such issues as the deskilling of manual workers, the separation of 
G64  82 mental and manual labour and the emergence of a 
G64  83 'professional-managerial class'. The limited attention to 
G64  84 substantive aspects of the role of science in this work stems 
G64  85 partly from a tendency to see the 'application' of science as 
G64  86 unproblematic, and partly from a neo-Marxist perception of science 
G64  87 and technology as different 'moments' of the same instrumental 
G64  88 appropriation of the world. The present paper is in part an 
G64  89 evaluation of the extent to which the Marxist approach is supported 
G64  90 specifically at the level of industrial recruitment.<p/>
G64  91 <p_>This Marxist canon is in some respects an alternative to the 
G64  92 larger literature which adopts what might be termed a 'science 
G64  93 policy' approach to the subject, and explores the variables which 
G64  94 conditioned the deployment of science in the promotion of 
G64  95 industrial development. The major distinction between these two 
G64  96 approaches is of course in the extent to which they question 
G64  97 underlying social and economic relationships, and the distribution 
G64  98 of power. In both the possibility of industrial pressure 
G64  99 stimulating the resourcing of academic science has a place, though 
G64 100 it is used to develop different lines of argument.<p/>
G64 101 <p_>Is there a major historical alternative to industrial 'demand' 
G64 102 as underpinning the growth of higher scientific education, that is, 
G64 103 in the sense of providing employment for students? The only real 
G64 104 possiblity in the context of the growth of a mass education system 
G64 105 in England around the turn of the century was, as Cardwell 
G64 106 recognized, recruitment into schoolteaching. The main purpose of 
G64 107 the present paper is thus to explore the balance of these two 
G64 108 possiblities. It focuses on students of chemistry, quantitatively 
G64 109 and institutionally the most developed of the sciences at that 
G64 110 time. It aims to show that industrial recruitment of students of 
G64 111 chemistry from English academic institutions was an important and 
G64 112 widespread phenomenon during the late nineteenth century, and not a 
G64 113 mere 'spin-off' from the supply of teachers. It will also suggest 
G64 114 that the more specialist<&|>sic! a student's interest in the 
G64 115 discipline the more likely he was to enter industry. Taking these 
G64 116 and other more ideological dimensions into account it can be argued 
G64 117 that industrial recruitment was a pivotal focrce in the growth of 
G64 118 higher education in chemistry. As a potential mechanism for the 
G64 119 transmission of industrial influence it was, at the least, strongly 
G64 120 in play from the mid-nineteenth century onwards.<p/>
G64 121 <p_>The remainder of the paper consists of five sections. The first 
G64 122 discusses the occupational destinations of chemistry students 
G64 123 around the mid-nineteenth century. The second considers the 
G64 124 situation at the turn of the century. The third evaluates evidence 
G64 125 on the employment of chemists by British firms at the turn of the 
G64 126 century, while the fourth looks at the balance between 
G64 127 qualifications and salaries in education and industry. The final 
G64 128 section of the paper draws together these strands and discusses the 
G64 129 origins of the industrial recruitment of chemists.<p/>
G64 130 <h_><p_>THE MID-CENTURY<p/><h/>
G64 131 <p_>The two major English foundations with a scientific orientation 
G64 132 around the mid-century were the Royal College of Chemistry (later 
G64 133 assimilated into the Royal School of Mines) and Owens College, 
G64 134 Manchester. Gerrylynn Roberts has explored the complex of interests 
G64 135 associated with the establishment of the former. Statistical 
G64 136 evidence about the destinations of early students has indicated 
G64 137 their largely practical motivations and the often casual nature of 
G64 138 their attendance. A list of students of known occupations up to 
G64 139 1870 was given by Edward Frankland to the Devonshire Commission, 
G64 140 and showed 54% whose motivations could be classified as practical 
G64 141 (industry, agriculture, medicine etc.) Only 12% entered 
G64 142 education.<p/>
G64 143 <p_>In 1857 Henry Roscoe replaced Edward Frankland as Professor of 
G64 144 Chemistry at Owens College. It appears that Roscoe's emphasis on 
G64 145 the industrial benefits which would stem from educating young men 
G64 146 in chemistry was crucial in revitalizing the chemistry course, and 
G64 147 perhaps the entire college, during the late 1850s. (Whether the 
G64 148 students were intended to be future employees or partners/owners it 
G64 149 is difficult to decide. There is evidence that a labour market in 
G64 150 'chemists' was developing in the Manchester area and elsewhere by 
G64 151 this time.) Roscoe gave evidence to the Devonshire Commission about 
G64 152 the intended occupations of his laboratory students in 1870-1. He 
G64 153 stated that 38 students intended to enter some form of industrial 
G64 154 activity, while 5 intended to become teachers.<p/>
G64 155 <p_>More anecdotal evidence is available about the two London 
G64 156 colleges, University and King's. At the former, practical chemistry 
G64 157 had for some years been studied mainly by medical students. 
G64 158 Alexander Williamson, Professor of Chemistry from 1849, told the 
G64 159 Devonshire Commission that many of the parents of students wished 
G64 160 their sons to learn only about specific industrial aspects of 
G64 161 chemistry. His own counter-arguments about the need for a general 
G64 162 chemical education, and the technical claims he made for such an 
G64 163 education, are of interest as reflecting the ideological landscape 
G64 164 then under construction. William Miller, Professor of Chemistry at 
G64 165 King's, told the Samuelson Committee that of only 12 to 14 students 
G64 166 in the 'Applied Science' department (the main active 'higher 
G64 167 education' department outside medicine) 8 to 10 were 
G64 168 <quote_>"studying with the express view afterwards of entering 
G64 169 manufacturing works."<quote/><p/>
G64 170 <p_>The evidence for the mainly practical motivations of chemistry 
G64 171 students during the mid-century is therefore considerable. The 
G64 172 ideological contest, focused on chemistry, in the new foundations 
G64 173 has already been touched on. In sum it constituted a campaign by 
G64 174 the embryonic academic community of chemistry, and some of its 
G64 175 'lay' supporters, to exploit the utilitarian impetus for chemistry 
G64 176 education and 'research' while retaining control and independence 
G64 177 in relation to curricula and research. The contest was fought out 
G64 178 at a number of levels. The hostility of the Professor of Chemistry 
G64 179 at the Royal College of Chemistry, August von Hofmann, to William 
G64 180 Perkin's move into dyestuff manufacture is well known. Nevertheless 
G64 181 within a few years numerous students left the college to try their 
G64 182 fortune manufacturing synthetic dyestuffs. At the level of 
G64 183 publicly-articulated ideology a battle was fought to uncouple the 
G64 184 benefits of research and education from any immediate orientation 
G64 185 to technical problems. There was also a class dimension, as the 
G64 186 importance of chemistry for owners and managers, rather than manual 
G64 187 workers, was stressed. In their book <tf_>Science versus 
G64 188 Practice<tf/> Bud and Roberts argued that the development of 
G64 189 educational provision during the late nineteenth century can be 
G64 190 understood as the working out of a tension between 'polytechnic' 
G64 191 and 'science college' formulations of the science curriculum and 
G64 192 its industrial relevance: that is, between an attempt to embody 
G64 193 industrial knowledge (as 'applied science') in the curriculum and a 
G64 194 limitation to abstract science. I have argued elsewhere that 
G64 195 neither the protagonists' views nor the institutions and their 
G64 196 curricula can be dichotomized in this way. The negotiation of the 
G64 197 meaning of 'applied science' was itself complex, and the creation 
G64 198 of new stratifications of the industrial personnel, together with 
G64 199 professional and class interests, all contributed to the 
G64 200 process.<p/>
G64 201 <p_>The mid-nineteenth century activity under discussion here was 
G64 202 small-scale, loosely institutionalized and in receipt of very 
G64 203 limited public finance. By the turn of the century all of these 
G64 204 characteristics were changing. The following section turns to this 
G64 205 period.<p/>
G64 206 <h_><p_>THE TURN OF THE CENTURY<p/><h/>
G64 207 <p_>By the first decade of the twentieth century wide-ranging 
G64 208 public resourcing of education at the secondary level existed in 
G64 209 England. The arguments which were deployed to support this 
G64 210 continued in many cases to be economic in orientation, even when 
G64 211 focusing on 'general' education. Within higher education such 
G64 212 pressures had become increasingly intense. Overall, educational 
G64 213 provision had developed a qualitative resemblance to that of the 
G64 214 mid-twentieth century. The quantitative scale of higher education 
G64 215 may be judged from the fact that about 500 students were graduating 
G64 216 B.Sc. annually from publicly-aided institutions, that is, excluding 
G64 217 Oxford and Cambridge universities. Chemistry also had developed 
G64 218 much of the institutional and social apparatus of a mature 
G64 219 discipline.<p/>
G64 220 <p_>During the mid-century many students had attended institutions 
G64 221 on an <tf_>ad hoc<tf/> basis, without obtaining a formal 
G64 222 qualification. This practice continued much longer than is often 
G64 223 acknowledged.
G64 224 
G65   1 <#FLOB:G65\><h_><p_>GLASGOW: THE CREATION OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
G65   2 CITY OF CULTURE<p/>
G65   3 <p_>by Bernard Aspinwall<p/><h/>
G65   4 <p_><quote_>"You do need to be very romantic to accept the 
G65   5 industrial civilisation,"<quote/> wrote G. K. Chesterton. 
G65   6 <quote_>"It does really require all the old Gaelic glamour to make 
G65   7 men think Glasgow is a grand place. Yet the miracle is achieved and 
G65   8 while I was in Glasgow I shared the illusion"<quote/>. Glasgow to 
G65   9 American nineteenth century visitors was a similar striking 
G65  10 experience. Some believed they had never seen a city so beautiful. 
G65  11 The regular planned appearance of immaculate honey stone houses, 
G65  12 clean wide streets, the magnificent buildings by 'Greek' Thompson 
G65  13 and Charles Rennie Mackintosh, the impressive statues of great 
G65  14 citizens in George Square, not to mention the department stores 
G65  15 vastly superior to those of London: <quote_>"The houses and streets 
G65  16 are elegant, the parks well laid out and finely cared for, the 
G65  17 streets wide and clean and the whole city has an elegance for which 
G65  18 I was wholly unprepared."<quote/> To Grace Greenwood, Glasgow 
G65  19 <quote_>"as a manufacturing town, masks a very handsome appearance. 
G65  20 Many of the public buildings are of a fine style of architecture; 
G65  21 and the planted squares, those fresh breathing spaces off the 
G65  22 crowded business streets are truly beautiful"<quote/>. Americans 
G65  23 invariably felt at home in the city. They found the people friendly 
G65  24 and interested in them rather than their lineage, in their talents 
G65  25 and abilities. They felt it was the most democratic and American 
G65  26 city in Europe. They readily compared it to their native cities, 
G65  27 Baltimore, New York, Philadelphia and even the levee at New 
G65  28 Orleans. To the imaginative son of the architect of the American 
G65  29 Capitol Building in Washington, the immensely high chimney of the 
G65  30 chemical works, Tennant's stalk, rivalled <quote_>"the Pyramids or 
G65  31 Strasbourg Cathedral, and even some who were merely quietly 
G65  32 impressed felt a strong similarity between Paris and the city with 
G65  33 the fine bridges over the Clyde. The river made the city and the 
G65  34 city made the river. Deepened and developed the river was to be the 
G65  35 setting for the first British steamship, 'Comet', in 1812.<p/>
G65  36 <p_>An ancient city, Glasgow established its international 
G65  37 credentials and renown in the last century. It was arguably the 
G65  38 first industrial city in the first industrial land, Scotland, in 
G65  39 the world. Was not Adam Smith, the author of <tf_>The Wealth of 
G65  40 Nations<tf/> (1776), a Glasgow professor and had not James Watt 
G65  41 first realised his steam power in his 
G65  42 <}_><-|>appenticehip<+|>apprenticeship<}/> at the university? Its 
G65  43 professors and citizens had led the shift to enlightened modern 
G65  44 attitudes: the father of sociology, Adam Ferguson, the moral 
G65  45 philosopher, Francis Hutcheson and John Miller had queried the 
G65  46 staid Calvinist moral and social tradition. In their wake Scottish 
G65  47 Common Sense would prevail, combining the best of the old and new. 
G65  48 In the city Rev. Dr. Thomas Chalmers had developed more scientific 
G65  49 approaches to poverty, education and low attainments; Patrick 
G65  50 Colquhoun paved the way for the modern police service. With its 
G65  51 myriad societies for the abolition of slavery, drink and social 
G65  52 evils, Glasgow offered adjustment, self fulfilment, respectability 
G65  53 here and now and salvation in the hereafter. The millenarian 
G65  54 religion of the Godly Commonwealth was transformed by Scottish 
G65  55 practicality. With its concern for freedom abroad, liberalism had 
G65  56 an ideal home amid dedicated thrifty, sober, improving 
G65  57 entrepreneurs at every level of society. It was arguably, the first 
G65  58 'modern' city in the world. The city motto, 'Let Glasgow Flourish' 
G65  59 continues by 'the preaching of the Word': Christianity, 
G65  60 civilisation and the creation of wealth were the same providential 
G65  61 concern.<p/>
G65  62 <p_>Such impressions are not the product of the much criticised 
G65  63 hype of the revitalised city enjoying the well deserved title of 
G65  64 European city of culture 1990. They emphasise the rich Victorian 
G65  65 urban heritage lavishly praised by John Betjeman, and thanks to 
G65  66 local government and EEC <}_><-|>iniatiatives<+|>initiatives<}/> 
G65  67 recently rediscovered by historians, preservationists and tourists 
G65  68 alike. A Brazilian academic friend has visited me several 
G65  69 <}_><-|>time<+|>times<}/> in preference to the overcrowded, 
G65  70 impersonal, polluted and ever expensive south. The city free from 
G65  71 pretentiousness, as frequently noted by many travellers in the last 
G65  72 century, still retains a welcoming uninhibited outlook. As in the 
G65  73 last century Glasgow, with its nearby silicon glen, populated by 
G65  74 the serried ranks of the world's computer companies, is once more 
G65  75 at the cutting edge. Everywhere in the city there seems to be a 
G65  76 rediscovery of that old self-confidence and vitality: a new 
G65  77 international airport is developing with new hotels, office 
G65  78 buildings and a renovated refurbished inner city, allegedly 
G65  79 gentrified with luxurious appartments<&|>sic! in magnificent old 
G65  80 warehouses, up-market boutiques and wine bars. With the Whistler 
G65  81 collection in the University galleries, the substantial 
G65  82 Impressionist and Scottish colourists in the Kelvingrove Gallery 
G65  83 and the gigantic Burrell Collection in the grounds of Pollok House 
G65  84 the younger - and other generations - can rediscover the quality, 
G65  85 substance and taste of their nineteenth century predecessors. 
G65  86 Equally with Scottish Opera, Scottish National Orchestra and 
G65  87 Scottish ballet all based in the city, it is at the forefront of 
G65  88 artistic endeavour with solid foundations built in the last 
G65  89 century. Equally in its renowned Citizens' Theatre, its sparkling 
G65  90 new Concert Hall, its young artists and designers of international 
G65  91 renown cascading from the Glasgow School of Art, as well as its two 
G65  92 fine universities contribute to a new respect for the former 
G65  93 decaying old city. That one sidedness<&|>sic! that Sydney Checkland 
G65  94 described as the upas tree of heavy industry and Colum Brogan as 
G65  95 the static socialist dogma have gone. As in Andrew Young's Atlanta, 
G65  96 it is as if the pragmatic Labour dominated city in partnership with 
G65  97 business has rediscovered its forgotten tradition of innovation and 
G65  98 social justice.<p/>
G65  99 <p_>Glasgow then is a cosmopolitan city. As H. V. Morton observed 
G65 100 <quote_>"Glasgow is the city of the glad hand and the smack on the 
G65 101 back; Edinburgh is the city of silence until birth or brains open 
G65 102 the social circle. In Glasgow a man is innocent until he is found 
G65 103 guilty; in Edinburgh a man is guilty until he is found innocent. 
G65 104 Glasgow is willing to believe the best of unknown quantity; 
G65 105 Edinburgh like all aristocracies, the worst! ... Glasgow is 
G65 106 cosmopolitan ... Glasgow is a mighty and inspiring story. She is 
G65 107 Scotland's anchor to reality. Lacking her Scotland would be a 
G65 108 backward country lost in poetic memories and at enmity with an age 
G65 109 where she was playing no part."<quote/><p/>
G65 110 <p_>Glasgow has played her part. Glasgow grew rapidly in the 
G65 111 nineteenth century. The 77,000 population of 1800 quadrupled by 
G65 112 1850 and reached a million by the First World War. The city had 
G65 113 well established links from colonial days with America through the 
G65 114 tobacco trade which later developed into a substantial emigrant 
G65 115 traffic. By 1930 America was home for almost fourteen per cent of 
G65 116 all Scots. More than a quarter of all Scots born in the half 
G65 117 century from 1871 emigrated. The first Mormon converts occurred in 
G65 118 1837: more than 5,000 followed them to America. Other emigrant and 
G65 119 trading links had been forged through Glasgow with British 
G65 120 possessions: India and the Far East, New Zealand from 1833, 
G65 121 Australia, Canada and South Africa as well as the thriving Scottish 
G65 122 engineering and farming enterprises in South America. In the 
G65 123 provision of material and manpower, Glasgow was deservedly known as 
G65 124 the 'Second City of the British Empire'. The city provided the 
G65 125 technicians and technology of modernity.<p/>
G65 126 <p_>In the last century the city was indeed the workshop of the 
G65 127 world. In the early period her textile industry boomed. It boomed 
G65 128 with the latest sophisticated technology, and cheap, often child 
G65 129 labour. The unparalleled quality and colour of Monteith's turkey 
G65 130 red materials attracted Russian imperial and European aristocratic 
G65 131 attention. Chemical industries naturally followed. The surrounding 
G65 132 coalfields, iron, later steel works further aided rapid expansion. 
G65 133 By mid century more than four fifths of all British shipping was 
G65 134 built on the Clyde. To one American visitor the Clyde seemed one 
G65 135 long twenty-four hour permanent shipyard. In 1913, three quarters 
G65 136 of a million tons were launched by the 60,000 workforce: with pride 
G65 137 in Fairfields, John Browns Lithgows, Henderson and the rest. With 
G65 138 such materials and skills, Glasgow with the huge north British 
G65 139 locomotive works was supplying vast numbers of engines at home and 
G65 140 abroad.<p/>
G65 141 <p_>The population flooding into the city was diverse. The city 
G65 142 grew at 'an American pace'. In the early nineteenth century Glasgow 
G65 143 matched the contemporary major American cities in rawness and 
G65 144 undisciplined development. In 1839 a parliamentary report on 
G65 145 housing was incredulous that <quote_>"so large an amount of filth, 
G65 146 crime, misery and disease existed in one spot in any civilised 
G65 147 country"<quote/>. In 1842 the redoubtable sanitary reformer, Edwin 
G65 148 Chadwick in his report on the condition of British cities described 
G65 149 Glasgow as <quote_>"possibly the filthiest and unhealthiest of all 
G65 150 British towns"<quote/>. The contemporary death and disability rate 
G65 151 among Catholic priests devoted to the poor was considerable. Infant 
G65 152 mortality was commonplace: in 1821 half the population would die 
G65 153 before the age of ten. In 1861 the worst slum area compacted some 
G65 154 583 people per acre.<p/>
G65 155 <p_>Twenty years later, Glasgow's pioneering Medical Officer of 
G65 156 Health J. B. Russell, found that three quarters of the population 
G65 157 lived in two<?_>-<?/>roomed apartments: only one in 20 lived in 
G65 158 five rooms or more. Even after zealous municipal initiatives, 
G65 159 Hector Bolitho, <tf_>Cancer of Empire<tf/> (1924) found two thirds 
G65 160 of the population still lived below minimum Board of Health 
G65 161 standards. Epidemics naturally flourished. In 1832 more than 3,000 
G65 162 perished from cholera. It remained a scourge until 1866. Amid such 
G65 163 squalor, poverty, drunkenness, crime and vice flourished. In 1843 
G65 164 William Logan estimated that Glasgow sustained 450 brothels with 
G65 165 some 1,800 girls. In 1871 the <tf_>Glasgow Daily Mail<tf/> claimed 
G65 166 that 200 brothels and 150 shebeens profitably traded in the inner 
G65 167 city. The trials and tribulations of the poor were movingly 
G65 168 portrayed by the self taught Glasgow based novelist, Patrick 
G65 169 Macgill especially in his <tf_>The Children of the Dead End<tf/> 
G65 170 (1914) and <tf_>The Rat Pit<tf/> (1915). Even as late as 1914, 
G65 171 Margaret Sanger, the pioneer American birth controller, estimated 
G65 172 the city contained tens of thousands of prostitutes among its poor. 
G65 173 Drunkenness was widespread among this displaced population. The 
G65 174 Saltmarket area was commonly refered<&|>sic! to as 'civilisation's 
G65 175 inferno' to which respectable visitors were escorted by high minded 
G65 176 citizens to be suitably outraged at the Saturday night degradation. 
G65 177 If morally repulsive, such activities showed the entrepreneurial 
G65 178 spirit at its worst and the need for social discipline.<p/>
G65 179 <p_>Discipline came from several sources: from the industrial work 
G65 180 ethic; from the churches; municipal government and respectable 
G65 181 public opinion. Labour, as Sydney G. Checkland argued, was largely 
G65 182 quiescent through much of the century. The firm, if not brutal 
G65 183 repression of popular unrest in 1811-2, the 1820 rising and the 
G65 184 1837 cotton strike influenced subsequent developments. A booming 
G65 185 local economy over time and the availability of allegedly cheaper 
G65 186 immigrant labour contributed to more rational, articulate protest. 
G65 187 Or rather alternative visions. Robert Owen had come to Glasgow, and 
G65 188 in partnership with leading businessmen, established his new moral 
G65 189 factory at nearby New Lanark. Some years later Chartists also 
G65 190 presented their cause in highly moralistic terms of Chartist 
G65 191 churches, temperance, public baths and self-improvement. That 
G65 192 outlook might be attributable to the foundation of the practical 
G65 193 Andersonian college, (now Strathclyde University), largely 
G65 194 developed from 1800 by John Birkbeck before his departure for 
G65 195 London and to the accessibility of Glasgow University to many sons 
G65 196 of the poorer classes: John MacDonald, the Scottish coal 
G65 197 miners<&|>sic! leader, graduated in between working shifts down the 
G65 198 pit in 1853. Again unlike contemporary Oxford and Cambridge, the 
G65 199 university did not demand a religious test. Skilled craftsmen might 
G65 200 also emigrate to more rewarding opportunities in England or abroad: 
G65 201 they were the exportable technicians of universal material 
G65 202 improvement. To a considerable degree, the existing social order 
G65 203 offered some prospects of improvement, provided status in the local 
G65 204 community and self fulfilment.<p/>
G65 205 <p_>The churches also provided a means of self discipline in the 
G65 206 traditional moral way. But in nineteenth century Glasgow they 
G65 207 provided many other means of self-discipline. Glasgow churches 
G65 208 performed an important role in giving an identity to the newcomers 
G65 209 to the city. As the quotation above by H. V. Morton implied, 
G65 210 Glasgow was a cosmopolitan city. It was like our contemporary 
G65 211 California: comparatively few citizens had been born within its 
G65 212 boundaries.
G65 213 
G66   1 <#FLOB:G66\><h_><p_>The Broadcasting Act 1990 and Communities of 
G66   2 Faith<p/>
G66   3 <p_>Rev Eric Shegog<p/><h/>
G66   4 <p_>The Broadcasting Act 1990 which received the Royal Assent in 
G66   5 November last year has direct implications for religious 
G66   6 communities in three ways. These are religious programming, 
G66   7 ownership of licences and advertising.<p/>
G66   8 <h|>Programmes
G66   9 <p_>In the Act, which is concerned almost exclusively with 
G66  10 commercially funded television and radio, religious programmes are, 
G66  11 for the first time explicitly mandated as a required programme 
G66  12 category on channels 3, 4 and also channel 5 when it arrives. Until 
G66  13 now, religious programmes gained a place in the schedules on the 
G66  14 basis they were deemed an essential element of the balanced 
G66  15 schedule demanded by previous legislation. Their inclusion in the 
G66  16 new Act reflects strong political lobbying during the drafting 
G66  17 stage and guarantees a place for religious broadcasting in the 
G66  18 foreseeable future on independent television's major channels. The 
G66  19 key passage is Section 16 (2) (e), which states:<p/>
G66  20 <p_><quote_>"that a sufficient amount of time is given in the 
G66  21 programmes included in the service (of channel 3) to religious 
G66  22 programmes."<quote/><p/>
G66  23 <p_>As in previous broadcasting legislation, the concept of 
G66  24 'religious' as opposed to 'Christian' has been retained, in spite 
G66  25 of a strong lobby to have it changed. One person's surfeit is 
G66  26 another person's deprivation. The new regulatory body, the 
G66  27 Independent Television Commission, has determined they expect a 
G66  28 minimum of two hours of religious programming a week on Channel 3 
G66  29 which is roughly what ITV provides now.<p/>
G66  30 <p_>The two hours a week should include acts of worship and a range 
G66  31 of other programme types. The responsibility for this is laid, as 
G66  32 now on whoever gets the weekend franchise, currently London Weekend 
G66  33 Television. This means effectively, that in the main, religious 
G66  34 programmes which are networked nationally will stay as now, on 
G66  35 Sunday. What the ITC can not influence is the scheduling of the 
G66  36 programmes. It is odds on, that acts of worship will remain, for 
G66  37 obvious reasons on Sunday mornings. There is no requirement 
G66  38 however, for them to be live transmissions as now. It would clearly 
G66  39 be cheaper in an increasingly competitive environment to pre-record 
G66  40 services during the week when cheaper rates apply. The current 
G66  41 closed period agreement, whereby the BBC and ITV transmit Songs of 
G66  42 Praise and Highway, simultaneously at 6.40 pm, is unlikely to be 
G66  43 maintained, though given their relative popularity they may achieve 
G66  44 an early evening slot.<p/>
G66  45 <p_>Channel 4 will continue to provide a minimum of an hour a week 
G66  46 of religious programmes.<p/>
G66  47 <p_>Of interest to religious communities is the Act's requirement 
G66  48 that 25% of the output on BBC and Channel 3 (News and Current 
G66  49 Affairs excepted) will be given over to independent producers. For 
G66  50 the last two years the Church's TV and Radio Centre at Bushey, 
G66  51 initially funded by Lord Rank, has paved the way, co-funding and 
G66  52 co-producing a range of programmes with the BBC and others.<p/>
G66  53 <h_><p_>Cable, Satellite and Radio<p/><h/>
G66  54 <p_>The mandate for religious broadcasting does not include cable, 
G66  55 satellite nor local and community radio. Unquestionably there will 
G66  56 continue to be religious programming on these, as there has been in 
G66  57 the past. The deciding factor will be money. Just recently LBC, one 
G66  58 of London's major radio stations threatened to axe its religious 
G66  59 output unless pounds40,000 was found. The Baha'is came up 
G66  60 trumps.<p/>
G66  61 <p_>For years both BBC and Independent local radio have been 
G66  62 subsidised by local clergy and laity voluntarily producing or 
G66  63 presenting programmes. In the case of LBC's 'You don't have to be 
G66  64 Jewish' the programme is sponsored by a local travel agency. There 
G66  65 will be no payment for providing programmes for radio, cable or 
G66  66 satellite. Quite the opposite in fact, where a non-domestic 
G66  67 satellite channel is concerned. Groups will have to buy time. There 
G66  68 will be opportunities for faith-communities on local cable systems. 
G66  69 But only those with a capability to provide programming will stand 
G66  70 a chance.<p/>
G66  71 <h_><p_>The Programme Code<p/><h/>
G66  72 <p_>Irrespective of the medium, all religious programmes on 
G66  73 Independent television or radio will have to conform to a new code 
G66  74 drawn up by the ITC and, where radio is concerned, by the Radio 
G66  75 Authority.<p/>
G66  76 <p_>The code is based on Section 6 (1)(d) of the Broadcasting Act 
G66  77 which states:<p/>
G66  78 <p_><quote_>"That due responsibility is exercised with respect to 
G66  79 the content of any of its programmes which are religious 
G66  80 programmes, and that in particular any such programmes do not 
G66  81 involve-<p/>
G66  82 <p_>(i) any improper exploitations of any susceptibilities of those 
G66  83 watching the programmes, or<p/>
G66  84 <p_>(ii) any abusive treatment of the religious views and beliefs 
G66  85 of those belonging to a particular religion or religious 
G66  86 denomination."<quote/><p/>
G66  87 <p_>Interestingly, the ITC and the Radio Authority codes reflect 
G66  88 this requirement differently. On the whole the ITC's code for 
G66  89 religious programmes appears more rigorous than that of the Radio 
G66  90 Authority, though the latter's code has not yet been finalised. For 
G66  91 example, in line with the BBC, proselytising is forbidden on 
G66  92 Channels 3, 4, and 5 and only permitted on a specialist religious 
G66  93 channel where viewers deliberately opt in. There is no such embargo 
G66  94 for local or community radio. The philosophy here appears to be, 
G66  95 that the market will decide in the form of the listeners. If they 
G66  96 do not like it, they will not listen and since commercial radio 
G66  97 will be operating in a highly competitive market, in theory the 
G66  98 programme will come off. But since it will be possible to appeal 
G66  99 for funds for programme costs or to further the aims of the group 
G66 100 providing the programme, subject only to an overall balance of 
G66 101 charitable appeals being maintained, the market will be irrelevant. 
G66 102 There will always be some faithful who will stump up to keep the 
G66 103 show on the road. On TV, funds may only be solicited for 
G66 104 disadvantaged third parties. And what will happen in, say, Golders 
G66 105 Green or Finchley if Churches' radio groups evangelise, albeit 
G66 106 responsibly and properly and without denigrating the Jewish faith? 
G66 107 Is it likely to be less offensive to the local Jewish community? 
G66 108 Clearly, the Radio Authority is going to have its work cut out to 
G66 109 monitor the 400 new stations expected over the next 10 years. Given 
G66 110 its light touch and post hoc regulatory stance, this is not going 
G66 111 to be easy.<p/>
G66 112 <h|>Ownership
G66 113 <p_>The second area of direct relevance to religious groups is 
G66 114 ownership. In the past, religious groups have not been allowed to 
G66 115 hold a licence for radio or television. Now, under the Act, they 
G66 116 may hold a licence for local or community radio, but not for one of 
G66 117 the three expected national stations. They may at the discretion of 
G66 118 the ITC be licensed to provide a cable or non<?_>-<?/>domestic 
G66 119 satellite service but they may not hold a licence for a channel 3 
G66 120 region nor channel 5.<p/>
G66 121 <p_>Where radio is concerned, any religious group will have to 
G66 122 demonstrate that the service they offer is enlarging listeners' 
G66 123 choice more than a competitor, who may be offering a jazz station 
G66 124 or one devoted to sport, or better community service if the station 
G66 125 is directed at a local community. More significantly, they will 
G66 126 have to demonstrate they have a business plan which is reasonably 
G66 127 capable of ensuring survival.<p/>
G66 128 <p_>Already some local religious groups are expressing interest in 
G66 129 community radio licences. Wear FM in Sunderland is a new station 
G66 130 based on a cooperative model. Under the chairmanship of the local 
G66 131 Rural Dean, various community groups, including the Anglican 
G66 132 deanery, together with the local polytechnic and council, have a 
G66 133 stake in the action. In High Wycombe, the local Council of Churches 
G66 134 is putting together an application for a community radio licence. 
G66 135 Whatever form local churches' and synagogues' involvement in local 
G66 136 radio takes, training is paramount and only superseded in 
G66 137 importance by the need to harmonise with the overall station 
G66 138 sound.<p/>
G66 139 <h|>Advertising
G66 140 <p_>The other area of relevance to religious groups is advertising. 
G66 141 For the first time the new legislation allows religious groups to 
G66 142 advertise. The scale of economy is such, that it is unlikely many 
G66 143 religious communities will be able to afford major advertising 
G66 144 campaigns, especially on TV. Radio, however is a different 
G66 145 proposition. It is cheaper to produce the ads and buy the space. 
G66 146 And, it can be <}_><-|>targetted<+|>targeted<}/> at local 
G66 147 audiences. The Anglican dioceses of Lichfield and Oxford recently 
G66 148 led the religious field with advertisements on local radio 
G66 149 reminding listeners it was Easter. All religious advertisements 
G66 150 must conform with the ITC and Radio Authority code which was drawn 
G66 151 up in consultation with a range of religious groups.<p/>
G66 152 <p_>Britain is now entering what a former BBC mandarin called 
G66 153 <quote_>"The Third Age of Broadcasting."<quote/> He was referring, 
G66 154 of course, to satellite and cable, where there is a projected 
G66 155 growth over the next 5 years of at least 40 channels and probably 
G66 156 more being available. There will also be an expansion of radio with 
G66 157 3 national commercial stations and 400 local and community radio 
G66 158 stations. Within the next three years, channel 5 will be on air, 
G66 159 though it will not, for technical reasons, be available to 
G66 160 everyone.<p/>
G66 161 <h_><p_>How should we Respond?<p/><h/>
G66 162 <p_>How can, how should religious communities respond to this 
G66 163 development? First, we must recognise that being on the air is no 
G66 164 substitute for the ministry of the church or synagogue at the local 
G66 165 level. Second, we must recognise the limitations of television and 
G66 166 radio, and that if we are to use them to communicate effectively, 
G66 167 we must learn their grammar and syntax. Third we need to consider 
G66 168 how we respond at different levels, national TV or radio, regional 
G66 169 TV or local radio and cable.<p/>
G66 170 <p_>Some will argue why should we bother at all, particularly when 
G66 171 the BBC and channels 3, 4 and 5 will continue to provide access to 
G66 172 major audiences for religious people at no cost to them. And 
G66 173 particularly, since the terrestrial channels will continue to 
G66 174 attract a major share of the audience, at least for the immediate 
G66 175 future. A counter argument to this is based on editorial freedom. 
G66 176 In religious programmes as in any other programme, editorial 
G66 177 responsibility lies with the broadcaster. Even where the originator 
G66 178 of the programme is a religious group, it has to abide by the 
G66 179 programme policy expressed in the programme code. This still, of 
G66 180 course, allows a considerable degree of freedom. In practical terms 
G66 181 however, it will be some time before mainstream religious bodies 
G66 182 are able to make the resources available to gain the experience 
G66 183 necessary for network television production. It is much more likely 
G66 184 that religious entrepreneurs will take the lead.<p/>
G66 185 <p_>My own view, is that religious communities should major at the 
G66 186 local level and build on their experience in local radio. This 
G66 187 allows any involvement in local cable or radio to be incorporated 
G66 188 into a wider strategy. Local involvement is also more viable.<p/>
G66 189 
G66 190 <h_><p_>Mixing Love and Faith<p/>
G66 191 <p_>Rabbi Jonathan Romain<p/><h/>
G66 192 <p_>Twelve years ago Mary and Daniel fell in love with each other. 
G66 193 They shared everything, except religion. When they wanted to become 
G66 194 engaged Mary's parents refused to let her marry a non-Catholic, 
G66 195 whilst Daniel's parents were equally adamant that he should not 
G66 196 marry outside the Jewish faith. The couple split up.<p/>
G66 197 <p_>If their tail had ended there it would have been a relatively 
G66 198 common one, reflecting the fate of many couples from different 
G66 199 religious backgrounds. However, although Daniel went away and 
G66 200 married someone of his own faith it proved an unsuccessful match 
G66 201 and ended in divorce. He returned to his home-town and, to his 
G66 202 surprise, found Mary still living there.<p/>
G66 203 <p_>This time they allowed no external factors to impede their 
G66 204 togetherness, and they now have two children. Both regard the 
G66 205 marriage as blissfully happy, and only regret the twelve years that 
G66 206 they needlessly spent apart.<p/>
G66 207 <p_>Their story will be seen in some quarters as the triumph of 
G66 208 love over tradition. Others will view it as a religious disaster, 
G66 209 typical of the demise of the family unit sharing the same faith and 
G66 210 passing it on to the next generation. Curiously enough, even 
G66 211 secular parents feel alarmed when their offspring marry out of the 
G66 212 faith.<p/>
G66 213 <p_>Even within Christianity ancient theological divisions rear 
G66 214 themselves when it comes to marching down the aisle. Thus Sally, a 
G66 215 lapsed Catholic, is often referred to as a 'left-footer' by 
G66 216 Williams's lapsed Church of England parents.
G66 217 
G67   1 <#FLOB:G67\><h_><p_>Postmodernism, Subjectivity and the Question of 
G67   2 Value<p/>
G67   3 <p_>Kate Soper<p/><h/>
G67   4 <p_>Within the circles influenced by and sympathetic to 
G67   5 postmodernism there has of late been discussion as to how long an 
G67   6 engagement with traditional criteria of truth and value can be 
G67   7 deferred. It has been suggested that the eclecticism and relativist 
G67   8 logic of postmodernism is inherently self-stultifying - or at least 
G67   9 incompatible with a defence of these modes of cognition as some 
G67  10 form of political and cultural enlightenment. Hence their advocates 
G67  11 are delivered into a condition of theoretical paralysis: they can 
G67  12 neither argue for the 'truth' or knowledge status of the forms of 
G67  13 argument they have employed to expose the mistakes and 
G67  14 self-delusions of foundationalist metaphysics, nor lay claim to any 
G67  15 emancipatory values in liberating a left politics from the 
G67  16 disquieting assimilations of identity concealed within its 
G67  17 collectivist and humanist 'grand narrative'.<p/>
G67  18 <p_>This 'impasse', it should be said, does not necessarily afflict 
G67  19 deconstructive strategies in themselves (except in the sense that 
G67  20 it can always be asked of their practitioners what motivates them 
G67  21 other than an impulse to get us to think aright about texts, or at 
G67  22 any rate to perceive what the text itself is blind to). For to 
G67  23 pursue the path of Derridean <tf|>diff<*_>e-acute<*/>rance is, 
G67  24 strictly speaking, to pre-empt the appeal to the 'identities' whose 
G67  25 alleged occlusion by orthodox liberal or socialist discourse has 
G67  26 been invoked in justification of the Anglo-American use of 
G67  27 deconstructive methods. Thus it might be argued that Derridean 
G67  28 theory, in openly acknowledging its self-subverting quality (that 
G67  29 it can rely only on what it theorizes as non-reliable), is neither 
G67  30 self-subverting nor non-self-subverting - though I think it must 
G67  31 also be the condition of so arguing that it can lead itself neither 
G67  32 to this politics, nor to that, neither to value commitments nor to 
G67  33 their disowning.<p/>
G67  34 <p_>Some of my argument in what follows does bear on the general 
G67  35 question of the acceptability of the Derridean 
G67  36 position/non-position, though in so far as it does I present this 
G67  37 precisely as a question of 'which way to jump'; in other words, I 
G67  38 present it as a problem of the mutually exclusive character of 
G67  39 opposing modes of cognition and not as a problem of the internal 
G67  40 consistency of either. But what I shall be mainly addressing here 
G67  41 are certain issues concerning value and subjectivity that arise in 
G67  42 virtue of the attempt to have it both ways - to have, as it were, a 
G67  43 foot both in and out of deconstruction. They are issues that 
G67  44 present themselves, and that have recently become, a focus of 
G67  45 postmodernist self-criticism, as a result of the various ways in 
G67  46 which postmodernist ideas have been yoked into the service of a 
G67  47 left<?_>-<?/>wing politics or defended as emancipatory insights. 
G67  48 (And these ideas, I should add, are by no means of exclusively 
G67  49 Derridean origin, but often in fact owe more to theorists of whom 
G67  50 Derrida has been critical, such as Foucault, or to the scepticism 
G67  51 about progress and the ironic self-positionings recommended by 
G67  52 thinkers like Jean-Fran<*_>c-cedille<*/>ois Lyotard and Richard 
G67  53 Rorty).<p/>
G67  54 <p_>One, rather shorthand, way of talking about these issues has 
G67  55 been in terms of a postmodernist 'suppression' of values, and its 
G67  56 refusal to employ an associated vocabulary (in aesthetics - of 
G67  57 'judgement', 'artistic worth', 'intrinsic merit', etc.; in ethics - 
G67  58 of 'rights', 'freedom', 'duty', etc.; and in epistemology - of 
G67  59 'truth', 'verification', objectivity, etc). But in fact this is a 
G67  60 somewhat misleading shorthand, since postmodernist argument has 
G67  61 invited us not so much to suppress this vocabulary but to construe 
G67  62 it as directing us to nothing beyond or outside its own discourse. 
G67  63 According to this position, there are no transcendent, 
G67  64 extra<?_>-<?/>discursive qualities or experiences to which we can 
G67  65 appeal as the grounds for the talk of values and the 
G67  66 discriminations it offers, since these refer us only to what 
G67  67 discourse itself constructs. The dispute, in short, has to do with 
G67  68 how far we retain or sever a discursive-non<?_>-<?/>discursive 
G67  69 dialectic: how far the 'text' or 'discourse' of values is what it 
G67  70 is in virtue of how the 'world' is; how far we read the world to be 
G67  71 as it is only in virtue of the discourse or text. This means that 
G67  72 if the symptoms of a return of the 'repressed' of value are now 
G67  73 disturbing the psychic composure of certain postmodernist modes of 
G67  74 reflection, then this is not to do with the repression of a 
G67  75 vocabulary but rather with the repression or evasion of the realist 
G67  76 commitments that may be essential to sustaining any consistent 
G67  77 defence of broadly left-wing political values.<p/>
G67  78 <p_>If this, then, is the controversy or point of tension at issue, 
G67  79 it seems appropriate to begin by saying something about where I 
G67  80 stand in regard to it, and I shall do this - for strategic purposes 
G67  81 that should become clearer as I proceed - by invoking a caricature 
G67  82 of the dispute. The caricature presents us on the one side with the 
G67  83 dogged metaphysicians, a fierce and burly crew, stalwartly 
G67  84 defending various bedrocks and foundations by means of an 
G67  85 assortment of trusty but clankingly mechanical concepts such as 
G67  86 'class', 'materialism', 'humanism', 'literary merit', 
G67  87 'transcendence' and so forth. Obsolete as these weapons are, they 
G67  88 have the one distinct advantage that in all the dust thrown up by 
G67  89 their being flailed around, their wielders do not realize how 
G67  90 seldom they connect with their opponents. On the other side stands 
G67  91 the opposition, the feline ironists and revellers in relativism, 
G67  92 dancing lightheartedly upon the waters of 
G67  93 <tf|>diff<*_>e-acute<*/>rance, deflecting all foundationalist blows 
G67  94 with an adroitly directed ludic laser beam. Masters of situationist 
G67  95 strategy, they sidestep the heavy military engagement by refusing 
G67  96 to do anything but play.<p/>
G67  97 <p_>Now, if I were allowed only the mirror of this caricature in 
G67  98 which to find a reflection of my own position, I would be feeling 
G67  99 pretty schizoid, but I suppose in the end I would have to recognize 
G67 100 something minimally less distorting of my own features in the 
G67 101 grotesque metaphysical Cerberus than in the ironical Cheshire grin. 
G67 102 In other words, if forced to align myself in terms of this 
G67 103 caricature, I am ready to do so, provided that in exchange 
G67 104 everything further I have to say be received as typical of the 
G67 105 growlings of the monstrous metaphysicians.<p/>
G67 106 <h_><p_>The Postmodern Condition<p/><h/>
G67 107 <p_>First, then, a few growlings about the equivocal feelings that 
G67 108 our post<?_>-<?/>modern times can induce - an equivocation which at 
G67 109 its most extreme could be compared to that of the third-century 
G67 110 Chinese poet, Chuang Chou, who tells us that one night he dreamt he 
G67 111 was a butterfly, but on awakening did not know whether he had 
G67 112 dreamt he was a butterfly or whether he was not now a butterfly 
G67 113 dreaming he was Chuang Chou. For at times it can seem as if we 
G67 114 stand at the interface of two incommensurable modes of thinking, 
G67 115 each of which, we know, should we yield to it, has the capacity to 
G67 116 constitute itself as reality and the other as its dream or myth. 
G67 117 Each, in other words, seems possessed of such a drug-like power to 
G67 118 reorchestrate our mental outlook that we hesitate to lend ourselves 
G67 119 as guinea pigs to either of its thought experiments.<p/>
G67 120 <p_>At one level - that at which we are called upon to decide our 
G67 121 general affective response to the 'postmodern' condition - we can 
G67 122 think of this equivocation in terms of the emotional tug between 
G67 123 two contrary invitations. One, that which asks us to keep a grip on 
G67 124 the horror and ugliness of our world, never to forget the extent to 
G67 125 which it is beset by war, famine, torture, loss of nature, 
G67 126 grotesque inequalities and intolerable oppressions; and which 
G67 127 therefore calls upon us to analyse all practice and historical 
G67 128 process in terms of the degree to which it promotes or detracts 
G67 129 from the realization of greater peace, equality, democracy, 
G67 130 ecological well-being and the future flourishing of our species and 
G67 131 its planet. The other is the invitation to view history as littered 
G67 132 with the victims of such well-intentioned visions and utopian 
G67 133 projects, and in the light of that to give ourselves over to a 
G67 134 pragmatic acceptance of the loss of values - an acceptance, 
G67 135 moreover, that we might as well feel as cheerful about as we can. 
G67 136 For if utopias are never to be realized, is there any more harm to 
G67 137 be done in accepting their loss than in lamenting it? This, then, 
G67 138 is the invitation to respond to dystopia by a consciously decadent 
G67 139 pleasuring in its awfulness. It is, as Elizabeth Wilson has 
G67 140 suggested, to convert 'left-wing' anxiety into a solution: to live 
G67 141 in a film-noir world.<p/>
G67 142 <p_>Now it is debateable<&|>sic! how far the flight into cinema and 
G67 143 the film-noir option has exerted any very real attraction even 
G67 144 among the more committed adherents of postmodernist 
G67 145 anti-progressivism. But if some have sensed the temptation of 
G67 146 decadence, but yet hesitated to succumb to it, they will be aware, 
G67 147 I think, that any ambivalence in this area is such as to draw them 
G67 148 back into the camp of the metaphysicians. If they hesitate, I 
G67 149 suggest it is because they know the allure of a pragmatic 
G67 150 dystopianism to be a fantasy in which it is much easier to cocoon 
G67 151 oneself if one is already enjoying comforts which figure only in 
G67 152 the utopian dreams of the African peasant, the street child in Rio 
G67 153 de Janiero<&|>sic! or the Iraqi political prisoner. They know, in 
G67 154 other words, that revelling in the loss of progress is a Western 
G67 155 metropolitan privilege which depends on living in a certain state 
G67 156 of grace, a condition where no-one is starving you, no-one 
G67 157 torturing you, no-one even denying you the price of a cinema ticket 
G67 158 or tube fare to the conference on postmodernism.<p/>
G67 159 <p_>My first point, then, is this. We should accept the implication 
G67 160 of any misgiving felt about yielding to postmodernist cynicism: 
G67 161 namely, that it reveals a certain sensitivity about the 
G67 162 self-indulgent quality of that reaction; an awareness of how 
G67 163 parochial it is to present the loss of hope or progress as a 
G67 164 universally available mode of adjustment to the ugliness of our 
G67 165 times. But to recognize this is in effect to be forced out of 
G67 166 equivocation back toward an open commitment to certain political 
G67 167 principles and values. It is to recognize certain objective 
G67 168 structures of oppression by reference to which we discriminate 
G67 169 between practices, dispute the wisdom of various emancipatory 
G67 170 strategies, and, indeed, engage in more than theory.<p/>
G67 171 <p_>But to come back now to the theoretical opposition whose 
G67 172 caricature I sketched in my opening remarks, where a similar point 
G67 173 holds. On the one hand, we have grounded theory, a cognitive 
G67 174 position that remains committed to truth and objectivity as the 
G67 175 condition of making sense of value preference. On the other hand, 
G67 176 we have deconstruction and difference theory, a perspective from 
G67 177 which all appeals to intrinsic quality as the ground of aesthetic 
G67 178 and cultural judgement, or to objectively verifiable needs and 
G67 179 sufferings as the justification of political and ethical 
G67 180 commitments, must be rejected as so many forms of logocentrism - as 
G67 181 resting their claims on appeals to concepts of truth and value 
G67 182 which are radically indecidable, unstable metaphors always 
G67 183 intruding between the presence or state of affairs they supposedly 
G67 184 grasp. Here too there is extensive equivocation, and precisely 
G67 185 because one can appreciate the measure of virtue in both 
G67 186 approaches. But again, I would want to argue that the very 
G67 187 reasoning that allows us to appreciate the attractions and 
G67 188 importance of discourse theory and deconstruction is such as to 
G67 189 commit the reasoner to defending certain values.<p/>
G67 190 <p_>Why, for example, lend ourselves to the politics of 
G67 191 'difference' if not in virtue of its enlightenment - what it 
G67 192 permits in the way of releasing subjects from the conflations of 
G67 193 imperializing discourse and the constructed identities of binary 
G67 194 oppositions? Why lend ourselves to the deconstruction of 
G67 195 liberal-humanist rhetoric if not to expose the class or racial or 
G67 196 gender identities it occludes? Why challenge truth if not in the 
G67 197 interests of revealing the potentially manipulative powers of the 
G67 198 discourses that have attained the status of knowledge? Why call 
G67 199 science in question if not in part because of the military and 
G67 200 ecological catastrophes to which the blind pursuit of its 
G67 201 instrumental rationality has delivered us?
G67 202 
G67 203 
G67 204 
G68   1 <#FLOB:G68\><h_><p_>Security: new ideas, old ambiguities<p/>
G68   2 <p_>Peter Mangold<p/><h/>
G68   3 <p_>After months of speculation and discussion, the first pieces of 
G68   4 the new European security jigsaw puzzle are now in place. At their 
G68   5 November summit in Paris, the leaders of the 34-member Conference 
G68   6 on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) agreed to reductions 
G68   7 in military hardware. This should end decades of tension and 
G68   8 nervous anxiety associated with the Soviet Union's conventional 
G68   9 superiority in Europe. Other agreements included the establishment 
G68  10 of a Centre for the Prevention of Conflict. The leaders also 
G68  11 reaffirmed, this time with a sincerity notably absent when the 
G68  12 Helsinki Final Act was signed in 1975, their belief in democratic 
G68  13 values. Europe has thus taken a major step towards becoming a 
G68  14 militarily more stable region. It has also witnessed a critical and 
G68  15 quite novel conjunction of political and strategic objectives, 
G68  16 former ideological adversaries committing themselves to conditions 
G68  17 for regional security based on what had become common political 
G68  18 values. As security problems become diluted within the larger, more 
G68  19 benign politico-economic agenda, they should lose much of the 
G68  20 salience they have had over the last 40 years. However, before 
G68  21 attention is allowed to shift to what remains of the strategic 
G68  22 agenda - the future of NATO (see next article), the dissolution of 
G68  23 the Warsaw Pact and the security role of the European Community - 
G68  24 we need to ask certain questions. Have we simply been seeing a 
G68  25 shift in security arrangements in line with the political 
G68  26 revolution in the East? Or are we also witnessing something no less 
G68  27 momentous, namely a fundamental shift in the way we think about 
G68  28 security?<p/>
G68  29 <h_><p_>What is security?<p/><h/>
G68  30 <p_>Security has been one of the great obsessions of the twentieth 
G68  31 century but, like many obsessions, it has attracted more attention 
G68  32 than rigorous scrutiny. Those currently engaged in redefining 
G68  33 'security' away from traditional strategic-political concerns 
G68  34 towards global economic and environmental issues fall into at least 
G68  35 two traps. They confuse security with threats; they also assume 
G68  36 that it is possible to redefine a concept which has never been 
G68  37 satisfactorily defined in the first place. For the hard fact is 
G68  38 that national security has been allowed to remain what one critic 
G68  39 has described as a <quote_>"modern incantation"<quote/>, a 
G68  40 catch-all term which can be expanded to embrace whatever concerns 
G68  41 happen to be strategically fashionable.<p/>
G68  42 <p_>The academic community has tended to steer clear of the task of 
G68  43 introducing precision into a notoriously amorphous concept, so that 
G68  44 while the number of books featuring security in their title or 
G68  45 subtitle would by now fill a small library, the theoretical 
G68  46 literature is sparse. It is both remarkable, and slightly 
G68  47 scandalous, that so little has been done to develop the ideas in 
G68  48 Arnold Wolfers' essay, <tf_>National Security as an Ambiguous 
G68  49 Symbol<tf/>, first published in 1952. Officials, by contrast, have 
G68  50 either preferred to maintain the rhetorical mystique with which 
G68  51 national security is so often invested, or have seen little point 
G68  52 in worrying about general ideas which are perceived as providing 
G68  53 few specific guides to policy.<p/>
G68  54 <p_>That view is shortsighted. Indirect it may often be, but I 
G68  55 would suggest that there is a link between conceptual precision and 
G68  56 the quality of policy. A clearer understanding of what does and 
G68  57 does not contribute to real security, of why states under- and 
G68  58 over<?_>-<?/>insure, may not have helped with the day-to-day 
G68  59 questions of budgeting or weapons procurement. But it might well 
G68  60 have made it much easier to retain that overview of the problem 
G68  61 which so often appeared to be lacking during the years of the Cold 
G68  62 War, when security was conceived in such narrow and expensive 
G68  63 military terms. The way we think about security, the extent to 
G68  64 which we allow that thinking to be determined by unexamined (albeit 
G68  65 often powerful and simplistic) assumptions, goes a considerable way 
G68  66 towards determining how much security we get and what it costs.<p/>
G68  67 <p_>The security structures established in the late 1940s owe much 
G68  68 to the traditional belief that security is an essentially 
G68  69 competitive business; it is something which states gain at one 
G68  70 another's expense. While the search for security was not quite 
G68  71 perceived as a zero-sum game, the prospect for regulating 
G68  72 competitive security strategies was never regarded as very 
G68  73 promising. However much effort may have been invested in arms 
G68  74 control, the net result was to 'limit' the increase in strategic 
G68  75 arms; conventional arms reduction never progressed beyond the years 
G68  76 of fruitless wrangling in Vienna. The great leap forward in the 
G68  77 mid-1980s by contrast is to be traced back to the reassertion of 
G68  78 the alternative view that security is something which states can 
G68  79 and need to 'share'. The hallmark of this latter approach is thus 
G68  80 agreement rather than competition, the management of a common 
G68  81 security environment rather than the maintenance of a balance of 
G68  82 power.<p/>
G68  83 <p_>Viewed in the context of the reversal of the trends of more 
G68  84 than four decades in which military factors came to play a uniquely 
G68  85 dominant role in security policy, the radical nature of this change 
G68  86 can hardly be exaggerated. But what is certainly new to Soviet 
G68  87 policy-makers is rather less so to those with a broader 
G68  88 geographical and historical perspective. The changes which have 
G68  89 taken place over the last few years need to be seen as part of a 
G68  90 much longer historical process. A conference which had as one of 
G68  91 its major themes the assertion of democratic values was hardly 
G68  92 likely to look too kindly on the precedent set by the 1815 Congress 
G68  93 of Vienna, which had concerned itself with the rights of rulers 
G68  94 rather than the ruled. Indeed, President Mitterand went so far as 
G68  95 to describe it as the <quote_>"anti-Congress of Vienna"<quote/>.<p/>
G68  96 <p_>Yet those who look optimistically towards a new European order 
G68  97 should recall that the Congress system, which evolved in the wake 
G68  98 of the Napoleonic wars, did set an important precedent. For it 
G68  99 represented what one historian has described as a coalition of 
G68 100 states premised on the existence of a public law of Europe, for the 
G68 101 defence of that law. They may also care to recall that the 
G68 102 conference which met at Versailles in the wake of the First World 
G68 103 War, for all its horrendous imperfections, took the first steps in 
G68 104 fashioning the 'new' world order by establishing the blueprint for 
G68 105 the joint management of a common international security 
G68 106 environment. At its centre was, and remains, a set of rules 
G68 107 upholding the right of all states to security. These were to be 
G68 108 enforced by a system of collective security intended to operate in 
G68 109 a world in which levels of armaments were low and disputes dealt 
G68 110 with through arbitration. Despite its short-term failure, at least 
G68 111 during the 1919-39 period, the basic ideas have not gone away. The 
G68 112 prohibition on the use of force in the settlement of disputes laid 
G68 113 down in the Charter of the League of Nations has been reasserted 
G68 114 internationally by the United Nations, and at the regional level by 
G68 115 bodies such as the Arab League, the Organisation of American States 
G68 116 and the Organisation of African Unity. They are of course also 
G68 117 highly relevant in the context of Europe and the CSCE.<p/>
G68 118 <h_><p_>The 1939-45 European watershed<p/><h/>
G68 119 <p_>The extent to which these rules have been observed has depended 
G68 120 ultimately on one of two conditions: a radical increase in the cost 
G68 121 of force, or a reduction in the incentives for breaking them. It is 
G68 122 in this context that the Second World War proved a watershed (at 
G68 123 least for the Europeans and their superpower Allies). Whatever the 
G68 124 hopes initially invested in the League's successor-organisation, 
G68 125 the UN, the immediate emphasis shifted away from grand designs in 
G68 126 the direction of an innovative pragmatism centred on the economic 
G68 127 rather than the military bases of security. The Anglo-Saxons 
G68 128 concentrated their efforts on fashioning a working model of 
G68 129 economic internationalism, the major legacies of which remain the 
G68 130 International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the General 
G68 131 Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Their European counterparts looked 
G68 132 towards regional economic integration as the means of drawing the 
G68 133 sting out of assertive nationalisms. The European Coal and Steel 
G68 134 Community established conditions in which the countries of Western 
G68 135 Europe have 'shared' security in a quite unique way; indeed they 
G68 136 have shared it so closely that, following the establishment of the 
G68 137 European Economic Community, security is no longer an issue between 
G68 138 them. And at the risk of reiterating the obvious, it is the 
G68 139 Community which has helped make German reunification such a 
G68 140 relatively painless process.<p/>
G68 141 <p_>The third building-block of the new security order was the 
G68 142 product of the next great international conflict. Nuclear weapons 
G68 143 did indeed introduce a constraint on the use of force undreamed of 
G68 144 when the League was founded, but those engaged in the Cold War 
G68 145 failed to come to terms with the problems associated with the 
G68 146 credibility and controllability of deterrence. This helps explain 
G68 147 why the immediate impact of nuclear weapons was to reinforce rather 
G68 148 than ameliorate the older, competitive notions of security. For 
G68 149 nuclear weapons created a peculiar paradox. On the one hand they 
G68 150 generated the kind of fear on which worst-case scenarios thrived; 
G68 151 on the other, they encouraged a certain complacency among the rival 
G68 152 political leaderships who tacitly assumed of each other the very 
G68 153 rationality and restraint which their force planners and 
G68 154 strategists called into question. For it is difficult to believe 
G68 155 that arsenals would have been allowed to have been built up so 
G68 156 rapidly - or arms control allowed to proceed at such a leisurely 
G68 157 pace - if strategic competition had not been seen as a relatively 
G68 158 'safe' substitute for more direct conflict.<p/>
G68 159 <p_>The emphasis here is of course on 'relatively', for over the 
G68 160 longer term this situation was bound to trigger some kind of 
G68 161 reaction or reappraisal. The reaction is reflected in the peace 
G68 162 movements as a symptom of underlying unease rather than the 
G68 163 catalyst for change.<p/>
G68 164 <p_>The reappraisal came with the ideas of strategic stability 
G68 165 which emerged in the United States in the 1960s. In retrospect the 
G68 166 parameters of this new thinking seem rather narrow. The immediate 
G68 167 issues were deterrence and the stabilisation of the arms race, 
G68 168 rather than any wider attempt to rethink the problem of security. 
G68 169 It took another 20 years before the idea of common security entered 
G68 170 into general currency. The Palme Report, published at a time of 
G68 171 renewed East-West tension, is in many respects an unsatisfactory 
G68 172 document which at first sight does not add up to much more than the 
G68 173 sum of its many proposals. But if short on intellectual rigour (and 
G68 174 not particularly innovative), it sought to build in positive form 
G68 175 on the truth implicitly acknowledged in the famous or infamous 
G68 176 acronym MAD (Mutual Assured Deterrence), namely that nuclear 
G68 177 adversaries had to achieve security with rather than against one 
G68 178 another.<p/>
G68 179 <p_>What really put common security on the map was Mikhail 
G68 180 Gorbachev with the 'new Soviet thinking'. Exactly how much the 
G68 181 latter owes to the crisis of Communism, and how much to an 
G68 182 incipient crisis of confidence in deterrence which can be detected 
G68 183 in the Western debate of the same period, is still unclear. But it 
G68 184 is evident that the broader re-conceptualisation of security on 
G68 185 which Soviet thinkers engaged in the 1980s was part of an 
G68 186 historical process which went well beyond any specially strategic 
G68 187 reassessment. The 'new thinking' helped a new generation of Soviet 
G68 188 leaders re-think the country's domestic and external policies. 
G68 189 Soviet security policy, like the country's economic policy, was 
G68 190 finally acknowledged to have reached a critical impasse. Far from 
G68 191 increasing security, the over-insurance in which the country had so 
G68 192 conspicuously engaged had actually diminished it. Geographically 
G68 193 and economically overextended, the Soviet Union needed new concepts 
G68 194 which would allow it to put the arms race into reverse and shift 
G68 195 the fulcrum of security policy away from the military towards the 
G68 196 political sphere. Only this way would it be possible for the Soviet 
G68 197 Union to accept intrusive forms of verification and to make the 
G68 198 asymmetrical concessions which have facilitated the agreements over 
G68 199 Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) and Conventional Forces in Europe 
G68 200 (CFE), as well as putting up with the collapse of its strategic 
G68 201 glacis in Eastern Europe. Contrary to some initial Western 
G68 202 scepticism, the Soviet Union did not only preach common security, 
G68 203 but practised it in a way which made it possible for its 
G68 204 adversaries to follow suit.<p/>
G68 205 
G68 206 
G68 207 
G69   1 <#FLOB:G69\><h_><p_>Marriage breakdown and the law<p/>
G69   2 <p_>Brenda Hoggett<p/><h/>
G69   3 <p_>Divorce statistics are steadily rising, with Britain heading 
G69   4 the European league. Politicians, social scientists, the Churches - 
G69   5 all are concerned at the threat to the family. But what should be 
G69   6 the response? Below, a member of the Law Commission expounds the 
G69   7 arguments for further legislative reform.<p/>
G69   8 <p_>To many people the whole idea of a 'good' divorce law is a 
G69   9 contradiction in terms. It is not only committed Christians who 
G69  10 believe that, ideally, marriage should be for life. The problem has 
G69  11 been how to reconcile the need to release some people from that 
G69  12 commitment with the desire to keep the others together.<p/>
G69  13 <p_>The law has known for a long time that it cannot force couples 
G69  14 to live with each other. Nevertheless, it was thought that it could 
G69  15 encourage them to do so by restricting the grounds for divorce to 
G69  16 the so-called 'matrimonial offences'. The would-be 'guilty' party 
G69  17 might be kept in order by the possible penalties of being divorced 
G69  18 against his or her will, losing the children, having to pay or 
G69  19 losing the right to maintenance. The 'innocent' party could choose 
G69  20 whether or not to inflict these penalties on the guilty, but the 
G69  21 hope was always that, as a Christian, he or she would forgive the 
G69  22 one who had sinned.<p/>
G69  23 <p_>By 1966, however, the upward trend in divorce was already 
G69  24 established and this approach no longer made sense. Logically, it 
G69  25 denied divorce to a great many marriages which had obviously broken 
G69  26 down, because both parties had committed an 'offence' or wanted a 
G69  27 divorce or had been living apart for so long that they were 
G69  28 obviously never going to live together again. Many of these couples 
G69  29 obtained their release by pretending that one of them had committed 
G69  30 adultery. In 1966 a group set up by the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
G69  31 in their report <tf_>Putting Asunder - a Divorce Law for 
G69  32 Contemporary Society<tf/>, declared themselves to be <quote_>"far 
G69  33 from convinced that the present provisions of the law witness to 
G69  34 the sanctity of marriage, or uphold its public repute, in any 
G69  35 observable way, or that they are irreplaceable as buttresses of 
G69  36 morality, either in the narrow field of matrimonial and sexual 
G69  37 relationships, or in the wider field which includes considerations 
G69  38 of truth, the sacredness of oaths, and the integrity of 
G69  39 professional practice"<quote/>.<p/>
G69  40 <p_>When the Divorce Reform Act 1969 was passed, most people 
G69  41 thought it an improvement, but many of the criticisms of the 
G69  42 hypocrisy of the old law apply almost as much to the new. First, it 
G69  43 is confusing and misleading, even downright dishonest. It tells 
G69  44 people that the sole ground for divorce is that the marriage has 
G69  45 irretrievably broken down, which looks like a neutral and objective 
G69  46 fact, rather than a judgement upon their behaviour. But then it 
G69  47 insists that this can only be proved in one of five ways, three of 
G69  48 which look remarkably like the old matrimonial offences: that one 
G69  49 partner has committed adultery and the other finds it intolerable 
G69  50 to live with him or her; that one partner has behaved in such a way 
G69  51 that it is not reasonable to expect the other to live with him or 
G69  52 her; or that one partner has deserted the other for at least two 
G69  53 years. The only truly 'no-fault' ways of proving that the marriage 
G69  54 has irretrievably broken down is if the partners have lived apart, 
G69  55 either for two years if the other party agrees to a divorce, or for 
G69  56 five years if he or she does not. In practice nearly three-quarters 
G69  57 of cases are based on adultery or behaviour and only a handful are 
G69  58 defended. The vast majority are decided under the so-called 
G69  59 'special' procedure, where a district judge scrutinises the written 
G69  60 evidence and the circuit judge simply rubber-stamps the decision. 
G69  61 The basis upon which one party obtains a divorce may have little to 
G69  62 do with the real reason why the marriage broke down.<p/>
G69  63 <p_>This is discriminatory and unjust. The Law Commission's public 
G69  64 opinion survey found that most people now think it a good thing 
G69  65 that couples who do not want to blame each other do not have to do 
G69  66 so. But in practice only those who can afford to live apart for two 
G69  67 years can choose to have a 'civilised' divorce. The rest, 
G69  68 particularly low-income families with dependent children, have to 
G69  69 make hostile allegations whether they want to or not. In practice 
G69  70 such assertions are almost impossible to contradict: not only are 
G69  71 the financial costs of any defence considerable (and a drain on the 
G69  72 resources which will be needed by the most vulnerable members in 
G69  73 the future) but the chances of saving the marriage in this way are 
G69  74 very slim. There can be few things better calculated to drive a 
G69  75 couple further apart than the necessity to pick over each and every 
G69  76 incident of their married life, with one of them looking for every 
G69  77 opportunity to find fault and the other one trying to deny or 
G69  78 explain away any criticism, whether or not it is justified.<p/>
G69  79 <p_>Defended or undefended, the process can produce a great deal of 
G69  80 the unnecessary <quote_>"embarrassment, humiliation and 
G69  81 bitterness"<quote/> which the Law Commission in 1966 thought it so 
G69  82 important to avoid. People now expect much more out of their 
G69  83 marriages than they used to. This may mean that they are more 
G69  84 willing to bring them to an end if their expectations are 
G69  85 unfulfilled. Women, in particular, are much less likely to tolerate 
G69  86 violence or other forms of abuse and ill-treatment. Both men and 
G69  87 women may be more inclined to seek happiness elsewhere, whether 
G69  88 with other partners or on their own. But the greater the 
G69  89 expectations of marriage, the greater the sense of pain, loss and 
G69  90 failure when it comes to an end. By seeking to apportion blame, the 
G69  91 law can serve to make the personal crisis worse.<p/>
G69  92 <p_>This might be an acceptable price to pay if there were any 
G69  93 reason to suppose that it helped to preserve those marriages which 
G69  94 ought to be preserved. There is none. The law obliges a couple 
G69  95 whose marriage is in difficulties either to separate for a lengthy 
G69  96 period or to make hostile allegations against each other. In 
G69  97 undefended cases a decree can be obtained in a very short time, 
G69  98 giving them little opportunity or encouragement to think again. It 
G69  99 is a troubling possibility, even probability, that the greatest 
G69 100 pressure to think again is felt by the very people who are most in 
G69 101 need of a remedy: those victims of domestic violence who have young 
G69 102 children to care for, no money, and nowhere else to go. A divorce 
G69 103 may be their only way out of an intolerable situation, but such is 
G69 104 the emotional and material dependence created within an abusive 
G69 105 relationship that their resolve may crumble at the first hint of 
G69 106 opposition, whereas a determined but much less deserving person 
G69 107 will battle on. It is remarkable how many divorcing couples, 
G69 108 particularly where behaviour is alleged, are still living under the 
G69 109 same roof when the proceedings begin. It is equally remarkable how 
G69 110 many of these cases fail to proceed. It is comforting but difficult 
G69 111 to believe that these are always the unmeritorious or genuinely 
G69 112 reconciled.<p/>
G69 113 <p_>Perhaps the worst feature of the present law, however, is that 
G69 114 by its ineffectual attempts to keep some marriages alive it can 
G69 115 hinder any attempt by the couple to think positively and 
G69 116 constructively about the future. It can certainly make things worse 
G69 117 for the children. Most of them would no doubt prefer their parents 
G69 118 to stay together. But if they part, and are forced either to 
G69 119 separate for a long time or to make hostile allegations, the 
G69 120 children's suffering can only be increased, partly because of the 
G69 121 uncertainty and animosity generated by the divorce itself, and 
G69 122 partly because this makes it so much less likely that the parents 
G69 123 will be able to co-operate in bringing up their children in the 
G69 124 future.<p/>
G69 125 <p_>What, then, might be done to improve matters? Some have argued 
G69 126 that it would be better to leave things as they are, however 
G69 127 unsatisfactory, because any change is likely to make them even 
G69 128 worse. In 1988 the Law Commission published a discussion paper, 
G69 129 <tf_>Facing the Future<tf/>, which set out the problems and 
G69 130 canvassed the possible solutions in some detail. Most of those who 
G69 131 replied thought that things were now so bad that an attempt at 
G69 132 improvement should be made. Respondents included an impressive 
G69 133 variety of people and organisations, particularly those with 
G69 134 day-to-day professional experience of the present system and of 
G69 135 work with separating and divorcing couples and their children.<p/>
G69 136 <p_>Looking at what is wrong with the present law, therefore, the 
G69 137 commission tried to devise a system which would:<p/>
G69 138 <p_>- provide solid proof that the marriage had indeed broken down 
G69 139 irretrievably before it could be dissolved;<p/>
G69 140 <p_>- give every opportunity to preserve any marriage which could 
G69 141 and should be preserved;<p/>
G69 142 <p_>- avoid making worse any pain, distress and bitterness suffered 
G69 143 by the parties or their children;<p/>
G69 144 <p_>- encourage both parties to think constructively about the 
G69 145 practical arrangements to be made if the marriage is to be 
G69 146 dissolved and to resolve these as amicably as possible; and<p/>
G69 147 <p_>- provide proper protection for the interests of the children 
G69 148 and an economically weaker spouse.<p/>
G69 149 <p_>First, according to the Commission's proposals, it would remain 
G69 150 the sole ground for divorce that the marriage had irretrievably 
G69 151 broken down. There would no longer, however, be five different ways 
G69 152 of proving it, three of which appear to require a finding that the 
G69 153 behaviour of the other spouse had caused the breakdown. Instead, 
G69 154 there would only be one method of proof which should be clear, 
G69 155 straightforward and objective, leaving no room for argument or 
G69 156 expensive litigation. Although a fixed minimum period of separation 
G69 157 would fulfil most of these criteria, it would have the disadvantage 
G69 158 of discriminating against those who cannot afford or agree to live 
G69 159 apart. It is proposed, therefore, that breakdown should be proved 
G69 160 by the lapse of a fixed minimum period of time, beginning with the 
G69 161 lodging of a formal, sworn statement that the marital relationship 
G69 162 has broken down and ending with an order for separation or 
G69 163 divorce.<p/>
G69 164 <p_>Secondly, that fixed minimum period should be long enough to 
G69 165 show clearly that the relationship has broken down. Even under the 
G69 166 present law a surprising proportion of couples do not proceed to 
G69 167 divorce after they have begun proceedings. Plenty of time should 
G69 168 therefore be allowed for them to think again, nor should they be 
G69 169 committed to a divorce or a separation until the end of the period. 
G69 170 This should also enable them to think about and sort out all the 
G69 171 practical arrangements before they are divorced, rather than 
G69 172 afterwards as so often happens now. The chances of reconciliation 
G69 173 may even be increased, not decreased, by concentrating on these 
G69 174 considerations, rather than on the need to separate or recriminate 
G69 175 each other. A minimum period of one year (which is substantially 
G69 176 longer than many divorces take at present) would seem to do all 
G69 177 these things.<p/>
G69 178 <p_>Thirdly, there should be an orderly but unhurried timetable 
G69 179 during the year for making the practical arrangements which will be 
G69 180 necessary if the separation or divorce is to take place. Often the 
G69 181 parties will be able to negotiate these between themselves or their 
G69 182 solicitors in the usual way. Sometimes they will benefit from the 
G69 183 help of a neutral conciliator or mediator who can help them to 
G69 184 resolve their disputes and to reopen lines of communication between 
G69 185 them in their children's interests. Sometimes, of course, the court 
G69 186 will be required to decide upon issues which cannot be resolved in 
G69 187 other ways or where decisions are urgently needed. The principles 
G69 188 relating to these so-called 'ancillary' matters would not be 
G69 189 changed: if the way in which the parties have behaved is relevant 
G69 190 to the financial settlement or to their children's upbringing under 
G69 191 the present law, it would continue to be relevant under the new. 
G69 192 Generally, however, the court would not interfere if the parties 
G69 193 are capable of resolving things for themselves.<p/>
G69 194 <p_>Fourthly, the court would have power to protect the interests 
G69 195 of the children and weaker parties.
G69 196 
G70   1 <#FLOB:G70\><h_><p_>Blood on his hands<p/>
G70   2 <p_>If reform is finished under Gorbachev, the West should be 
G70   3 looking for a better man to help<p/><h/>
G70   4 <p_>IT IS a January for the history books. In the rain-drenched 
G70   5 sands of northern Arabia a great question is being put to the test. 
G70   6 Are the Arabs to be dominated by men like Saddam Hussein, or can 
G70   7 they at last be helped to break out into a freer and more rational 
G70   8 future? On frosty Baltic streets another great question seems to be 
G70   9 getting a coldly unwelcome answer. No, Mikhail Gorbachev is not, 
G70  10 unless he swiftly proves otherwise, the potential saviour of the 
G70  11 Soviet Union, and therefore not a man the free world should wish to 
G70  12 support.<p/>
G70  13 <p_>The Gorbachev test has always been fairly simple. The first 
G70  14 part of the test was whether Mr Gorbachev would change the politics 
G70  15 and economics of his country radically enough to create a better 
G70  16 life for the people who live in it. The second part was whether he 
G70  17 would tell his diplomats and generals to do the things the western 
G70  18 democracies hoped they would do. There was nothing cynical about 
G70  19 this second part, so long as it does not involve shutting one's 
G70  20 eyes to what is happening inside the Soviet Union. Alas, unless Mr 
G70  21 Gorbachev reverses what has happened in the Baltic countries in the 
G70  22 past week, it will seem clear that he has failed on the first 
G70  23 count, the need for fundamental change at home; and that his 
G70  24 usefulness to the West, though it has not ended, is getting 
G70  25 steadily smaller, and will soon no longer justify any attempt at 
G70  26 closed eyes.<p/>
G70  27 <p_>On the home front, every component of what used to be 
G70  28 Gorbachevism is a casualty. <tf|>Glasnost lies wounded: Moscow 
G70  29 television has reverted to mere propaganda on the Baltic issue; the 
G70  30 excellent Interfax news service survives only because it is now 
G70  31 under the protection of Boris Yeltsin and the Russian republic; Mr 
G70  32 Gorbachev has talked of suspending all press freedom: 
G70  33 <tf|>Perestroika is a stretcher-case: after almost six years of 
G70  34 failure by Mr Gorbachev to make the leap to a market economy, the 
G70  35 man he this week appointed as his new prime minister, Valentin 
G70  36 Pavlov, probably does not even understand what that leap would 
G70  37 involve. The tanks in Vilnius may have crushed the hope of a looser 
G70  38 Soviet confederation. For all the good things Mr Gorbachev has done 
G70  39 since 1985, too much of his country's old communist apparatus is 
G70  40 still in place. The Soviet Union, at bottom, remains 
G70  41 unrestructured.<p/>
G70  42 <p_>Mr Gorbachev cannot clear himself by saying it was all the 
G70  43 fault of an excitable general in Vilnius. That is most unlikely to 
G70  44 be true: the timing of the army's entry into Vilnius, just before 
G70  45 the climax of the Gulf crisis, bears the master-politician's stamp. 
G70  46 The plea of ignorance would anyway mean that Mr Gorbachev had lost 
G70  47 control of the army, in which case the near-dictatorial powers he 
G70  48 demanded and got last month from his parliament become 
G70  49 meaningless.<p/>
G70  50 <p_>Mr Gorbachev can make himself respectable again in only one 
G70  51 way. He can say the Baltic intervention was a mistake, punish any 
G70  52 officers who clearly exceeded their instructions, and return 
G70  53 matters in the Baltic countries to where they were before last 
G70  54 week: which means evacuating the occupied buildings, pulling out 
G70  55 the paratroops, and leaving the Balts in their previous 
G70  56 constitutional limbo, neither independent states nor fully part of 
G70  57 the Soviet Union.<p/>
G70  58 <p_>This is unlikely to happen. But, if it does not happen, Mr 
G70  59 Gorbachev will have lost most of his old claim to admiration. He 
G70  60 will be trying to preserve the Soviet Union in its present shape 
G70  61 and size at the cost of putting political and economic 
G70  62 liberalisation into the freezer. It is likely to stay in the 
G70  63 freezer for a long time, since the allies Mr Gorbachev will need to 
G70  64 keep the union intact are mostly enemies of liberalisation. He may 
G70  65 have acted as he did because the reactionaries frightened him into 
G70  66 it. More likely, he never really understood how big a change that 
G70  67 liberalisation requires. He never restructured himself. Either way, 
G70  68 he will no longer be the Gorbachev people thought he was.<p/>
G70  69 <h_><p_>No longer Mr Essential<p/><h/>
G70  70 <p_>Western democrats must then decide whether Mr Gorbachev's 
G70  71 foreign-policy usefulness makes it necessary to ignore this fact. 
G70  72 If the forthcoming battle in Arabia goes quickly and well, the 
G70  73 answer will pretty clearly be no.<p/>
G70  74 <p_>A year ago the world thought it needed Mr Gorbachev for the 
G70  75 liberation of Eastern Europe. That job is done, apart from some 
G70  76 unfinished business in the Balkans; the only other loose end is the 
G70  77 Soviet garrison in eastern Germany, and no sane government in 
G70  78 Moscow, Gorbachev or post-Gorbachev, is going to leave the best 
G70  79 part of its army to disintegrate abroad. Since August Mr Gorbachev 
G70  80 has been immensely helpful in building up the coalition against 
G70  81 Saddam Hussein. That help is still welcome, to steady the Arab part 
G70  82 of the coalition when the fighting starts; but it is not 
G70  83 indispensable, and when the fight is over it will not be needed at 
G70  84 all.<p/>
G70  85 <p_>The foreign usefulness of Mr Gorbachev will then be reduced to 
G70  86 his blessing for the two great arms-control deals, nuclear and 
G70  87 conventional, that he has worked out with the West. It would indeed 
G70  88 be a pity to lose these agreements, especially the clauses that 
G70  89 entitle the democracies to go and peer inside the Soviet military 
G70  90 establishment. Yet the stern fact is that the continuing 
G70  91 disintegration of the Soviet economy - which will get worse, the 
G70  92 longer reform is put off - is going to make almost any Soviet 
G70  93 government want to spend less on arms. It will therefore want the 
G70  94 West to spend less too. The arms deals may thus survive. If the 
G70  95 democracies want to draw back from Mr Gorbachev, this need not stop 
G70  96 them.<p/>
G70  97 <p_>They must be clear, however, what they are trying to achieve. 
G70  98 The aim is not just to express disillusionment with Mr Gorbachev. 
G70  99 It is to help the emergence of a better Soviet Union. A better 
G70 100 Soviet Union, let it be repeated, is not only a place in which a 
G70 101 genuine free-market democracy can take root. It is also a place 
G70 102 that will release its grip on those parts of the country which do 
G70 103 not want to belong to any Soviet Union, however it is run. The 
G70 104 events of the past week make it clear that the two aims, pluralism 
G70 105 and national freedom, are now inextricably mixed up with each 
G70 106 other. This helps the democracies to see how they should use the 
G70 107 only instrument of persuasion they possess.<p/>
G70 108 <p_>That instrument is the offer of economic help - not just the $1 
G70 109 billion-worth the European Community held out last month, the $3 
G70 110 billion-worth of trade credits America has been talking about, and 
G70 111 the even bigger gleam in German eyes, but potentially far more. 
G70 112 There are few better things for the democracies to spend money on 
G70 113 than the right sort of future for the huge stretch of the world 
G70 114 that lies east of Poland and Romania. But 'the right sort of 
G70 115 future' now requires a clear decision from those who might provide 
G70 116 the money. No help, except perhaps some food aid, should go to a 
G70 117 government following Mr Gorbachev's present course. The money 
G70 118 should be released only to men willing to resume the march to 
G70 119 democracy, a free market, the right to independence.<p/>
G70 120 <p_>This might, just possibly, persuade Mr Gorbachev to change his 
G70 121 mind. If he breaks under the strain, it might help the next Soviet 
G70 122 leader to retreat from Mr Gorbachev's mistake. But its biggest 
G70 123 effect would undoubtedly be to encourage politicians in the 
G70 124 component parts of the Soviet Union - above all in its Russian 
G70 125 part, half of the whole country - to defy the forces of reaction 
G70 126 now in control of the Kremlin.<p/>
G70 127 <p_>It is in Russia that the issue will probably be decided. The 
G70 128 new Gorbachevism can be beaten if a majority of Russians go on 
G70 129 supporting Boris Yeltsin in his opposition to it. Only the Russian 
G70 130 republic is big enough and economically powerful enough to stand up 
G70 131 to the power of the Soviet apparatus, the chief remaining 
G70 132 stronghold of the conservatives. Only Russian resistance can 
G70 133 paralyse the Soviet army, which would mean less danger of civil 
G70 134 war. In alliance with other unhappy republics, the Russians could 
G70 135 yet save the day. It is not enough for the democratic world to say 
G70 136 that it will withhold aid from the wrong people in what may soon be 
G70 137 the ex-Soviet Union. It should help the right people, the ones who 
G70 138 will try to do better than, alack, Mr Gorbachev has done.<p/>
G70 139 <h_><p_>THE GORBACHEV RECORD<p/>
G70 140 <p_>The rise and fall of perestroika<p/>
G70 141 <p_>The crackdown in the Baltic republics has dealt a body-blow to 
G70 142 Mikhail Gorbachev's attempts to liberalise and democratise the 
G70 143 Soviet Union. Where did it all go wrong, and why?<p/><h/>
G70 144 <p_><quote_>"COMRADE democrats ...you have scattered. The reformers 
G70 145 have gone to ground. Dictatorship is coming."<quote/> Nobody can 
G70 146 say he had not been warned. When the normally soft-spoken Soviet 
G70 147 foreign minister, Edward Shevardnadze, announced his resignation in 
G70 148 an emotional speech to the Soviet parliament last month, even he 
G70 149 might not have guessed that the six<?_>-<?/>year odyssey of reform 
G70 150 in the Soviet Union was to founder so abruptly, so soon.<p/>
G70 151 <p_>Of the original team who set out on the venture, Mr 
G70 152 Shevardnadze was one of the last to quit. Of those around Mr 
G70 153 Gorbachev now, most have been chosen to confirm his own judgment, 
G70 154 not to challenge it. Although on paper the most powerful president 
G70 155 the Soviet Union has ever had, Mr Gorbachev has seen his political 
G70 156 authority (as opposed to his military clout) dwindling alarmingly. 
G70 157 The modern, apparently open<?_>-<?/>minded man who set out to 
G70 158 remake the Soviet Union into a modern, open, competitive superpower 
G70 159 now sits brooding in the Kremlin with only his troops to order 
G70 160 about (and even they take violent liberties). He is either out of 
G70 161 touch with or resentful of the changes that his reforms have 
G70 162 brought. How did his endeavour founder?<p/>
G70 163 <p_>Until recently, the conventional wisdom had it that of the 
G70 164 three big reform projects - 'new thinking' abroad and democracy and 
G70 165 <tf|>perestroika at home - Mr Gorbachev had two more or less down 
G70 166 and only one to go (the economy was clearly going to be the hardest 
G70 167 of the three). The optimism abroad about Mr Gorbachev's chances was 
G70 168 always a bit overdone. Now the conventional thinkers must think 
G70 169 again. Suddenly Mr Gorbachev's achievements look as uncertain as 
G70 170 his failures are obvious.<p/>
G70 171 <h_><p_>The world as his mirror<p/><h/>
G70 172 <p_>This week's appointment of Alexander Bessmertnykh, an avowed 
G70 173 'new thinker', as Mr Shevardnadze's replacement is a signal from 
G70 174 the Kremlin that no foreign-policy reversal is intended. It is easy 
G70 175 to see why. Leaving aside any financial or practical help that Mr 
G70 176 Gorbachev may forfeit if he continues his crackdown, his authority 
G70 177 at home would have evaporated all the faster, without the change in 
G70 178 the image of the Soviet Union over these past six years, from 
G70 179 marauding bear on the fringes of Europe to constructive partner in 
G70 180 the post-cold-war world.<p/>
G70 181 <p_>Above all, his decision after eight years of bloody and 
G70 182 inconclusive war to pull the Soviet army out of Afghanistan pleased 
G70 183 not only the Americans, who took it as an earnest of even bigger 
G70 184 changes to come, but also many, if not quite all, of his own 
G70 185 generals. For some time the value of Afghanistan as a place to test 
G70 186 the mettle of Soviet soldiers and the reliability of their 
G70 187 equipment had been outweighed by the damage being done to army 
G70 188 morale by a dirty and unwinnable war. The casualties - officially 
G70 189 16,000 dead and 50,000 injured - had begun to take their toll on 
G70 190 Soviet society, too.<p/>
G70 191 <p_>A second valuable foreign-policy change was the reduction in 
G70 192 'fraternal assistance' to the third world, from Central America to 
G70 193 the Middle East, from Angola to Vietnam. Revealing the real cost of 
G70 194 such assistance and weighing it against the meagre returns made it 
G70 195 easier for the new thinkers in Moscow to argue against the old 
G70 196 meddling. There was also a new political incentive: the greater 
G70 197 influence that the Soviet Union was able to win where it could 
G70 198 really work to Soviet advantage, in the political and financial 
G70 199 councils of the West.<p/>
G70 200 
G70 201 
G71   1 <#FLOB:G71\><h_><p_>JOHN NEWSINGER<p/>
G71   2 <p_>Ulster and the downfall of the Labour government 1974-79<p/><h/>
G71   3 <p_>The Ulster conflict has presented an intractable problem for 
G71   4 Labour governments since the late 1960s, and one that serves to 
G71   5 highlight the inadequacy of reformism as a political strategy. 
G71   6 Faced with a Protestant sectarian state that was confronted by an 
G71   7 insurgency supported by a large section of the Catholic 
G71   8 working-class population, Labour governments have consistently 
G71   9 failed to accomplish any fundamental reform. Instead, they have, 
G71  10 with grim inevitability, ended up endorsing the state and being a 
G71  11 party to the repression of the Catholic minority. This failure is 
G71  12 rooted in the Labour Party's reformism, in its focus on the 
G71  13 capitalist state as the means whereby change can be accomplished - 
G71  14 a focus that has always involved Labour politicians taking on the 
G71  15 job, when in office, of defending that state against its enemies, 
G71  16 both internal and external. In Ulster, this focus on the capitalist 
G71  17 state has involved the quite utopian expectation that a state whose 
G71  18 very foundation was a sectarian act can somehow be reformed and can 
G71  19 become something different. The limitations of Labour reformism are 
G71  20 dramatically exposed by the particularly uncompromising reality of 
G71  21 Ulster where, with varying degrees of willingness and enthusiasm, 
G71  22 Labour governments and Labour ministers have become the agents of 
G71  23 sectarian rule and the architects of repression. This article 
G71  24 examines the experience of the last Labour government with regard 
G71  25 to Ulster and the important part that its performance in this arena 
G71  26 played in its downfall.<p/>
G71  27 <h_><p_>In opposition<p/><h/>
G71  28 <p_>During the period of the Heath government, the Labour 
G71  29 opposition pursued a policy of bipartisanship that involved only 
G71  30 minor criticism of Tory repression in the province. Merlyn Rees, 
G71  31 opposition spokesman on Northern Ireland, routinely called for 
G71  32 control of security policy to be transferred to Westminster. At the 
G71  33 time, responsibility for security policy was shared with the 
G71  34 Faulkner government at Stormont, and, according to Rees, all would 
G71  35 be well if only British politicians, Tory or Labour - it did not 
G71  36 really matter which - were put in sole charge. There was nothing 
G71  37 wrong with the repressive apparatus as such, only with the Unionist 
G71  38 politicians and officials who were mishandling it. Rees had no 
G71  39 serious objection to the British army's performance as an army of 
G71  40 occupation in Catholic working-class areas, engaged in routine 
G71  41 day-to-day confrontation with the local people, in the 'low level' 
G71  42 task of intimidating opposition and suppressing resistance. He had 
G71  43 every confidence in the army's impartiality and professionalism: 
G71  44 'our boys' were beyond reproach and above criticism.<p/>
G71  45 <p_>Predictably, the Labour opposition welcomed the prorogation of 
G71  46 the Stormont parliament and gave its full support to the 
G71  47 introduction of direct rule in March 1972. When William Whitelaw 
G71  48 was appointed secretary of state at the newly established Northern 
G71  49 Ireland Office all was well and the policy of bipartisanship could 
G71  50 flower as never before. Rees, in his Ulster memoir, pays fulsome 
G71  51 tribute to Whitelaw's efforts at establishing power-sharing between 
G71  52 Protestant and Catholic politicians:<p/>
G71  53 <p_><quote_>I congratulated Willie in the House of Commons for his 
G71  54 role in bringing about a power-sharing administration. He had 
G71  55 shown, I said, an understanding of the Irish situation and a 
G71  56 realistic flexibility in all the negotiations he undertook. This 
G71  57 was not parliamentary flannel. He is a man of complete integrity 
G71  58 ... It was easy to work with Willie.<quote/><p/>
G71  59 <p_>As far as Rees was concerned, <quote_>"policy in Northern 
G71  60 Ireland was too important for normal inter-party wrangles"<quote/>. 
G71  61 And, of course, Whitelaw reciprocated these sentiments, describing 
G71  62 the Labour politician as <quote_>"a particular friend of mine then 
G71  63 and now"<quote/>.<p/>
G71  64 <p_>After <tf_>Operation Motorman<tf/> and the ending of the no-go 
G71  65 areas at the end of July 1972, Whitelaw adopted a policy of limited 
G71  66 concessions to the Catholic middle class in an attempt to build up 
G71  67 the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) as the dominant force 
G71  68 in the Catholic community, so as to marginalise the Provisional 
G71  69 IRA. This policy had the unfortunate side-effect of further 
G71  70 alienating Protestant opinion, already outraged by the ending of 
G71  71 Stormont, thereby continuing the break-up of the Official Unionist 
G71  72 Party which had controlled Ulster for so many years. This locates 
G71  73 the central contradiction confronting British politicians in their 
G71  74 efforts to defend the Ulster state: they try to undermine support 
G71  75 for the Provisionals by concessions to the Catholic middle class, 
G71  76 only to find that this alienates the Protestants who are the very 
G71  77 bedrock on which the Ulster state was founded and without whose 
G71  78 support it is not viable. Once Protestant hostility reaches a 
G71  79 certain level, then the advantages gained through a policy of 
G71  80 concessions become outweighed by the disadvantages, and the policy 
G71  81 collapses. Such a cycle is built into any reformist policy that has 
G71  82 as its fundamental premise the defence of the Ulster state. It is 
G71  83 only the Protestant community that supports the continued existence 
G71  84 of the Ulster state and attempts to reform it that alienate them 
G71  85 are sooner or later doomed. So much was made clear by Whitelaw's 
G71  86 Northern Ireland assembly and power-sharing executive 
G71  87 initiatives.<p/>
G71  88 <p_>Whitelaw established the Northern Ireland assembly in the 
G71  89 summer of 1973 and then proceeded to the more difficult task of 
G71  90 establishing a power-sharing executive from among its members. 
G71  91 Agreement was finally reached at a four-day conference at 
G71  92 Sunningdale in Berkshire in December. The executive, headed by the 
G71  93 leader of the Official Unionists, Brian Faulkner, took office on 1 
G71  94 January 1974.<p/>
G71  95 <p_>From the very beginning, the executive met with considerable 
G71  96 Protestant hostility. Even in the assembly itself, Faulkner could 
G71  97 only command the support of a minority of the Unionist members, 
G71  98 with a significant proportion of his own party aligning with 
G71  99 Paisley's Democratic Unionists and Craig's Vanguard Unionists. He 
G71 100 was reliant for his majority on the support of the Catholic SDLP 
G71 101 and the Alliance Party. Within a matter of days, the Ulster 
G71 102 Unionist Council met to reject the Sunningdale Agreement, whereupon 
G71 103 Faulkner resigned as leader of the Official Unionists and formed 
G71 104 his own break-away pro-Sunningdale Unionist Party of Northern 
G71 105 Ireland. He still had his assembly majority, however, which might 
G71 106 have allowed him to hold out until fresh assembly elections were 
G71 107 held. He was not to have even this long.<p/>
G71 108 <p_>At the end of February 1974, Edward Heath, embroiled in his 
G71 109 second miners' strike, called a general election and Faulkner found 
G71 110 himself somewhat prematurely compelled to test Protestant support 
G71 111 for Sunningdale at the polls. He faced the combined and coordinated 
G71 112 opposition of all three major Unionist parties, now joined together 
G71 113 in the United Ulster Unionist Council (UUUC). In the general 
G71 114 election, the UUUC candidates received 366,703 votes (51 per cent) 
G71 115 capturing eleven of the province's twelve Westminster seats. The 
G71 116 pro-Sunningdale Unionists polled only 94,301 votes (13.1 per cent). 
G71 117 This was a massive blow to Faulkner, even though he still had his 
G71 118 assembly majority and was able, as late as 14 May, comfortably to 
G71 119 defeat an anti-Sunningdale resolution by forty-four votes to 
G71 120 twenty-eight. His Unionist enemies were now confident that they had 
G71 121 the necessary support to wreck the executive and their hand was 
G71 122 strengthened by the emergence of a new force among the plethora of 
G71 123 Protestant political and paramilitary initials, the Ulster Workers' 
G71 124 Council (UWC). They confronted a new Labour government at 
G71 125 Westminster, headed by Harold Wilson, and a new secretary of state 
G71 126 at Stormont, Merlyn Rees.<p/>
G71 127 <h_><p_>The UWC strike<p/><h/>
G71 128 <p_>Rees took office pledging full support for Sunningdale and the 
G71 129 power-sharing executive, but, in reality, the general election 
G71 130 result in Ulster had convinced him that the experiment was doomed. 
G71 131 Sunningdale was, he admits, <quote_>"the keystone of our policy in 
G71 132 Northern Ireland, but keystone or not ... I soon found that there 
G71 133 was little support for Sunningdale in the majority 
G71 134 community"<quote/>. What Rees was not prepared to countenance was 
G71 135 the unconstitutional manner of its overthrow.<p/>
G71 136 <p_>The UWC called for strike action against the executive on 14 
G71 137 May, the day Faulkner won the Sunningdale vote in the assembly. The 
G71 138 following day, there were limited strikes in the power stations, 
G71 139 cutting output to 60 per cent of normal, and the Protestant 
G71 140 paramilitaries began attempting to enforce a stay-at-home, blocking 
G71 141 streets, hijacking vehicles and erecting barricades. According to 
G71 142 the army, there were thirty-seven roadblocks in Belfast and the 
G71 143 suburbs by the next day. Could the strike have been broken? An 
G71 144 unusual question for a marxist<&|>sic! to ask perhaps, but the UWC 
G71 145 strike is very much an instance where the capitalist state adopted 
G71 146 the celebrated pose of 'the dog that did not bark in the night'. 
G71 147 The question requires asking precisely because no attempt was made 
G71 148 to defeat it.<p/>
G71 149 <p_>Quite incredibly, neither the RUC nor the army took any steps 
G71 150 to put a stop to the intimidatory activities of the Protestant 
G71 151 paramilitaries. Rees seems to have decided not to confront the UWC 
G71 152 and its allies, but to let the strike take its course in the hope 
G71 153 that it would run into the ground. The security forces were 
G71 154 ordered, although not in writing it seems, not to interfere with 
G71 155 the barricades, but effectively to surrender the streets to the 
G71 156 paramilitaries. The failure to intervene immediately and decisively 
G71 157 to dismantle the barricades and clear the streets can be seen in 
G71 158 retrospect to have been fatal for the Executive. As Paddy Devlin, 
G71 159 then minister of health and social services, subsequently 
G71 160 complained, failure to take action <quote_>"created the impression 
G71 161 in the minds of the loyalists that the police, the military and 
G71 162 Merlyn Rees acquiesced in their illegal actions"<quote/>. It was 
G71 163 this, he argues, that <quote_>"caused thousands of law-abiding 
G71 164 people who had earlier given support to the Executive to switch 
G71 165 loyalties"<quote/>. The UWC was, at the start of the strike, far 
G71 166 from confident that it could carry through a full-scale 
G71 167 confrontation successfully, and decisive action might well have 
G71 168 resulted in the strike assuming a 'token' character. The failure of 
G71 169 the security forces to intervene gave the UWC increased confidence 
G71 170 and indicated that the British intended to let the executive sink 
G71 171 or swim unaided. On Monday, 20 May, the strike dramatically 
G71 172 gathered momentum with nearly 200 barricades being erected 
G71 173 unhindered in the Belfast area alone, effectively cutting the city 
G71 174 off from the rest of the province. Similar action by the 
G71 175 republicans would, of course, have brought an immediate forceful 
G71 176 response.<p/>
G71 177 <p_>Robert Fisk provides a superb first-hand account of the 
G71 178 situation:<p/>
G71 179 <p_><quote_>From ten miles away it was possible to see long columns 
G71 180 of brown and jet-black smoke twisting wearily into the dawn sky 
G71 181 over Belfast as UDA men set fire to stolen lorries, cars and even 
G71 182 bicycles on makeshift barricades ... Masked UDA men told the driver 
G71 183 of a grain lorry in Great Victoria Street to leave his cab, then 
G71 184 they swung the vehicle and its trailer across the road - normally 
G71 185 one of the busiest in Belfast - between a motor showroom and the 
G71 186 regional office of the AA. Beside York Road railway station in 
G71 187 north Belfast, where trains normally left for Coleraine, Derry and 
G71 188 the towns of western Ulster, Protestants set fire to overturned 
G71 189 cars and effectively cut off the Shore Road and part of the docks. 
G71 190 A gang of youths stood shoulder-to-shoulder behind the fires lest 
G71 191 anyone should be brave enough to try and make his way past the side 
G71 192 of the station.<p/>
G71 193 <p_>Everyone of these incidents was watched, sometimes from only a 
G71 194 few yards away, by policemen and soldiers. But the people of 
G71 195 Belfast found that they did little or nothing to stop the 
G71 196 demonstrations of Protestant lawlessness. Perhaps worse (from the 
G71 197 government's point of view) they actually went through the ghostly 
G71 198 routine of their ordinary security duties as if nothing untoward 
G71 199 was happening or as if they were silently acquiescing with the UWC. 
G71 200 The army in their dark green landrovers drove slowly through the 
G71 201 streets, discreetly avoiding the human barricades and gingerly 
G71 202 squeezing through the gaps in the road-blocks. Soldiers on foot 
G71 203 patrol walked the pavements of east Belfast and Sandy Row but made 
G71 204 no attempt to interfere with the uniformed UDA men. Sometimes they 
G71 205 even stopped and talked to youths on the barricades and on at least 
G71 206 two occasions, once in Albion Street in Sandy Row and again in the 
G71 207 east of the city near Dee Street, they were seen offering round 
G71 208 cigarettes. When confrontation seemed almost inevitable, it was the 
G71 209 army who withdrew.<quote/><p/>
G71 210 
G71 211 
G72   1 <#FLOB:G72\><h_><p_>A BACKGROUND OF PRIVILEGE, M'LUD<p/>
G72   2 <p_>Just one in 26 judges are women, and four-fifths were educated 
G72   3 at Oxford or Cambridge. <tf_>Labour Research<tf/> analyses the 
G72   4 background of Britain's judiciary.<p/><h/>
G72   5 <p_>When Judge Clarence Thomas was elected to the Supreme Court of 
G72   6 the USA, all of America, and indeed the world, knew that it was 
G72   7 happening. Yet, in the same week that Thomas was declared elected, 
G72   8 Lord Justice Browne-Wilkinson became the newest member of the House 
G72   9 of Lords, the UK's equivalent of the Supreme Court. As one of the 
G72  10 10 most senior UK judges, Browne-Wilkinson will exercise an 
G72  11 enormous power over the lives of UK citizens. He will be the final 
G72  12 arbiter of the law. His views will determine the guilt or innocence 
G72  13 of all who appear before him.<p/>
G72  14 <p_>Yet the UK public knows nothing about Browne-Wilkinson, or 
G72  15 indeed any of our judges. They are appointed by the Lord 
G72  16 Chancellor, Lord Mackay, after internal and secret investigations 
G72  17 within the legal profession itself.<p/>
G72  18 <p_>Inevitably those who are selected reflect the views and 
G72  19 prejudices of the judicial hierarchy. They share their background 
G72  20 and education. They drink in the same clubs and enjoy the same 
G72  21 sports. The UK judiciary is one of the most powerful of all the old 
G72  22 boy networks.<p/>
G72  23 <p_><tf_>Labour Research<tf/> has examined the background of the 10 
G72  24 judges who make up the House of Lords, the 28 judges and three 
G72  25 senior officiators in Court of Appeal, the 82 High Court judges and 
G72  26 the 404 Circuit Court judges - a total of 527. The findings are 
G72  27 compared with a similar survey carried out five years ago (see 
G72  28 <tf_>Labour Research<tf/>, January 1987).<p/>
G72  29 <p_>The survey's main findings are:<p/>
G72  30 <p_><*_>black-square<*/>there are fewer senior female judges than 
G72  31 there were five years ago;<p/>
G72  32 <p_><*_>black-square<*/>there is no change in terms of the 
G72  33 privileged backgrounds enjoyed by today's judges;<p/>
G72  34 <p_><*_>black-square<*/>judges are not getting any younger: 165 are 
G72  35 over 65, including nine of the 10 House of Lords judges and 15 of 
G72  36 the 31 from the Court of Appeal;<p/>
G72  37 <p_><*_>black-square<*/>a sizeable proportion have been involved in 
G72  38 politics, one in 16 having held or stood for political office.<p/>
G72  39 <p_>There are 10 judges in the House of Lords, the highest appeal 
G72  40 court in the UK. Six of the 10 come from families which were titled 
G72  41 or otherwise exceptionally privileged. All went to public schools 
G72  42 and nine of the 10 went on to Oxford or Cambridge. One did not make 
G72  43 it to either of these two privileged institutions, but not for lack 
G72  44 of an appropriate family background. Lord Bridge, whose father was 
G72  45 a commander in the Royal Navy, was sent to Marlborough public 
G72  46 school before war interrupted his education.<p/>
G72  47 <p_>The youngest law lord is a mere 61 years old - Lord 
G72  48 Browne-Wilkinson who was elevated to the House of Lords just last 
G72  49 month. The oldest, at 74, is Lord Bridge, who has been in the House 
G72  50 of Lords since 1980. Their overall average age of 69 is four years 
G72  51 over men's state retirement age. In fact Browne-Wilkinson is the 
G72  52 only one under 65.<p/>
G72  53 <p_>Under the House of Lords is the Court of Appeal. It has 
G72  54 currently 31 judges including the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Lane, 
G72  55 the Master of the Rolls, Lord Donaldson, the President, Sir Stephen 
G72  56 Brown, and the newly appointed Vice Chancellor Sir Donald 
G72  57 Nicholls.<p/>
G72  58 <p_>The oldest was born in 1918 and the youngest in 1934. Their 
G72  59 average age is 66. Less than half (15) are aged under state 
G72  60 retirement age.<p/>
G72  61 <p_>Of the 31, 25 went to Oxbridge colleges, with Cambridge leading 
G72  62 slightly at 14 against 11 for Oxford.<p/>
G72  63 <p_>Two have stood as Conservative Party candidates (see table), 
G72  64 including the only woman on the Court of Appeal, Dame Butler 
G72  65 Sloss.<p/>
G72  66 <p_>Their fathers include four army captains, two doctors, one Lord 
G72  67 Chief Justice, Lieutenant Colonel, a QC (senior barrister) and a 
G72  68 CBE.<p/>
G72  69 <p_>Even at High Court level there is a remarkable number of judges 
G72  70 aged over 65. In all a quarter of them fall into this category. The 
G72  71 oldest is Mr Justice Hodgson, born in 1917, who was appointed a 
G72  72 High Court judge in 1977. (It may be the case that the title of 
G72  73 oldest judge should actually go to Mr Justice Leslie Boreham, 
G72  74 appointed to the High Court nearly 20 years ago. However, a certain 
G72  75 coyness seems to prevent him from revealing his age in his 
G72  76 biographical details.)<p/>
G72  77 <p_>Five High Court judges went to Eton, as did four from the Court 
G72  78 of Appeal and one from the House of Lords. The next most popular 
G72  79 schools are Shrewsbury and Charterhouse (five judges each) and 
G72  80 Winchester, Marlborough, Haileybury and Ampleforth (four each). 
G72  81 Claiming three old boys were Radley, Harrow and Oundle. In all, 70 
G72  82 of the 123 judges from the High Court and above went to public 
G72  83 school.<p/>
G72  84 <p_>When it comes to choice of university their backgrounds are 
G72  85 even more similar. A remarkable 82% went to either Oxford or 
G72  86 Cambridge. Even within these universities they continue to 
G72  87 congregate together. Nineteen judges, including seven of the 31 
G72  88 Court of Appeal judges, went to Trinity Hall, Cambridge and eight 
G72  89 went to Brasenose, Oxford (including three from the Court of 
G72  90 Appeal).<p/>
G72  91 <p_>In case it might be thought that change is on its way with a 
G72  92 new generation of judges coming up, <tf_>Labour Research<tf/> 
G72  93 checked out the 404 circuit judges beginning their judicial career. 
G72  94 The results were disappointing. There is no information on 22 of 
G72  95 the 404 judges, but of the remaining 382 over a quarter (112) are 
G72  96 past state retirement age, including nine selected in the last five 
G72  97 years. Despite the fact that the rules suggest they should retire 
G72  98 at 72, 19 are that age or more. Two<?_>-<?/>thirds (240) went to 
G72  99 Oxford or Cambridge.<p/>
G72 100 <p_>Unlike the system of selection in the USA, there is little to 
G72 101 be discovered about the personal lives of the UK judges, other than 
G72 102 what they themselves choose to reveal. What they show is a tendency 
G72 103 to gather together in the same clubs and to spend their free time 
G72 104 engaged in a narrow range of leisure pursuits.<p/>
G72 105 <p_>Generally these are sporting rather than cultural activities. 
G72 106 Only one in six enjoy music, one in 15 like the theatre, and a mere 
G72 107 eight of the top 123 enjoy reading.<p/>
G72 108 <p_>Top sporting pursuits are golf (22), sailing (13), fishing 
G72 109 (13), and cricket (10). Shooting, once popular, seems to be on the 
G72 110 wane for the tops judges. Only eight now claim it as one of their 
G72 111 sports, with at least a couple, Mr Justice Nolan in the Court of 
G72 112 Appeal and Mr Justice Harman in the High Court, no longer listing 
G72 113 it as a pastime. Mr Justice Harman spends his time fishing and 
G72 114 watching birds. This is the same judge who confessed that he didn't 
G72 115 know who Bruce Springsteen or 'Gazza' were. He also in court 
G72 116 recently refused to recognise the term 'Ms', saying women fall into 
G72 117 only three types - <quote_>"wives, mistresses and 
G72 118 whores"<quote/>.<p/>
G72 119 <p_>After a hard day's golfing or sailing it's time for the judges 
G72 120 to relax in their clubs. Still firm favourite is the traditional 
G72 121 legal bolthole, the Garrick, boasting nearly a quarter of the 
G72 122 senior judges among its members. Next in popularity is the 
G72 123 exclusive cricketing haunt, the MCC. The club whose members until 
G72 124 this year refused to admit women, hosts 15 of the top judges, 
G72 125 including two from the House of Lords.<p/>
G72 126 <p_>But discrimination in their clubs' entry rules is perhaps of 
G72 127 little concern to judges, since all the evidence shows that 
G72 128 discrimination, on the grounds of both gender and race, is rampant 
G72 129 within the legal profession. The <tf_>Labour Research<tf/> survey 
G72 130 shows there are only 20 women judges out of the 527 surveyed, a 
G72 131 miserable 4% and an increase of only three over the last five 
G72 132 years. There is only one woman judge in the Court of Appeal and one 
G72 133 in the High Court. The <tf_>Labour Research<tf/> survey of five 
G72 134 years ago revealed three female High Court judges.<p/>
G72 135 <p_>As for black judges, the situation is even worse. In 1986 Mr 
G72 136 Justice Mota Singh, a circuit judge, was the only black judge in 
G72 137 the country. Five years on, still a circuit judge, he remains the 
G72 138 only one.<p/>
G72 139 <p_>A Law Society internal committee in early 1991 produced two 
G72 140 reports on discrimination in judicial appointments, highlighting 
G72 141 two main problems. The first was that there was too much reliance 
G72 142 by the Lord Chancellor's office on taking the word of other judges 
G72 143 and no clear job specification existed to say what was required of 
G72 144 a judge.<p/>
G72 145 <p_>The other problem was that there was a bias in appointment 
G72 146 towards barristers rather than solicitors, where there would be 
G72 147 greater opportunity to select from a more varied background. The 
G72 148 committee proposed the setting up of appointment panels staffed by 
G72 149 lawyers, judges and lay people and the use of established selection 
G72 150 methods.<p/>
G72 151 <p_>Researcher Sally Hughes, who produced one of the reports, 
G72 152 <tf_>The circuit judge - a woman's place<tf/>, actually found that 
G72 153 the chance of women sitting on the bench had declined since the 
G72 154 1970s.<p/>
G72 155 <p_>The publication of the Law Society reports and an article by 
G72 156 barrister Geoffrey Bindman, which said that the current method of 
G72 157 word of mouth appointment was discriminatory, led the Lord 
G72 158 Chancellor to take the almost unheard of step. He commissioned a 
G72 159 barrister to prepare a legal opinion on the issue. Perhaps not 
G72 160 surprisingly, the opinion backed up the Lord Chancellor's view that 
G72 161 there was no discrimination.<p/>
G72 162 <p_>One of the most surprising results of the <tf_>Labour 
G72 163 Research<tf/> survey is to find how political the judges are. 
G72 164 Contrary to the popular view that our judges are somehow above 
G72 165 politics, a number have pursued political ambitions at some time in 
G72 166 their career. The survey reveals 32 judges with political 
G72 167 backgrounds. Although it is not always possible to determine their 
G72 168 political affiliation, they include two Conservative MPs and one 
G72 169 Labour MP. Of those who indicate their politics there are seven 
G72 170 Conservatives compared to three Labour (see table).<p/>
G72 171 <p_>The overwhelming majority of judges come from the ranks of 
G72 172 barristers who have been appointed as QC (Queen's Counsel). These 
G72 173 appointments are made every Easter. The <tf_>Sunday Telegraph<tf/> 
G72 174 recently described how one unnamed barrister had eventually been 
G72 175 appointed: <quote_>"he had, he confided, cut down on all that nasty 
G72 176 crime, kept well away from unsavoury people like IRA bombers, 
G72 177 cultivated a couple of High Court judges to champion his cause and 
G72 178 increased his earnings."<quote/><p/>
G72 179 <p_>And indeed the traditional background of the judges, in 
G72 180 addition to that of schooling and family, is that they are likely 
G72 181 to have been a prosecutor or alternatively working in a 
G72 182 non-criminal practice.<p/>
G72 183 <h_><p_>EURO-SUMMIT: THE ISSUES AT STAKE<p/>
G72 184 <p_>This month's well-trailed European summit is of critical 
G72 185 importance to the Labour movement. <tf_>Labour Research<tf/> 
G72 186 explains why.<p/><h/>
G72 187 <p_>The decisions taken at this month's summit of European 
G72 188 Community leaders at Maastricht in the Netherlands will have 
G72 189 enormous effects in the years ahead. <tf_>Labour Research<tf/> 
G72 190 explains what is being discussed and answers some key questions.<p/>
G72 191 <p_><tf_>What is being discussed at Maastricht and why is it 
G72 192 important?<tf/><p/>
G72 193 <p_>The Maastricht summit is the culmination of a year of 
G72 194 negotiations on two separate documents - a <tf_>Treaty on economic 
G72 195 and monetary union<tf/> and a <tf_>Treaty on political union<tf/>. 
G72 196 The two documents together propose changes in the relationship 
G72 197 between the European Community and the individual member states on 
G72 198 a range of issues - from government spending to environmental 
G72 199 policies. What is broadly being proposed is that more decisions 
G72 200 should be taken by the Community as a whole and the summit is being 
G72 201 asked to agree this.<p/>
G72 202 <p_>This makes Maastricht important because once this shift in 
G72 203 decision-making has happened it will be very difficult if not 
G72 204 impossible to reverse.<p/>
G72 205 <p_><tf_>Two treaties are being discussed at Maastricht. What does 
G72 206 each one say?<tf/><p/>
G72 207 <p_>The draft treaty on economic and monetary union (EMU) deals 
G72 208 primarily with the measures needed to introduce and maintain a 
G72 209 single currency - the ECU - for the whole Community. This will 
G72 210 start in 1997 provided at least seven countries agree and are close 
G72 211 enough to one another economically in terms of inflation, interest 
G72 212 and exchange rates and in the relationship between government 
G72 213 income and expenditure.<p/>
G72 214 <p_>States which are not economically strong enough to join EMU in 
G72 215 1997, probably at least Greece and Portugal, will have 'derogation' 
G72 216 until their economies are close enough to the rest.
G72 217 
G73   1 <#FLOB:G73\><p_>The view adopted here is that the study of politics 
G73   2 is appropriately regarded not so much as a discipline with a 
G73   3 distinctive method but more as a field of study which is amenable 
G73   4 to various approaches. In the real world political activity 
G73   5 connects with history, law, culture, society and so on. It is 
G73   6 necessary to take these phenomena into account in any explanation 
G73   7 of politics and to use other approaches, where they can be helpful. 
G73   8 To argue for the usefulness of the historical approach does not 
G73   9 involve a claim that it is the only or the best approach. This 
G73  10 paper suggests that the contribution of history, as the systematic 
G73  11 study of the past, to political science has been more as a body of 
G73  12 knowledge than as a set of methods. The concepts and models of 
G73  13 sociology and economics are more evident in contemporary political 
G73  14 science methods. In considering the advantages of the study of 
G73  15 history to political science the paper first explores the factors 
G73  16 that led to tensions between the two. It then reviews some of the 
G73  17 ways in which historical approaches have been constructively 
G73  18 employed. Finally, it considers some areas which illustrate the 
G73  19 fruitfulness of the relationship between history and political 
G73  20 science.<p/>
G73  21 <h_><p_>Political Science Versus History<p/><h/>
G73  22 <p_>More than most other fields - history certainly - politics has 
G73  23 been preoccupied with its status as a science. As a field of 
G73  24 academic study in the late nineteenth century, politics was closely 
G73  25 related to history; historians often doubled as authorities on 
G73  26 politics and political institutions were often studied as evolving 
G73  27 over time. This fashion was challenged in the US in the interwar 
G73  28 years. The behaviouralists, inspired by Charles Merriam at the 
G73  29 University of Chicago in the 1920s, sought to emulate the 
G73  30 developments in other social sciences, particularly psychology. 
G73  31 History was dropped, emphatically as a source of methods and partly 
G73  32 as a body of knowledge. Being 'scientific' entailed the search for 
G73  33 more observable and measurable data, hypothesis testing, model 
G73  34 building and, eventually, predictability. There was, 
G73  35 understandably, an emphasis on contemporary political behaviour. 
G73  36 The early behaviouralists also hoped that the new political science 
G73  37 would serve as a tool for encouraging practical 
G73  38 problem<?_>-<?/>solving, civic education, and social and 
G73  39 institutional reform. History appeared to have little to offer to 
G73  40 the early behaviouralists. Another reason for encouraging divorce 
G73  41 was that political science was striving to establish its status as 
G73  42 a discipline in its own right. One can leave aside the naive view 
G73  43 of science which lay behind the original behavioural thrust but 
G73  44 acknowledge that the reformers were also fired by an understandable 
G73  45 impatience with the chronological, descriptive and formal approach 
G73  46 of much legal institutional work. There was an undoubted need for 
G73  47 greater rigour in defining concepts and a need for collecting data. 
G73  48 Much so-called political theory had degenerated into 
G73  49 antiquarianism.<p/>
G73  50 <p_>Those of a more cautious bent warned that politics ran the risk 
G73  51 of losing touch with history (as well as with philosophy and law) 
G73  52 and becoming impoverished in the process. According to one scholar, 
G73  53 who is at home in both fields, political science <quote_>"abandoned 
G73  54 the study and use of history until what began as a cognate field 
G73  55 had become as distant as astrophysics"<quote/>. More recently, 
G73  56 Nevil Johnson, representing a typical strand of the British 
G73  57 approach, has mourned the separation of political science and 
G73  58 history. History, he claims, is now rarely used except as 
G73  59 <quote_>"dignified background"<quote/>, as students have pursued a 
G73  60 misconceived quest for science. I do not think that this is a fair 
G73  61 assessment of British political science and at present it is 
G73  62 probably less true of the work of Americans than at any time in the 
G73  63 post-war period.<p/>
G73  64 <p_>In adopting so-called scientific approaches (largely defined in 
G73  65 terms of the behaviouralism in the US) Britain and Western Europe 
G73  66 lagged behind the US. As a university subject in Britain, politics 
G73  67 was until the mid-twentieth century taught largely by historians 
G73  68 and philosophers. As late as 1966 a third of the 400 or so 
G73  69 university teachers of the subject had still taken a first degree 
G73  70 in history, and in Germany and France the links with law were even 
G73  71 more secure. In no West European country were the links of 
G73  72 political science with sociology and psychology and its status as a 
G73  73 social science as strong as in the US.<p/>
G73  74 <p_>The reaction to behaviouralism (post-behaviouralism) in the 
G73  75 1970s included calls for work to be relevant to practical problems, 
G73  76 rejection of the extreme 'methodism' borrowed from the natural 
G73  77 sciences and reaction against the uncritical acceptance of 
G73  78 pluralist democratic values. The decline of scientism and doubts 
G73  79 about how 'rational' and disinterested the research methods of the 
G73  80 natural sciences actually were, undermined the scientific 
G73  81 pretensions of the behaviouralists. The demand for the study of 
G73  82 politics to be seen as part of the humanities has helped the 
G73  83 revival of history and political theory.<p/>
G73  84 <h_><p_>Types of History<p/><h/>
G73  85 <p_>There are, of course, different historical approaches. Many 
G73  86 (perhaps most) historians would claim that their task is to advance 
G73  87 understanding of past events and behaviour, primarily through study 
G73  88 of original documents. Historians, according to J. H. Hexter, 
G73  89 describe, narrate and deal <quote_>"not with why-questions at all 
G73  90 but what-questions (and also, one might add, parenthetically who-, 
G73  91 when- and where-questions)"<quote/>. Such history contributes to an 
G73  92 understanding of particular events, rather than producing hard 
G73  93 scientific statements of relationships between variables or 
G73  94 law-like generalizations. For Ranke, if the historian was guided at 
G73  95 all times by his sources then the truth would emerge from a serious 
G73  96 study of all the documents. No room here for mass opinion surveys, 
G73  97 conceptual frameworks, log-linear analysis or elite interviews! In 
G73  98 fact, much history has gone beyond Ranke. The French <tf|>Annales 
G73  99 School reacted against what it regarded as an excessive interest in 
G73 100 <foreign_>l'histoire 
G73 101 <*_>e-acute<*/>v<*_>e-acute<*/>nementielle'<foreign/>, particularly 
G73 102 political and constitutional history. In studying 'total history' 
G73 103 and turning to social and economic factors, it embraced social 
G73 104 science methods, stressed the influence of such durable forces as 
G73 105 climate and geography. It studied 'forgotten' subjects like 
G73 106 marriage, childhood or death. The 'macro' philosophies of history, 
G73 107 with their universal theories of progress and decline, are perhaps 
G73 108 the nearest to 'scientific' history. Such historians perceived 
G73 109 phenomena being interconnected in a seamless web and history as 
G73 110 unfolding in a particular direction. It was claimed that in the 
G73 111 past certain principles of universal validity could be detected 
G73 112 which enabled one to make predictions about the future. Popper's 
G73 113 attack on historicism discredited such philosophies of history:<p/>
G73 114 <p_><quote_>An approach to the social sciences which assumes that 
G73 115 <tf_>historical prediction<tf/> is achieved by discovering 'the 
G73 116 rhythms', or 'the patterns', or 'the laws', or 'the trends' that 
G73 117 underline the revolution of history.<quote/><&|>sic!<p/>
G73 118 <p_>Despite different conceptions of history, for present purposes 
G73 119 we understand an historical approach to politics to be studies 
G73 120 which systematically describe and analyse phenomena that have 
G73 121 occurred in the past and which explain contemporary political 
G73 122 phenomena with reference to past events. The emphasis is on 
G73 123 explanation and understanding, not on formulating laws. By 
G73 124 contrast, political science uses generic concepts to study patterns 
G73 125 of relations, which are assumed to recur over time and across 
G73 126 place, between, for example, institutions, groups, individuals, 
G73 127 events and states. The distinction is not a sharp one. Some 
G73 128 historians increasingly use generic concepts (such as feudalism, 
G73 129 totalitarianism, liberalism and fascism) and the work of, for 
G73 130 example, Michael Mann, Perry Anderson or Ferdinand Braudel, 
G73 131 formulates propositions about the past. Much political science is 
G73 132 concerned more with descriptions and analysis than developing 
G73 133 'laws'. But as a general statement the claim here is that there is 
G73 134 a basic preoccupation with the particular in history and with the 
G73 135 general in political science.<p/>
G73 136 <h_><p_>Uses of History to Political Science<p/><h/>
G73 137 <p_>In the real world of scholarship, the distinction between the 
G73 138 work of professional historians and political scientists often 
G73 139 breaks down. Apart from specialists in history and in political 
G73 140 science, there are political scientists who write history or draw 
G73 141 on the work of historians (for example, W. D. Burnham, Kenneth 
G73 142 Wald, Sammy Finer and S. M. Lipset) as well as historians who do 
G73 143 political science (such as Charles Tilly and Lee Benson). The sheer 
G73 144 amount of work which uses the past as a body of knowledge on which 
G73 145 to ground theories about politics is impressive. Much of it can 
G73 146 properly be termed interdisciplinary. The historical approach to 
G73 147 the study of politics is many-sided. In an attempt to order the 
G73 148 relevant material I have considered it under five headings: history 
G73 149 as a source of material or data; as an aid to understanding the 
G73 150 links between the present and past; as a body of knowledge within 
G73 151 which to test theories and frameworks; as a means of analysing 
G73 152 political ideas and texts; and as a source of lessons.<p/>
G73 153 <h_><p_>History as Source of Material<p/><h/>
G73 154 <p_>All of the material used by political scientists is derived 
G73 155 from the past, distant or immediate. We rely on historians to tell 
G73 156 us about the causes, events and immediate effects of the French 
G73 157 Revolution, of the 1832 Reform Act, of the 1914-18 war and so on, 
G73 158 but we also rely on them to give meaning to the past. In so far as 
G73 159 we have collective memories of the past, they are largely shaped by 
G73 160 historians and attempts to impose patterns and typologies on 
G73 161 political phenomena will rely on that work. I have in mind as 
G73 162 examples Wittfogel's <tf_>Oriental Despotism<tf/>, Linz and 
G73 163 Stephan's <tf_>The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes<tf/>, 
G73 164 Huntingdon's <tf_>Political Order in Changing Societies<tf/>, 
G73 165 Lipset's <tf_>The First New Nation<tf/>, or the works of Ian 
G73 166 Kershaw on Nazi Germany. Few would doubt that such work shows 
G73 167 significant gains from combining the approaches of political 
G73 168 science and history, but the use of history does raise both 
G73 169 methodological and substantive problems. One concerns the status of 
G73 170 contemporary history, the other concerns the attempt to 'break' 
G73 171 history into relevant and not so relevant periods.<p/>
G73 172 <p_>In Britain, simply because of the 30-year rule limiting access 
G73 173 to government documents, one tends to think of contemporary history 
G73 174 as covering events which have occurred within the last 30 years. 
G73 175 Pending the release of official documents one makes do with 
G73 176 biographies and memoirs of key participants, media coverage, or 
G73 177 oral history. Historians can be dismissive of such sources, as they 
G73 178 can be about newspaper accounts of politics. A more serious point 
G73 179 is that the passage of time, apart from releasing more official 
G73 180 documentation, also allows a perspective on the present to develop 
G73 181 and for the longer-range outcomes of events to be perceived, the 
G73 182 historicisation of experience as it were. Thus, if the Labour Party 
G73 183 returns to office in the 1990s, then the 1980s and the years of 
G73 184 Thatcherite hegemony may look very different from how they looked 
G73 185 in 1989. The return of 30 Labour MPs in 1906 looked more 
G73 186 significant after 1918 than it did before.<p/>
G73 187 <p_>There may be different 'rational' approaches to contemporary 
G73 188 history. In Germany, the term applies to history post-1914. In 
G73 189 France, whereas<&|>sic! the term was for long applied to all 
G73 190 history since the outbreak of the French Revolution, there has - 
G73 191 despite the 50-year rule - been a strong emphasis recently upon 
G73 192 twentieth-century history. In the US, recent events are widely 
G73 193 regarded as suitable for either history or political science. There 
G73 194 is no 30-year rule to contend with and they have written many 
G73 195 rigorous studies of post-1945 events and Presidencies. In Britain 
G73 196 more historians object to contemporary history, but the objections 
G73 197 are not confirmed to historians. Johnson has complained about 
G73 198 <quote_>"the fallacy of misplaced history"<quote/>, in which the 
G73 199 present <quote_>"passing show"<quote/> of actors and activities is 
G73 200 described and analysed by political scientists without a full 
G73 201 understanding of the outcome. We may, for example, study the 
G73 202 premiership of Gladstone or Lloyd George but not that of Mrs 
G73 203 Thatcher. We may study the decline of the Liberal Party between 
G73 204 1914 and 1931 but not that of the Labour Party in the 1980s. The 
G73 205 events and practices concerning, say, Lloyd George, have been 
G73 206 completed and settled, but this is not so for Mrs Thatcher. We 
G73 207 should not study a topic <quote_>"when the actor is still at work, 
G73 208 nor even when the events or circumstances in which he or she played 
G73 209 a part lie in the recent past, and therefore, project themselves 
G73 210 into the present"<quote/>.<p/>
G73 211 
G73 212 
G73 213 
G73 214 
G74   1 <#FLOB:G74\><p_>One way to avoid this mixing of systems is to deny 
G74   2 that deterrence involves a conditional intent to retaliate at all, 
G74   3 thus simplifying its intent structure. However the attempt to take 
G74   4 intent out of a consideration of deterrence faces formidable 
G74   5 obstacles. A strategy based on bluff, for example, involves two 
G74   6 conditions that appear to be very difficult to guarantee in 
G74   7 practice. One is that the state in question must have decided, 
G74   8 should the bluff be called, <tf|>not to act on the threat. The 
G74   9 other is that such a position has to be maintained through time. 
G74  10 More importantly, a policy of uncertainty (such as the reality of 
G74  11 the bluff) would seem to be potentially damaging where it extended 
G74  12 to others' ability to evaluate a state's will to defend itself . It 
G74  13 is for this very reason that states choose to institutionalize 
G74  14 retaliatory threats in order to make them credible.<p/>
G74  15 <p_>Therefore it is the state's decision to externally bind itself 
G74  16 to retaliation which distinguishes a 'conditionally intent' 
G74  17 deterrent posture without reference to which we cannot fully 
G74  18 describe the strategy itself. The strategy is differentiated by its 
G74  19 structure of threats, most particularly the conditional intent it 
G74  20 embodies. A description in these terms is thus warranted by that 
G74  21 feature that accounts for its distinctiveness. In other words, 
G74  22 intent cannot be abstract. Bluff cannot be the basis of deterrence 
G74  23 and deterrence without the intent to retaliate is not deterrence at 
G74  24 all but rather a policy of possession. It is the possibility of use 
G74  25 of nuclear weapons in this conceptualization of deterrence which 
G74  26 justifies the move to examine the principles of a tradition 
G74  27 covering the rules of war. This move will be justified more fully 
G74  28 below, but first it is necessary to explicate the principles of the 
G74  29 tradition.<p/>
G74  30 <h_><p_>Just War Tradition: Principles and Problems<p/><h/>
G74  31 <p_>There are three features of the tradition which are worthy of 
G74  32 preliminary note. First, the meaning of 'just' in the tradition 
G74  33 implies that both sides cannot be pursuing a just war in terms 
G74  34 which we understand to conform to the conditions above. They cannot 
G74  35 both claim to be responding to aggression, for example, or both 
G74  36 claim to be putting right a wrong or preventing an imminent wrong 
G74  37 from arising within the terms of the tradition. This may not, of 
G74  38 course, prevent either or both from <tf|>believing themselves to 
G74  39 have just cause.<p/>
G74  40 <p_>The second interesting feature is that the tradition thus works 
G74  41 from the premise that war can be justified <tf|>provided that 
G74  42 certain conditions are fulfilled. In this sense it represents a 
G74  43 compromise between pacifist thinking and a more thorough-going 
G74  44 militarist attitude to war, itself rooted in a compromise made 
G74  45 between the Christian church and the Roman state in order for the 
G74  46 former to secure the protection of the state from the fourth 
G74  47 century. Thirdly, the tradition is notable for a diversity which, 
G74  48 in part, is accounted for by the disposition of those who have 
G74  49 contributed to its development to see the tradition as practically 
G74  50 based. This 'fund of practical moral wisdom' does not work from 
G74  51 identifiable theoretical foundations but from actual problems that 
G74  52 have been encountered in war throughout the history of its 
G74  53 development.<p/>
G74  54 <p_>What then are the principles embodied in this tradition? We can 
G74  55 identify two groups known as <foreign_>Jus ad Bellum<foreign/> and 
G74  56 <foreign_>Jus in Bello<foreign/>. The former specifies on what 
G74  57 conditions it is right to go to war, whilst the latter governs the 
G74  58 conduct of war itself. The requirement of <foreign_>Jus ad 
G74  59 Bellum<foreign/> is that a state can wage war only in order to 
G74  60 right a specific wrong (which <}_><-|>provide<+|>provides<}/> it 
G74  61 with 'just cause' and 'right motive'). This occurs most frequently 
G74  62 where a state has been the object of aggression and where no other 
G74  63 measures are left open to that state to seek a remedy. War must be 
G74  64 declared by the legal authority in the state and only where there 
G74  65 is a reasonable chance of success, so as to satisfy the condition 
G74  66 that hostilities are not permissible as an end in themselves. In 
G74  67 addition, the good to be obtained must outweigh the harm that such 
G74  68 a war will bring. War should also be just in the observation of 
G74  69 those conditions attaching to the second group of requirements, 
G74  70 those of <foreign_>Jus in Bello<foreign/>. These latter specify 
G74  71 that the principles of discrimination (or non<?_>-<?/>combatant 
G74  72 immunity) and proportionality be observed in the conduct of war 
G74  73 itself.<p/>
G74  74 <p_>The manner in which we establish the link between the 
G74  75 principles incorporated in <foreign_>Jus ad Bellum<foreign/> and 
G74  76 those laid down by <foreign_>Jus in Bello<foreign/> is likely to 
G74  77 prove of particular importance. This is because there is an 
G74  78 ineluctable tension between the requirements demanded by the two 
G74  79 sets of principles whereby no state is likely to accept limitations 
G74  80 on how it may conduct a war in which it believes itself to the 
G74  81 justly engaged. The acceptability of any such rules will depend, 
G74  82 ironically, on their not impinging on the very process they are 
G74  83 supposed to control. In this respect the conduct of war may be both 
G74  84 just <tf|>and unjustified or unjust <tf|>and justified, according 
G74  85 to the adherence of a state to the requirements set out in the two 
G74  86 parts of the tradition. Whilst it might seem consistent to argue 
G74  87 that it is only when both sets of conditions are fulfilled that a 
G74  88 war can be declared just within the tradition, this is nowhere 
G74  89 clearly stated. Indeed, at no other point does the tradition 
G74  90 identify itself more clearly as a tradition of disagreement than on 
G74  91 the issue of which of its principles are to be treated as primary. 
G74  92 This problem also extends to the ordering of the principles 
G74  93 incorporated in the <foreign_>Jus in Bello<foreign/> 
G74  94 requirements.<p/>
G74  95 <p_>For example, if discrimination is regarded as a categorical or 
G74  96 absolute principle, this implies that all wars must be equally 
G74  97 condemned and that the just war tradition should be abandoned 
G74  98 altogether. This follows because, by an absolutist reckoning, the 
G74  99 intended death of only one non-combatant is required to prove a war 
G74 100 unjust and hence immoral. It is argued by way of rebuttal that a 
G74 101 categorical principle of discrimination must be rejected on two 
G74 102 fronts. The practical, more general, objection is that the 
G74 103 treatment of discrimination as an absolute principle at the central 
G74 104 core of the tradition is implicitly rejected by the Church's 
G74 105 continued acknowledgement of the state's right to legitimate 
G74 106 self-defence. The more theoretical objection is that the attempt to 
G74 107 absolutize one principle from the tradition is mistaken since each 
G74 108 is a <tf_>prima facie<tf/> duty only, neither of which can be 
G74 109 abstracted from the relevant 'moral context'. If these objections 
G74 110 hold good, then it must be admitted that discrimination is not 
G74 111 properly founded as a categorical principle at all, and since the 
G74 112 tradition is predicated on certain justified uses of force, that 
G74 113 the principle of discrimination must be described in instrumental 
G74 114 terms. However, if this is the case, a 'threshold' of value at 
G74 115 which the principle becomes operative requires to be established. 
G74 116 Since the only terms available are those which the tradition itself 
G74 117 provides, this means defining discrimination in terms of 
G74 118 proportionality, the other major <foreign_>Jus in Bello<foreign/> 
G74 119 principle. Yet the effect of so doing is to reduce one principle 
G74 120 (discrimination) to another (proportionality), such that any prior 
G74 121 limiting conditions to the permissibility and conduct of war, whose 
G74 122 discovery we most precisely wish to achieve, cannot be established, 
G74 123 for<p/>
G74 124 <p_><quote_>"Proportionality whilst more severe a constraint ... 
G74 125 does not categorically exclude certain kinds of acts, for any form 
G74 126 of violence is permissible if it is supported by the correct 
G74 127 cost-benefit calculations. And, of course, the principle of 
G74 128 proportionality does not itself tell us what is to count as a cost 
G74 129 and what as a benefit in making these calculations."<quote/><p/>
G74 130 <p_>The adoption of an absolutist principle ends inevitably in the 
G74 131 condemnation of all war and thus a denial of the relevance of the 
G74 132 tradition; yet a relative principle fails to provide decision rules 
G74 133 that could guide the application of that tradition.<p/>
G74 134 <p_>If both these positions are as intractable as they appear, how 
G74 135 has the tradition been able to proceed over the years? As far as 
G74 136 the Christian element is concerned, use has been made of the 
G74 137 principle of 'double effect', which separates the intended effects 
G74 138 of an action from effects that are merely foreseen in consequence 
G74 139 of that action. Thus<p/>
G74 140 <p_><quote_>... unintended side effects are permissible even if 
G74 141 they are foreseen, as long as the intention is good in itself and 
G74 142 permitted evils are not disproportionate to the intended 
G74 143 benefits."<quote/><p/>
G74 144 <p_>For the principle to apply requires that four conditions be 
G74 145 fulfilled. First, the two effects - the intended and the 'merely 
G74 146 foreseen' - must flow from an act which is morally good. Secondly, 
G74 147 the good effect must arise immediately from the act and not flow 
G74 148 from any evil effects of that act. Thirdly, the intention must be 
G74 149 directed at obtaining the good but only 'allowing' the evil effect. 
G74 150 Fourthly, the allowed evil should not be disproportionate to the 
G74 151 good intended.<p/>
G74 152 <p_>Given these conditions, the doctrine of double effect can be 
G74 153 viewed as the attempt to rescue some 'workable' notion of 
G74 154 absolutism without which the Christian ethic 'goes to pieces'. 
G74 155 However, the application of the doctrine is highly problematic. It 
G74 156 is full of operational obscurities and lacks adequate definitions 
G74 157 (of <tf_>dis<tf/>proportionality, for example). A further 
G74 158 difficulty involves the distinction between acts and their 
G74 159 consequences (and of means and ends), particularly where the 
G74 160 applicability of the doctrine may depend on the description of the 
G74 161 act to which we adhere. The danger is one of isolating intent from 
G74 162 act so as to 'secure purity of intent by an interior act of mind 
G74 163 which could be produced at will'. Given this, it is not clear that 
G74 164 the distinction between the intended and the foreseen is one which 
G74 165 is morally relevant. To put it differently, how can it be the case 
G74 166 that an act, which it is morally impermissible to perform 
G74 167 <tf|>intentionally, could be permissible where those same 
G74 168 consequences are a foreseen <tf_>but unintended<tf/> product of 
G74 169 that same act? These problems arise as a direct consequence of the 
G74 170 burden placed on the principle of double effect to resolve 
G74 171 incongruities within the just war tradition. Not even the 
G74 172 application of double effect lets the tradition off the hook; it 
G74 173 cannot hope to retrieve absolutist insights from 'politically 
G74 174 relevant' principles by an increasingly heavier reliance on the 
G74 175 concept of proportionality. Indeed, if there is anything that is 
G74 176 held too distinguish the central insight of the Christian ethical 
G74 177 tradition, it is that it holds that some acts are absolutely evil 
G74 178 in intent. If these are, by definition, disqualified as morally 
G74 179 correct acts, the descriptive niceties of double effect threaten to 
G74 180 bring the writing of those who adhere to it into ethical 
G74 181 disrepute.<p/>
G74 182 <p_><h_>Just War Principles applied to a 'Morally Commendable' 
G74 183 Deterrent Strategy<h/><p/>
G74 184 <p_>Prior to trying to apply a tradition with such weaknesses to 
G74 185 the 'design' of a deterrence strategy, it is necessary to deal more 
G74 186 fully with two objections. It may be objected that a tradition 
G74 187 concerned with the rules of <tf|>war is not applicable to 
G74 188 strategies designed to prevent war. However, deterrence must, by 
G74 189 definition, involve some risk of use and it is this risk which 
G74 190 allows the application of the tradition to deterrence. Following on 
G74 191 from this, it may be objected that deterrence is actually designed 
G74 192 to prevent a greater wrong from arising (the 'unconditional' intent 
G74 193 mentioned above) and thus that it could represent a strategy chosen 
G74 194 to prevent nuclear use.<p/>
G74 195 <p_>These objections are answered here with four assumptions which, 
G74 196 for reasons of space, are more extensively explicated elsewhere. 
G74 197 The first of these is that morality is obligatory to human 
G74 198 existence, such that the apparent options of treating it as 
G74 199 superfluous or as inoperable by reason of the imperative of 
G74 200 circumstances, are not so much alternatives to, as subsets of, the 
G74 201 position which is adopted here. Those who believe that states have 
G74 202 interests and values to defend are actually stating their belief in 
G74 203 the need to postulate concepts of the 'good' by which the state 
G74 204 should be obliged to abide. Secondly, the possibility of 
G74 205 alternative means for defending the state weakens the case for 
G74 206 seeing the right to practise deterrence as automatic and thus as 
G74 207 the <tf|>only means to ensure the possibility of the good life.
G74 208 
G74 209 
G74 210 
G75   1 <#FLOB:G75\><h_><p_>The hole truth<p/>
G75   2 <p_>Laurie Taylor on the art of good taste - or putting bubbles in 
G75   3 beer and chocolate<p/><h/>
G75   4 <p_>It is academic conference time again. And good to see that the 
G75   5 1991 British Criminology Conference at the University of York will 
G75   6 be holding its plenary session on 'Criminal careers' in the 
G75   7 university's Sir Jack Lyons Concert Hall. Maybe plain Jack, as the 
G75   8 Queen now calls him, could find time to offer the assembled 
G75   9 delegates a few words on how he himself got started.<p/>
G75  10 <p_>Ten years ago, there would have been a bit of a scandal over a 
G75  11 university having links with someone like naughty Jack. But not 
G75  12 today. Nowadays, even philosophers, medieval historians and 
G75  13 theologians can be found turning ethical somersaults in their 
G75  14 endeavours to attract the attention of business and industry. Not 
G75  15 easy in a place like York, where the only sizeable local business 
G75  16 is devoted to nothing more intellectually resonant than the 
G75  17 manufacture of Kit Kat, Aero, Toffee Crisp and Caramac.<p/>
G75  18 <p_>But today's dons are nothing if not entrepreneurial. Take Dr 
G75  19 Ashley Wilson of York University's Centre for Cell and Tissue 
G75  20 Research. His speciality is electron microscopes, instruments that 
G75  21 can resolve very tiny molecular structures with a depth of focus 
G75  22 that gives the images an almost three-dimensional appearance. these 
G75  23 days, though, they are trained on nothing more substantial than 
G75  24 bubbles. Bubbles are important at Rowntree. They first came to 
G75  25 centre stage back in 1935, when the company invented Aero as a 
G75  26 challenge to Cadbury's domination of the chocolate market with its 
G75  27 <quote_>"glass and a half"<quote/> Dairy Milk bar. But the bubbles 
G75  28 in Aero are now regarded as pretty gross affairs compared to those 
G75  29 Cadbury has managed to squeeze inside its Wispa bar. So precise is 
G75  30 the Wispa machinery that it can turn out 1,680 bars a minute 
G75  31 without a single bubble falling outside the 0.2mm to 0.3mm 
G75  32 range.<p/>
G75  33 <p_>What makes bubbles so important is that they help to determine 
G75  34 the <tf|>texture of a foodstuff or drink. Now that flavourings are 
G75  35 so easily manipulated, now that your bag of crisps, your soft 
G75  36 drink, your tub of yoghurt, can so readily be made to taste of 
G75  37 almost anything, what matters most is getting the right 'feel in 
G75  38 the mouth'.<p/>
G75  39 <p_>Wilson and his team know, for example, that northern brewers 
G75  40 want a pint of bitter with a strong, persistent, stable head that 
G75  41 will last right down the glass. What is more, the head must display 
G75  42 'good lacing': nice rings of foam that stick to the sides of the 
G75  43 glass as the pint is drunk. To get that sort of head, you have to 
G75  44 keep a close check on the protein content of the beer, because 
G75  45 proteins form a ring round each bubble and prevent small bubbles 
G75  46 suddenly coalescing to form larger ones and also stop the foam 
G75  47 simply breaking down and dropping to the bottom of the glass like 
G75  48 raindrops on a window pane.<p/>
G75  49 <p_>At this very moment, doctoral theses are being produced on 
G75  50 bubbles and foam, on the subtle biological ways in which the 
G75  51 microstructure of food and drink can be manipulated so as to alter 
G75  52 the degree to which we find them smooth, creamy, chunky or crisp. 
G75  53 And because it can be presented as 'natural' biological change - 
G75  54 not at all like adding all those nasty artificial flavours - it 
G75  55 arouses less concern within the 'pure food' lobby. Otherwise, we 
G75  56 might have seen mass protests this year about our Easter eggs. For 
G75  57 it seems that Cadbury's Creme Eggs - the most popular egg of all, 
G75  58 with sales this Easter of around 165 million - do not begin their 
G75  59 lives stuffed with that familiar runny yolk: initially the centre 
G75  60 is as solid as the chocolate that surrounds it. But the rumour in 
G75  61 the scientific community is that the insertion of a jolly little 
G75  62 natural enzyme ensure that, over time, the sugar breaks down into 
G75  63 that sticky gunge that apparently drives the British wild.<p/>
G75  64 <p_>But although Wilson and his team probably know as much about 
G75  65 the science of food structures as anyone else on earth, they do not 
G75  66 have any idea at all about the type of textures that might make a 
G75  67 new brand of chocolate, or beer, or mousse, or ice-cream, an 
G75  68 instant hit. Texture research is, as they say, <quote_>"in its 
G75  69 infancy"<quote/>. Despite one ingenious attempt to quantify texture 
G75  70 by fitting a motor and a pressure sensor to a set of false teeth 
G75  71 (honestly), there is apparently no reliable way to know the exact 
G75  72 degree of 'smoothness' or 'crunchiness' or 'crispness' we would 
G75  73 find acceptable.<p/>
G75  74 <p_>There are, though, a few helpful hints on the subject in 
G75  75 semiology. Back in 1957, in <tf|>Mythologies, Roland Barthes had 
G75  76 some words on foam and bubbles; arguing that, symbolically, they 
G75  77 were regarded as luxurious because they were so obviously useless. 
G75  78 Whether in the form of tulle and muslin, or the bubbles in a film 
G75  79 star's bath, they made matter seem so wonderfully 
G75  80 <quote|>"insubstantial". And Gilbert Adair, in <tf_>Myths and 
G75  81 Memories<tf/>, is magnificent on the texture of fish and chips, on 
G75  82 the way they form into a <quote_>"composite paste that enters the 
G75  83 mouth without surprise and without friction, almost as though 
G75  84 pre-digested, as though the palate were its proper habitat, the 
G75  85 passage a mere formality"<quote/>.<p/>
G75  86 <p_>What are needed now to add to the sum of human happiness are 
G75  87 bio-technical semiologists. Rather than analysing existing 
G75  88 products, they would work alongside Wilson to produce substances 
G75  89 that were texturally attuned to the times: perhaps a confection 
G75  90 designed for the Labour Party, which starts off crisp, but, with 
G75  91 the first bite, collapses into a gooey mush; or even a 
G75  92 postmodernist chocolate bar that would juxtapose different kinds of 
G75  93 substances with wildly different viscosities.<p/>
G75  94 <p_>And if Rowntree or Cadbury want any help on the vocabulary of 
G75  95 textures - ways of getting beyond such ubiquitous terms as 
G75  96 <quote|>"chunky", <quote|>"smooth", or <quote|>"creamy" - they 
G75  97 could always go looking for the man who shared my table in a Dublin 
G75  98 pub some years ago. <quote_>"What do they taste like,"<quote/> I 
G75  99 asked as he religiously bent over his plate of oysters. 
G75 100 <quote_>"Don't taste like anything very much. It's not a question 
G75 101 of taste really." "What then?" "More texture." "Texture?" "That's 
G75 102 right." "So what is texture like?"<quote/> He held up the shell to 
G75 103 his mouth, extended his lower lip, and gave a deep slurping suck. 
G75 104 <quote_>"Like God's come,"<quote/> he said, ecstatically.<p/>
G75 105 
G75 106 <h_><p_>Flesh and blood<p/>
G75 107 <p_>Father has left the family, but he has been replaced by the 
G75 108 ideal macho man.<p/>
G75 109 <p_>Jeremy Seabrook on the decline of parenting<p/><h/>
G75 110 <p_>The exuberant and unambiguous images of machismo displayed in 
G75 111 footage of the Gulf war, and reinforced by the popular press, have 
G75 112 given new prominence to stereotypes of men that have never been far 
G75 113 below the surface in our culture, but which had been eclipsed in 
G75 114 recent years by a milder imagery of maleness.<p/>
G75 115 <p_>The older version was always present, of course, transmitted by 
G75 116 films, videos, television, comics, magazines. Indeed, these 
G75 117 artefacts have become a powerful agent of socialisation for many 
G75 118 young men, particularly those whose lives have been without male 
G75 119 role models because of the absence, desertion, or simple 
G75 120 indifference, of flesh-and-blood fathers.<p/>
G75 121 <p_>Ideal types, filtered through culture, are the more effective 
G75 122 for being extreme - examples impossible to emulate. But they do 
G75 123 embody values and norms that exert a powerful influence on the 
G75 124 course of adolescent lives. They offer promptings, inspiration, 
G75 125 even a sense of identity, to many confused adolescents. They allow 
G75 126 for a sort of do-it-yourself masculinisation, enabling individuals 
G75 127 to acquire responses and characteristics no longer available to 
G75 128 them through direct experience, but which reach them nonetheless, 
G75 129 over and above the deficient or missing beings who nominally occupy 
G75 130 the father role.<p/>
G75 131 <p_>With the growing number of fragmented families and single 
G75 132 parents (mostly mothers, naturally), young men are often left to 
G75 133 fend for themselves, scavenging scraps of male identity where they 
G75 134 can. One has only to cast an eye on the picture-covered walls of 
G75 135 young people's rooms, the images, photos, pin-ups, icons: all of a 
G75 136 barely human perfection, rarely known personally, a beckoning, 
G75 137 seemingly tangible abstraction. Of course, these powerful images 
G75 138 are the property of major industrial conglomerates - the 
G75 139 communications, entertainment or pop industries, purveyors of 
G75 140 fantasy to the people. What they offer is a form of industrialised 
G75 141 parenting, an area of rich rewards to those prepared to invest in 
G75 142 it. This is perhaps why so many parents admit themselves powerless 
G75 143 in the presence of their children's development. <quote_>"I don't 
G75 144 know where he gets it from." "God knows who he mixes with." "They 
G75 145 don't listen to me." "You can't tell them anything."<quote/> In 
G75 146 such phrases they record the passing of their function to those so 
G75 147 much better qualified to do it.<p/>
G75 148 <p_>The traditional male iconography, then, has been modified 
G75 149 somewhat by the decorative androgynes of the pop world and soap 
G75 150 opera. These allow for certain embellishments and departures from 
G75 151 the fundamental stereotype, as is only to be expected where freedom 
G75 152 of choice is paramount. But what relief when the traditional images 
G75 153 can reassert themselves with such vigour and force. No wonder army 
G75 154 recruiting offices have reported such a surge of applicants, 
G75 155 impelled by a media-crafted resuscitation of models of military 
G75 156 heroics.<p/>
G75 157 <p_>For all the proclaimed dedication of the Conservatives to 
G75 158 family values, it is clear that this is mere window-dressing, an 
G75 159 appeal to irrevocable nostalgias. It could not be more remote from 
G75 160 the experience of millions of young people. The family of 
G75 161 Conservative mythology is widely recognised to be a figment; its 
G75 162 personnel embalmed, even mummified lay-figures; an archaism, 
G75 163 stranded, ironically, by the realities of an extreme individualist 
G75 164 ideology, of which the Conservatives are themselves the most ardent 
G75 165 promoters. Individualism does not obediently confine itself to the 
G75 166 realm of economic endeavour: it busily invades social life, too, 
G75 167 rearranging relationships, fracturing and dispersing those cosy 
G75 168 family units that the Conservatives claim to cherish. The truth is 
G75 169 that there is only one thing they cherish even more highly, and 
G75 170 that is the profits to be made out of the dissolution of the 
G75 171 family.<p/>
G75 172 <p_>Capitalist industrial society long ago destroyed more spacious 
G75 173 and ample family structures. Reduced to its nuclear state, the 
G75 174 family has become depleted and claustrophobic. It is too cramped; 
G75 175 one or two individuals - mostly women - must bear impossible 
G75 176 burdens; feelings and passions have insufficient scope to express 
G75 177 themselves without inflicting great damage on the small number of 
G75 178 people it contains. Should it surprise us if so many families 
G75 179 collapse in anger, violence and recrimination? It may be that the 
G75 180 nuclear family is destined to follow the path of the extended 
G75 181 family into extinction; if so, the primary cause of this benign 
G75 182 evolution will be found in the same agent of those earlier 
G75 183 dissolutions. Already one quarter of households in Britain consist 
G75 184 of a single person; this is forecast to rise to one in three early 
G75 185 in the next century. An executive of Ford UK admitted some time ago 
G75 186 that the break-up of families benefited car sales: it is no longer 
G75 187 a question of who will have the car; each must have one.<p/>
G75 188 <p_>No wonder the Conservatives project themselves as friends of a 
G75 189 superseded model of happy families. Theirs is a major work of 
G75 190 concealment, and they set about it with the vigour and high moral 
G75 191 tone of which long practice has made them supreme masters.<p/>
G75 192 <p_>Parenting has become far too important to be left to mere 
G75 193 parents, unqualified personnel. It is far too arduous a task to be 
G75 194 undertaken by individuals in the vast division of labour within 
G75 195 rich western societies. The handing over of the raising of children 
G75 196 to experts and professionals is only half the story; the other half 
G75 197 is the role of the television as childminder and instructor, the 
G75 198 function of the advertising industry as solicitous mother, 
G75 199 monitoring their needs and wants, and the shopping malls as 
G75 200 consoling universal nanny.<p/>
G75 201 <p_>The usurping of these functions is reflected in popular 
G75 202 discussion of family relationships. How many young men talk of 
G75 203 their father with regret or contempt. <quote_>"I never knew him." 
G75 204 "He was never there." "He didn't have time for me." "He pissed 
G75 205 off." "He wasn't interested." "He didn't care."
G75 206 
G76   1 <#FLOB:G76\><p_>The BBC's legal monopoly on sound broadcasting was 
G76   2 broken only on 8 October 1973, with the launch of LBC. The public 
G76   3 appetite for commercial radio had, however, been whetted over a 
G76   4 period of years, firstly by Radio Luxembourg (which could be heard 
G76   5 in the UK as long ago as 1933) and later by 'pirate' stations such 
G76   6 as Radio Caroline and Radio London which broadcast in the 1960s 
G76   7 from ships anchored outside UK territorial waters. The pop-oriented 
G76   8 content of these stations attracted a large following among younger 
G76   9 listeners, providing a strong challenge to the BBC.<p/>
G76  10 <p_>Legal independent radio was placed under the control of the 
G76  11 Independent Television Authority (ITA), which became the 
G76  12 Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) prior to the launch of the 
G76  13 first three independent local radio (ILR) stations in 1973.<p/>
G76  14 <p_>The BBC has so far retained its monopoly on the provision of 
G76  15 <tf|>national broadcasting services; independent radio has provided 
G76  16 <tf|>local services only. This is to change following the passing 
G76  17 of the Broadcasting Act 1990 on 1 November 1990. As well as 
G76  18 allowing for an increase in independent local radio broadcasting, 
G76  19 the Act also paves the way for the introduction of independent 
G76  20 broadcasting on a national basis (Independent National Radio, or 
G76  21 INR).<p/>
G76  22 <p_>Under the new Broadcasting Act the Independent Broadcasting 
G76  23 Authority was abolished from 1 January 1991. It was replaced by two 
G76  24 newly established public bodies, the Radio Authority and the 
G76  25 Independent Television Commission (ITC); their function is to 
G76  26 license and regulate the provision of the broad range of 
G76  27 independent, non-BBC broadcasting services which the Act allows.<p/>
G76  28 <p_>The Act defines the various categories of service central to 
G76  29 the future development of radio broadcasting in the UK through the 
G76  30 coming decade. These include broadcasting services provided from 
G76  31 places within the UK (i) for any minimum area determined by the 
G76  32 Authority (national services), (ii) for a particular area or 
G76  33 location (local services), (iii) for a particular establishment, 
G76  34 location or event (restricted services) and (iv) programmes other 
G76  35 than ones provided by the BBC which are transmitted by satellite 
G76  36 (satellite services).<p/>
G76  37 <p_>The Radio Authority regulates these services by granting 
G76  38 licences subject to certain requirements. The Authority has wide 
G76  39 discretion in interpreting these requirements and it is intended to 
G76  40 have a generally 'lighter touch' than the IBA which it replaced.<p/>
G76  41 <p_>Under the Broadcasting Act, the Radio Authority will licence 
G76  42 three new independent national radio services. It is required to do 
G76  43 all it can to secure a diversity of services, each catering for 
G76  44 distinctive tastes and interests. One of the services must be a 
G76  45 predominantly speech based programme (<quote_>"the broadcasting of 
G76  46 the spoken word"<quote/>, to use the jargon of the Act) and another 
G76  47 must consist wholly or mainly of music other than 'pop music'. No 
G76  48 requirements have yet been laid down for the third service.<p/>
G76  49 <p_>The well known definition of pop music finally adopted by the 
G76  50 Act within the context of a national broadcasting service is 
G76  51 <quote_>"rock music and other kinds of modern popular music which 
G76  52 are characterised by a strong rhythmic element and a reliance on 
G76  53 electronic amplification for their performance, whether or not, in 
G76  54 the case of any particular piece of rock or other such music, the 
G76  55 music in question enjoys a current popularity as measured by the 
G76  56 number of recordings sold"<quote/>.<p/>
G76  57 <p_>With regard to local services the Radio Authority is required 
G76  58 to grant licences in such a way as to provide a range of services 
G76  59 which as a whole (i) are of high quality, (ii) offer a wide range 
G76  60 of appeal to a variety of tastes and interests and (iii) ensure 
G76  61 fair and effective competition.<p/>
G76  62 <h_><p_>The coverage of radio in the UK<p/><h/>
G76  63 <p_>BBC radio currently has five fully national network services in 
G76  64 the UK (Radios 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5). Regional broadcasting is divided 
G76  65 into seven services (Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, North, 
G76  66 Midlands, South & West and South & East) which together are 
G76  67 responsible for some 50 local radio stations. As a result of cost 
G76  68 cutting measures, some plans for further fully fledged BBC local 
G76  69 radio stations have been abandoned in favour of providing a limited 
G76  70 output (up to six hours per day) of local news and events within 
G76  71 the programming of existing local stations and under their 
G76  72 management.<p/>
G76  73 <p_>There has been a dramatic growth in independent radio since 
G76  74 1973, largely achieved by exploiting the gap in the market not 
G76  75 covered by the BBC during its fifty years of otherwise unsuccessful 
G76  76 broadcasting. In less than two decades independent radio has grown 
G76  77 from nothing to over one hundred services covering 95 per cent of 
G76  78 the country (table 2.2) and accounting for more than one third of 
G76  79 all listening (table 2.12). Most but not all of the independent 
G76  80 local radio companies are members of the Association of Independent 
G76  81 Radio Contractors (AIRC).<p/>
G76  82 <p_>Incremental services have been an important feature of the 
G76  83 development of independent local radio since the first contracts 
G76  84 for such services were awarded in April 1989. The phrase was coined 
G76  85 by the IBA to cover services broadcasting in addition to and within 
G76  86 the service areas of existing ILR contractors. Incremental stations 
G76  87 have pioneered services directed at a wide range of ethnic, 
G76  88 religious and cultural minority interest groups, including 
G76  89 specialist musical tastes. The IBA felt that a different term was 
G76  90 necessary to signify that these new services would not be required 
G76  91 to provide the broad range of programming required of <quote_>"full 
G76  92 service"<quote/> ILR contractors under the terms of the 1981 
G76  93 Broadcasting Act.<p/>
G76  94 <p_>There were 163 applications for the first 21 incremental ILR 
G76  95 franchises advertised, together with a further 40 applications for 
G76  96 two extra London-wide franchises. The first incremental service on 
G76  97 the air was Sunset Radio in Manchester on 22 October 1989. Among 
G76  98 the many others now broadcasting, Jazz FM caters to a specific 
G76  99 musical taste in London, Radio Harmony provides programmes for 
G76 100 Asian listeners in Coventry and Galaxy does the same for the 
G76 101 Afro-Caribbean community in Bristol. Spectrum Radio offers 
G76 102 programmes for a number of different ethnic communities in London 
G76 103 at particular times each day, and Airport Information Radio is 
G76 104 dedicated to providing information about air travel.<p/>
G76 105 <p_>The Broadcasting Act 1990 abolished the distinction between 
G76 106 full service and incremental ILR from 1 January 1991. Existing 
G76 107 stations of both types have renewed their contracts under the same 
G76 108 <quote_>"promises of performance"<quote/> and are now simply known 
G76 109 as ILR companies. Future applications for ILR licences will be 
G76 110 invited on the basis of either wider or minority interest 
G76 111 programming, as deemed appropriate by the Radio Authority.<p/>
G76 112 <p_>Split frequency broadcasting is also an increasingly common 
G76 113 feature of ILR broadcasting, allowing existing operators to provide 
G76 114 two or more services on different frequencies (normally one on FM 
G76 115 and one on AM), where previously there had been only one. Twelve 
G76 116 ILR stations were operating split frequency broadcasting by March 
G76 117 1989; one year later the number had increased to 24.<p/>
G76 118 <p_>Splitting frequencies generally allows ILR contractors to 
G76 119 increase their total audience. For example Capital Radio reached 30 
G76 120 per cent of its target audience before splitting frequencies in 
G76 121 1988, when it already had the largest independent radio audience. 
G76 122 Since splitting, it now reaches an even larger audience. Capital FM 
G76 123 alone reaches 31 per cent of its target audience (roughly on a par 
G76 124 with BBC Radios 1 and 2 in London) and Capital Gold AM reaches 21 
G76 125 per cent. The two frequencies together reach some 40 per cent of 
G76 126 their target audience (<tf_>Independent Radio Network Survey - 4th 
G76 127 quarter 1990<tf/>). But LBC, London's all-news station, lost ground 
G76 128 following its split into LBC Newstalk (FM) and London Talkback 
G76 129 (AM). The two frequencies together reached some 18 per cent of 
G76 130 their target audience during the last quarter of 1990, some 2 
G76 131 percentage points lower than in 1989.<p/>
G76 132 <p_>The current tendency is for radio stations to segment their 
G76 133 output and audience by using AM frequencies to broadcast 'classic 
G76 134 hits' of the 1950s and 1960s (so called 'golden oldies', hence the 
G76 135 term 'AM Gold' services) while reserving their FM frequencies for 
G76 136 current chart/dance music. This policy allows the stations to 
G76 137 retain their 35 to 50 age group listeners while at the same time 
G76 138 encouraging younger listeners. It also has the advantage of being 
G76 139 in line with the older listeners' preference for the AM spectrum of 
G76 140 frequencies (with which they tend to be more familiar) and the 
G76 141 younger listeners' preference for FM. To some extent however, the 
G76 142 practise of splitting frequencies is making a virtue of necessity; 
G76 143 ILR stations were under the threat of losing the allocated 
G76 144 frequencies they were not fully utilising (known colloquially as 
G76 145 the 'use it or lose it' policy).<p/>
G76 146 <p_>Splitting frequencies is not confined to the independent radio 
G76 147 operators. For example in the past BBC Radio 3 has regularly split 
G76 148 frequencies during summer months to allow coverage of major 
G76 149 sporting events, and Radio 4 has split frequencies at certain times 
G76 150 of the day for schools broadcasting. Since the advent of radio 5, 
G76 151 the only regular national radio frequency split is on Radio 4 for 
G76 152 parliamentary broadcasting, although it has also split to provide 
G76 153 coverage of special events, such as the all-day news service (Radio 
G76 154 4 News FM) during the Gulf War. Indeed this proved so successful 
G76 155 that the BBC is considering launching a permanent all-news radio 
G76 156 service. Like ILR, BBC local radio stands to lose frequencies it 
G76 157 does not utilise by split frequency broadcasting.<p/>
G76 158 
G76 159 <h_><p_>The audience for radio<p/><h/>
G76 160 <p_>Unlike television, where switching between channels is a well 
G76 161 established feature of viewing habits, radio listeners have 
G76 162 traditionally been known for their loyalty to one station. 
G76 163 Incremental stations and frequency splitting both provide 
G76 164 increasing opportunities for switching stations according to mood, 
G76 165 thus enhancing the possibilities for niche marketing. Pre-set 
G76 166 tuning (especially on car radios), which makes changing stations 
G76 167 far easier, might also be seen as encouraging this change of 
G76 168 habit.<p/>
G76 169 <p_>However this may not happen in practice, if the American 
G76 170 experience is any guide. According to the AIRC, research in America 
G76 171 indicates that in spite of a choice of some 50 local radio 
G76 172 stations, the average number of services listened to each week is 
G76 173 just 2.7. The equivalent figure in the UK is 1.7 services from a 
G76 174 far smaller choice. This suggests that increased choice does not 
G76 175 necessarily lead to a much wider range of listening.<p/>
G76 176 <p_>In this context, one of the main current concerns of both BBC 
G76 177 and ILR broadcasters is whether the increasing choice offered by 
G76 178 the proliferation of independent radio stations is generating a 
G76 179 genuine increase in radio listening, or is tending merely to 
G76 180 fragment an already fully developed audience - drawing audiences 
G76 181 from the BBC or, worse still, from other ILR stations.<p/>
G76 182 <p_>The problem is the same for both the full service and 
G76 183 incremental independent stations. The latter do not want listeners 
G76 184 who switch to their services only for brief periods to hear a 
G76 185 particular programme, then switch back to their main listening 
G76 186 station. Now that the distinction between full and incremental 
G76 187 service has disappeared, all stations are anxious to achieve the 
G76 188 same gaol, namely a loyal audience who will stay tuned in for 
G76 189 extended periods. That is what the advertisers are ready to pay 
G76 190 for. The only exceptions are services such as Spectrum Radio which 
G76 191 have very specific audience objectives.<p/>
G76 192 <p_>The introduction of Radio 5 in August 1990, with the 
G76 193 reorganisation of the BBC's other broadcasting output, was a 
G76 194 carefully planned move to provide a clearer identity for its 
G76 195 various stations, thus providing a more effective challenge to 
G76 196 independent services. It was also a means of securing the future of 
G76 197 sports and educational broadcasting on the AM frequency, against 
G76 198 the time when the BBC loses other AM frequencies to new independent 
G76 199 national services. The BBC also announced other moves to challenge 
G76 200 the independent services. For example there are plans to move 
G76 201 <tf_>Woman's Hour<tf/> from its sacred 2.00 pm slot to morning 
G76 202 hours, in order to attract listeners to the BBC during what has 
G76 203 been shown to be a peak listening time (BBC research for the fourth 
G76 204 quarter of 1990 indicates that around one third of all radio 
G76 205 listening typically takes place between 9.00 am and noon.)<p/>
G76 206 <p_>On the basis of the BBC's summary of listening for the fourth 
G76 207 quarter of 1990, Radio 5 audience figures were hailed as the first 
G76 208 signs of regular listening by children to radio plays and stories 
G76 209 since the end of <tf_>Children's Hour<tf/> in 1964.
G76 210 
G76 211 
G76 212 
G77   1 <#FLOB:G77\><h_><p_>MERLIN JAMES<p/>
G77   2 <p_>Satellite Airwaves<p/><h/>
G77   3 <p_>Jules Olitski was first acclaimed over a quarter of a century 
G77   4 ago as a leading practitioner of so-called 'colour field' 
G77   5 abstraction in America. Now in his sixties, he has been enjoying an 
G77   6 intercontinental retrospective in America, France, Spain, and 
G77   7 Britain. At the London show, the Francis Graham-Dixon Gallery 
G77   8 featured the artist's recent disconcerting pictures, extremely 
G77   9 thick surfaces of gel whose whipped troughs and peaks are 
G77  10 oversprayed with clouds and bruises of colour. Gold, black, 
G77  11 shocking pink and metallic green are powdered over purple passages 
G77  12 of pigment, suspended in amber. They would look nothing reproduced 
G77  13 in black and white.<p/>
G77  14 <p_>Certain concerns have clearly remained constant. Olitski's 
G77  15 paintings in the past often contrasted weight with 
G77  16 insubstantiality, density with <}_><-|>diapanous<+|>diaphanous<}/> 
G77  17 illusion, playing with the protean matter of paint - solid, liquid, 
G77  18 gas. Spraying, dripping, staining, and cropping of the final 
G77  19 segment of canvas to size - all these took emphasis of delineation 
G77  20 or notation of any imagery. Again in the new pictures the 
G77  21 outrageous textures are belied by a hightech sheen, as if 
G77  22 inspection might reveal that they are huge photographs - 
G77  23 illusionistic relief maps of a volcanic, planetary landscape. And 
G77  24 once again emphasis on how the paint is put on diverts us from any 
G77  25 thoughts of to what purpose (expressive or depictive) it is put. 
G77  26 The paintings simply consist of the consistency of paint - the 
G77  27 florid swirls and whiskings of the surface. And yet there would 
G77  28 seem to have been a real change of sensibility. At first glance at 
G77  29 least these pictures appear to court - indeed embrace - vulgarity. 
G77  30 They rival the crassest department<?_>-<?/>store kitsch, as if 
G77  31 painted by some smart young ironist sneering at cultured 
G77  32 colour-field taste and abstract expressionist 'authenticity'. Where 
G77  33 once Olitski gave us the lustrous refinement of incandescence on 
G77  34 ancient Roman glassware or oriental pottery glaze, now he offers a 
G77  35 heavy opulence suggestive of art nouveau, even Victorian ornament. 
G77  36 The works have an atmosphere, almost a bouquet, that is heavy, 
G77  37 over-rich. The curious flavour, the suggestion of 'expressive' 
G77  38 brushwork being magnified (hence sent up), and wilful slickness 
G77  39 have inevitably brought the description 'postmodern'. Yet a talk by 
G77  40 Olitski at the Courtauld Institute, pithy and amusing, revealed no 
G77  41 fundamental change of philosophy. The aim of art is still to 
G77  42 delight, affirm, elevate us to a heaven on earth, a near-mystical 
G77  43 realm.  It is Rembrandt, more than any other perhaps, whom Olitski 
G77  44 looks to. The artist must animate, must bring the work alive, not 
G77  45 as a Frankenstein's monster - a being with no 'moral centre' - but 
G77  46 as an inspired creation. <quote|>"Quality" and 
G77  47 <quote|>"Spirituality", two <quote_>"unfashionable words"<quote/>, 
G77  48 are those he stands by. Asked if he believed in the reality of 
G77  49 spiritual phenomena, he replied that what concerned him was not the 
G77  50 truth but the usefulness of such a notion, <quote_>"if it works for 
G77  51 me"<quote/>. And as to the meanings of the works? Nothing can be 
G77  52 said, and thereof one must remain silent. (But why Olitski asks, 
G77  53 must critics always bring up Wittgenstein?) The artist must 
G77  54 <quote_>"get out of the way"<quote/> in the creative process, and 
G77  55 let the painting happen <quote|>"through" him. When the painting 
G77  56 takes control, then Olitski trusts it to be of value, even - or 
G77  57 especially - when the results are surprising and perhaps 
G77  58 unpalatable.<p/>
G77  59 <p_>Hence the new work, then. But Olitski did not broach the 
G77  60 problem of how radically different are people's ideas of what kinds 
G77  61 of art manifest that uplifting vitality and inspiration. The artist 
G77  62 may trust the creative forces which he taps to make good art, but 
G77  63 when Clement Greenberg asserts in the catalogue that Olitski is 
G77  64 <quote_>"the best painter alive"<quote/>, with the proof that, 
G77  65 well, <quote_>"his art is there to bear me out"<quote/>, this will 
G77  66 not do. The <quote|>"unfashionable" values of <quote_>"quality and 
G77  67 spirituality"<quote/> are also those, for example, claimed by the 
G77  68 late Peter Fuller for a totally different kind of art. (It has yet 
G77  69 to be assessed whether that critic's advocacy of certain artists 
G77  70 and dismissal of others amounts to more than another unsupported 
G77  71 assertion: <quote_>"their art is there to bear me out"<quote/>.) 
G77  72 Support for Olitski, anyway, needs to be carefully <tf|>argued. If 
G77  73 there is a <quote_>"moral centre"<quote/> to this, in some ways, 
G77  74 intentionally empty work, surely part of the point would have to be 
G77  75 that it is a ghost conjured in a machine of uncompromisingly 
G77  76 artificial parts. The work's character would be one created against 
G77  77 all odds, through the most literal melodrama and the most 
G77  78 theatrical gestures. It needs to be argued that beyond the artex 
G77  79 finish the pictures have sustaining complexity and individuality, a 
G77  80 more than superficial richness and nuance.<p/>
G77  81 <p_>It is interesting to read that facing the death of a pet 
G77  82 animal, Jules Olitski's impulse is to draw the creature. Ultimately 
G77  83 the major debate may still be whether life on Earth is best 
G77  84 enhanced by art works that do not represent its forms. One artist 
G77  85 who will not be persuaded is Timothy Hyman, spokesman for the 
G77  86 revival of narrative figuration in Britain in recent years, whose 
G77  87 paintings and drawings were getting a major showing at 
G77  88 Austin/Desmond through October. Hyman's paintings take us on a kind 
G77  89 of hectic piggy-back through the artist's world. Countries, cities, 
G77  90 streets and faces swoop by. Horizons tilt, walls and floors tip up, 
G77  91 a goldfish-bowl universe surrounds us. We join a bus queue in 
G77  92 Islington, get on buses, into houses, gain vantage points over 
G77  93 sprawling townscapes. We seem to see through the artist's eyes, 
G77  94 except that so often his profile edges into the periphery of the 
G77  95 scene, reminding us that we are seeing over his shoulder. At times 
G77  96 he steps more fully into view. He is captured, in the pin-hole 
G77  97 camera, a kind of wayfaring Everyman, shown 'Coming Across Blake's 
G77  98 Grave', proposing marriage in Great Pultney Street, sitting at 'A 
G77  99 Table in Covent Garden', keeping vigil at a hospital bed. The 
G77 100 vindication of the 'literary' in painting is part of Hyman's 
G77 101 project, and certainly many writers come to mind; Eliot's unreal 
G77 102 city, Larkin's <quote_>"where bridal London bows the other 
G77 103 way"<quote/>, and there are touches of Betjeman - his 
G77 104 self-depreciation, his helpless crushes, his London backdrop. Among 
G77 105 artists one senses that there are many with whom Hyman has 
G77 106 affinities. Spencer may be one. Less encouragingly, for some, 
G77 107 Anthony Green may be another. But the painter also finds precedent 
G77 108 for his distortions, abbreviations and juxtapositions in the wider 
G77 109 world of popular imagery, medieval art, carnival and folk culture 
G77 110 and fairytale.<p/>
G77 111 <p_>Teeming with tell-tale incident, Hyman's images are often 
G77 112 constructed of thin paint, scrubbed, wiped down or runny, and 
G77 113 notation is often loose, with elements of 
G77 114 <}_><-|>caracature<+|>caricature<}/>, except in more formal 
G77 115 portraits, which are close to Kokoschka's portrait manner. 
G77 116 Occasionally an interaction of colours sings out, a combination of 
G77 117 shapes meshes, the touch smoulders, visual texture bristles. Not 
G77 118 least in the largest, most fantastical picture in which the artist, 
G77 119 striding across Primrose Hill, reaches up beyond the mundane shell 
G77 120 of London skyline into a realm crazy-paved with mythological and 
G77 121 psychological archetypes. It is as if the scale and intricacy of 
G77 122 this painting demanded a degree of formal organization (and hence 
G77 123 perhaps a distancing <}_><-|>betweeb<+|>between<}/> artist and 
G77 124 subject matter) absent in the other pictures.<p/>
G77 125 <p_>By and large, though, Timothy Hyman is deliberately 
G77 126 anti-formalist, and such a different artist from Olitski that it is 
G77 127 almost unseemly to mention them together. Olitski once defined the 
G77 128 progress of modern art as one of <quote_>"style warfare"<quote/> - 
G77 129 each new style defeating the last. Hyman's world picture may indeed 
G77 130 envisage the obsolescence of abstraction. Olitski for his part has 
G77 131 the odd rearguard skirmish with new postmodern challengers whom he 
G77 132 charges with academicism - with not being a 'real' avant-garde. He 
G77 133 thinks Schnabel possibly <quote_>"our Meissonier"<quote/>, while 
G77 134 for Greenberg Keifer is a Carri<_*>e-grave<*/>re to Olitski's 
G77 135 C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne (a slightly unfortunate choice of parallels, 
G77 136 because it is Olitski who, questions of stature apart, is close to 
G77 137 Carri<*_>e-grave<*/>re in sensibility.)<p/>
G77 138 <p_>But clearly in recent years the style wars process has been 
G77 139 modified. There are no longer any decisive defeats; no style falls 
G77 140 from favour entirely, and all kinds of art exist side by side. We 
G77 141 have a kind of cable TV range of art. Flip from Olitski to Hyman. 
G77 142 Flip channels again, you find, say, the Ian Davenport show at 
G77 143 Waddington - big classy abstracts made with poured streaks, 
G77 144 splatters, swathes of paint. Gloss on matt, black on black, browns 
G77 145 with creams and beiges cross-woven. This was sophisticated interior 
G77 146 decoration, superb fabric design. The exhibition's runaway success 
G77 147 is primarily to do with the particular mood and temperature of the 
G77 148 moment in the art world. A few years ago the pictures would have 
G77 149 been run of the mill. Shifting attitudes and tastes, and ever more 
G77 150 knowing perceptions and interpretations of painting styles have 
G77 151 made this sort of literal yet latent abstraction look for a moment 
G77 152 less familiar, more considerable. With these pictures we are almost 
G77 153 back with Olitski's colleagues of the 'fifties and 'sixties. And 
G77 154 ironically, far from ousting such styles, new figuration has 
G77 155 contributed to their revival, simply by providing a foil against 
G77 156 which their discipline can once again appear refreshing.<p/>
G77 157 <p_>Switch channels again, to find sub-new-German-expressionism 
G77 158 still getting good viewer ratings. Margaret Hunter at Vanessa 
G77 159 Devereux, digging deep into her subconscious with Baselitz's 
G77 160 trowel; Ian McKeever at Whitechapel, doing Keifer over again, but 
G77 161 from Nature. There are any number of Artists in similar mode to 
G77 162 these.<p/>
G77 163 <p_>Flick channels one more time. Harry Weinberger at Duncan 
G77 164 Campbell, depicting his motifs - landscapes or exotic still-life 
G77 165 objects (carved animals and figurines) in a patchwork of clear, 
G77 166 pale colours. Watch this a while. The pictures are more than 
G77 167 decorative: neither form nor colour is naturalistic, yet this is 
G77 168 not expressionism. Another kind of artifice is at work. There is 
G77 169 little overpainting, as if the pictures, with their zoning of flat 
G77 170 areas of tone and colour, are drawn out in advance and 'painted in' 
G77 171 in quite a calculated way. Weinberger's is a European rather than 
G77 172 English sensibility. Born in Berlin in 1924 and moving to England 
G77 173 in 1939, in the past his work has been close to Martin Bloch or 
G77 174 Josef Herman. The recent pictures have striking affinities with the 
G77 175 French painter (too little known here) Charles Lapique. 
G77 176 Weinberger's concerns - with subjecting a motif to a painterly 
G77 177 treatment governed by formal logic - are in many ways the very 
G77 178 stuff of modernism, concerns with which so many painters have grown 
G77 179 bored. Now and again, as in the chalky or suddenly bright paint-box 
G77 180 hues in the jigsaw clouds and hills of 'Ilfracombe Harbour' or 
G77 181 'Fishing Boat, Barmouth', one senses the pictures launching out 
G77 182 into the genuinely inexplicable. The challenge is clearly to take 
G77 183 such concerns to a level of ambition beyond the familiar and the 
G77 184 easily assimilable, not by adopting grander scale or more 
G77 185 provocative subjects as is so common, but by following the clues 
G77 186 thrown up by the formal means.<p/>
G77 187 <p_>An artist like harry Weinberger may have additional problems 
G77 188 presenting his work to the world (the art world anyway) in a way 
G77 189 that demands the level of sophisticated consideration given to, 
G77 190 say, an Ian Davenport. On reflection, though, the current climate 
G77 191 creates problems for any artist seeking to cut through the 
G77 192 Babel-babble of styles. While the old 'style wars' pattern was 
G77 193 oppressive, dogmatically excluding anything outside present trends, 
G77 194 so too is the new free-for-all in which every kind of art is 
G77 195 welcomed on to the endless satellite airwaves.<p/>
G77 196 
G77 197 <h_><p_>JOHN SYNGE<p/>
G77 198 <p_>Driftwood<p/>
G77 199 <p_>Margaret Mellis/ Albert Houthuesen<p/><h/>
G77 200 <p_>Commenting on two of her relief constructions in Glasgow's 
G77 201 'Great British Art 1990' exhibition Margaret Mellis denies as 
G77 202 irrelevant any distinction between the abstract and figurative 
G77 203 content of her work. <quote_>"Hovering above the two,"<quote/> she 
G77 204 claims, <quote_>"allows double scope and freedom - construction and 
G77 205 colour lock together. This is what I have been groping towards 
G77 206 since the beginning."<quote/> Mellis has hovered between rather 
G77 207 than above and has now landed, anyway in her own mind, on the 
G77 208 figurative shore. She knows quite well that she cannot, as she 
G77 209 suggests in the Glasgow catalogue, <quote_>"both have her cake and 
G77 210 eat it."<quote/><p/>
G77 211 <p_>The beginning for Mellis was in the late 30s when, married to 
G77 212 Adrian Stokes, she settled with him in Carbis Bay just round a 
G77 213 small headland from St Ives.
G77 214 
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