G01   1 <#FROWN:G01\><h_><p_>Love and/or War<p/>
G01   2 <p_>By W. D. Snodgrass<p/><h/>
G01   3 <p_>WHAT was our teacher crying for - unashamedly, in front of us 
G01   4 all? What should she care if we finally were in the war? Nobody 
G01   5 thought fighting would come to this country, much less this town. 
G01   6 If it lasted, <tf|>we might have to go to it; she never would. We 
G01   7 were used to war talk: year after year, our home radios had talked 
G01   8 about plebiscites, treaties, battles, countries fallen - other 
G01   9 peoples' war. We had heard the voices of Mussolini and Hitler. That 
G01  10 morning, we'd all been herded into the school auditorium where a 
G01  11 huge radio console had been rolled out to carry the voice of 
G01  12 Franklin Delano Roosevelt saying that the Japanese had bombed Pearl 
G01  13 Harbour. Could she be crying for <tf|>us?<p/>
G01  14 <p_>Year by year, while I finished school and started college, that 
G01  15 war became a little less of a rumor, more a living presence. We had 
G01  16 blackouts, rationing, newsreels, patriotic songs on the radio. The 
G01  17 war, like love, was on every public tongue; we were expected to 
G01  18 have strong feelings - but <tf|>what feelings? Men I knew got 
G01  19 drafted; a neighbor who'd played in Uncle Stew's tennis club died 
G01  20 in a training accident. A boy who had bullied me in the high school 
G01  21 band dropped out of school to join the Marines; he was killed. I 
G01  22 did not admit, even to myself, a feeling that this proved the 
G01  23 world's, even God's, justice.<p/>
G01  24 <p_>Our band director's name was Adolphe - Adolphe J. Pletincks, a 
G01  25 drill<?_>-<?/>master worthy of SS sergeantry, who wore, moreover, a 
G01  26 tiny mustache not unlike Hitler's. He, though, was Italian and wore 
G01  27 it to look like a nobler despot, Toscanini. Unceasingly he exhorted 
G01  28 us that, because of <quote_>"our boys overseas,"<quote/> we must 
G01  29 march better, play better, win more competitions. To botch a 
G01  30 maneuver during the football half time would <quote_>"let <tf|>them 
G01  31 down."<quote/> Absurdly, this worked; we took every prize in the 
G01  32 area.<p/>
G01  33 <p_>I once knew a man who, during World War II in the Soviet Union, 
G01  34 had served a sentence in Siberia - the best years of his life, 
G01  35 since 'free' men were in the army. The time I served in the tiny 
G01  36 hyper-Christian college a block from my home could have been as 
G01  37 delightful if I'd had sense or nerve. We were strictly forbidden to 
G01  38 smoke, drink, or dance, but a kindlier tolerance was turned toward 
G01  39 couples who slipped off nightly to the 'Big Rock' or the woods 
G01  40 behind the practice football field. I wrote a column in the campus 
G01  41 paper, helped write a musical comedy, acted in plays and skits, was 
G01  42 student conductor of the chorus. The older girls, who would 
G01  43 normally have scorned freshmen, sought us out, praised our 
G01  44 performances, took us to necking parties.<p/>
G01  45 <p_>So love and war, or sex and war, arrived in tandem; at times 
G01  46 they seemed equally daunting. When, at earlier parties, our 
G01  47 high-school gang had played spin-the-bottle or post office, I 
G01  48 abstained - though I had a heavy crush on one of the girls, a 
G01  49 frill, willowy blonde (aptly named Willa), outside whose house I 
G01  50 paced longingly late at night, whistling sad songs. Still earlier, 
G01  51 I had taken another girl, as pretty but less fashionable, to a barn 
G01  52 party. I think she liked me; in time she became a dancer, shared my 
G01  53 love of music, and proved superbly sexual with one of my friends. 
G01  54 Alas, while other couples kept disappearing into the hay mow, I not 
G01  55 only failed to vanish <tf|>with, I vanished <tf|>from her, seeking 
G01  56 noisier sports among the boys. Later, at school functions, I seldom 
G01  57 danced with girls, getting instead into athletic jitterbug contests 
G01  58 with other guys - much as young Hungarians and Romanians display 
G01  59 <tf|>for their girls rather than dance <tf|>with them.<p/>
G01  60 <p_>By the time I finished high school, though, the drives grew 
G01  61 stronger, even if my nerves did not. The few times I'd tried to 
G01  62 kiss a girl, I had shivered so heavily that I had to plea a sudden 
G01  63 chill and hurry home. Once into college, I did manage to try a 
G01  64 little petting with the older girls, though even then I was known 
G01  65 to deliver to a partner impromptu sermonettes on the subject of 
G01  66 French kissing.<p/>
G01  67 <p_>Meantime, I'd been attracted to a girl in my freshman class, a 
G01  68 minister's daughter whose name recalled the heroine of a 
G01  69 then-scandalous novel. She agreed, after our first movie or pizza, 
G01  70 to drive out somewhere and park; I tried not to betray that I had 
G01  71 no idea where one <tf|>could. As soon as I kissed her she began to 
G01  72 moan and tremble, fumbling at my clothes. I backed out of our 
G01  73 woodland cranny in such panic that I stuck the car in a ditch - 
G01  74 embarrassing, but at least a crisis I could manage.<p/>
G01  75 <p_>Another night, we went to lie in the tall grass behind the 
G01  76 practice field; again I fled. My sermonettes could not even calm 
G01  77 her enough so that passion might shake her less than fear shook me. 
G01  78 One day, when she'd quite justly escaped to her room at the girls' 
G01  79 dorm, I got the nerve to follow upstairs, risking expulsion. I 
G01  80 dared climb or enter little else. Already weary, no doubt, of her 
G01  81 father's sermons on love and sex, she had no need of mine and soon 
G01  82 moved on to a college air cadet.<p/>
G01  83 <p_>Still, the draft loomed larger, closer. I felt unable to face 
G01  84 that war without someone to be in love with, someone to come back 
G01  85 to - a feeling shared, oddly enough, by most young men. And I soon 
G01  86 met another girl who fit, more or less, the romantic ideal of the 
G01  87 moment: slender, blonde, and rather timid both sexually and 
G01  88 personally. We started dating and quickly decided we were in the 
G01  89 grip of a great passion. We did feel <tf|>something powerful, 
G01  90 wanted to call it love and to believe, since it would surely last 
G01  91 forever, that one could mitigate one's death, or build a life 
G01  92 around it.<p/>
G01  93 <p_>Getting drafted must be much like what a frog feels, being 
G01  94 taken into a larger organization - say, a heron. Instantly, you are 
G01  95 one in a line of naked men, examined, poked at, numbered, rushed 
G01  96 from place to place, questioned, insulted, shouted at, given 
G01  97 indecipherable but inexorable commands. Then, strange clothes are 
G01  98 hurled at you and you emerge, as from a new, more fearful birth 
G01  99 trauma, into an area of barracks and asphalt-covered, 
G01 100 phlegm-splattered drill yards. I have no way to convey how utterly 
G01 101 you become nobody, vulnerable, almost transparent. Instantly, no 
G01 102 world revolves around you, and there is no way to make one seem to 
G01 103 do so again.<p/>
G01 104 <p_>In school I had been one of the best students and also the 
G01 105 class clown - a role self-deprecating enough to make me more or 
G01 106 less acceptable to tougher, less studious classmates. In the Navy, 
G01 107 nothing I did, said, or could think up was funny. Music was no 
G01 108 help; after boot camp I kept a few scores with me, but how many 
G01 109 sailors care about Palestrina? Actually, a man two bunks away 
G01 110 <tf|>did care, but he'd been second organist at St. Patrick's in 
G01 111 New York and found my learning less than impressive. I joined the 
G01 112 Bluejackets' Choir at each of several bases hoping to find a berth 
G01 113 as music specialist, but found, instead, others better prepared, 
G01 114 more experienced. I had no idea how to relate to the men around me 
G01 115 or how to give what had seemed the fact of my existence any hint of 
G01 116 significance.<p/>
G01 117 <p_>Randall Jarrell ends a fine little poem, 'Mail Call,' by saying 
G01 118 <quote_>"the soldier simply wishes for his name,"<quote/> which, if 
G01 119 called, will bring him a letter and prove the person he once was, 
G01 120 possible - possibly even recoverable. The surest proof came in love 
G01 121 letters. Mail call was the best, or worst, moment of each day; you 
G01 122 approached carefully any man whose name had not been called. Only a 
G01 123 'Dear John' letter was worse - we felt, mawkishly no doubt, that 
G01 124 with no one to come back to, a man was less likely to come back. As 
G01 125 if wanting something more intensely could make it more likely to 
G01 126 happen!<p/>
G01 127 <p_>Evenings, when the others read, played cards, went to the 
G01 128 canteen, I stayed in the barracks to write my family or my girl. I 
G01 129 was determined to write her every night; once or twice, I refused 
G01 130 to leave the base on liberty lest I miss a day. My friends - 
G01 131 eventually I had some - were aghast. Though I had little to say 
G01 132 beyond the tritest lovers' formulae from movies or the radio, my 
G01 133 letters grew longer and longer. I cultivated enormous handwriting 
G01 134 to eat up more space on the page, making it all seem weightier, 
G01 135 bulkier.<p/>
G01 136 <p_>No doubt I hoped - in vain - to coerce more and longer answers, 
G01 137 more impassioned declarations. How else could I impress my less 
G01 138 romantic, less sublimated mates? My best friend at several 
G01 139 successive camps, known as 'J.C.,' got letters from <tf|>his girl 
G01 140 signed, <quote_>"Again, Johnny! Again!"<quote/> Chastity had to go 
G01 141 far to match that! J.C.'s cynical cockiness often shocked me. When 
G01 142 an older platoon member and former lay preacher, Charles Birdey, 
G01 143 returned from liberty full of self-praise for his weekend spent 
G01 144 comforting his impoverished grandmother, J.C. shouted across the 
G01 145 barracks, <quote_>"Hey, Birdey, did you get in her 
G01 146 pants?"<quote/><p/>
G01 147 <p_>I was shocked, too, when friends whose wives' or girl-friends' 
G01 148 fidelity was so crucial to them felt no constancy incumbent on 
G01 149 themselves. Of course, we demand more of the other's morals, 
G01 150 especially of those we love, than of our own; then, too, men were 
G01 151 expected to be sexually freer. And the fact of facing possible 
G01 152 death or injury made many feel driven to, and justified in, sexual 
G01 153 inconstancies. To me, all premarital sex was immoral; if I did not 
G01 154 dare have sex with my own girl-friend, I could scarcely imagine it 
G01 155 with anyone else. That seemed as preposterous to my friends as 
G01 156 their attitudes seemed scandalous to me.<p/>
G01 157 <p_>Still, some of my notions <tf|>were changing. Home for ten 
G01 158 days' leave after boot camp, I became more urgent and the love-play 
G01 159 more intense. If she <tf|>had been willing, I wonder what I'd have 
G01 160 done. She wasn't. And partly because of that - what might now seem 
G01 161 a strong deterrent - we got engaged.<p/>
G01 162 <p_>At the same time I found myself, to my surprise, darkly 
G01 163 resentful against my parents, as if they had somehow caused the 
G01 164 war. It might have made some sense to feel our lifestyle had been 
G01 165 one, at least, of the war's cause. Or that my upbringing had left 
G01 166 me woefully ill-equipped for the world I faced. What I <tf|>did 
G01 167 feel was the spoiled child's sense that the parents, the gods of 
G01 168 his tiny cosmos, were to blame for all trials or dangers. My 
G01 169 feelings about God - the one in church - were as yet unchanged.<p/>
G01 170 <p_>And another attitude changed: I was finding that, in real need 
G01 171 or trouble, help seldom came from the appointed or promised 
G01 172 channels. In boot camp my greatest fear had been of the swimming 
G01 173 lessons; I could swim a little but had always dreaded the water. 
G01 174 Those 'lessons' consisted of ordering a shivering clump of thirty 
G01 175 or forty naked men to jump into the pool at once - then, arms 
G01 176 thrashing, bodies thumping and jostling, strike out for the far 
G01 177 end. As the last lesson, we had to step off a high wooden tower, 
G01 178 falling feet first into the pool. In the chow hall, the night 
G01 179 before that test, I went to pieces, hysterical.<p/>
G01 180 <p_>A boy my own age - vulgar, irreverent, a loudmouth I'd never 
G01 181 willingly have spoken to - took me in hand. <quote_>"You come right 
G01 182 beside me,"<quote/> he said. <quote_>"We'll go off together; it's a 
G01 183 snap."<quote/> When we'd climbed the platform atop the tower, he 
G01 184 stepped out, whooping, comically kicking and flailing; then I, too, 
G01 185 stepped into the air. Falling for what seemed hours, I heard a 
G01 186 small, regretful voice I've heard again several times when I 
G01 187 thought my life about to end in a car crash or a fall, saying with 
G01 188 stupid sincerity: <quote_>"Oh. I wish I was back up there."<quote/> 
G01 189 Then I was in the water, splashing toward the edge.
G01 190 
G02   1 <#FROWN:G02\><h_><p_>Whither Europe?<p/>
G02   2 <p_>By RICHARD N. COOPER<p/><h/>
G02   3 <p_>Europe of 1992 has arrived, almost. In 1985 the member nations 
G02   4 of the European Community launched an ambitious program to 
G02   5 eliminate intracommunity border delays for economic transactions, 
G02   6 so that intra-European trade would become like trade within the 
G02   7 United States. While tariffs and most quantitative restrictions had 
G02   8 been eliminated as long ago as 1968, a truck carrying commercial 
G02   9 goods still had to stop for an average of eighty minutes at 
G02  10 intracommunity borders in the late 1980s. This delay results from 
G02  11 the need both to ascertain whether the truck's goods violate the 
G02  12 importing country's health or safety or environmental regulations 
G02  13 and to complete the paperwork associated with adjusting for the 
G02  14 different indirect tax rates prevalent among European countries, 
G02  15 rebatable on exports and leviable on imports.<p/>
G02  16 <p_>Border stops are to be eliminated by the end of 1992. By 
G02  17 February 1992 all of the 282 directives required to achieve this 
G02  18 result had been submitted by the European Commission, the 
G02  19 community's executive arm, to the European Council of Ministers, 
G02  20 its decision-making body. Of these, 194 had been adopted by the 
G02  21 Council of Ministers, and thus formally became the law of the 
G02  22 European Community, although in practice most required implementing 
G02  23 legislation by national parliaments, and that process was much 
G02  24 delayed.<p/>
G02  25 <p_>Whatever happens in detail, however, the European Community 
G02  26 will unquestionably have entered a new phase, completing the common 
G02  27 market begun in 1958. Business firms have already anticipated the 
G02  28 new arrangements; in the past few years there has been a spate of 
G02  29 cross-border mergers, acquisitions, and weaker forms of association 
G02  30 among firms to take advantage of the new possibilities and 
G02  31 intensified competition, for example, with respect to government 
G02  32 procurement. Cross-border investments within Europe formerly were 
G02  33 mainly by non-European, and especially American, firms; now they 
G02  34 also involve many European firms.<p/>
G02  35 <p_>Ironically, Europe may not achieve the full benefits of 'Europe 
G02  36 without borders' in the near future. These were estimated in 1988 
G02  37 at 4.5 percent of Europe's gross domestic product (GDP), to be 
G02  38 achieved over the six years following 1992, roughly 0.7 percent a 
G02  39 year, a significant addition to a region's growth rate. The reason 
G02  40 for the delay is the European Council agreement in December 1991 at 
G02  41 Maastricht to introduce a European Monetary Union (EMU) by 1999 and 
G02  42 the conditions attendant to that aim.<p/>
G02  43 <p_>A Europe without (commercial) borders will represent the 
G02  44 attainment of one of the objectives laid down in the Spaak Report 
G02  45 of 1955, whose adoption led to the Treaty of Rome in 1957, 
G02  46 achieving a true common market among the (originally six, now 
G02  47 twelve) members of the European Community. What was not agreed in 
G02  48 the mid-1950s, but was foremost in the minds of some European 
G02  49 statesmen, was the eventual creation of a United States of Europe, 
G02  50 politically linking all member countries. (A minor achievement of 
G02  51 the period pointing in this direction is that the Treaty of Rome, 
G02  52 like a constitution but unlike most treaties, contains no 
G02  53 provisions for withdrawal from or dismantling of the European 
G02  54 Community.) That objective remains alive and controversial 
G02  55 thirty-five years later.<p/>
G02  56 <p_>Europe is once again at a crossroads, usually formulated as 
G02  57 facing a strategic choice between 'widening' the community or 
G02  58 'deepening' it. Those who would deepen it want to extend the scope 
G02  59 of the community to encompass a unified currency, a common foreign 
G02  60 policy, and a common defense, leading eventually to a confederation 
G02  61 or even a federation of European states, although that ultimate 
G02  62 objective is rarely discussed explicitly. Many Europeans are not 
G02  63 prepared to contemplate a federation yet, but they are willing to 
G02  64 continue, gradually, down a path that may eventually lead to 
G02  65 federation. Other Europeans see no reason for further change from 
G02  66 existing arrangements, although that view, too, is rarely voiced 
G02  67 explicitly, not being respectable in informed circles. Still other 
G02  68 Europeans believe the community should be widened by taking in 
G02  69 additional countries that are ready to join. Austria, Finland, 
G02  70 Sweden, Cyprus, Malta, and Turkey have officially applied for 
G02  71 membership, and others, including Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and 
G02  72 Poland, have indicated their likely desire to apply in the future. 
G02  73 The three Baltic states may not be far behind. The Swiss and 
G02  74 Norwegian publics are debating the issue seriously. Under the 
G02  75 Treaty of Rome, any<tf|>European country can aspire to 
G02  76 membership.<p/>
G02  77 <p_>Political considerations reinforce the economic arguments for 
G02  78 enlargement in the case of the three central European countries, 
G02  79 and eventually also possibly for the Baltic states. The European 
G02  80 Community is made up exclusively of democratic countries, a 
G02  81 political if not a formal condition for membership. Some argue that 
G02  82 membership in the community will in practice rule out a reversion 
G02  83 to authoritarian government. This consideration played a role in 
G02  84 the admission of Greece, Portugal, and Spain during the 1980s.<p/>
G02  85 <p_>Although widening and deepening are not logically incompatible, 
G02  86 in reality there is considerable tension between them, even though 
G02  87 in the end they may actually reinforce each other. The admission of 
G02  88 new members creates substantial problems of adjustment both for 
G02  89 existing members and especially for new members, who may call for 
G02  90 financial assistance and special transitional arrangements lasting 
G02  91 for many years. The all-important details of entry preoccupy 
G02  92 officials, diverting their attention from other tasks. Some 
G02  93 prospective members would have great difficulty adhering 
G02  94 comfortably to a common currency, thus either delaying that route 
G02  95 to deepening or leading to two classes of membership. Close 
G02  96 cooperation in foreign or defense policy is difficult enough among 
G02  97 existing members, all of which (except Ireland) have much 
G02  98 experience with both through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization 
G02  99 (NATO). Admission of countries with traditions of neutrality would 
G02 100 probably impede progress on those fronts.<p/>
G02 101 <p_>New membership would also greatly complicate the<tf|>process of 
G02 102 decision-making within the European Community, and extensive 
G02 103 widening would certainly require major revisions in the voting 
G02 104 provisions of the European Council (which still requires unanimity 
G02 105 on matters of tax, environment, and labor policies, and a heavy 
G02 106 majority on other issues), and would probably lead to greater 
G02 107 authority gravitating toward the Commission, thereby increasing the 
G02 108 so- called democratic gap within the community, since the 
G02 109 Commission is not politically responsible to electorates or, except 
G02 110 very indirectly, to national governments. A natural solution to 
G02 111 these problems would be to enlarge the powers of the directly 
G02 112 elected European Parliament, a step toward deepening.<p/>
G02 113 <p_>During the 1960s the members concentrated on completing the 
G02 114 customs union and the common agricultural policy - a process of 
G02 115 deepening. French President Charles de Gaulle vetoed additional 
G02 116 members, notably Britain. During the 1970s Britain, Denmark, and 
G02 117 Ireland joined the community, a process of widening. In the early 
G02 118 and mid-1980s three additional members joined, and in the late 
G02 119 1980s the community passed the Single European Act, which embraced 
G02 120 the objective of Europe-92 and streamlined the decision-making 
G02 121 process - some widening and some deepening for the decade as a 
G02 122 whole. In recent years the emphasis has been on deepening. 
G02 123 Europe-92 in particular required joint decisions on thousands of 
G02 124 details concerning regulation and taxation that are at the heart of 
G02 125 domestic policy-making in every country.<p/>
G02 126 <p_>What comes next? Extensive consultation on extra-European 
G02 127 foreign policy questions has taken place for several years, but no 
G02 128 one is yet prepared to embark on joint foreign policy-making on all 
G02 129 issues. Sharp disagreements over how to handle a disintegrating 
G02 130 Yugoslavia simply dramatized the difficulty.<p/>
G02 131 <p_>That leaves money and defense. European defense for the past 
G02 132 forty years has been closely associated through NATO with the 
G02 133 Unites States and Canada and two nonmember nations on Europe's 
G02 134 important flanks, Norway and Turkey. Although NATO needs to 
G02 135 redefine its role in light of the demise of the Warsaw Pact and the 
G02 136 dismantling of the Soviet Union, many Europeans do not yet want to 
G02 137 abandon NATO, at least until it becomes clear how the dust settles. 
G02 138 Former Soviet republics still have nuclear weapons capable of 
G02 139 devastating Europe. Moreover, Russia will no doubt emerge with a 
G02 140 powerful military capability and with intentions toward Europe that 
G02 141 cannot now be foreseen. Thus a European-only defense policy is not 
G02 142 widely desired. No method has yet been found to forge a common 
G02 143 European defense policy that still permits close cooporation with 
G02 144 NATO, and many Europeans fear opening that particular route because 
G02 145 NATO, precarious since the disappearance of the Warsaw Pact, might 
G02 146 unravel at the American end.<p/>
G02 147 <p_>By elimination, that leaves monetary cooperation, which indeed 
G02 148 has been on the European agenda since the late 1960s. The meeting 
G02 149 at Maastricht took a major step toward the European Monetary Union, 
G02 150 while advancing very little on the directly political front. The 
G02 151 details of the EMU were agreed, and the timing and conditions of 
G02 152 its introduction outlined. Specifically, some time after 1996 but 
G02 153 no later than 1999, exchange rates of the participating countries 
G02 154 (which may but need not be the same as members of the European 
G02 155 Community) will be irrevocably fixed, a common currency in all but 
G02 156 name. Such an arrangement requires a common monetary policy, and 
G02 157 much of the Maastricht agreement is devoted to spelling out the 
G02 158 institutional structure for determining that monetary policy and 
G02 159 the powers and responsibilities of the institutions to be 
G02 160 established.<p/>
G02 161 <p_>Monetary policy under the EMU will be determined by a Eurofed, 
G02 162 modeled in part on the Federal Open Market Committee of the U.S. 
G02 163 Federal Reserve System. It is a council to consist of governors of 
G02 164 the participating national central banks, who will vote as 
G02 165 Europeans without government instruction, augmented by six 
G02 166 individuals appointed for eight-year terms by the European Council, 
G02 167 also to serve as Europeans rather than as national representatives. 
G02 168 This body would determine the rate of monetary expansion in the 
G02 169 EMU, and thus also short-term interest rates, with the primary but 
G02 170 not exclusive objective of maintaining price stability.<p/>
G02 171 <p_>The Eurofed would be obliged to report to the public but would 
G02 172 act independently of governments. Governments would have no direct 
G02 173 access to the money-creating powers of the EMU, and because 
G02 174 national central banks would cease to create national money, 
G02 175 governments would have to go to the capital market to finance any 
G02 176 budget deficits, as governments in the United States do. These 
G02 177 arrangements would mark a dramatic change from present 
G02 178 arrangements.<p/>
G02 179 <p_>A decision is to be made before 1997 whether to go ahead with 
G02 180 the EMU in 1997, and if so with what membership. Four presumptive 
G02 181 conditions for membership were established at Maastricht: (1) a 
G02 182 country should have a rate of inflation that does not exceed by 1.5 
G02 183 percentage points the rate of inflation of the three community 
G02 184 countries with the lowest rates of inflation; (2) government 
G02 185 borrowing to cover deficits should not exceed 3 percent of GDP, and 
G02 186 outstanding government debt should not exceed 60 percent of GDP, or 
G02 187 at least should have declined substantially; (3) a country's 
G02 188 currency should not have been devalued for at least two years; and 
G02 189 (4) a country's long-term interest rates should not exceed by 2 
G02 190 percentage points the long-term interest rates of the three 
G02 191 countries with the lowest rates of inflation.<p/>
G02 192 <p_>These are stiff conditions. At the end if 1991 only France and 
G02 193 Luxembourg among the twelve member countries could meet them. 
G02 194 During the remainder of the 1990s countries that do not want to be 
G02 195 left out of the EMU will strive to attain them, on the grounds that 
G02 196 adequate striving may in the end be sufficient for admission. (The 
G02 197 numerical target on outstanding debt, in particular, will be 
G02 198 virtually impossible for several countries to meet without 
G02 199 repudiation - notably Belgium, Greece, Ireland, and Italy.) The 
G02 200 process of attempting to reduce inflation (which has come down 
G02 201 substantially in many European countries during the past five 
G02 202 years) and budget deficits will result in deflationary pressure 
G02 203 being exerted by fiscal and monetary policy in the coming years. 
G02 204 Moreover, it is widely recognized that currencies within Europe are 
G02 205 out of line in 1992, and in particular that the German mark should 
G02 206 be appreciated against several other currencies. The Maastricht 
G02 207 agreement does not prevent currency realignments before the EMU. 
G02 208 But under existing arrangements currency realignments involve a 
G02 209 collective decision, and in their efforts to establish their 
G02 210 anti-inflation credentials, most European countries will strive to 
G02 211 avoid currency evaluation, as they have done since early 1987. A 
G02 212 corollary is that monetary and fiscal policies will have to be 
G02 213 relatively tight also to protect the balance of payments of these 
G02 214 countries.
G02 215 
G03   1 <#FROWN:G03\><h_><p_>CANDICE BERGEN: SWEET SUCCESS<p/>
G03   2 <p_>The nice girl who grew up with a piece of wood for a brother 
G03   3 may not fit the character of Murphy Brown precisely but close 
G03   4 enough to know that she is 'home at last.'<p/>
G03   5 <p_>By Maynard Good Stoddard<p/><h/>
G03   6 <p_>What is a nice girl like Candice Bergen doing in the acerbic 
G03   7 character of Murphy Brown, a 42-year-old television journalist who 
G03   8 is single and pregnant and refuses to marry the father, her 
G03   9 ex-husband?<p/>
G03  10 <p_>An obvious answer is that she's enjoying the success of this 
G03  11 popular CBS series, which has survived its fourth season in the 
G03  12 sudden-death jungle of TV sitcoms. A look behind the scenes, 
G03  13 however, reveals Candice Bergen as a most un-Murphy-like person who 
G03  14 is happily married and loves living quietly.<p/>
G03  15 <p_>The daughter of famous ventriloquist Edgar Bergen, Candice grew 
G03  16 up in the Hollywood limelight contending not only with fame, but 
G03  17 also with a unique sibling rivalry - her wooden 'brother,' Charlie 
G03  18 McCarthy, got more attention than she did.<p/>
G03  19 <p_><quote_>"Candy never knew a day without Charlie, which was a 
G03  20 bizarre relationship for a little girl,"<quote/> Candice's mother, 
G03  21 Frances Bergen, says. <quote_>"How do you explain why this piece of 
G03  22 wood was as important as a live, little girl? She was photographed 
G03  23 with Charlie in her cradle when she was an infant."<quote/><p/>
G03  24 <p_>In her teen years, Bergen rebelled. She went through some 
G03  25 pretty colorful phases beginning at age 14 when her parents sent 
G03  26 her to a school in Switzerland. They later yanked her out upon 
G03  27 learning that she had bleached her hair and was majoring in Bloody 
G03  28 Marys. <quote_>"When Candy was 15, I was ready to give her 
G03  29 away,"<quote/> Frances says. At 17 Candice enrolled at the 
G03  30 University of Pennsylvania, but spent so much time modeling that 
G03  31 she flunked out.<p/>
G03  32 <p_>Today, her mother can laugh when asked if Candy and Murphy are 
G03  33 one and the same person. <quote_>"They are not entirely different 
G03  34 at all,"<quote/> she says. <quote_>"That's one reason Candy is 
G03  35 having so much fun doing the series."<quote/> Bergen herself 
G03  36 confesses it's the kind of <quote_>"flat-out comedy I've been 
G03  37 wanting to do in the movies for years and didn't get a chance to 
G03  38 do.<p/>
G03  39 <p_>"My father kept pushing me toward comedy,"<quote/> she says. 
G03  40 <quote_>"He would have loved this kind of show."<quote/><p/>
G03  41 <p_>At 24 Bergen was referred to as the most beautiful woman on the 
G03  42 screen. Her romances included affairs with a Brazilian radical and 
G03  43 an Austrian count, a date with Henry Kissinger, and a more serious 
G03  44 involvement with record producer Terry Melcher, son of Doris 
G03  45 Day.<p/>
G03  46 <p_>The real thing finally came along, however, after photographer 
G03  47 Mary Allen Mark suggested that Candice and Louis Malle, known for 
G03  48 directing <tf_>Atlantic City<tf/> and <tf_>My Dinner with 
G03  49 Andr<*_>e-acute<*/><tf/> might be a perfect match. He was 14 years 
G03  50 her senior, divorced with two children, and Bergen at first looked 
G03  51 the other way. But ten years later, in the summer of 1980, she and 
G03  52 Malle married. Currently their home is Malle's 18th century chateau 
G03  53 in Lagagnac, France, as well as a duplex in Paris and an apartment 
G03  54 in New York. But nine months of the year Bergen resides in Los 
G03  55 Angeles - home of her mother and brother - where 'Murphy Brown' is 
G03  56 filmed.<p/>
G03  57 <p_>Bergen is proud of her role as devoted stepmother to Malle's 
G03  58 children - Cuote, 17, and Justine, 14 - and mother to Chloe, their 
G03  59 6-year-old daughter. When not on the set, Bergen is at home with 
G03  60 Chloe playing games or watching 'Sesame Street.' Of course, on 
G03  61 Monday nights they settle down to watch - what else - 'Murphy 
G03  62 Brown.'<p/>
G03  63 <p_>The 'Murphy Brown' role was not presented to Bergen on the 
G03  64 proverbial silver platter; she lobbied hard to become this 
G03  65 outspoken broadcast celebrity - said to look like Diane Sawyer and 
G03  66 behave like Mike Wallace. After the first three years home with 
G03  67 Chloe, Bergen decided she was not comfortable away from her work. 
G03  68 And when she read the pilot script, she was hooked. Although not 
G03  69 one of creator Diane English's original choices for the part, she 
G03  70 arranged a dinner with English and emerged with the role. And two 
G03  71 Emmys now prove that her talent has at last come home.<p/>
G03  72 <p_>Although her father would have liked the show, complete with 
G03  73 things like a whoopee cushion and 'kick me' sign on someone's back 
G03  74 - how would he, and perhaps millions of faithful 'Murphy Brown' 
G03  75 fans, embrace the character of a pregnant single woman who refuses 
G03  76 to marry the baby's father? <quote_>"Candice and I both went 
G03  77 through a very long period in our early lives when we were just 
G03  78 good girls,"<quote/> English says. <quote_>"And this character has 
G03  79 helped us to get to another level. We are not afraid for everyone 
G03  80 not to like us, either."<quote/><p/>
G03  81 <p_>A hard and fast rule among compositors is to 'follow the copy 
G03  82 if it goes out the window.' An actor also follows the script even 
G03  83 though it may occasionally conflict with his or her moral 
G03  84 principles, trusting in the writer's judgement to present an 
G03  85 entertaining version of real life that will reach the audience.<p/>
G03  86 <p_>Script-writer English and actress Bergen agreed that having 
G03  87 Murphy come down with a case of pregnancy while single was worth 
G03  88 the risk. They felt the situation to be topical, pointing out the 
G03  89 publicity given the babies of TV personalities such as Katie 
G03  90 Couric, Deborah Norville, and Meredith Viera. And hadn't Connie 
G03  91 Chung taken leave to try to get pregnant? All of this Candice 
G03  92 Bergen leaves on the set when she comes home to play with her 
G03  93 daughter, read, and spend a quiet evening with her husband. 
G03  94 <quote_>"I can't think of anything greater than that,"<quote/> she 
G03  95 says.<p/>
G03  96 <p_>Declared to be the least pretentious of Hollywood's 
G03  97 celebrities, Candice Bergen is perhaps quietest when 
G03  98 <quote_>"giving something back."<quote/><p/>
G03  99 <p_>"When I see people losing their families, their homes - even 
G03 100 farmers - I have to find a way to do something more,"<quote/> she 
G03 101 says. She is now working with the Starlight Foundation, involved in 
G03 102 granting wishes to dying children. Her best friends all say that 
G03 103 she cares very deeply. So exactly what is Candice Bergen doing in 
G03 104 the role of Murphy Brown? She's having fun, speaking out, cashing 
G03 105 in, bettering the lives of those around her, and finding joy in the 
G03 106 work that makes life complete.<p/>
G03 107 <h_><p_>TIME TO PREVENT OSTEOPOROSIS<p/>
G03 108 <p_>The best defense against bone loss is a good offense, so start 
G03 109 by understanding these six principles of calcium absorption.<p/>
G03 110 <p_>By Kenneth H. Cooper, M.D., M.P.H.<p/><h/>
G03 111 <p_>There's no question that calcium is absolutely necessary in 
G03 112 building and maintaining a good, solid bone mass - or what I call 
G03 113 'tough bones.' Unfortunately, however, the average person consumes 
G03 114 far less than needed in his or her daily diet.<p/>
G03 115 <p_>Calcium by itself - especially in the form of certain 
G03 116 supplements - won't necessarily help you develop the tough bones 
G03 117 you need to fight osteoporosis. But in general, if you consume your 
G03 118 calcium wisely, you'll most likely strengthen your defenses against 
G03 119 bone loss. The following principles will help you get the calcium 
G03 120 you need.<p/>
G03 121 <p_><tf_>Principle 1.<tf/> Each day's menus should contain 1,000 to 
G03 122 1,500 mg of calcium.<p/>
G03 123 <p_>The U.S. Recommended Daily Allowance for calcium is 800 mg. But 
G03 124 I prefer to go with the higher 1,000-to-1,500 range, which has been 
G03 125 endorsed by the National Institutes of Health, as well as by my 
G03 126 consultant Dr. Charles Pak and other osteoporosis experts.<p/>
G03 127 <p_>The reason for choosing the higher amount is that it's 
G03 128 important to be certain that you reach at least a 'zero calcium 
G03 129 balance' in your body. That is, you should be retaining at least as 
G03 130 much calcium as you're losing. If you're consuming only the average 
G03 131 amounts of 450 to 550 mg a day that many Americans take in, you're 
G03 132 in danger of losing bone mass. Furthermore, you are putting 
G03 133 yourself at greater risk for osteoporosis.<p/>
G03 134 <p_>In addition, recent studies have shown that under some 
G03 135 circumstances, increasing your calcium consumption may lower your 
G03 136 risk of hypertension. For example, one study of pregnant women 
G03 137 suggested that high blood pressure was associated with low calcium 
G03 138 intake. Also, nationwide surveys and clinical studies have 
G03 139 indicated that as a group, those who have high blood pressure take 
G03 140 in less calcium than do those who have normal blood pressure. 
G03 141 Specifically, one study revealed that people who consume fewer than 
G03 142 300 mg of calcium daily have a two to three times greater risk of 
G03 143 developing hypertension than do those consuming 1,500 mg a day.<p/>
G03 144 <p_>Of course, hypertension is a complex disease, and there's no 
G03 145 one solution to it for everybody. But the general trend of 
G03 146 scientific investigation points toward a definite link between low 
G03 147 calcium intake and the risk of high blood pressure.<p/>
G03 148 <p_><tf_>Principle 2.<tf/> It's best to take your calcium on an 
G03 149 empty stomach.<p/>
G03 150 <p_>Admittedly, there is some disagreement on this point. One group 
G03 151 of researchers feels that calcium supplements - and, by 
G03 152 implication, calcium contained in foods - should be taken with 
G03 153 meals because they're absorbed better that way. This contention is 
G03 154 based on the fact that certain foods, such as meats, will stimulate 
G03 155 secretions such as hydrochloric acid, and thereby enhance the 
G03 156 solubility of calcium salts. In this way, more calcium supposedly 
G03 157 is absorbed into the system and becomes available for use in bone 
G03 158 formation.<p/>
G03 159 <p_>A second group, which includes Dr. Charles Pak, takes the 
G03 160 opposite position. They feel that calcium is best consumed on an 
G03 161 empty stomach because some other foods may interfere with its 
G03 162 absorption. For example, the oxalates or organic salts in foods 
G03 163 such as spinach may tie up the calcium so that it never gets into 
G03 164 the bloodstream. A similar process may occur with certain types of 
G03 165 fiber, which 'bind' the calcium and cause it to be excreted from 
G03 166 the body before it can get to the bones. Also, these scientists 
G03 167 fear that taking calcium with other foods may interfere with the 
G03 168 body's absorption of certain minerals such as phosphate and iron. 
G03 169 Remember: Phosphate, as well as calcium, is needed for 
G03 170 hardening!<p/>
G03 171 <p_>On balance, I believe that the arguments of this second group 
G03 172 are the strongest. Obviously, however, for you to get the necessary 
G03 173 amounts of calcium, often you must consume your calcium at 
G03 174 mealtimes as well.<p/>
G03 175 <p_><tf_>Principle 3.<tf/> Divide your calcium consumption into at 
G03 176 least two separate 'doses' each day.<p/>
G03 177 <p_>It's a well-established fact that the more you can spread out 
G03 178 your calcium intake over the day, the more likely it is that you'll 
G03 179 absorb maximum amounts. Most people who take supplements find that 
G03 180 it's most convenient to take a tablet or other form of calcium 
G03 181 before breakfast and a second one at bedtime.<p/>
G03 182 <p_>On the other hand, if you're including your calcium as snacks 
G03 183 in the middle of the day or as part of your regular meals, you can 
G03 184 spread it out into even more 'doses.' That approach will promote 
G03 185 even better absorption by your body.<p/>
G03 186 <p_><tf_>Principle 4.<tf/> Limit the sodium in your diet - 
G03 187 especially if you're a post<?_>-<?/>menopausal woman.<p/>
G03 188 <p_>In general, it's best to limit your salt intake for your 
G03 189 overall good health. But there's a particular reason for you to pay 
G03 190 attention to this principle if you're a woman who has gone through 
G03 191 menopause: You'll put yourself at greater risk for lower calcium 
G03 192 absorption and the development of osteoporosis if you consume too 
G03 193 much sodium.<p/>
G03 194 <p_><tf_>Principle 5.<tf/> Calcium from different sources is 
G03 195 absorbed by the body with varying degrees of efficiency.<p/>
G03 196 <p_>In other words, calcium may be more 'bioavailable' from one 
G03 197 source than from another. In general calcium in certain supplements 
G03 198 tends to be better absorbed or more bioavailable than in others.<p/>
G03 199 <p_>The calcium contained in milk - calcium phosphate - isn't as 
G03 200 well absorbed when it's given as a pure salt. It's much better 
G03 201 absorbed in the form of milk. Furthermore, skim milk seems to be 
G03 202 better than whole milk, probably because the fats in whole milk 
G03 203 interfere with the absorption of calcium.<p/>
G03 204 <p_>Spinach contains a great deal of calcium, but has very low 
G03 205 bioavailabilty - only about 3 percent of its calcium gets absorbed 
G03 206 into the body. This is because the oxalates or organic salts in 
G03 207 spinach operate in the intestines to prevent absorption of 
G03 208 calcium.<p/>
G03 209 <p_>Other common calcium-containing foods include yogurt, canned 
G03 210 sardines and salmon (eaten with bones still present), canned or 
G03 211 fresh oysters, collard greens, dandelion greens, turnips, mustard 
G03 212 greens, broccoli, and kale.
G03 213 
G04   1 <#FROWN:G04\><h_><p_>A LOADED QUESTION<p/>
G04   2 <p_>What is it about Americans and guns?<p/>
G04   3 <p_>By Leonard Kriegel<p/><h/>
G04   4 <p_>I have fired a gun only once in my life, hardly experience 
G04   5 enough to qualify one as an expert on firearms. As limited as my 
G04   6 exposure to guns has been, however, my failure to broaden that 
G04   7 experience had nothing at all to do with moral disapproval or with 
G04   8 the kind of righteous indignation that views an eight-year old boy 
G04   9 playing cops and robbers with a cap pistol as a preview of the life 
G04  10 of a serial killer. None of us can speak with surety about 
G04  11 alternative lives, but had circumstances been different I suspect I 
G04  12 not only would have hunted but very probably would have enjoyed it. 
G04  13 I might even have gone in for target shooting, a 'sport' 
G04  14 increasingly popular in New York City, where I live (like bowling, 
G04  15 it is practised indoors in alleys). To be truthful, I have my 
G04  16 doubts that target shooting would really have appealed to me. But 
G04  17 in a country in which grown men feel passionately about a game as 
G04  18 visibly ludicrous as golf, anything is possible.<p/>
G04  19 <p_>The single shot I fired didn't leave me with a traumatic hatred 
G04  20 of or distaste for guns. Quite the opposite. I liked not only the 
G04  21 sense of incipient skill firing that shot gave me but also the 
G04  22 knowledge that a true marksman, like a good hitter in baseball, had 
G04  23 to practice - and practice with a real gun. Boys on the cusp of 
G04  24 adolescence are not usually disciplined, but they do pay attention 
G04  25 to the demands of skill. Because I immediately recognized how 
G04  26 difficult it would be for me to practice marksmanship, I was 
G04  27 brought face to face with the fact that my career as a hunter was 
G04  28 over even before it had started.<p/>
G04  29 <p_>Like my aborted prospects as a major league ballplayer, my 
G04  30 short but happy life as a hunter could be laid at the metaphorical 
G04  31 feet of the polio virus which left me crippled at the age of 
G04  32 eleven. Yet the one thing that continues to amaze me as I look back 
G04  33 to that gray February afternoon when I discovered the temptation of 
G04  34 being shooter and hunter is that I did not shoot one or the other 
G04  35 of the two most visible targets - myself or my friend Jackie, the 
G04  36 boy who owned the .22.<p/>
G04  37 <p_>Each of us managed to fire one shot that afternoon. And when we 
G04  38 returned to the ward in which we lived along with twenty other 
G04  39 crippled boys between the ages of nine and thirteen, we regaled our 
G04  40 peers with a story unashamedly embellished in the telling. As the 
G04  41 afternoon chill faded and the narrow winter light in which we had 
G04  42 hunted drifted toward darkness, Jackie managed to hide the .22 from 
G04  43 ward nurses and doctors on the prowl. What neither of us attempted 
G04  44 to hide from the other boys was our brief baptism in the world of 
G04  45 guns.<p/>
G04  46 <p_>Like me, Jackie was a Bronx boy, as ignorant about guns as I 
G04  47 was. Both of us had been taken down with polio in the summer of 
G04  48 '44. We had each lost the use of our legs. We were currently in 
G04  49 wheelchairs. And we had each already spent a year and a half in the 
G04  50 aptly named New York State Reconstruction Home, a state hospital 
G04  51 for long-term physical rehabilitation. Neither of us had ever fired 
G04  52 anything more lethal than a Daisy air rifle, popularly known as a 
G04  53 BB gun - and even that, in my case at least, had been fired under 
G04  54 adult supervision. But Jackie and I were also American claimants, 
G04  55 our imaginations molded as much by Hollywood westerns as by New 
G04  56 York streets. At twelve, I was a true Jeffersonian who looked upon 
G04  57 the ownership of a six-shooter as every American's 'natural' 
G04  58 right.<p/>
G04  59 <p_>To this day I don't know how Jackie got hold of that .22. He 
G04  60 refused to tell me. And I still don't know how he got rid of it 
G04  61 after our wheelchair hunt in the woods. For months afterward I 
G04  62 would try to get him to promise that he and I would go hunting 
G04  63 again, but, as if our afternoon hunt had enabled him to come to 
G04  64 terms with his own illusions about the future (something that would 
G04  65 take me many more years), Jackie simply shook his head and said, 
G04  66 <quote_>"That's over."<quote/> I begged, wheedled, cajoled, 
G04  67 threatened. Jackie remained obdurate. A single shot for a single 
G04  68 hunt. It would have to be sufficient.<p/>
G04  69 <p_>I never did find out whether or not I hit the raccoon. On the 
G04  70 ride back to the ward, Jackie claimed I had. After he fired his 
G04  71 shot, he dropped his wheelchair and slid backward on his rump to 
G04  72 the abandoned water pipe off the side of the dirt road into which 
G04  73 the raccoon had leaped at the slashing crack of the .22. His hand 
G04  74 came down on something red - a blood<?_>-<?/>stain, he excitedly 
G04  75 suggested, as he lifted himself into his wheelchair and we turned 
G04  76 to push ourselves back to the ward. It looked like a rust stain to 
G04  77 me, but I didn't protest. I was quite willing to take whatever 
G04  78 credit I could. That was around an hour after the two of us, fresh 
G04  79 from lunch, had pushed our wheelchairs across the hospital grounds, 
G04  80 turning west at the old road that cut through the woods and led to 
G04  81 another state home, this one ministering to the retarded. The .22, 
G04  82 which lay on Jackie's lap, had bounced and jostled as we maneuvered 
G04  83 our wheelchairs across that rutted road in search of an animal - 
G04  84 any animal would do - to shoot. The early February sky hung above 
G04  85 us like a charcoal drawing, striations of gray slate shadings 
G04  86 feeding our nervous expectation.<p/>
G04  87 <p_>It was Jackie who first spotted the raccoon. Excited, he handed 
G04  88 the .22 to me, a gesture spurred, I then thought, by friendship. 
G04  89 Now I wonder whether his generosity wasn't simply self-protection. 
G04  90 Until that moment, the .22 lying across Jackie's dead legs had been 
G04  91 an abstraction, as much an imitation gun as the 'weapons' boys in 
G04  92 New York City construed out of the wood frames and wood slats of 
G04  93 fruit and vegetable crates, nails, and rubber bands - cutting up 
G04  94 pieces of discarded linoleum and stiff cardboard to use as 
G04  95 ammunition. I remember the feel of the .22 across my own lifeless 
G04  96 legs, the weight of it surprisingly light, as I stared at the 
G04  97 raccoon who eyed us curiously from in front of the broken pipe. 
G04  98 Then I picked up the gun, aimed, and squeezed the trigger, startled 
G04  99 not so much by the noise nor by the slight pull, but by the fact 
G04 100 that I had actually fired at something. The sound of the shot was 
G04 101 crisp and clean. I felt as if I had done something significant.<p/>
G04 102 <p_>Jackie took the gun from me. <quote|>"Okay," he said eagerly. 
G04 103 <quote_>"My turn now."<quote/> The raccoon was nowhere in sight, 
G04 104 but he aimed in the direction of the water pipe into which it had 
G04 105 disappeared and squeezed the trigger. I heard the crack again, a 
G04 106 freedom of music now, perhaps because we two boys had suddenly been 
G04 107 bound to each other and had escaped, for this single winter 
G04 108 afternoon moment, the necessary but mundane courage which dominates 
G04 109 the everyday lives of crippled children. <quote|>"Okay," I heard 
G04 110 him cry out happily, <quote_>"we're goddamn killers 
G04 111 now."<quote/><p/>
G04 112 <p_>A formidable enough hail and farewell to shooting. And 
G04 113 certainly better than being shot at. God knows what happened to 
G04 114 that raccoon. Probably nothing; but for me, firing that single shot 
G04 115 was both the beginning and the end of my life as a marksman. The 
G04 116 raccoon may have been wounded, as Jackie claimed. Perhaps it had 
G04 117 crawled away, bleeding, to die somewhere in the woods. I doubt it. 
G04 118 And certainly I hope I didn't hit it, although in February 1946, 
G04 119 six months before I returned to the city and to life among the 
G04 120 'normals,' I would have taken its death as a symbolic triumph. For 
G04 121 that was a time I needed any triumph I could find, no matter how 
G04 122 minor. Back then it seemed natural to begin an uncertain future 
G04 123 with a kill - even if one sensed, as I did, that my career as a 
G04 124 hunter was already over. The future was hinting at certain demands 
G04 125 it would make. And I was just beginning to bend into myself, to 
G04 126 protect my inner man from being crushed by the knowledge of all I 
G04 127 would never be able to do. Hunting would be just another deferred 
G04 128 dream.<p/>
G04 129 <p_>But guns were not a dream. Guns were real, definitive, stamped 
G04 130 on the imagination by their functional beauty. A gun was not a 
G04 131 phallic symbol; a gun didn't offer me revenge on polio; a gun would 
G04 132 not bring to life dead legs or endow deferred dreams with 
G04 133 substance. I am as willing as the next man to quarantine reality 
G04 134 within psychology. But if a rose is no more than a rose, then tell 
G04 135 me why a gun can't simply be a gun? Guns are not monuments to fear 
G04 136 and aspiration any more than flowers are.<p/>
G04 137 <p_>I was already fascinated by the way guns looked. I was even 
G04 138 more fascinated by what they did and by what made people use then. 
G04 139 Six months after the end of the Second World War, boys in our ward 
G04 140 were still engrossed by the way talking about guns entangled us in 
G04 141 the dense underbrush of the national psyche. And no one in that 
G04 142 ward was more immersed in weaponry than I. On the verge of 
G04 143 adolescence, forced to seek and find adventure in my own 
G04 144 imagination, I was captivated by guns.<p/>
G04 145 <p_>It was a fascination that would never altogether die. A few 
G04 146 weeks ago I found myself nostalgically drifting through the arms 
G04 147 and armor galleries of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Years ago I 
G04 148 had often taken my young sons there. A good part of my pleasure now 
G04 149 derived from memories pinned to the leisurely innocence of those 
G04 150 earlier visits. As I wandered among those rich cabinets displaying 
G04 151 ornate pistols and rifles whose carved wood stocks were embossed 
G04 152 with gold and silver and ivory and brass, I was struck by how 
G04 153 incredibly lovely many of these weapons were. It was almost 
G04 154 impossible to conceive of them as serving the function they had 
G04 155 been designed to serve. These were not machines designed to kill 
G04 156 and maim. Created with an eye to beauty, their sense of decorative 
G04 157 purpose was as singular as a well-designed eighteenth-century 
G04 158 silver drinking cup. These guns in their solid display cases evoked 
G04 159 a sense of the disciplined craftsmanship to which a man might 
G04 160 dedicate his life.<p/>
G04 161 <p_>Flintlocks, wheel locks, a magnificent pair of ivory pistols 
G04 162 owned by Catherine the Great - all of them as beckoning to the 
G04 163 touch of fingers, had they not been securely locked behind glass 
G04 164 doors, as one of those small nineteenth-century engraved cameos 
G04 165 that seem to force time itself to surrender its pleasures. I gazed 
G04 166 longingly at a seventeenth-century wheel lock carbine, coveting it 
G04 167 the way I might covet a drinking cup by Cellini or a small bronze 
G04 168 horse and rider by Bologna. Its beautifully carved wooden stock had 
G04 169 been inlaid with ivory, brass, silver, and mother-of-pearl, its 
G04 170 pride of artisanship embossed with the name of its creator, Caspar 
G04 171 Sp<*_>a-umlaut<*/>t. I smiled with pleasure. Then I wandered 
G04 172 through the galleries until I found myself in front of a case 
G04 173 displaying eighteenth-century American flintlock rifles, all 
G04 174 expressing the democratic spirit one finds in Louis Sullivan's 
G04 175 buildings or Whitman's poetry or New York City playgrounds built by 
G04 176 the WPA during the Great Depression. Their polished woods were 
G04 177 balanced by ornately carved stag-antler powder horns, which hung 
G04 178 like Christmas decorations beneath them. To the right was another 
G04 179 display case devoted to long-barreled Colt revolvers; beyond that, 
G04 180 a splendidly engraved 1894 Winchester rifle and a series of Smith & 
G04 181 Wesson revolvers, all of them decorated by Tiffany.<p/>
G04 182 <p_>And yet they were weapons, designed ultimately to do what 
G04 183 weapons have always done - destroy. Only in those childlike posters 
G04 184 of the 1970s did flower stems grow out of the barrel of a gun.
G04 185 
G04 186 
G05   1 <#FROWN:G05\><h_><p_>A Moral Conscience<p/>
G05   2 <p_>Hans Burkhardt at Jack Rutberg Fine Arts<p/>
G05   3 <p_>BY MICHAEL ZAKIAN<p/><h/>
G05   4 <p_>Hans Burkhardt's <tf_>Desert Storm II<tf/> is a new 
G05   5 installation of paintings first shown at Jack Rutberg Fine Arts in 
G05   6 autumn 1991. He began this series the day after Iraq invaded Kuwait 
G05   7 and continued it through various stages of American involvement in 
G05   8 the Gulf, but it is nonspecific in its indictment of war. It does 
G05   9 not take sides but condemns the rational greed and irrational hate 
G05  10 that still brings countries together in bloody conflict.<p/>
G05  11 <p_>At the heart of these paintings lies Burkhardt's deep ties to 
G05  12 Abstract Expressionism. Born in 1904, the same year as Arshile 
G05  13 Gorky and Willem de Kooning, he worked with them in New York during 
G05  14 the 1930s. After moving to Los Angeles in 1937 he painted in 
G05  15 relative isolation, producing painterly abstractions that 
G05  16 paralleled developments in New York in the forties and fifties. 
G05  17 Never a natural abstract painter, Burkhardt always worked best when 
G05  18 guided by a specific subject. In the Gulf War he found a 
G05  19 passionate, emotionally charged theme well suited to his creative 
G05  20 personality.<p/>
G05  21 <p_>The compositions utilize one basic image - the American flag - 
G05  22 sometimes accompanied by a cross or crucifix. The symbols of the 
G05  23 Great Society and the Great Religion are drained of their proud 
G05  24 aura, reduced to empty ciphers that underscore how shallow these 
G05  25 institutions have become. The red stripes of the flag have been 
G05  26 changed to black. Originally symbolizing the blood of American 
G05  27 patriots, they now speak of nothing but despair for the human 
G05  28 condition in general.<p/>
G05  29 <p_>In many of the flags, the field of stars, symbols of our lofty 
G05  30 aspirations, are represented by burlap. This cheap, coarse cloth, 
G05  31 used primarily for sacks, reminds us that our values and principles 
G05  32 have been cheapened. Some of the burlap is rotted and stained red, 
G05  33 like the shrouds used to wrap the dead, and the harsh, scabby 
G05  34 surfaces of these works look like burnt and mangled flesh.<p/>
G05  35 <p_>The series could be criticized as too literal and repetitious. 
G05  36 Social critique centered around the flag has become 
G05  37 clich<*_>e-acute<*/>. But for Burkhardt, it gives tangible form to 
G05  38 his feelings of outrage, and one cannot ignore comparisons with 
G05  39 other works on the subject. Alfredo Jaar's recent Gulf War 
G05  40 installation, for instance, surprised viewers with graphic 
G05  41 photographs of war dead placed unexpectedly within a pleasing, 
G05  42 minimal setting. In a typically postmodern fashion, these fragments 
G05  43 of human sentiment were heightened by presentation through an 
G05  44 impersonal medium. Burkhardt, on the other hand, gives you a full 
G05  45 dose of sentiment, unembarrassed and unconcerned about correctness 
G05  46 of expression. He acts not simply as a social critic but as a moral 
G05  47 conscience.<p/>
G05  48 <p_>In <tf|>Catch-22, the protagonist Yossarian watched as a 
G05  49 wounded friend's entrails spilled out onto the floor. He concluded 
G05  50 that his friend was telling him, <quote_>"Man was Matter.... Drop 
G05  51 him out of a window and he'll fall. Set fire to him and he'll 
G05  52 burn."<quote/> Burkhardt has the same message. His <tf_>Desert 
G05  53 Storm<tf/> paintings, in which the flag appears broken and burnt, 
G05  54 declare that all peoples and nations are as mortal as any one of 
G05  55 us.<p/>
G05  56 
G05  57 <h_><p_>Impossible Labors<p/>
G05  58 <p_>Bernie Lubell at the San Francisco Arts Commission Gallery<p/>
G05  59 <p_>BY JOHN RAPKO<p/><h/>
G05  60 <p_>Bernie Lubell's current installation, <tf_>The Archaeology of 
G05  61 Intention<tf/>, presents art as the by<?_>-<?/>product of an 
G05  62 impossible labor of self-understanding. Working with an overgrown 
G05  63 urban lot next to the San Francisco Arts Commission Gallery, Lubell 
G05  64 has installed a faintly comic array of wooden machines which 
G05  65 apparently were used to dig the scattered holes and trenches 
G05  66 visible from the sidewalk. Tall poles, topped with identifying 
G05  67 letters or the logical operators 'and,' 'or,' and 'not,' seem to 
G05  68 indicated points of interest. In the front of the lot, a large 
G05  69 wooden grid in the form of an archaeologist's diagram correlates 
G05  70 shards and artifacts with particular strata. The overall effect is 
G05  71 of an archaeological dig in progress; besides the title, however, 
G05  72 Lubell indicates in two other ways that the dig is ultimately for 
G05  73 the self and sources of action. The use of logical operators 
G05  74 suggests that the signs are not just for identification but also 
G05  75 indicate objects of inquiry: the sources of reason and language. 
G05  76 Likewise, Lubell has put what looks like a painter's palette at the 
G05  77 lowest level and two simple grids at the highest level of his 
G05  78 archaeological diagram, thereby suggesting that the grid presents 
G05  79 its own prehistory as an artist's tool. Yet the sense of 
G05  80 incompleteness reigns. No order is apparent: arrows linking 
G05  81 artifacts in lines of influence glide over the gaps in the grid. 
G05  82 The effort of self-knowledge yields a grab bag of quaint machines 
G05  83 and uncertain charts.<p/>
G05  84 <p_>Like the conceptual artist Charles Gute, who recently worked 
G05  85 with this site, Lubell draws upon the sense of an empty urban lot 
G05  86 as a transitional place, one abandoned only momentarily. Gute 
G05  87 turned the lot into a construction zone, transforming it into a 
G05  88 barely noticeable and evanescent monument to its own demise, a work 
G05  89 which threatened to disappear into its future. By contrast, Lubell 
G05  90 wants to highlight the inevitable incompleteness of one's knowledge 
G05  91 of one's past. The site itself has been both cleared and built 
G05  92 upon; Lubell both excavates and constructs. What first appears as 
G05  93 the urban rhythm of construction and demolition figures in art as 
G05  94 two inseparable aspects of a necessarily endless process of 
G05  95 understanding. In order to excavate self-knowledge, the artist must 
G05  96 create the tools for the job. Yet in creating the tools he thereby 
G05  97 changes who he is. What the archaeology of intention reveals is the 
G05  98 transformation of self-discovery into self-creation, which in turn 
G05  99 requires a new attempt at discovery.<p/>
G05 100 <p_>Lubell clarifies this difficult sense of aesthetic 
G05 101 self-discovery as an open-ended spiral through the title's allusion 
G05 102 to Michael Foucault's <tf_>The Archaeology of Knowledge<tf/>. In 
G05 103 that book, Foucault laid out his 'archaeological' method of 
G05 104 historical research into the human sciences. In Foucault's equally 
G05 105 difficult sense, archaeology does not search for origins but 
G05 106 instead describes the <quote_>"question of the already-said at the 
G05 107 level of its existence"<quote/>; like Lubell's machines and 
G05 108 artifacts, Foucault's material <quote|>"already-said" is the 
G05 109 ultimate object of inquiry, and not some immaterial intention or 
G05 110 disembodied principle. And again, like Lubell's art, what 
G05 111 Foucault's inquiry reveals is <quote_>"this dispersion that we are 
G05 112 and make."<quote/><p/>
G05 113 <p_>Lubell marks his distance from Foucault, though, in the shift 
G05 114 from 'knowledge' to 'intention.' The distance of the archaeologist 
G05 115 of knowledge's gaze from its objects allows a certain serenity 
G05 116 which is impossible for Lubell. Because it searches for the sources 
G05 117 of its own agency, Lubell's work is caught up in his own inquiry, 
G05 118 like a painter painting herself painting herself. Perhaps the 
G05 119 ultimate dilemma Lubell presents is of one digging to find where to 
G05 120 dig.<p/>
G05 121 
G05 122 <h_><p_>A Perfection of Form<p/>
G05 123 <p_>Ruth Duckworth at Dorothy Weiss Gallery<p/>
G05 124 <p_>BY TERRI COHN<p/><h/>
G05 125 <p_>Consider a single perfect vessel form. Not a traditional 
G05 126 vessel, but one delicately manipulated to include carefully incised 
G05 127 edges, an exquisitely crafted oblong porcelain 'blade' that rests 
G05 128 in its symmetrical crenulations, and exceedingly subtle variations 
G05 129 in its pale, pearlescent glaze. Cool, minimal, meditative, the 
G05 130 flawlessness of the vessel elevates it to a Zen garden-like focal 
G05 131 point; an object of contemplation. Such is the potential experience 
G05 132 of the work of Ruth Duckworth, at Dorothy Weiss Gallery.<p/>
G05 133 <p_>When considered singularly, the detached elegance and quiet 
G05 134 beauty of a Duckworth porcelain cup or bowl is compelling. The 
G05 135 minimalist aesthetic embodied in her alabaster geometric forms, 
G05 136 honed to an almost translucent perfection, inspires admiration and 
G05 137 even awe: how did she do it? But, the problem with perfection is 
G05 138 that it must remain separate and unique in order to retain its 
G05 139 status; a gallery full of these subtly hued, slightly varied, 
G05 140 untitled forms begins to neutralize itself. It becomes difficult to 
G05 141 see the tree for the forest of them.<p/>
G05 142 <p_>There are pieces that stand out. Duckworth's tall, cylindrical 
G05 143 untitled cup with two blades has a regal presence. Interest is 
G05 144 created by the incised edge of its foreground blade and the 
G05 145 sculptural dynamic it creates in relation to its unmanipulated 
G05 146 posterior twin. In another slender, untitled cup with blade, she 
G05 147 has used a thin band of multi<?_>-<?/>hued glaze around the 
G05 148 cylinder, echoed on the lower half of the blade, to allude quietly 
G05 149 to landscape.<p/>
G05 150 <p_>More dynamic and individualistic are the artist's abstract 
G05 151 sculptures and wall maquettes. Although somewhat too closely allied 
G05 152 with Barbara Hepworth's forms, the two standing constructions here 
G05 153 have an impressive, lyrical fluidity. The ingenious assemblage of 
G05 154 their carefully balanced free-form planes, fastened at one 
G05 155 convergence with a porcelain pin, creates close visual and 
G05 156 structural affinities with wood sculpture. Her most unique and 
G05 157 'contemporary' sculpture is part of a maquette of unrelated 
G05 158 'bandaged' shapes - an arc, a foot, a cornucopia - all with a 
G05 159 verdigris surface glaze reminiscent of oxidized copper. The 
G05 160 presence of the artist's hand in these pieces, as well as their 
G05 161 more earthy surfaces, is like an open window in this hothouse of 
G05 162 precious forms.<p/>
G05 163 <p_>The competing sensibilities of Duckworth's diverse aesthetics 
G05 164 raises existential questions pertinent to recent art: where is the 
G05 165 validity of a perfectly crafted vessel form? While technical 
G05 166 mastery remains admirable and Duckworth's handiwork is consummate, 
G05 167 in the context of the current art world, her formalist focus and 
G05 168 serial explorations seem anachronistic and redundant. Now that 
G05 169 Duckworth has achieved a pinnacle of perfection with her more 
G05 170 traditional works, this writer's hope is for her to pursue the more 
G05 171 evocative, conceptual path suggested by her maquettes and 
G05 172 freestanding sculptures, which perhaps will lead her to new 
G05 173 definitions of consummate expression.<p/>
G05 174 
G05 175 <h_><p_>Facing Reality<p/>
G05 176 <p_><tf_>Knowledge: Aspects of Conceptual Art<tf/> at the Santa 
G05 177 Monica Museum of Art<p/>
G05 178 <p_>BY SUVAN GEER<p/><h/>
G05 179 <p_>There are times when nothing is more fascinating to me than to 
G05 180 observe the workings of the human mind. I am drawn to art which 
G05 181 toys with ideas and twists meaning. It's mesmerizing, this drive we 
G05 182 have to order and reorder - imbedding or releasing a different 
G05 183 rational with every turn. There are times when this kind of 
G05 184 self-examination of the human capacity to think seems the most 
G05 185 involving kind of art<?_>-<?/>making around. But in the wake of the 
G05 186 fury that shook Los Angeles - as the fires cool and neighborhoods 
G05 187 reel - now is not one of those times. After driving past gun-toting 
G05 188 National Guardsmen on my way to the Santa Monica Museum of Art, I 
G05 189 found it hard not to ask myself what the coolly intellectual 
G05 190 conceptual art of the <tf|>Knowledge show could possibly have to do 
G05 191 with this reality. Perhaps the social upheaval has precipitated 
G05 192 something of a forced reality check amounting to a crisis of faith 
G05 193 in the importance of art - for me, and for other artists with whom 
G05 194 I've spoken recently.<p/>
G05 195 <p_>Still, co-curators Phyllis Plous and Frances Colpitt have put 
G05 196 together a small but incisively well-defined exhibition that 
G05 197 explores the growth of Conceptual Art's semiotic base. At any other 
G05 198 moment it would be easy to wax enthusiastic over the work of these 
G05 199 eighteen artists (slightly reduced for this venue) and the 
G05 200 delightfully clear writing that accompanies such an intellectually 
G05 201 stringent and historically coded exhibition. Together they make a 
G05 202 strong argument for the powerful influence of Conceptual Art on 
G05 203 postmodern considerations of cultural context, and the energy it 
G05 204 has lent the politics of decentered pluralism. Alongside the 
G05 205 current turmoil, however, much of the work (particularly the older 
G05 206 pieces) seemed outrageously hermetic, taking great pains in the 
G05 207 making of small and esoteric points. Standing before Thomas 
G05 208 Locher's Cibachrome door of arbitrarily assigned numbers, I felt a 
G05 209 little like a music critic listening for the nuances of Nero's 
G05 210 fiddle amid Rome's cooling ashes.<p/>
G05 211 <p_>Ironically, some of the latest work of the eighties and 
G05 212 nineties seemed to share my distress. For a while I debated whether 
G05 213 art in general couldn't be summed up adroitly by the title and 
G05 214 washy vacuousness of Stephen Prina's <tf_>Exquisite Corpse<tf/> 
G05 215 panels. I found a timely poignancy in Louise Lawler's photograph of 
G05 216 a match<?_>-<?/>book that asked <tf_>Why Pictures Now?<tf/> and 
G05 217 Clegg & Gutmann's incessant cataloging of information studiously 
G05 218 detached from literature, culture and ultimately all connections to 
G05 219 peoples' lives. After all, what is the profit of self-examination 
G05 220 if the process leaves out the real world?<p/>
G05 221 
G06   1 <#FROWN:G06\><h_><p_>EL SALVADOR'S JESUIT MURDERS<p/>
G06   2 <p_>Justice Is Still Undone<p/>
G06   3 <p_>MARTHA DOGGETT<p/><h/>
G06   4 <p_>The peace settlement for El Salvador, signed in New York City 
G06   5 on New Year's Day, sidesteps the question of amnesty, leaving the 
G06   6 contentious matter to a multiparty peace commission and ultimately 
G06   7 to the Legislative Assembly. With the details of an amnesty still 
G06   8 to be worked out, concerns persist that the Salvadoran government 
G06   9 might attempt to pardon those convicted of the 1989 murders of six 
G06  10 Jesuit priests, their cook and her daughter. In a much-criticized 
G06  11 verdict last September, a jury found a colonel and a lieutenant 
G06  12 guilty of the killings.<p/>
G06  13 <p_>Following the verdict, <foreign_>el caso Jesuita<foreign/> 
G06  14 seemed to be settling into the judicial limbo that characterizes so 
G06  15 many human rights crimes in El Salvador. Then U.S. Congressman Joe 
G06  16 Moakley resurrected the case. Last November 18, Moakley, a 
G06  17 street-smart South Boston politico who heads a special 
G06  18 Congressional task force on the case, released a six-page statement 
G06  19 outlining information he had received from confidential sources. 
G06  20 Moakley charged that top Salvadoran officers decided to kill the 
G06  21 Jesuits and the women at a meeting on the afternoon of November 15, 
G06  22 1989; that night the murders were committed. He reported that those 
G06  23 who attended the meeting at the Military Academy were Gen. 
G06  24 Ren<*_>e-acute<*/> Emilio Ponce, then army Chief of Staff and now 
G06  25 Defense Minister; Orlando Zepeda (then a colonel, now a general), 
G06  26 Deputy Minister of Defense; Col. Francisco Elena Fuentes, commander 
G06  27 of the infamous First Brigade; and Gen. Juan Rafael Bustillo, long 
G06  28 rumored to be a collaborator with the Central Intelligence Agency. 
G06  29 As Air Force chief, Bustillo allowed Ilopango airfield to be used 
G06  30 as a transfer point for Nicaraguan <tf|>contra supply flights. 
G06  31 Entrusted with carrying out the plan was the director of the 
G06  32 Military Academy, Col. Guillermo Alfredo Benavides.<p/>
G06  33 <p_>Moakley said the idea to kill the Jesuits came from Bustillo, 
G06  34 who abruptly and unexpectedly resigned his command just six weeks 
G06  35 after the crime. The general now divides his time between San 
G06  36 Salvador and his home in Miami, and is said to have set his sights 
G06  37 on El Salvador's <tf_>Casa Presidencial<tf/>.<p/>
G06  38 <p_>According to Moakley's statement, the reactions of the other 
G06  39 officers at the meeting <quote_>"ranged from support to reluctant 
G06  40 acceptance to silence."<quote/> Moakley also charged that Colonel 
G06  41 Benavides, who was convicted on eight counts of murder last 
G06  42 September, told officers at the academy on the murder night that he 
G06  43 had <quote_>"received the green light"<quote/> to move against the 
G06  44 Jesuits, just meters down the highway at the Central American 
G06  45 University. The army's enmity for the Jesuits was nothing new. Fr. 
G06  46 Ignacio Ellacur<*_>i-acute<*/>a, the brilliant Basque theologian 
G06  47 and philosopher who was probably the killers' primary target, had 
G06  48 narrowly escaped a military plot on his life in 1980.<p/>
G06  49 <p_>Moakley's revelation of the afternoon meeting is one of several 
G06  50 accounts of gatherings of top officers in the hours preceding the 
G06  51 crime. Other versions place the meeting at Joint Command 
G06  52 headquarters, where many officers had virtually taken up residence 
G06  53 during the most threatening urban guerilla offensive of the 
G06  54 decade-long civil war. A May 1, 1990, communiqu<*_>e-acute<*/> 
G06  55 issued by young army officers said two meetings at which the 
G06  56 murders were plotted had been held on the afternoon of November 15, 
G06  57 1989, in the office of General Zepeda. The junior officers also 
G06  58 gave credibility to the views of Col. Sigifredo Ochoa 
G06  59 P<*_>e-acute<*/>rez, a retired field commander who is now an 
G06  60 influential member of the ruling ARENA party. Ochoa told <tf_>60 
G06  61 Minutes<tf/> in April 1990 that <quote_>"Benavides obeyed; it 
G06  62 wasn't his decision."<quote/><p/>
G06  63 <p_>El Salvador's senior military officials reacted predictably to 
G06  64 Moakley's allegations, declaring their innocence, demanding proof 
G06  65 and decrying 'politicization' of the case. General Bustillo called 
G06  66 Moakley a closet leftist and <quote_>"a politician without scruples 
G06  67 or professional ethics who respects neither individuals nor 
G06  68 institutions."<quote/><p/>
G06  69 <p_>First Brigade commander Elena Fuentes, whose troops have one of 
G06  70 the army's worst human rights records, said Moakley has a 
G06  71 notoriously close relationship to the F.M.L.N., <quote_>"to the 
G06  72 point that there is a suspicious coincidence between the 
G06  73 declarations of the terrorist leader Joaqu<*_>i-acute<*/>n 
G06  74 Villalobos and the honorable Mr. Moakley."<quote/> (On the 
G06  75 afternoon of the assassination, First Brigade sound trucks drove 
G06  76 around San Salvador triumphantly announcing, 
G06  77 <quote_>"Ellacur<*_>i-acute<*/>a and 
G06  78 Mart<*_>i-acute<*/>n-Bar<*_>o-acute<*/> [a Jesuit psychologist who 
G06  79 was among those murdered] have fallen. We are going to continue 
G06  80 killing communists!"<quote/> Bustillo and Elena Fuentes (who was 
G06  81 reassigned in mid-January) said they were considering a slander 
G06  82 suit against Moakley. For his part, General Ponce, sweating 
G06  83 profusely and visibly shaken, held a press conference last November 
G06  84 19 with General Zepeda. They released an army 
G06  85 communiqu<*_>e-acute<*/> saying <quote_>"It is totally illogical 
G06  86 that persons who supposedly were inside the Military Academy on the 
G06  87 afternoon of November 15 who are said to have verified that the 
G06  88 meeting took place but who did not participate in the meeting could 
G06  89 have knowledge of what the meeting was about and what was decided 
G06  90 during the meeting."<quote/> The wording is curious, especially in 
G06  91 light of an exchange between General Ponce and a journalist at the 
G06  92 press conference:<p/>
G06  93 <p_><quote_>Q: You also deny that [the meeting] took place at the 
G06  94 Military Academy?<p/>
G06  95 <p_>A: I deny it categorically because I was not at the Military 
G06  96 Academy. I was here at my command post at Joint Command 
G06  97 headquarters.<quote/><p/>
G06  98 <p_>Who came and went from the Military Academy is difficult to 
G06  99 establish with any certainty at this point because 
G06 100 high<?_>-<?/>ranking officers ordered that the logbooks kept by 
G06 101 sentries at the main gate be burned in late December 1989. Having 
G06 102 destroyed the evidence, those named by Moakley are confident that 
G06 103 he cannot produce the smoking gun they demand.<p/>
G06 104 <p_>Even the government of President Alfredo Cristiani felt 
G06 105 compelled to defend the army, placing a paid advertisement in the 
G06 106 Salvadoran press. Without naming Moakley, the government criticized 
G06 107 <quote_>"persons or groups"<quote/> who have the <quote_>"evident 
G06 108 goal of manipulating politically and attacking personalities of the 
G06 109 Armed Forces and the institution itself. This has been done with 
G06 110 absolute irresponsibility, with no foundation and based on purely 
G06 111 partisan speculation."<quote/><p/>
G06 112 <p_>Congressman Moakley's charges provoked new complaints about 
G06 113 foreign intervention into the case. This theme was part of the 
G06 114 defense's appeal to the jury at the trial of nine soldiers last 
G06 115 September. Attorneys for the defense harped on foreign imperialism, 
G06 116 telling the jury that the trial was being held only to please 
G06 117 <quote_>"<foreign_>los cheles<foreign/>,"<quote/> as Salvadorans 
G06 118 refer to light<?_>-<?/>skinned people. <quote_>"He who pays the 
G06 119 mariachis chooses the tune,"<quote/> one defense attorney said 
G06 120 repeatedly.<p/>
G06 121 <p_>A defense attorney said that <quote_>"today we will show that 
G06 122 we have no yoke around our necks by acquitting these men."<quote/> 
G06 123 Another defense attorney told the jury, <quote_>"We are going to 
G06 124 work as Salvadorans and not capitulate to foreign 
G06 125 pressure."<quote/><p/>
G06 126 <p_>At no time did the defense attempt to paint an alternative 
G06 127 scenario for what happened on the campus of Central American 
G06 128 University the night of the murders. The crime itself was hardly 
G06 129 touched on by the defense. Members of the jury heard no oral 
G06 130 testimony or cross-examination, and for security reasons were 
G06 131 blocked from seeing the defendants. After five hours of 
G06 132 deliberation, they delivered their verdict. Five enlisted men and 
G06 133 two lieutenants, all of whom had initially confessed their roles in 
G06 134 the murders to the police, were acquitted. Colonel Benavides, who, 
G06 135 according to the military's version of events, ordered the 
G06 136 killings, was convicted on all eight counts of murder. His deputy 
G06 137 at the Military Academy, Lieut. Yusshy Ren<*_>e-acute<*/> Mendoza 
G06 138 Vallecillos, was convicted solely of the murder of 15-year-old 
G06 139 Celina Mariceth Ramos.<p/>
G06 140 <p_>The verdict, which stunned defense and prosecution alike, 
G06 141 defied logic. No witnesses suggested that Benavides ever went to 
G06 142 the murder site; Lieutenant Mendoza, by all accounts, did not fire 
G06 143 his weapon. There is no more reason to link Mendoza to the killing 
G06 144 of Celina Ramos than to any other murder. Celina died embracing her 
G06 145 mother, Julia Ramos, the Jesuits' cook, with whom she shared a 
G06 146 sofabed that night, so whoever killed Celina also killed her 
G06 147 mother. Argentine attorney Eduardo Luis Duhalde, who observed the 
G06 148 trial for the American Association of Jurists, called Mendoza's 
G06 149 conviction <quote_>"totally incomprehensible factually and 
G06 150 legally."<quote/><p/>
G06 151 <p_>The jury's decision provoked speculation that it might have 
G06 152 believed that the soldiers who originally confessed to committing 
G06 153 the murders did so on the orders of their superiors and should not 
G06 154 be held accountable, even though such a finding was in 
G06 155 contravention of both Salvadoran law and the Nuremberg 
G06 156 principles.<p/>
G06 157 <p_>The illogical verdict inevitably led to speculation about jury 
G06 158 tampering. A European law professor who observed the trial at his 
G06 159 government's request said the most <quote_>"credible 
G06 160 hypothesis"<quote/> concerning the verdict was that someone 
G06 161 <quote_>"influenced [the jury] in one form or another...to 
G06 162 predetermine its decision. It is not easy to imagine that a 
G06 163 [Salvadoran jury] would spontaneously come up with such a 
G06 164 solution....The verdict fulfills all the conditions of a political 
G06 165 decision."<quote/><p/>
G06 166 <p_>In a <tf_>Washington Post<tf/> Op-Ed article last October, 
G06 167 Moakley said he could not <quote_>"rule out the possiblity that the 
G06 168 military interfered with the outcome of the trial. The verdict is 
G06 169 too inconsistent to be rationally explained and fuels suspicions 
G06 170 that the jury may have been manipulated."<quote/> In November, on 
G06 171 the second anniversary of the killings, Central American University 
G06 172 issued a statement saying that the jury's <quote|>"strange" 
G06 173 conclusions <quote_>"leads us to consider that the verdict - like 
G06 174 the entire judicial process - was the product of 'a deal.'"<quote/> 
G06 175 The communiqu<*_>e-acute<*/> continued, <quote_>"This verdict was 
G06 176 not the product of a judicial system which works, but something 
G06 177 darker, more political, and not ruled by established institutional 
G06 178 procedures."<quote/><p/>
G06 179 <p_><quote_>"It was fixed,"<quote/> a retired Salvadoran politician 
G06 180 told me in early December. <quote_>"As an attorney I can tell you 
G06 181 that it was fixed. It was a solution that was designed to do the 
G06 182 least damage."<quote/><p/>
G06 183 <p_>The verdict did have a certain utility from the military's 
G06 184 point of view. The two convicted officers had been holding desk 
G06 185 jobs at the Military Academy, without combat troops under them. 
G06 186 Convicting them was less apt to stir up discontent among younger 
G06 187 officers. The <foreign|>tandona, the clique that dominates the 
G06 188 military today, knew it had to sacrifice something to keep the aid 
G06 189 dollars flowing from Washington. Colonel Benavides, one of their 
G06 190 own, who had already been kept under house arrest for nearly two 
G06 191 years, surely understood that loyalty to his peers required that he 
G06 192 serve as scapegoat for the grossest miscalculation the Salvadoran 
G06 193 Armed Forces has ever made.<p/>
G06 194 <p_>That the convictions did not touch the powerful Atlacatl 
G06 195 Battalion, the U.S.-created and trained elite unit that carried out 
G06 196 the murders, is noteworthy. Atlacatl Lieut. Jos<*_>e-acute<*/> 
G06 197 Ricardo Espinoza Guerra, whose excellent English and extensive U.S. 
G06 198 training made him a close collaborator of U.S. advisers, can 
G06 199 presumably salvage his once-promising military career. Espinoza is 
G06 200 said to have threatened to 'talk' had he been convicted. The peace 
G06 201 treaty calls for a vast reduction in the size of the army, and the 
G06 202 elite battalions are to be gradually disbanded. Yet the treaty 
G06 203 leaves open the question of whether current members of the Atlacatl 
G06 204 and other battalions are to be reassigned or discharged, and 
G06 205 convictions of skilled commandos would no doubt have been a blow to 
G06 206 the morale of the Atlacatl fighters, whose unit will not be 
G06 207 demobilized until September.<p/>
G06 208 <p_>Judge Ricardo Zamora still has not sentenced the two officers, 
G06 209 nor has he ruled on charges related to terrorism and the cover-up, 
G06 210 which were not heard by the jury. Defense attorneys, who repeatedly 
G06 211 tried to have the case transferred out of Zamora's court in 1990, 
G06 212 have asked the judge to recuse himself, citing the fact that he 
G06 213 once taught law at Central American University. In a country where 
G06 214 conflict of interest is seldom an issue, attempts to raise it at 
G06 215 this late date have only provoked angry impatience from the appeals 
G06 216 court, which has twice rejected the recusal petition.<p/>
G06 217 <p_>Whether Congressman Moakley's statement will trigger an 
G06 218 investigation by Salvadoran authorities into who acutally ordered 
G06 219 the assassination depends largely on the State Department. 
G06 220 Spokesman Richard Boucher's description of Moakley's charges as 
G06 221 <quote_>"accusations but not direct evidence"<quote/> is consistent 
G06 222 with State's pattern of sitting back and waiting for somebody else 
G06 223 to come up with incontrovertible proof.<p/>
G06 224 <p_>Central American Jesuits, meanwhile, asked the Salvadoran 
G06 225 Legislative Assembly to form an investigative commission, as 
G06 226 provided for by the Constitution, to examine the question of who 
G06 227 ordered the murders and when.
G06 228 
G07   1 <#FROWN:G07\><h_><p_>TAKE A LITTLE DEADLY NIGHTSHADE AND YOU'LL 
G07   2 FEEL BETTER<p/>
G07   3 <p_>BY JAMES GORMAN<p/><h/>
G07   4 <p_>MY FRIEND THE MEDICAL SOCIOLOGIST WAS the one who shocked me. I 
G07   5 had not been that surprised when some anthroposophical friends and 
G07   6 others with interests in so-called alternative medicines had touted 
G07   7 the virtues of homeopathy. But when my friend, Joan L., who works 
G07   8 in the health-care industry - the high<?_>-<?/>tech, mainstream, 
G07   9 regular-medicine health-care industry - told me that not only had 
G07  10 she used homeopathic remedies for her allergies and colds, but also 
G07  11 had given her daughter homeopathic medicine for a sore throat (It 
G07  12 worked! Overnight!), I was shaken.<p/>
G07  13 <p_>This was a woman with whom I had shared long hypochondriacal 
G07  14 conversations about heart disease, brain tumors and food poisoning, 
G07  15 all based on the best available scientific evidence. Yet here she 
G07  16 was advocating a system of medicine - based on treatment with very 
G07  17 dilute doses of natural materials, which in larger quantities would 
G07  18 cause the same symptoms that ail you - that is inexplicable by 
G07  19 modern science. <quote_>"But it works,"<quote/> she said, and cited 
G07  20 a paper in The British Journal of Medicine (we often trade 
G07  21 citations in conversation).<p/>
G07  22 <p_>Further investigation revealed that almost everyone I knew 
G07  23 either had used a homeopathic remedy or knew someone who did. 
G07  24 Drugstores that a few years ago were carrying only mainstream 
G07  25 products like Nyquil and Sudafed were displaying homeopathic lines 
G07  26 in their windows. And not in amber bottles, but in small, colorful 
G07  27 cardboard containers with the pills comfortably ensconced in 
G07  28 blister packs. There was Qui<*_>e-acute<*/>tude - 'the homeopathic 
G07  29 insomnia remedy in a white box with blue and pink pastel borders.' 
G07  30 And Alpha CF, for colds and flu, in an icy-blue package with a 
G07  31 snowflake design.<p/>
G07  32 <p_>I was not the only one to notice that homeopathy was in vogue 
G07  33 and visually more attractive than ever. A newspaper article about 
G07  34 an up-and-coming bicoastal style monger named Andre Balazs noted 
G07  35 that a feature planned for the ultra-chic Manhattan hotel he's 
G07  36 building is a homeopathic pharmacy. If it does well, Balazs 
G07  37 envisions a chain.<p/>
G07  38 <p_>This would obviously please the homeopathic pharmaceutical 
G07  39 companies, which are already undergoing a renaissance. Old 
G07  40 companies are reviving, and new companies are getting into the 
G07  41 field, which in the late 1970's and early 1980's made a miraculous 
G07  42 recovery from near death. According to the Food and Drug 
G07  43 Administration, sales of some homeopathic drug companies increased 
G07  44 1,000 percent. Growth has continued apace ever since, with the 
G07  45 American market for homeopathic drugs now estimated at $100 
G07  46 million.<p/>
G07  47 <p_>Europe's two biggest homeopathic pharmaceutical companies have 
G07  48 moved into the United States, each acquiring a struggling old 
G07  49 American firm. Boiron L.H.F., of France, a publicly held company, 
G07  50 bought Borneman & Sons of Philadelphia in 1983. In 1987 the 
G07  51 privately owned Dr. Willmar Schwabe GmbH & Company, of Germany, 
G07  52 purchased Boericke & Tafel, another Philadelphia company, founded 
G07  53 in 1825, and in 1990 moved it into a new, state-of-the-art 
G07  54 production facility in Santa Rosa, Calif. Both companies report 
G07  55 that gross sales have increased by more than 20 percent a year, a 
G07  56 claim matched by Standard Homeopathic Company, an old-line 
G07  57 California firm.<p/>
G07  58 <p_>New to the homeopathic market is Nature's Way Products Inc., a 
G07  59 manufacturer of food supplements, which describes itself as 
G07  60 <quote_>"America's Natural Health Care Company."<quote/> The 
G07  61 full-page magazine advertisements trumpeting its new line of 
G07  62 homeopathic medicines assure consumers that they <quote_>"work a 
G07  63 lot like vaccines"<quote/> and are easy to use. <quote_>"If my back 
G07  64 hurts, I get the remedy labeled for injury and back<?_>-<?/>ache, 
G07  65 and there's one for arthritis, PMS, colds or whatever. It's 
G07  66 simple."<quote/> So simple, in fact, that there is a remedy labeled 
G07  67 simply 'Allergy.'<p/>
G07  68 <p_>Imagine - medicines that have no side effects, so safe that a 
G07  69 child could swallow an entire bottle of pills, yet able to cure 
G07  70 pesky ailments like fatigue, insomnia and allergy that have baffled 
G07  71 modern medicine. How could such medicines be produced? What went 
G07  72 into them? What was my friend Joan getting into?<p/>
G07  73 <p_>Boericke & Tafel's brand<?_>-<?/>new headquarters seemed the 
G07  74 best place to look on the new face of homeopathy, so I flew to San 
G07  75 Francisco and then drove north to Santa Rosa. The plant was 
G07  76 spanking clean, just the way you want a pharmaceutical plant to be. 
G07  77 In the laboratorylike production rooms, everyone (including me) 
G07  78 wore white coats, surgical masks and gloves and disposable caps. 
G07  79 The workers also put on special white shoes, which they wore only 
G07  80 while in these areas. Visitors and all other personnel were given 
G07  81 covers for theirs. (The last time I had seen people dressed this 
G07  82 way was at my son's birth.) In one area a tablet-making machine was 
G07  83 busy making tablets. In another, the tincture storage room, there 
G07  84 were scores of amber bottles on stainless<?_>-<?/>steel racks, all 
G07  85 very pharmaceutical. But there was no amoxycillin or Prozac, no 
G07  86 Xanax or AZT. Instead there were tinctures of Rhus radicans (poison 
G07  87 ivy), Berberis vulgaris (barberry) and Calcarea silicata (silicate 
G07  88 of lime). In another area, Calendula officinalis (marigold) was 
G07  89 macerating in what seemed to be large stainless<?_>-<?/>steel 
G07  90 stockpots.<p/>
G07  91 <p_>Next we entered the 'single remedy room,' where medicines were 
G07  92 actually being produced. First the technician weighted out a gram's 
G07  93 worth of drops from one bottle of Natrum muriaticum 25X. Otherwise 
G07  94 known as sodium chloride or table salt, the Natrum muriaticum had 
G07  95 been diluted 25 times at a ratio of 1 to 10, leaving 1 part salt to 
G07  96 10 to the 25th power parts of alcohol and water (10 followed by 25 
G07  97 zeros, a number so high that the name used to describe it is a 
G07  98 'googol'). After each dilution the solution was shaken 10 times by 
G07  99 hand and banged against a rubber pad, a process known in homeopathy 
G07 100 as 'succussion.' In homeopathy this process of diluting, shaking 
G07 101 and banging is known as 'potentizing.' In homeopathic speak the 
G07 102 solution was at 25X potency.<p/>
G07 103 <p_>To this already ethereal solution the technician added more 
G07 104 liquid to dilute it 1 to 10 once again. She then succussed the 
G07 105 solution by shaking it 10 times by hand (up and down) and banging 
G07 106 it against a rubber pad on each down stroke. The solution was now 
G07 107 Natrum muriaticum 26X. She repeated the same procedure again to 
G07 108 produce a 27X solution. The final steps (done later) would be to 
G07 109 repeat the dilution and succussion process three more times to 
G07 110 achieve Natrum muriaticum 30X. Then drops of this solution of 1 
G07 111 part salt to 10 to the 30th power parts liquid would be added to 
G07 112 sugar tablets, resulting in a product reputedly useful for allergy, 
G07 113 anemia, cardiovascular problems and grieving states.<p/>
G07 114 <p_>As I watched this process I heard within me the whimper of 
G07 115 offended reason. By all known laws of physics and chemistry, the 
G07 116 initial preparation had been diluted so many times that it was 
G07 117 highly unlikely that a measurable trace of salt remained, not a 
G07 118 molecule. And this was before the five succeeding dilutions, and 
G07 119 the final dosing of the sugar pellets. What was being created, it 
G07 120 seemed, was not a drug, but the idea of a drug, what an artist 
G07 121 friend of mine calls <quote_>"conceptual medicine."<quote/> I 
G07 122 thought, Welcome to homeopathy.<p/>
G07 123 <p_>FEW PEOPLE WHO BUY the new over-the-counter homeopathic 
G07 124 remedies realize that homeopathy is not herbal or Chinese medicine. 
G07 125 It is not naturopathy, osteopathy or acupuncture, not bodywork, 
G07 126 shiatsu or chiropractic. Homeopathy was developed by the German 
G07 127 physician Samuel Hahnemann (1755-1843), and began to flourish in 
G07 128 Europe, in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. According to the 
G07 129 National Center for Homeopathy, a promotional organization with 
G07 130 6,500 members, 32 percent of family physicians in France and 20 
G07 131 percent in Germany prescribe homeopathic medicines, while in Great 
G07 132 Britain 42 percent sometimes refer patients to homeopaths. In 
G07 133 France, where the best-selling flu remedy, Oscillococcinum, is 
G07 134 homeopathic, the national health-care system covers homeopathic 
G07 135 prescriptions from traditional physicians.<p/>
G07 136 <p_>Homeopathy's popularity surged in this country after the Civil 
G07 137 War, then faded early in this century. In this Pulitzer 
G07 138 Prize-winning book, 'The Social Transformation of American 
G07 139 Medicine,' Paul Starr says homeopaths <quote_>"won a share in the 
G07 140 legal privileges of the profession."<quote/> He wrote: 
G07 141 <quote_>"Only afterward did they lose their popularity. When 
G07 142 homeopathic and eclectic doctors were shunned and denounced by the 
G07 143 regular profession, they thrived."<quote/> Opinions differ as to 
G07 144 its demise. Homeopaths say it was squeezed out by the American 
G07 145 Medical Association, while others hold that its popularity waned 
G07 146 because regular medicine worked better. In 1900, there were 22 
G07 147 homeopathic medical schools here; in 1918 there were 6, and now 
G07 148 there are none, which makes homeopathy's revival all the more 
G07 149 remarkable.<p/>
G07 150 <p_>One reason for homeopathy's new-found popularity is its focus 
G07 151 on the individual. Homeopathic physicians traditionally spend 
G07 152 considerable time finding a unique cure for each person. This is in 
G07 153 direct and appealing contrast to the medical assembly lines many 
G07 154 patients find themselves going through nowadays. A visit to a 
G07 155 homeopathic physician should involve not only the traditional 
G07 156 physical exam (blood pressure, blood tests and so on) and the 
G07 157 standard medical history, but also at least an hourlong 
G07 158 consultation with very thorough questions about the patient's 
G07 159 complaints and general health.<p/>
G07 160 <p_>Even in the realm of self-help, the same attitude prevails. 
G07 161 Boericke & Tafel's 'Family Guide to Self-Medication' has something 
G07 162 of the appeal of a book of medical horoscopes. Deadly nightshade, 
G07 163 for instance, is recommended for colds and flu, but look under the 
G07 164 'Comments' column: <quote_>"Patient is overly excited and 
G07 165 sensitive."<quote/> Wild rosemary is good for a range of ills, 
G07 166 including <quote_>"rheumatism that starts in the feet,"<quote/> 
G07 167 <quote_>"black eyes"<quote/> and <quote_>"chronic 
G07 168 bronchitis."<quote/> It is particularly <quote_>"suitable for pale, 
G07 169 delicate persons who always feel cold and chilly."<quote/> 
G07 170 Naturally I went looking for what remedy would be good for me. 
G07 171 There was no doubt: Nux vomica, otherwise known as poison nut, a 
G07 172 plant from which strychnine can be extracted. <quote_>"Preeminent 
G07 173 for many conditions of modern life. Typical patient is thin, 
G07 174 active, nervous, lives a sedentary life with much mental 
G07 175 strain."<quote/> Well, I used to be thin.<p/>
G07 176 <p_>IN DESCRIBING THE early practitioners, Paul Starr says, 
G07 177 <quote_>"Hahnemann and his followers saw disease fundamentally as a 
G07 178 matter of the spirit; what occurred inside the body did not follow 
G07 179 physical laws."<quote/> Today the emphasis is on the principles of 
G07 180 medicine Hahnemann developed. Perhaps the most well known of these 
G07 181 is the 'law of similars', or 'like cures like,' which holds that 
G07 182 the same substance that in large doses causes the symptoms that 
G07 183 plague you, in small doses will cure you. To prove this Hahnemann 
G07 184 used cinchona, which was already a known treatment for malaria. 
G07 185 Hoping to induce the symptomatic chills and fever of malaria, he 
G07 186 took large doses of cinchona, which produced the desired results. 
G07 187 Using that as evidence for the rule, he conducted other 
G07 188 experimental 'provings' of different substances to identify other 
G07 189 potential cures. He then instructed his followers to use the drug 
G07 190 or treatment that 'in effect' matched the patient's symptoms.<p/>
G07 191 <p_>Furthermore, Hahnemann said, and modern homeopaths have agreed, 
G07 192 that the smaller the dose, the stronger the remedy, but only if the 
G07 193 preparation is vigorously shaken after each dilution, the theory 
G07 194 being that dilution plus succussion somehow 'potentizes' a remedy. 
G07 195 A dilution of 1 part in 10 is 1X, 1 part in 100 is 1C. At roughly 
G07 196 12C or 24X, which is to say 1 part in 10 to the 24th, conventional 
G07 197 chemistry holds that there is no measurable amount of the original 
G07 198 substance left. But homeopaths do not stop at 24X; some go up to 
G07 199 1,000 or 50,000. The highest dilutions of homeopathic medicines - 
G07 200 despite having the least amount of the active ingredient, or 
G07 201 ingredients - are supposed to be the most potent and are commonly 
G07 202 used for mental or emotional problems. Conversely, lower dilutions, 
G07 203 like 1X or 6X, which characterize most over-the-counter medicines, 
G07 204 contain much higher amounts of the active ingredient, but are 
G07 205 considered less potent.<p/>
G07 206 <p_>Most prepackaged remedies are for aches, pains, allergies and 
G07 207 colds, but some promise more. Boericke & Tafel, for instance, 
G07 208 markets something called Alfalco. An alfalfa tonic that comes in a 
G07 209 four-ounce-bottle, it is recommended for temporary relief of 
G07 210 tension, anxiety, sleeplessness, mental and physical fatigue, 
G07 211 abnormal appetite and fatigue following illness. Alfalco has nine 
G07 212 homeopathic ingredients, including cinchona 2X, sodium phosphate 6X 
G07 213 and formic acid 3X, and one ingredient in a nonhomeopathic dose, 
G07 214 alcohol.
G07 215 
G08   1 <#FROWN:G08\><h_><p_>Where Honor Is Due:<p/>
G08   2 <p_>Frederick Douglass as Representative Black Man<p/>
G08   3 <p_>WILSON J. MOSES<p/><h/>
G08   4 <p_>FREDERICK DOUGLASS may or may not have been the greatest 
G08   5 African American abolitionist and orator of the 19th Century, but 
G08   6 he was certainly the most accomplished master of self-projection. 
G08   7 His autobiographical writings demonstrate the genius with which he 
G08   8 seized and manipulated mainstream American symbols and values. By 
G08   9 appropriating the Euro-American myth of the self-made man, Douglass 
G08  10 guaranteed that his struggle would be canonized, not only within an 
G08  11 African American tradition, but within the traditions of the 
G08  12 mainstream as well. He manipulated the rhetoric of Anglo-Saxon 
G08  13 manhood as skillfully as did any of his white contemporaries, 
G08  14 including such master manipulators as Abraham Lincoln, Ralph Waldo 
G08  15 Emerson, and Phineas T. Barnum. I mention Douglass along with these 
G08  16 wily exemplars of American showmanship, not because I want to drag 
G08  17 out embarrassing cliches about making heroes more human, but in 
G08  18 order to address the truly monumental nature of Douglass's 
G08  19 accomplishments. Douglass, like Lincoln, Emerson, and Barnum, was 
G08  20 abundantly endowed with the spiderish craft and foxlike cunning 
G08  21 that are often marks of self-made men.<p/>
G08  22 <p_>Douglass, like his bluff contemporary Walt Whitman, made his 
G08  23 living by the art of self-celebration, a skill that has always 
G08  24 figured in the strategies of American literary figures. He sang his 
G08  25 song of himself, through four main versions of his autobiography, 
G08  26 creating himself as a mythic figure and racial icon. The result is 
G08  27 that even scholars and historians who may be relatively unfamiliar 
G08  28 with other black American personalities of the 19th Century are 
G08  29 acquainted with the major events of Douglass's life, or at least 
G08  30 with his version of them. He was born into slavery in 1818, escaped 
G08  31 to the North in 1838 and, with amazing rapidity, by 1840 was well 
G08  32 on the way to establishing himself as the principal black 
G08  33 abolitionist in the United States. Among his other accomplishments, 
G08  34 Douglass served as a newspaper editor, Civil War recruiter, 
G08  35 president of the Freedman's Bank, minister to Haiti, recorder of 
G08  36 deeds, and Marshall of the District of Columbia. In the final 
G08  37 analysis, he was a man of great dignity, principle, and courage, 
G08  38 but he was also a showman, and he made his living mainly by 
G08  39 cultivating the myth of Frederick Douglass.<p/>
G08  40 <p_>When he attempted to function as a businessman or politician, 
G08  41 he sometimes waded in beyond his depth, and thus he was embarrassed 
G08  42 by the failure of the Freedman's Bank, shortly after he assumed its 
G08  43 presidency. His tenure as minister to Haiti was troubled from the 
G08  44 beginning. As he made preparations to assume the post, he found 
G08  45 that he could not get first<?_>-<?/>class accommodations by 
G08  46 railroad or steamboat going south. Special arrangements were made 
G08  47 for him to travel on a U.S. naval vessel, the <tf|>Kearsarge, which 
G08  48 moved some to comment that not every black American found it 
G08  49 possible so to avoid the indignities of Jim Crow travel. Douglass 
G08  50 was constantly pressured by the State Department and the American 
G08  51 business community to deal with the Haitians in an imperious and 
G08  52 insulting manner. This, to his credit, he would not do. Black 
G08  53 people everywhere identified passionately with Haiti, the world's 
G08  54 first sovereign black republic, and Douglass could not allow 
G08  55 himself to be seen as a puppet for American racist expansionism. As 
G08  56 part of his duties, he attempted to negotiate for a military base 
G08  57 at M<*_>o-circ<*/>le St. Nicholas, but his respect for Haitian 
G08  58 sovereignty led to his being accused of incompetency by those whose 
G08  59 interests he refused to slavishly serve. When his efforts were 
G08  60 unsuccessful, whites rebuked him as an inept representative of 
G08  61 American interests.<p/>
G08  62 <p_>But even Douglass's setbacks were somehow transmuted into 
G08  63 victories by the alchemy of a brilliant personality and the fact 
G08  64 that black America has always had a desperate need for heroes. 
G08  65 Nonetheless, it must be admitted that many aspects of Douglass's 
G08  66 life and writings are controversial. No serious historian can 
G08  67 ignore the problem of self-serving selectivity that lies behind the 
G08  68 veil of homely modesty that he assumes in his autobiographical 
G08  69 writings. The task of every biographer of Frederick Douglass has 
G08  70 been to fill in some of the discreet omissions in Douglass's 
G08  71 skillful work of self-promotion. Historians and literary scholars 
G08  72 are increasingly aware of the craft with which Douglass manipulated 
G08  73 audiences and readers, and they have recently provided us with 
G08  74 considerable information that Douglass did not see fit to reveal. 
G08  75 Many of these matters were discussed in the first full-length 
G08  76 biography of Douglass, published by Benjamin Quarles in 1948. More 
G08  77 recent biographers have built on Quarles's work, giving us a 
G08  78 portrait that is admirable and believable; nonetheless, in far too 
G08  79 many instances, Douglass has been allowed to dictate the terms of 
G08  80 his own biography.<p/>
G08  81 <p_>Because even the best biographies of Douglass have been 
G08  82 appendices to his own brilliant autobiographical writings, the 
G08  83 point is often forgotten that Douglass was not a gigantic 
G08  84 abnormality in black American history, but in many ways a typical 
G08  85 black American man of the class and region he represented. In 
G08  86 typical American fashion, Douglass sought in his writings to 
G08  87 demonstrate his individuality, along with his individualism. The 
G08  88 very self-reliance and independence that he stressed in his 
G08  89 autobiographies represented conformity to the American type of the 
G08  90 self-made man. Thus, Douglass was, to use Emerson's phrase, a 
G08  91 representative man. Much of the present-day biographical and 
G08  92 literary treatment of Douglass makes him appear to be exceptional. 
G08  93 For his own part, Douglass at times stressed the Emersonian dictum 
G08  94 that the great man is often great because he is representative, not 
G08  95 because he is exceptional. Self-reliance, for him as for Emerson, 
G08  96 often existed in the paradox of blending one's ego into larger 
G08  97 'transcendental' forces, of believing that what is true of one's 
G08  98 self is true of others. Douglass's concept of self-reliance, like 
G08  99 Emerson's, was grounded in the principle of universality rather 
G08 100 than difference. Douglass was, as I hope to show presently, not 
G08 101 only a representative man, but a representative <tf|>black man.<p/>
G08 102 <p_>On the other hand, there were ways in which he was not 
G08 103 representative. Douglass seemed, at times, to be less attuned to 
G08 104 the cultural sentiments of black Americans and to their political 
G08 105 struggles than were some other black men among his contemporaries. 
G08 106 Among black-power advocates, he is celebrated as a prophet of 
G08 107 self-determination. They celebrate his founding of <tf_>The North 
G08 108 Star<tf/>, an independent newspaper, and it is with relish that 
G08 109 they recall his rallying cry <quote_>"We must be our own 
G08 110 representatives!"<quote/> But Douglass could change positions 
G08 111 dramatically on black-power-related issues. He did at times 
G08 112 champion black institutions, and then on other occasions he 
G08 113 denounced them as self-segregating. Douglass's ideology was 
G08 114 thoroughly inconsistent, usually opportunistic, and always 
G08 115 self-serving. I suspect that if Douglass were alive today, he would 
G08 116 be as uncontrollable as ever, and that his often shifting ideology 
G08 117 would be now, as it was then, often unacceptable to liberals and 
G08 118 conservatives alike.<p/>
G08 119 <p_>Douglass represented a class of free black males who were 
G08 120 literate in English, influenced by Christianity, and afflicted with 
G08 121 a sometimes unconscious Anglophilism. Mary Helen Washington and 
G08 122 Valerie Smith remind us that he was obsessed with attempts to 
G08 123 emulate and compete with white males in terms of the values of 
G08 124 assertive masculinity. Nonetheless, the recent interpretation by 
G08 125 James McFeely depicts Douglass in ways specifically adapted to 
G08 126 liberal ideologies of the 1980s. A case in point is Douglass's 
G08 127 relationship to the women's movement. He did indeed commendably 
G08 128 support women's suffrage, but this support was at times less than 
G08 129 lukewarm. Douglass gave black male suffrage a much higher priority 
G08 130 than white female suffrage, even when his feminist friends became 
G08 131 exasperated with him. While on the one hand he got along well with 
G08 132 white liberal women, and even married one of them, he was not 
G08 133 afraid to confront them when he felt their interests to be in 
G08 134 conflict with his as a black male.<p/>
G08 135 <p_>Today there is endless discussion of Douglass's private life 
G08 136 and his friendships with women, both black and white, for we now 
G08 137 know much more about his personal affairs than did his earlier 
G08 138 biographers. Douglass had a commanding personality; he was 
G08 139 strikingly handsome and stood over six feet tall; he was athletic 
G08 140 and he possessed an intense sexual attractiveness. I believe that a 
G08 141 great deal of what he accomplished was a result of his magnetic 
G08 142 virility. As Mary Helen Washington has observed, he largely owed 
G08 143 his escape from slavery to a black woman, Anna Murray, who became 
G08 144 his first wife. One historian has speculated, probably accurately, 
G08 145 that Anna was pregnant with their first child, Rosetta, before the 
G08 146 couple left the South. It is impossible not to be curious about the 
G08 147 early sexual development of Douglass, who later portrayed himself 
G08 148 as a puritanical feminist, an image that was so useful to him in 
G08 149 his dealing with his New England abolitionist contemporaries. Was 
G08 150 it really possible for a heterosexual black male to grow up in a 
G08 151 slave society without being affected by the earthly values of 
G08 152 plantation sexuality? Douglass's autobiography is silent on such 
G08 153 matters, unlike that of his 18th-Century predecessor, Benjamin 
G08 154 Franklin, who admits to sexual adventurism during youth.<p/>
G08 155 <p_>In recent years, black feminists have become increasingly 
G08 156 critical of Douglass's treatment of his first wife. Anna Douglass 
G08 157 was a dutiful helpmate to her husband; she was a hard worker and a 
G08 158 thrifty housewife. A portion of Douglass's financial success has 
G08 159 been attributed to her able administration of his domestic 
G08 160 finances, but she was not up to the management of a newspaper and 
G08 161 she apparently never learned to read. Furthermore, it does not seem 
G08 162 that she provided Douglass with much in the way of intellectual 
G08 163 companionship; for this, he often went outside his home. The women 
G08 164 were usually white, and his friendship in later years with the 
G08 165 young journalist Ida B. Wells is the best-known intellectual 
G08 166 friendship he is known to have developed with a black woman. It is 
G08 167 interesting to note in this regard that Wells frequently separated 
G08 168 herself ideologically from other black women leaders. That 
G08 169 uncompromising militancy that earned her the hostility of the 
G08 170 leadership of the National Association of Colored Women apparently 
G08 171 endeared her to Douglass, while isolating her from the likes of 
G08 172 Mary Church Terrell and Margaret Murray Washington. Ida B. Wells 
G08 173 was, significantly, one of the few black women who did <tf|>not 
G08 174 resent his second marriage at the age of sixty-six (after Anna's 
G08 175 death) to Helen Pitts, a forty-six-year-old white woman.<p/>
G08 176 <p_>Douglass's ambivalent feelings toward Sojourner Truth are 
G08 177 seldom discussed. Sojourner was a dynamic black woman abolitionist 
G08 178 who once caused him public annoyance by responding to his 
G08 179 declamations with the question, <quote_>"Frederick, is God 
G08 180 dead?"<quote/> This was a matter of some embarrassment, since 
G08 181 Douglass was more than once plagued by charges of irreligiosity. 
G08 182 Sojourner Truth, on the other hand, was closely associated with the 
G08 183 strident religiosity of the day and was much more closely related 
G08 184 to proletarian evangelical Christianity than was the transcendental 
G08 185 Douglass, with his increasing pretensions to gentility. Late in 
G08 186 life, Douglass dealt with Truth rather ungenerously, when he 
G08 187 compared her speaking style to the ungainly dialect of a minstrel 
G08 188 show, implying that her language was <quote|>"grotesque" and only 
G08 189 quoted in order to belittle and degrade black people generally.<p/>
G08 190 <p_>Douglass's relationships with white women generated controversy 
G08 191 as early as 1849, when he paraded down Broadway in New York with 
G08 192 the two Englishwomen, Julia and Eliza Griffiths - one on each arm. 
G08 193 Julia eventually moved in with the Douglass family to assist with 
G08 194 the operation of <tf_>The North Star<tf/>, and within a year she 
G08 195 had brought it from the brink of ruin to a sound financial footing. 
G08 196 Rumor was rife in the abolitionist community that the relationship 
G08 197 between Douglass and Miss Griffiths had led to difficulties in the 
G08 198 Douglass household. Apparently the relationship was purely a matter 
G08 199 of business and political sympathy. Douglass's relationship with 
G08 200 Ottilla Assing, a German reformer, is still the subject of 
G08 201 speculation. William McFeely is convinced that the friendship did 
G08 202 indeed have a sexual dimension, although he cannot document his 
G08 203 contention. It has, however, long been known that Assing left 
G08 204 Douglass a substantial inheritance after her suicide in 1884. 
G08 205 McFeely implies that the suicide was a result of hearing the news 
G08 206 of Douglass's second marriage to Helen Pitts.<p/>
G08 207 
G09   1 <FROWN\:G09><h_><p_>SHARON ACHINSTEIN<p/>
G09   2 <p_>Plagues and Publication: Ballads and the Representation of 
G09   3 Disease in the English Renaissance<p/><h/>
G09   4 <p_>The scope of devastation by bubonic plague in early modern 
G09   5 Europe is hard for us to imagine today, even as some call AIDS a 
G09   6 modern plague. The Black Death haunted Western Europe from its 
G09   7 first great appearance in 1348 for over four hundred years. The 
G09   8 initial catastrophe of plague in England in 1348-9 swept away one 
G09   9 third of the population, at a minimum. Though this first outbreak 
G09  10 was the most severe, the epidemic continued to threaten English 
G09  11 society over the next four hundred years. Plague deaths were part 
G09  12 of daily life in early modern England, with repeated outbreaks of 
G09  13 the disease in almost every year between 1348 and 1665, not just in 
G09  14 the landmark years of plague - 1603, 1625 and 1665. It is no wonder 
G09  15 that the plague was a subject of much thought and writing, and that 
G09  16 it even became a trope in English literature.<p/>
G09  17 <p_>It may seem incongruous to write about the plague and ballads 
G09  18 together, but the unlikely fact is that these two subjects were 
G09  19 linked in the moral discourse of the period. Renaissance notions of 
G09  20 contagion and transmission linked plagues and ballads; the evil in 
G09  21 plagues and ballads was thought to disseminate in similar ways. 
G09  22 Ballads, like the plague, were perceived to exert evil effects both 
G09  23 morally and physically. William Prynne's now-famous criticism of 
G09  24 the theatre inveighs against ballads, his language consistent with 
G09  25 plague discourse: <quote_>"Such songs, such poems as these [are] 
G09  26 abundantly condemned, as filthy and unchristian defilements, which 
G09  27 contaminate the souls, effeminate the minds, deprave the manners, 
G09  28 of those that hear or sing them, exciting, enticing them to lust; 
G09  29 to whoredom, adultery, prophaneness, wantonness, scurrility, 
G09  30 luxury, drunkenness, excess; alienating their minds from 
G09  31 God."<quote/> Like the plague, the ballads were <quote|>"filthy" 
G09  32 and had their effects through <quote|>"contamination"; their 
G09  33 corruption worked on the spirit as well as on the body.<p/>
G09  34 <p_>Ballad-sellers, and not just the corrupting ballads themselves, 
G09  35 were frequently attacked as conveyors of plague. The 1636 Plague 
G09  36 Orders, issued by the Royal College of Physicians in London, 
G09  37 required not only that London citizens take specific health 
G09  38 precautions and that those who were infected be submitted to 
G09  39 quarantine and surveillance within their homes - the usual 
G09  40 responses to plague epidemic - but also that <quote_>"loose persons 
G09  41 and idle assemblies"<quote/> be regulated, that no 
G09  42 <quote_>"wandering beggar be suffered in the streets of this 
G09  43 City."<quote/> Along with restrictions on plays, bear-baitings and 
G09  44 other games, the order specifically prohibited the singing of 
G09  45 ballads. The offenders were to be severely punished. Since the 
G09  46 ballad trade in the seventeenth century depended upon chapmen and 
G09  47 wandering peddlers, who were often considered beggars, such orders 
G09  48 effectively eliminated the sale of ballads during times of 
G09  49 plague.<p/>
G09  50 <p_>The case of the restrictions on ballads in the first half of 
G09  51 the seventeenth century opens up new possibilities for 
G09  52 understanding responses to plague and to the printing economy in 
G09  53 early modern England. The association of plagues with ballads is an 
G09  54 example of how disease was beginning to be perceived as a material 
G09  55 phenomenon - and not solely as a providential one. The discourse on 
G09  56 ballads presents this dual explanation of disease inhabiting the 
G09  57 minds of seventeenth-century medical practitioners, lay and 
G09  58 clerical.<p/>
G09  59 <p_>Furthermore, the material explanation of disease by London 
G09  60 health authorities was accompanied by a social commentary that 
G09  61 articulated anxieties about urban disorder, poverty and vagrancy. 
G09  62 As medical explanations offered a substantially modified view of 
G09  63 the natural order of things in the late sixteenth and early 
G09  64 seventeenth centuries, English society was also coping with the 
G09  65 social upheavals of an urbanizing society. The analogy between 
G09  66 disease and popular literature was used by civic authorities, in 
G09  67 London especially, to control and suppress certain social groups 
G09  68 that threatened civic order, and the association of plagues with 
G09  69 ballads illustrates how rhetoric functioned by the use of this 
G09  70 powerful analogy to control the popular force of printing. This 
G09  71 essay is a chiastic attempt to consider the play between moral and 
G09  72 material explanations in the medical discourse of Renaissance 
G09  73 England, on the one hand, and, on the other, the articulation of 
G09  74 fears about urban disorder as a function of a literary genre, 
G09  75 ballads. Put simply, why were ballads blamed for England's literal 
G09  76 and figurative ills?<p/>
G09  77 <h|>1
G09  78 <p_>Social and cultural norms always shape the ways disease is 
G09  79 represented, interpreted, and treated, since ways of perceiving 
G09  80 disease are historically constructed. This is as true for the AlDS 
G09  81 epidemic today as it was for the plague of the early seventeenth 
G09  82 century. Writing about AIDS in the 1980s, Douglas Crimp pursues the 
G09  83 idea that disease does not exist apart from the <quote_>"practices 
G09  84 that conceptualize it, represent it, and respond to it .... We know 
G09  85 AIDS only in and through those practices."<quote/> Crimp is quick 
G09  86 to add: <quote_>"This notion does not contest the existence of 
G09  87 viruses, antibodies, infections, or transmission routes. Least of 
G09  88 all does it contest the reality of illness, suffering and death. 
G09  89 What it <tf|>does contest is the notion that there is an underlying 
G09  90 reality of AIDS, upon which are constructed the representations - 
G09  91 or the nature, or the politics of AIDS."<quote/> There is of course 
G09  92 a political interest in de-constructing myths of AlDS today at a 
G09  93 time when AlDS is still treated not just as any health issue, but 
G09  94 one charged with anxiety about alternate sexualities. Awareness of 
G09  95 the politics of medical perception only sharpens the call for a 
G09  96 cultural analysis of this, and other, diseases.<p/>
G09  97 <p_>The aim here is not to dismiss studies in the history of 
G09  98 medicine which concern the history of the plague, but to encourage 
G09  99 a dialogical and discursive approach to that history, one which 
G09 100 seeks to enliven the study of historical representations by 
G09 101 invoking the contemporary cultural meanings against which those 
G09 102 representations were posited. Historians of medicine might gain by 
G09 103 looking into the associations between the plague and certain forms 
G09 104 of literature, so as to see the ideas about transmission as a moral 
G09 105 and as a physical matter, and those concerned with early printed 
G09 106 literature might better understand how medical and philosophical 
G09 107 discourses give us guides for interpreting the position of that 
G09 108 literature in society. We need to expand the kinds of contexts and 
G09 109 preconditions we might use to inform our studies of literary 
G09 110 representations, as well as to encourage historians of ideas and of 
G09 111 society to look to literature as a way to understand the diversity 
G09 112 of cultural response that is offered by the archive.<p/>
G09 113 <p_>What was the language of the plague in early modern England? 
G09 114 Dating from its first appearances, the plague was coded by 
G09 115 Christian theology, and instances of plague were likened to 
G09 116 Biblical examples of divine punishment. As early as the sixteenth 
G09 117 century, houses where infected people were found were marked with a 
G09 118 red cross on the door as part of civic programs for monitoring and 
G09 119 containing the illness. This red cross and its accompanying slogan, 
G09 120 <quote_>"Lord have mercy upon us,"<quote/> drew symbolic power from 
G09 121 the Bible, and the use of the Biblical trope of marked doors coded 
G09 122 the plague as divinely sent. City health officials used the 
G09 123 Biblical story of the Passover, where the Angel of Death passed 
G09 124 over the marked houses of the Israelites in Egypt (Exodus 12:13), 
G09 125 with an inversion: they marked doors of those infected with the 
G09 126 plague, as if to say the Angel of Death <tf|>would visit there. 
G09 127 These marks were, like the Passover tokens of blood, red. The sign 
G09 128 and slogan reinforced theories that the infection had a divine 
G09 129 source, that God had sent the plague to punish sin. By alluding to 
G09 130 the Bible in this way, the English added their own history to a 
G09 131 long series of divine punishments for sin.<p/>
G09 132 <p_>Yet the health officials' placement of these marks upon the 
G09 133 doors of contaminated households also promoted materialist 
G09 134 explanations of the disease. The doors were marked so that other 
G09 135 citizens would stay away; and in these acts of quarantine and 
G09 136 segregation, city officials practiced a theory of disease closer to 
G09 137 our modern treatments of infection and contagion. Their use of the 
G09 138 Biblical trope accompanied reforms in sanitation and hygiene which 
G09 139 promoted a radically different explanation of disease, one that was 
G09 140 rooted in physiology, not in theology. If God sent the plague to 
G09 141 punish those sinners who were spiritually unclean, then only 
G09 142 spiritual reform would work; or could human physical hygiene 
G09 143 contribute to disease conditions? This conflict in explanatory 
G09 144 models was a source of debate between English civil and 
G09 145 ecclesiastical authorities between 1590 and 1640. As Renaissance 
G09 146 theorists of contagion, such as Fracastero (<tf_>De Contagione<tf/> 
G09 147 [1546]), turned to physical causes to explain the transmission of 
G09 148 disease, so civic authorities sought to control the spread of 
G09 149 plague by material measures - quarantine, isolation of the sick, 
G09 150 and hygienic reform. The very idea of a program for public health 
G09 151 required that diseases be considered to be within the realm of 
G09 152 human prevention.<p/>
G09 153 <p_>This essay concerns ideas about the plague roughly between the 
G09 154 years 1597 and 1630 in England, during which time there were 
G09 155 significant outbreaks which destroyed between ten and thirty 
G09 156 percent of the population of communities in a single year. The 
G09 157 clash between Renaissance health authorities and the Church in 
G09 158 their analyses of disease, and thus the ideological clash between 
G09 159 providential and material understandings of the world, is evident 
G09 160 in the representation of the plague and in its link to the attack 
G09 161 on ballads.<p/>
G09 162 <h|>2
G09 163 <p_>Renaissance notions of contagion blurred the distinction 
G09 164 between moral and physiological causes of disease. Thomas Lodge, a 
G09 165 self-proclaimed <quote_>"Doctor in Physicke,"<quote/> explained 
G09 166 what contagion was in his <tf_>A Treatise of the Plague<tf/> 
G09 167 (London, 1603). A contagion was: <quote_>"An evil quality in a 
G09 168 body, communicated unto another by touch, engendering one and the 
G09 169 same disposition in him to whom it is communicated. So as he that 
G09 170 is first of all attainted or ravished with such a quality, is 
G09 171 called contagious and infected"<quote/> (B2v). In Lodge's account, 
G09 172 contagion was a process of <quote|>"communication," but one with 
G09 173 both physical and moral properties: it was an <quote_>"evil 
G09 174 quality"<quote/> which performed an action from outside, a 
G09 175 <quote|>"ravishment" upon its victims. The plague made both men and 
G09 176 women passive victims of a pollution. Yet the moral factor, the 
G09 177 <quote_>"evil quality,"<quote/> was transmissible via physical 
G09 178 contact, touch. It had some material properties, which careful 
G09 179 civic regulation might inhibit. Lodge's dedication of his tract to 
G09 180 the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Sheriffs of London, the city's chief 
G09 181 public health authorities, offered a 'scientific' approach to the 
G09 182 pestilence, calling for practical responses to the disease, 
G09 183 including street cleaning and fumigation.<p/>
G09 184 <p_>Mary Douglas's analysis of the idea of pollution is helpful 
G09 185 here. In her account, ideas of uncleanness and pollution reveal a 
G09 186 society's concerns with the <quote_>"relation of order to 
G09 187 disorder."<quote/> She writes: <quote_>"Dirt ... is never a unique, 
G09 188 isolated event. Where there is dirt there is system. Dirt is the 
G09 189 by-product of a systematic ordering and classification of matter, 
G09 190 in so far as ordering involves rejecting inappropriate 
G09 191 elements."<quote/> The Renaissance conception of plague as a kind 
G09 192 of pollution, an <quote_>"evil quality,"<quote/> required that the 
G09 193 stricken society do moral penance. That moral penance took diverse 
G09 194 and ritualized forms: municipal cleanliness; the exclusion of 
G09 195 unruly elements of society, beggers, the poor and vagrants; as well 
G09 196 as suppression of some forms of popular literature. These measures 
G09 197 reveal the multivalent understanding of pollution. For the 
G09 198 municipal authorities, the evils of the city ranged from the 
G09 199 physical aspects of dirt to the spiritual ideas of uncleanness, 
G09 200 idleness, or unruliness.<p/>
G09 201 <p_>For early seventeenth-century medical practitioners, purging 
G09 202 was to be accomplished on the social, not only on the individual, 
G09 203 level. One author presented this theory by speaking in the voice of 
G09 204 a disconsolate London: <quote_>"I hope it [the plague] will purge 
G09 205 my body from bad humours, as vicious persons. Nay, I know it hath 
G09 206 already of abundance."<quote/> In a cruel conclusion, London 
G09 207 concedes, <quote_>"God hath swept my house, so desire to garnish it 
G09 208 with virtue, and furnish it with graces."<quote/> London in 
G09 209 particular, and cities in general, were made to shoulder both the 
G09 210 moral and physical burden of especially high mortality rates in 
G09 211 times of plague.<p/>
G09 212 
G09 213 
G09 214 
G10   1 <#FROWN:G10\><h_><p_>Richard L. Trumka<p/>
G10   2 <p_>ON BECOMING A MOVEMENT<p/>
G10   3 <p_>Rethinking Labor's Strategy<p/><h/>
G10   4 <p_>Not long ago I was told about a debate raging among the top 
G10   5 political organizers of one of the larger AFL-CIO affiliates, a 
G10   6 union that traditionally sent sizable delegations to the Democratic 
G10   7 National Convention and is easily capable of doing the same again. 
G10   8 But now the question it was facing wasn't whether the union had the 
G10   9 resources to get its members on delegate slates. Instead, the 
G10  10 question was whether it was even worth the time and expense. 
G10  11 <quote_>"Every four years we dump who knows how much money into 
G10  12 sending people to the Democratic convention,"<quote/> one of the 
G10  13 union's seasoned political organizers observed, <quote_>"but the 
G10  14 <tf|>only thing we ever seem to get out of it is the right to say, 
G10  15 'Look how many people we had there.'"<quote/><p/>
G10  16 <p_>Though long characterized - even by some of its friends - as 
G10  17 slow to accept change, labor is engaged in an almost unprecedented 
G10  18 reexamination of its political strategies. And for good reason. For 
G10  19 unions representing manufacturing workers, 1991 may be remembered 
G10  20 as the year when many of labor's 'best friends' in Congress 
G10  21 abandoned the cause of protecting American jobs to put negotiation 
G10  22 of a U.S.-Mexico Free Trade Agreement on a fast track. In the 
G10  23 public sector, state and local government employees have seen 
G10  24 scores of Democratic officials - some whose very careers were 
G10  25 financed through union campaigns - respond to budget shortfalls by 
G10  26 scapegoating government workers rather than by challenging low 
G10  27 corporate tax rates.<p/>
G10  28 <p_>Ironically this is occurring at a time when organized labor is 
G10  29 raising and contributing more money than ever before - one 
G10  30 published estimate even says that eleven of the wealthiest union 
G10  31 PACs (Political Action Committees) contributed between $2 million 
G10  32 and $5 million each over the last ten years. However, despite this, 
G10  33 our influence in Congress and in the state capitals continues to 
G10  34 decline. Even on questions where Democratic support might have once 
G10  35 been a given - banning the 'permanent replacements' of striking 
G10  36 workers, for example - union lobbyists often find legislators they 
G10  37 had endorsed nearly as intractable as those they'd opposed.<p/>
G10  38 <p_>Today we long for the 'good old days' when Democrats took their 
G10  39 leadership from veteran New Dealers and when the image of Bobby 
G10  40 Kennedy marching shoulder to shoulder with Cesar Chavez convinced 
G10  41 us that the coalition forged by John L. Lewis and Franklin D. 
G10  42 Roosevelt had become a permanent fixture in American life. But on 
G10  43 the eve of the 1992 campaign the Democratic party of the Humphreys 
G10  44 and Kennedys - a party that could champion farm workers in Delano 
G10  45 or sanitation workers in Memphis - is the stuff of 1960s 
G10  46 nostalgia.<p/>
G10  47 <p_>Today, organized labor faces an indifference bordering on 
G10  48 contempt from a new generation of Democrats who grew up as children 
G10  49 of the very middle class that young CIO organizers made possible a 
G10  50 few decades before. Though their parents may have lived in the 
G10  51 shadow of the Great Depression, these Democrats grew up in a time 
G10  52 of relative prosperity. While touched by the struggle for civil 
G10  53 rights, they were more deeply moved by the threat of the draft and 
G10  54 a faraway war.<p/>
G10  55 <p_>To many of this generation of Democrats, the labor movement was 
G10  56 less a vehicle for economic security - let alone social justice - 
G10  57 than it was Lyndon Johnson's silent partner. Just as surely as the 
G10  58 Great Society died somewhere in the jungles of Vietnam, the 
G10  59 possibility for igniting trade union passions among America's young 
G10  60 was lost as images of prowar hardhats charging antiwar marchers 
G10  61 filled television screens. Somewhat to the left on questions of 
G10  62 civil liberties, defense, and the environment, but far closer to 
G10  63 corporate America when it comes to economic policy, they are 
G10  64 cultural liberals who offer a politics vaguely reminiscent of 1980 
G10  65 presidential candidate John Anderson.<p/>
G10  66 <p_>For much of organized labor, rethinking the relationship 
G10  67 between America's unions and these Democrats has meant adopting 
G10  68 tough criteria for withholding unions support from politicians who 
G10  69 refuse to back our agenda. At a time when many local Democratic 
G10  70 party 'organizations' are barely able to mobilize a roomful of 
G10  71 volunteers to mail out a list of endorsed candidates, the threat of 
G10  72 withholding access to labor campaign dollars, 
G10  73 union<?_>-<?/>operated phone banks, and other campaign services is 
G10  74 hardly without its implications. However, while the radical right 
G10  75 believes labor's political campaign dollars are vital to the 
G10  76 survival of the Democratic party, fewer of those on the receiving 
G10  77 end behave as if this were true. And for good reason. Last year 
G10  78 alone labor's PAC contributions to U.S. House candidates totaled 
G10  79 nearly $35 million, but those dollars become chump change compared 
G10  80 to the $58 million dished out by corporate PACs and the additional 
G10  81 $44 million from trade association and professional PACs. When the 
G10  82 average U.S. Senate incumbent must raise $20,000 <tf_>each 
G10  83 week<tf/> to wage a credible reelection bid, few candidates can be 
G10  84 expected to turn their backs on corporate interests. Raising the 
G10  85 political price for our support might be enough to corral wayward 
G10  86 Democrats under a system where campaign expenditures were sharply 
G10  87 limited, but not when corporate interests stand ready to replace 
G10  88 the dollars we withhold. We could literally bankrupt the entire 
G10  89 labor movement and still be unable to match the dollars available 
G10  90 to corporate America.<p/>
G10  91 <p_>Faced with the seemingly hopeless task of reviving the 
G10  92 Democratic party's commitment to working people, a growing though 
G10  93 still small number of union activists are calling for the creation 
G10  94 of a labor party. Pointing to the successes of Canada's New 
G10  95 Democrats, supporters say that America's 'old Democrats' can also 
G10  96 be elbowed aside in favor of candidates who will stand up for our 
G10  97 issues. Advocates for this approach make a compelling case, but 
G10  98 there's another strategy that incorporates much of the vision of 
G10  99 labor-party supporters. It's an approach the United Mine Workers of 
G10 100 America (UMWA) and a growing number of unions are putting to work 
G10 101 today: it's called running our own as Democrats and, when 
G10 102 necessary, as independents. That was the lesson UMWA members 
G10 103 learned a couple of years ago when, in the midst of the union's 
G10 104 strike at the Pittston Coal Group, union activists decided to take 
G10 105 on Don McGlothin, Sr., heir to one of southwest Virginia's most 
G10 106 distinguished political families and a twenty<?_>-<?/>year 
G10 107 incumbent in the state's House of Delegates. But McGlothin, like 
G10 108 many Democrats, was more than content to gamble that his incumbency 
G10 109 and poor Republican organization would allow him to avoid the 
G10 110 region's most controversial issue: Pittston's drive to deprive 
G10 111 coal-mining families of their health benefits.<p/>
G10 112 <p_>We launched a campaign for Jackie Stump - a coal miner and UMWA 
G10 113 International Executive Board member. Though Stump's write-in 
G10 114 campaign, begun a bare three weeks before the election, could have 
G10 115 been one more doomed protest candidacy, it became something very 
G10 116 different. Backed with the resources of the UMWA, Stump's campaign 
G10 117 produced sophisticated television and radio spots hitting hard on 
G10 118 the 'populist' themes of protecting workers rights and family 
G10 119 health care. Meanwhile, rank-and-file union activists mounted an 
G10 120 aggressive door-to-door canvassing drive and organized the same 
G10 121 phone bank operations unions traditionally place at the disposal of 
G10 122 Democratic candidates. The result was that Stump easily defeated 
G10 123 McGlothin by a greater than two-to-one majority.<p/>
G10 124 <p_>Stump's campaign demonstrated that labor can successfully 
G10 125 employ the same techniques as any other campaign organization. It 
G10 126 was a lesson reinforced last year by the election of UMWA members 
G10 127 to state legislatures in Alabama, West Virginia, and Illinois, and 
G10 128 by the remarkable gubernatorial campaign of Paul Hubbert, a leader 
G10 129 of Alabama's largest teacher's union, who came within a hairbreadth 
G10 130 of unseating Republican incumbent Guy Hunt.<p/>
G10 131 <p_>But the experience of labor's candidates tells us something 
G10 132 else, too. It's that our message - a hard-edged economic populism 
G10 133 considered 'too strong' by most social liberals - can succeed among 
G10 134 low- and middle-income white voters. Polling conducted by 
G10 135 Garin-Hart Strategic Research in the wake of David Duke's 
G10 136 chillingly strong 1990 Louisiana U.S. Senate race underscores why. 
G10 137 According to the survey of 612 white Louisiana voters, racial 
G10 138 issues consistently were of less concern to Duke supporters than 
G10 139 their sense that government had abandoned them. By a 56 percent to 
G10 140 28 percent margin, pollsters found Duke supporters who are open to 
G10 141 voting Democratic blame the wealthy and big business over 
G10 142 minorities and welfare recipients for the squeeze on 
G10 143 middle<?_>-<?/>class families. <quote_>"As a matter of sheer 
G10 144 political arithmetic,"<quote/> the pollsters conclude, 
G10 145 <quote_>"these results suggest there is substantially more 
G10 146 advantage for Democrats in championing the middle-class interests 
G10 147 than in seeking to capture the anti-welfare, anti-minority message 
G10 148 from David Duke."<quote/><p/>
G10 149 <p_>It should be little surprise that of the arguments used against 
G10 150 Duke in the 1991 Louisiana gubernatorial contest it was the threat 
G10 151 of additional job loss that appears to have moved middle-class 
G10 152 white voters to support Democrat Edwin Edwards. Ironically, the 
G10 153 economic hardship that many of Duke's white middle-class backers 
G10 154 finally led many to vote for Edwards.<p/>
G10 155 <p_>However, the best example of the power of economic populism - 
G10 156 and organized labor's role in advancing it - may be in the election 
G10 157 of Harris Wofford of Pennsylvania to the U.S. Senate. Though today 
G10 158 it's accepted as a given that Wofford successfully campaigned on a 
G10 159 platform that could have been written at the convention of any U.S. 
G10 160 industrial union, even more significant was the fact that long 
G10 161 before Richard Thornburgh even entered the Senate race, 
G10 162 Pennsylvania unions dug in their heels behind Harris Wofford and 
G10 163 his populism when many party professionals advocated a far more 
G10 164 cautious approach and, in some cases, even another candidate.<p/>
G10 165 <p_>With its insistence that labor be more than loyal foot soldiers 
G10 166 for party officials, the Wofford campaign stands as a rarity: an  
G10 167 effort that successfully spoke to the problems affecting workers 
G10 168 and accepted leadership from workers' unions. Living up to the 
G10 169 challenge of making campaigns like Wofford's more than the 
G10 170 exception to the rule involves making significant changes in how we 
G10 171 view ourselves and labor's mission.<p/>
G10 172 <p_>On paper the labor movement seems ideally suited to lead a 
G10 173 populist insurgency in the Democratic party, but the reality is far 
G10 174 less encouraging. On too many occasions organized labor, unable to 
G10 175 reach any kind of consensus, comes down decisively on both sides of 
G10 176 an issue. Though Connecticut labor leaders successfully pressed 
G10 177 legislators to launch a state income tax, more than 45,000 
G10 178 residents denounced it at a rally financed in part by a key local 
G10 179 of one of the state's largest private-sector unions. Similar 
G10 180 conflicts occur routinely whenever teachers and construction unions 
G10 181 battle over property tax abatements for local building projects or 
G10 182 when a privatization proposal that would cost jobs for one union 
G10 183 could just as easily create them for another. Though it obviously 
G10 184 contradicts some of the AFL-CIO-bashing in vogue among organized 
G10 185 labor's well-intentioned critics, the confusion that sometimes 
G10 186 characterizes our political strategy isn't due  to the AFL-CIO 
G10 187 exercising too much authority as much as it is the result of the 
G10 188 fact that, as a federation, it has too little.<p/>
G10 189 <p_>Many union leaders have responded to our declining membership 
G10 190 not by exploring our movement's ability to adapt and change but by 
G10 191 invoking the image of a pendulum that's bound to come back our way. 
G10 192 The chief challenge we face is to define ourselves as more than 
G10 193 servicing institutions that negotiate contracts by becoming 
G10 194 organizations that speak to a broader range of worker concerns, 
G10 195 both on and off the job. Walter Reuther was prophetic when, in 
G10 196 1967, he observed that <quote_>"a new concept of 
G10 197 unionization"<quote/> needed to take shape in the wake of the farm 
G10 198 worker organizing campaigns in California. Calling the approach 
G10 199 <quote_>"community unionism,"<quote/> Reuther suggested that 
G10 200 <quote_>"properly nurtured and motivated, it can spread across the 
G10 201 face of the nation, changing the social character of the inner city 
G10 202 structure, providing the poor with their own self-sufficient 
G10 203 economic organization."<quote/><p/>
G10 204 <p_>Examples of this new kind of unionism remain few and far 
G10 205 between, but its success may offer new hope for labor's resurgence. 
G10 206 In the UMWA, it's meant helping to establish Miners For Democracy 
G10 207 (MFD) as part of the union's Powder River Basin organizing drive in 
G10 208 Wyoming. Through MFD, nonunion miners have an opportunity to join 
G10 209 with the UMWA as associate members where they have both access to 
G10 210 the union's resources and a vehicle to make their voices heard in 
G10 211 local politics.<p/>
G10 212 
G10 213 
G11   1 <#FROWN:G11\><p_>And yet, the major problem for a reading of the 
G11   2 Holocaust comes not from this but from the problem of 'reading' 
G11   3 itself. In their time, Adorno and Horkheimer could still appeal to 
G11   4 absolutist notions such as truth, falsehood, and goodness. Having 
G11   5 taken note of the problem of language, they could still brush it 
G11   6 aside and reach out for the metaphysics of truth and justice. Thus, 
G11   7 for example: <quote_>"When language becomes apologetic it is 
G11   8 already corrupted, and it can neither be neutral nor practical in 
G11   9 its essence. Can you not show the good side of things and announce 
G11  10 the principle of love instead of endless bitterness? There is only 
G11  11 one expression for the truth: the thought which denies 
G11  12 injustice."<quote/> With the 'linguistic turn' in philosophy, 
G11  13 however, it has become increasingly difficult to set aside the 
G11  14 question of language and still conduct philosophically acceptable 
G11  15 discussions. A postmodern philosopher like Lyotard would go to the 
G11  16 extent of even denying the existence of an overriding metaconcept 
G11  17 such as language; instead, what we have, according to him, is only 
G11  18 a set of phrases, genres, and modes of linkage between phrases and 
G11  19 genres. What or who does one appeal to in matters of dispute when 
G11  20 there is no authority to appeal to? What tribunal can we trust when 
G11  21 the tribunal itself cannot be 'neutral' and therefore impartial? Of 
G11  22 course, it is not the case that no authority exists really; rather, 
G11  23 the case is that the dispute arises specifically because authority 
G11  24 really exists and the dispute is with that existing or emerging 
G11  25 authority. In the absence of a metalanguage, how does one read the 
G11  26 Holocaust?<p/>
G11  27 <p_>The Holocaust is something that makes people speechless, and so 
G11  28 it already prefigures the postmodernist dilemma of language in 
G11  29 search of meaning. What then is the Holocaust? A signifier so vast 
G11  30 and enormous that filling it with any conceivable meaning is simply 
G11  31 futile or outright unjust? Or, is it in itself a signified for 
G11  32 which we have not yet found a language, an interpretant? Or, 
G11  33 leaving aside the linguistic paradigm for a moment, shall we say 
G11  34 that it is an 'event' in the sense in which the Jewish theologian 
G11  35 A.J. Heschel uses the term - something that cannot be analyzed and 
G11  36 therefore cannot be rationalized in terms of analytic philosophy? 
G11  37 The 'unspeakable' ties one in a double bind: it calls for speech 
G11  38 and at the same time mocks it. Although it is true that the 
G11  39 Holocaust archive is stupendously vast, all attempts at verbalizing 
G11  40 the 'event' have always fallen short of its emotional storage. 
G11  41 Right from the beginning, there have been varying reactions to the 
G11  42 Holocaust from writers - ranging from silence to aggressive speech 
G11  43 acts. Adorno said that poetry after Auschwitz would be barbaric. A 
G11  44 group of German writers, among the Hans Magnus Enzensberger, Martin 
G11  45 Walser, and Peter Hamm, decided to stop writing poems, prose, or 
G11  46 plays. There could be several reasons for this vow of silence. 
G11  47 Adorno argues that the transfiguration of the event from the plane 
G11  48 of reality to that of art alleviates some of its horror by 
G11  49 rendering it an object of aesthetics. For others like Ezrahi, all 
G11  50 art fails before the Holocaust because <quote_>"there is no 
G11  51 analogue in human experience."<quote/> <quote_>"The 
G11  52 imagination,"<quote/> says Ezrahi, <quote_>"loses credibility and 
G11  53 resources where reality exceeds even the darkest Fantasies of the 
G11  54 human mind: even realism flounders before such reality."<quote/> 
G11  55 According to Stephen Spender, the inability of the Western 
G11  56 literature to come to terms with the Holocaust arises primarily 
G11  57 from its preoccupation with the fate of the solitary sacrificial 
G11  58 victim, Oedipus, Christ, or Lear; it does not yet know how to deal 
G11  59 with disaster of such a scale.<p/>
G11  60 <p_>There are others who have reacted differently. The Polish poet 
G11  61 Tadeusz Rozewicz said that after the Holocaust he fashioned his 
G11  62 poems <quote_>"out of a remnant of words, salvaged words, out of 
G11  63 uninteresting words, words from the great rubbish dump, the great 
G11  64 cemetery."<quote/> Paul Celan, a Rumanian-born poet who writes in 
G11  65 German but spent the war years in a camp in his native land, 
G11  66 pitched all his hopes in one thing: language. In spite of 
G11  67 everything, language continued to live <quote_>"through a dreadful 
G11  68 silence, survive through a thousand nights of death-dealing speech. 
G11  69 It went on living and gave birth to no words to describe what had 
G11  70 happened; but it survived and came to light again, 'enriched by it 
G11  71 all.'"<quote/> Elie Wiesel, who began as a Yiddish writer but now 
G11  72 writes in French, has devoted an entire novel called <tf_>The 
G11  73 Oath<tf/> to one survivor's struggle against the vow of silence: 
G11  74 <quote_>"Words have been our weapon, our shield, the tale our 
G11  75 lifeboat."<quote/> Even Adorno's dictum of <quote_>"no poetry after 
G11  76 Auschwitz"<quote/> is not to be taken literally. Adorno himself 
G11  77 quotes the reply of Hans Magnus Enzensberger, a prominent German 
G11  78 poet and critic, who said that surrender to silence would mean 
G11  79 surrender to cynicism, surrender to the very forces that created 
G11  80 Auschwitz in the first place. George Steiner's advocacy of silence 
G11  81 after the Holocaust stems from his extreme agony and anger at what 
G11  82 he describes as the falsification of language. For him, the 
G11  83 violence done to the Jews during the Third Reich is inseparable 
G11  84 from the violence done to the German language. In making sense of 
G11  85 what is apparently senseless, the destruction of nearly six million 
G11  86 Jews by the Nazis, will language offer itself as the only available 
G11  87 archaeological arena?<p/>
G11  88 <p_>Kren and Rappoport point out in their excellently written book 
G11  89 <tf_>The Holocaust and the Crisis of Human Behavior<tf/> that, 
G11  90 faced with the phenomenon of the Holocaust, we generally perceive 
G11  91 two types of reactions. One is to say that the Holocaust is unique 
G11  92 <quote_>"but normal after all."<quote/> According to this reaction, 
G11  93 the Holocaust is one among the several such 'aberrations' of human 
G11  94 behavior in history, and as such, albeit its enormity, is only 
G11  95 comparable with the slaughter of the Albigensian heretics, the 
G11  96 Turkish decimation of the Armenians, the British use of 
G11  97 concentration camps during the Boer War, and so on. The killing of 
G11  98 the Jews, supported by historical evidence of anti-Semitism, thus 
G11  99 becomes <quote_>"an ugly but familiar fact of historical 
G11 100 life."<quote/> The second reaction, coming mainly from the 
G11 101 survivors of the death camps, is one of mysticism. According to 
G11 102 this, the Holocaust and the experiences associated with it are 
G11 103 beyond intelligent comprehension and <quote_>"impossible to 
G11 104 communicate."<quote/> Both these reactions, argue Kren and 
G11 105 Rappoport, make the historian's task simple: the 
G11 106 unique-but-normal-after-all view obviates all challenges to 
G11 107 critical inquiry and <quote_>"historians may conduct business as 
G11 108 usual, gathering facts and examining how they may be articulated as 
G11 109 explanations for specific actions."<quote/> On the other hand, if 
G11 110 the Nazi genocide program is seen in terms of mystical revelations, 
G11 111 <quote_>"then it will appear to be manifestly beyond critical 
G11 112 study."<quote/> Kren and Rappoport take this as an explanation for 
G11 113 why the essential human questions get lost in all discussions on 
G11 114 the Holocaust. The situation thus constitutes a complex problem - a 
G11 115 problematic - rather than a simple question like 'What does the 
G11 116 Holocaust mean?'<p/>
G11 117 <p_>Take as an example the word 'holocaust' itself. In common 
G11 118 parlance it means great destruction or devastation. Although the 
G11 119 definitized and capitalized Holocaust (<tf|>the Holocaust) does 
G11 120 partake of this meaning, it has come to be specifically associated 
G11 121 with the Nazi genocide of Jews during the Second World War. Jews 
G11 122 themselves have chosen it and are generally impatient with anyone 
G11 123 who would settle for ordinary words like 'killing' to refer to the 
G11 124 event. What is most striking in the word 'holocaust' is its 
G11 125 etymological association: it derives from the Greek 
G11 126 <foreign|>holokauston (or <foreign|>holokautoma) which was the 
G11 127 Septuagint's translation for the Hebrew <foreign|>olah, literally 
G11 128 'what is brought up,' and can be rendered into English as 'an 
G11 129 offering made by fire unto the Lord,' 'burnt offering,' or 'whole 
G11 130 burnt offering.' Commenting on this etymological aspect, Dawidowicz 
G11 131 says: <quote_>"The implication is unmistakable: once again in their 
G11 132 history the Jews are victims, sacrifices."<quote/> If this 
G11 133 implication is to be accepted, it can be accepted only in its 
G11 134 ironical sense, however, since, as Ezrahi points out, the 
G11 135 nomenclature adopted by the Jewish world <quote_>"does not carry 
G11 136 the same affirmative theological overtones, but rather, signifies 
G11 137 the enormity of the rift in Jewish history and culture brought 
G11 138 about by the destruction of the European Jewish community."<quote/> 
G11 139 Further, the uniquely Jewish reference of the word Holocaust has, 
G11 140 over the years, given way to a more general sense: today it is 
G11 141 being used with respect to any large-scale killing or uprooting of 
G11 142 populations. Fidel Castro has even gone to the extent of using it 
G11 143 to refer to Israel's treatment of Palestinians.<p/>
G11 144 <p_>In understanding the Holocaust, then, we are faced with certain 
G11 145 contradictions: to treat is as a unique or unrepeatable phenomenon 
G11 146 is to set at naught all its significance for humanity; to treat it 
G11 147 as a historical aberration is to trivialize tragedy. The ultimate 
G11 148 meaning of the Holocaust is to be sought in the possibility of its 
G11 149 repetition in forms and contexts yet unknown and unforeseen.<p/>
G11 150 
G11 151 <h_><p_>The Great Interdiction<p/><h/>
G11 152 <p_>The Holocaust created a world of its own, a linguistic world, 
G11 153 factually as well as metaphorically. To David Rousset we owe the 
G11 154 notion <foreign_>l'universe concentrationnaire<foreign/>, 'the 
G11 155 concentrationary universe,' which Ezrahi describes as <quote_>"a 
G11 156 self-contained world which both generated its own vocabulary and 
G11 157 invested common language with new, sinister meanings."<quote/> 
G11 158 <foreign_>Kapo, Appel<foreign/> and <foreign|>Einsatztruppen were 
G11 159 not just words but constituted the vocabulary of the new language. 
G11 160 An otherwise harmless word like 'selection' now assumes the 
G11 161 terrifying meaning of choosing inmates for death, forced labor, or 
G11 162 such other purposes. The worst example of euphemism was of course 
G11 163 the phrase 'the Final Solution,' which actually referred to the 
G11 164 annihilation of Jews from Europe and, if possible, from the face of 
G11 165 the earth itself. What baffles the mind is the syllogistic nature 
G11 166 of the argument: once the Jews were recognized as a 'question' or a 
G11 167 'problem', the problem needed a 'solution'. And what could be 
G11 168 simpler than a permanent one, namely, the 'Final Solution'? As if 
G11 169 to mimic this gradual but 'necessary' end, the Final Solution 
G11 170 occurred not in the beginning years of Nazi Germany but sometime in 
G11 171 the middle of the Second World War. First, there was the stripping 
G11 172 of Jews of all their civil rights, followed by massive forced 
G11 173 immigration. Then the immigration was stopped by law and the Final 
G11 174 Solution was hatched. More specific was the euphemistic term 'bath' 
G11 175 (or 'showerbath') which referred to death by gas in the gas 
G11 176 chamber. The grammatical possibilities of the German language were 
G11 177 fully exploited in what came to be known as the 'Nazi-Deutsch.' For 
G11 178 example, the Nazi adjective for an area whose Jewish inhabitants 
G11 179 were either deported, killed, or sent to death camps was 
G11 180 <foreign|>Judenfrei (or <foreign|>Judenrein), which became a 
G11 181 commonplace word. It was as if the very currency of the word made 
G11 182 the condition it envisaged necessary and legitimate!<p/>
G11 183 <p_>Euphemism, metaphor, and reality have a complex relationship. 
G11 184 Euphemisms, generally drawn from metaphoric imagination, 
G11 185 transfigure reality in strange ways. For the perpetrator of the 
G11 186 crime, a work like 'bath,' a metaphor for death, has the effect of 
G11 187 toning down the severity of his action on behalf of his own 
G11 188 conscience. Elaine Scarry says in her book <tf_>The Body in 
G11 189 Pain<tf/> that torturers all over the world take recourse to such 
G11 190 'softening' metaphors largely drawn from cultural spheres. In the 
G11 191 case of the Holocaust, this side of the language was buttressed by 
G11 192 another: the dehumanization of Jews. This was achieved by 
G11 193 initiating a vicious circularity of thinking: the Jews were 
G11 194 described in terms of animals, insects, sickness, madness, dirt, 
G11 195 lust, and, in fact, in terms of everything evil. They were 
G11 196 projected as a great danger to the purity of the Aryan race. In 
G11 197 turn, Jews 'became' a danger because they were <tf|>not human 
G11 198 beings and so deserved to be eliminated. One official Nazi 
G11 199 historian described the gas ovens used in the death camps to 
G11 200 destroy Jews as <foreign_>anus mundi<foreign/> 'the anus of the 
G11 201 world.' The Jews deserve to be eliminated because they are not 
G11 202 human beings and so the logic eats its own tail. In Scarry's 
G11 203 analysis, such a use of language amounts to what she calls a 
G11 204 'double negation': the users of the language refuse to break the 
G11 205 circularity because they have an interest in its maintenance 
G11 206 inasmuch as it throws a protective shield around them against the 
G11 207 charge of active participation.<p/>
G11 208 
G12   1 <#FROWN:G12\>In this dream, More does not see himself in the image 
G12   2 of the aspiring courtier, trained in the Inns of Court for a career 
G12   3 as a royal servant and adviser. The desire projected here, given 
G12   4 free play in the utopian field wherein all things are possible, is 
G12   5 one in which More can momentarily find a place for himself and his 
G12   6 longing for the monastic life (symbolized by the Franciscan frock). 
G12   7 This dream marks the autonomizing appeal Utopia had for More in its 
G12   8 glorifying of the private individual. More's assurance to Erasmus 
G12   9 that his fanciful rise from his <quote_>"lowly estate to this 
G12  10 soaring pinnacle"<quote/> will not threaten their friendship 
G12  11 indicates that his concerns about entering Henry's court and 
G12  12 compromising his humanist principles are also scripted into this 
G12  13 psychodrama. This vision suggests that elements of the historical 
G12  14 More are incorporated in the text, that Raphael embodies impulses 
G12  15 in More contradictory to the Morus persona.<p/>
G12  16 <p_>What might make one a king in fiction would not necessarily 
G12  17 serve to advance one in the more practical world of court politics. 
G12  18 The limits to self-fashioning in fiction and imagination were 
G12  19 indeed boundless, not so the limitations place upon self-fashioning 
G12  20 in the very real and dangerous world presided over by Henry VIII. 
G12  21 Even on its own terms, however, the created world of Utopia 
G12  22 reflects the historically contingent circumstances surrounding its 
G12  23 composition.<p/>
G12  24 <p_>Those critics who see rifts between the created world of 
G12  25 <tf|>Utopia and the life More led fail to recognize that More's 
G12  26 text is a more faithful mirror of his life and England's historical 
G12  27 circumstances than a superficial investigation reveals. In seeking 
G12  28 to situate <tf|>Utopia in the discursive space between the concept 
G12  29 and history, Marin asks a series of provocative questions: 
G12  30 <quote_>"To what reality or to what absent term does it ['utopia'] 
G12  31 finally refer? What figure - fraught with incoherencies of its own 
G12  32 -traverses it? What discursive conclusion opens up as soon as the 
G12  33 thesis of historical truth, from whose posture it speaks, is 
G12  34 lacking?"<quote/> (xxi). In posing Morus against Raphael, the 
G12  35 historical figure against the mythic figuration, More has hedged 
G12  36 his bet. I use the term 'hedged' advisedly, for it is the figure of 
G12  37 enclosure - <quote_>"fraught with incoherencies of its own"<quote/> 
G12  38 - that traverses the text as a constant equation in the 
G12  39 self-fashioning transaction. It mediates the conversion of values 
G12  40 between the private and the public, between opposing class 
G12  41 identities.<p/>
G12  42 <p_>The bet that More is hedging is that involving his own 
G12  43 self-fashioning, and its broadest values are those represented by 
G12  44 the opposing figures of Morus and Raphael. The self-fashioning that 
G12  45 must be worked out between the opposing terms of Morus and Raphael 
G12  46 points towards class conflict, a conflict between an expropriating 
G12  47 class and an expropriated class in which More represents the very 
G12  48 middle class that was being defined in this conflict. Morus, the 
G12  49 representative of the expropriators of land, and Raphael, 
G12  50 representative of the dispossessed, cause this topographical 
G12  51 discourse to be extended into the narrative structure of the text 
G12  52 as their two voices bring the historical notions of improvement and 
G12  53 impoverishment into that text.<p/>
G12  54 <p_>If we reexamine the myth of Utopia's founding, for example, we 
G12  55 find that in his conquering of the Abraxians, King Utopus acts out 
G12  56 of a myth whose plot is very much grounded in a history vexed with 
G12  57 the problems as well as the opportunities of enclosure. The 
G12  58 'incoherencies' of enclosure expose Eutopos as Outopos in 
G12  59 demonstrating just how closely the created world of Utopia is 
G12  60 linked to historical contingencies. The 'problem' that the text of 
G12  61 <tf|>Utopia seeks to solve is that of enclosure, particularly the 
G12  62 large-scale pastoral enclosure occurring in More's day. Lying along 
G12  63 a fault line that represents a break in historical continuity 
G12  64 occasioned by the irreconcilable programs of large-scale enclosers, 
G12  65 small-scale improvers, and subsistence-level farmers, <tf|>Utopia 
G12  66 must mediate the class conflicts that arise from shifts in agrarian 
G12  67 values. The myth of Utopia's founding is not at all divorced from 
G12  68 the problems of English history; in fact, the king's conquering of 
G12  69 the Abraxians is simply the telling and enactment of that history 
G12  70 over again, its characters disguised in myth.<p/>
G12  71 <p_>The improver, Utopus, is not merely conducting a raid upon a 
G12  72 fictional people; he is, in essence, raiding history, for his 
G12  73 conquering of the Abraxians allows him to redefine and reshape 
G12  74 English history for his own ends. This reworking of history begins 
G12  75 with a forcible expropriation of people from their land. While we 
G12  76 are not told specifically whether that part of the conquered 
G12  77 Utopians who resist are killed or expelled, this initial 
G12  78 expropriation of Abraxa sets an obvious precedent and model for the 
G12  79 Utopians' spillover colonization of lands outside their territory. 
G12  80 In these seizures of territory, those who refuse to be ordered by 
G12  81 the Utopians' laws are driven <quote_>"out of those bounds which 
G12  82 they [the Utopians] have limited and defined for themselves" 
G12  83 (<foreign_><&_>beginning quotation marks missing<&/>Reneuntes 
G12  84 ipsorum legibus uiuere, propellunt his finibus quos sibi ipsi 
G12  85 describunt"<foreign/><quote/> [Campbell, 91]; note the initial 
G12  86 surveying that has occurred before eviction, a surveying not unlike 
G12  87 that preparatory to the evictions of historical enclosure). Like 
G12  88 their historical counterparts, the enclosers, the Utopians justify 
G12  89 their expropriation of others' lands by arguing their ability to 
G12  90 improve them by a fuller utilization than that practiced by the 
G12  91 natives. These vanquished people, their rights of landholding 
G12  92 extinguished, are the fictional counterparts of England's squatter 
G12  93 population evicted by enclosure. Those who do comply join with 
G12  94 their conquerors in enclosing the peninsula of Utopia as an island. 
G12  95 They, along with the conquering Utopians, become the class of 
G12  96 improvers, their historical counterparts.<p/>
G12  97 <p_>The plot of Book II thus offers a careful reenactment of 
G12  98 English history in this conquering and evicting of one part of the 
G12  99 Abraxians. This is the overt content of Book I, the historical 
G12 100 injustice perpetrated against a displaced class. As the problem of 
G12 101 Book I, it gets little play here, for the myth of Book II must work 
G12 102 toward finding an intermediate term between the displaced yeomanry 
G12 103 and the large-scale encloser. To insist too strongly upon the 
G12 104 historical identity of any of the players in this mystic 
G12 105 reenactment would undermine the myth of improvement so dear to 
G12 106 Raphael. Obliquely, the text addresses the problems of vagrancy and 
G12 107 idleness by enclosing the wastes of the 'New World.' As a means of 
G12 108 implementing and expanding social control in More's England, 
G12 109 enclosures of the unenclosed wastes were advocated, for these 
G12 110 wastes were commonly characterized as <quote_>"nurseries of 
G12 111 beggars."<quote/> Enclosed lands were reputed to breed a more 
G12 112 prosperous, better quality citizenry; they also yielded a higher 
G12 113 parliamentary subsidy. Those who block Utopus's 'improvement' are 
G12 114 evicted, the counterparts of the historically dispossessed (and 
G12 115 their voicelessness in Raphael's account of Utopia's founding 
G12 116 corresponds to the voicelessness of their counterparts in history). 
G12 117 If we consider the problem of history beyond the confines of Book 
G12 118 I, we shall find that this glossing over the evicted Abraxians 
G12 119 allows Book II to redefine history not as a conflict between the 
G12 120 expropriated and the large-scale encloser but as a collusion 
G12 121 between the small-scale improver and the large-scale encloser.<p/>
G12 122 <p_>This collusion, constituting the myth of Book II, is essential 
G12 123 if the text is to recapture the historical value of improvement for 
G12 124 itself. As Rodney Hilton indicates, within the peasantry a split 
G12 125 was developing as this peasantry began to separate into 
G12 126 <quote_>"elements with differing economic interests."<quote/> 
G12 127 Unlike the <quote_>"poor and middling peasants"<quote/> involved in 
G12 128 subsistence farming, a wealthier class of entrepreneurial peasants 
G12 129 had accumulated both movable and landed property and were 
G12 130 increasingly the beneficiaries of any new economic ordering (the 
G12 131 improvements which could be had through enclosure, for example). 
G12 132 These were what Hilton labels the <quote_>"upper stratum of the 
G12 133 peasantry, benefiting from the crisis in the seigneurial 
G12 134 economy"<quote/> (127). With the impetus of the textile industry, 
G12 135 these peasants would play an important role in constituting the 
G12 136 class of capitalist farmers that emerged in the sixteenth and 
G12 137 seventeenth centuries (127). Hilton closely links the growth of 
G12 138 this class, which struck against all forms of seigneurial control, 
G12 139 with the emergence of capitalism.<p/>
G12 140 <p_>Historically within the English 'tribe,' a widening separation 
G12 141 was occurring between the upper- and lower-strata peasantry, a 
G12 142 division very much rooted in the political and economic shifts that 
G12 143 occurred in sixteenth-century England. The 'wolves' - large-scale 
G12 144 enclosers - not only expropriated the land of the poorer peasantry 
G12 145 - the sheep - but they have also disrupted the orderly historical 
G12 146 shift being brought on by the small-scale enclosers. The plans of 
G12 147 the large-scale encloser and the small-scale improver are merged in 
G12 148 Book II, as the remaining Abraxians are subsumed into one common 
G12 149 identity with their conquerors, both henceforward known as 
G12 150 Utopians. This merger runs counter to history, for Hilton has shown 
G12 151 that the programs of these two groups ran directly counter to one 
G12 152 another. In this respect, Utopus raids history twice over, for he 
G12 153 both expropriates one element of the peasant class while co-opting 
G12 154 the program of another. Most important, this conquering and 
G12 155 transformation of the 'compliant' element of the Abraxians allow 
G12 156 Utopus to wrest the historical value of improvement from the 
G12 157 program of the small-scale enclosers and to reinvest it in the 
G12 158 large-scale enclosing of Utopia.<p/>
G12 159 <p_>Utopus and, by association, Raphael rework historical 
G12 160 situations and identities in a fashion that does not bear close 
G12 161 scrutiny; indeed, the myth of Utopia is undermined when one 
G12 162 converts the values expressed in Book II into those more 
G12 163 historically oriented ones of Book I. The myth of Utopia's founding 
G12 164 by enclosure risks being exposed if it is not disguised. The 
G12 165 expropriation of the Abraxians is thus muted, displaced, and 
G12 166 'alienated' in the example of Utopus's conquering of foreign lands. 
G12 167 The historical expulsion of peasants from private land by members 
G12 168 of the yeomanry and nobility might not seem to equate to the 
G12 169 conquest of an alien territory and the expulsion of some part of 
G12 170 its people by a king; however, the digging out of the land link, 
G12 171 transforming the mythic Abraxian peninsula into a figuration of the 
G12 172 English island, reminds us that there is a strong sense of the 
G12 173 familiar in the alien. It also marks Book II as a prophetic text in 
G12 174 a sense quite contrary to Kautsky's celebration of <tf|>Utopia as a 
G12 175 precursor to socialism. The text's transfer of the enclosing 
G12 176 function from the levels of yeomanry and nobility to that of the 
G12 177 state predicts the link between large-scale Acts of Enclosure and 
G12 178 the growth of the modern state.<p/>
G12 179 <p_>The charge of duplicity that Marius brings against More is 
G12 180 offset and answered by the double text of <tf|>Utopia, for Book I 
G12 181 provides many keys for reading and deciphering the myth offered in 
G12 182 Book II. Indeed, unwound from the historical materials of More's 
G12 183 own embassy is another embassy, uniting history and myth, that 
G12 184 brings Raphael forth. Raphael argues on behalf of the dispossessed 
G12 185 yeoman who appeared many times before More in Chancery court; 
G12 186 Hythloday sets forth - this time quite pointedly and eloquently - 
G12 187 the rights of the expropriated. As Richard Sylvester points out in 
G12 188 "<foreign_>Si Hythlodeao Credimus<foreign/>," Hythloday is 
G12 189 <quote_>"both uprooted himself and an uprooter of others. His most 
G12 190 urgent pleas for reform bristle with metaphors of deracination and 
G12 191 eradication."<quote/> In service to the interests of royalty and 
G12 192 the wool merchants, More is suddenly confronted in the Netherlands 
G12 193 with the very spokesperson for those less powerful, competing 
G12 194 interests: the dispossessed yeomanry. Contrary to Marius's and 
G12 195 Marin's assertions, Thomas More provides a text entirely contingent 
G12 196 to history and to his personal circumstances at the time of its 
G12 197 composition. <tf|>Utopia exemplifies Jean Howard's dictum that 
G12 198 literary texts do not constitute <quote_>"monologic, organically 
G12 199 unified wholes"<quote/> but <quote_>"sites where many voices of 
G12 200 culture and many systems of intelligibility interact."<quote/> 
G12 201 Raphael's curious - and untenable - position as a spokesperson for 
G12 202 the expropriated and a representative of Utopus, a large-scale 
G12 203 encloser, bears witness to the text's rootedness in the history it 
G12 204 allegorizes. Morus himself, representing a collusion between 
G12 205 monarchy and merchants in an embassy that sought to improve trade 
G12 206 equally advantageous to both, offers yet another voice in the 
G12 207 text's encoding of dissonant cultural interactions.<p/>
G12 208 <p_>The historical contingency of <tf|>Utopia, a text that uses 
G12 209 enclosure both as a theme and as a principle of its own 
G12 210 organization, provides a better sense of place for More in his text.
G12 211 
G13   1 <#FROWN:G13\>He said that it was his lack of a formal education 
G13   2 that kept him from setting down on paper his recollections of the 
G13   3 Revolution. It was widely rumored that his aides composed his best 
G13   4 letters as commander-in-chief. If so, it is not surprising that he 
G13   5 was diffident in company. Some even called it 'shyness,' but 
G13   6 whatever the source, this reticence was certainly not the usual 
G13   7 characteristic of a great man. <quote_>"His modesty is astonishing, 
G13   8 particularly to a Frenchman,"<quote/> noted Brissot de Warville. 
G13   9 <quote_>"He speaks of the American War as if he had <tf|>not been 
G13  10 its leader."<quote/> This modesty only added to his gravity and 
G13  11 severity. <quote_>"Most people say and do too much,"<quote/> one 
G13  12 friend recalled. <quote_>"Washington ... never fell into this 
G13  13 common error."<quote/><p/>
G13  14 <h|>III
G13  15 <p_>Yet it was in the political world that Washington made his most 
G13  16 theatrical gesture, his most moral mark, and there the results were 
G13  17 monumental. The greatest act of his life, the one that made him 
G13  18 famous, was his resignation as commander-in-chief of the American 
G13  19 forces. This act, together with his 1783 circular letter to the 
G13  20 states in which he promised to retire from public life, was his 
G13  21 'legacy' to his countrymen. No American leader has ever left a more 
G13  22 important legacy.<p/>
G13  23 <p_>Following the signing of the peace treaty and British 
G13  24 recognition of American independence, Washington stunned the world 
G13  25 when he surrendered his sword to the Congress on Dec. 23, 1783 and 
G13  26 retired to his farm at Mount Vernon. This was a highly symbolic 
G13  27 act, a very self-conscious and unconditional withdrawal from the 
G13  28 world of politics. Here was the commander in chief of the 
G13  29 victorious army putting down his sword and promising not to take 
G13  30 <quote_>"any share in public business hereafter."<quote/> 
G13  31 Washington even resigned from his local vestry in Virginia in order 
G13  32 to make his separation from the political world complete.<p/>
G13  33 <p_>His retirement from power had a profound effect everywhere in 
G13  34 the Western world. It was extraordinary, it was unprecedented in 
G13  35 modern times - a victorious general surrendering his arms and 
G13  36 returning to his farm. Cromwell, William of Orange, Marlborough - 
G13  37 all had sought political rewards commensurate with their military 
G13  38 achievements. Though it was widely thought that Washington could 
G13  39 have become king or dictator, he wanted nothing of the kind. He was 
G13  40 sincere in his desire for all the soldiers <quote_>"to return to 
G13  41 our Private Stations in the bosom of a free, peaceful and happy 
G13  42 Country,"<quote/> and everyone recognized his sincerity. It filled 
G13  43 them with awe. Washington's retirement, said the painter John 
G13  44 Trumbull writing from London in 1784, <quote_>"excites the 
G13  45 astonishment and admiration of this part of the world. 'Tis a 
G13  46 Conduct so novel, so unconceivable to People, who, far from giving 
G13  47 us powers they possess, are willing to convulse the empire to 
G13  48 acquire more."<quote/> King George III supposedly predicted that if 
G13  49 Washington retired from public life and returned to his farm, 
G13  50 <quote_>"he will be the greatest man in the world."<quote/><p/>
G13  51 <p_>Washington was not na<*_>i-trema<*/>ve. He was well aware of 
G13  52 the effect his resignation would have. He was trying to live up to 
G13  53 the age's image of a classical disinterested patriot who devotes 
G13  54 his life to his country, and he knew at once that he had acquired 
G13  55 instant fame as a modern Cincinnatus. His reputation in the 1780's 
G13  56 as a great classical hero was international, and it was virtually 
G13  57 unrivaled. Franklin was his only competitor, but Franklin's 
G13  58 greatness still lay in his being a scientist, not a man of public 
G13  59 affairs. Washington was a living embodiment of all that classical 
G13  60 republican virtue the age was eagerly striving to recover.<p/>
G13  61 <p_>Despite his outward modesty, Washington realized he was an 
G13  62 extraordinary man, and he was not ashamed of it. He lived in an era 
G13  63 where distinctions of rank and talent were not only accepted but 
G13  64 celebrated. He took for granted the differences between himself and 
G13  65 more ordinary men. And when he could not take those differences for 
G13  66 granted he cultivated them. He used his natural reticence to 
G13  67 reinforce the image of a stern and forbidding classical hero. His 
G13  68 aloofness was notorious, and he worked at it. When the painter 
G13  69 Gilbert Stuart had uncharacteristic difficulty in putting 
G13  70 Washington at ease during a sitting for a portrait, Stuart in 
G13  71 exasperation finally pleaded, <quote_>"Now sir, you must let me 
G13  72 forget that you are General Washington and that I am Stuart, the 
G13  73 painter."<quote/> Washington's reply chilled the air: <quote_>"Mr. 
G13  74 Stuart need never feel the need of forgetting who he is or who 
G13  75 General Washington is."<quote/> No wonder the portraits look 
G13  76 stiff.<p/>
G13  77 <p_>Washington had earned his reputation, his 'character,' as a 
G13  78 moral hero, and he did not want to dissipate it. He spent the rest 
G13  79 of his life guarding and protecting his reputation, and worrying 
G13  80 about it. He believed Franklin made a mistake going back into 
G13  81 public life in Pennsylvania in the 1780's. Such involvement in 
G13  82 politics, he thought, could only endanger Franklin's already 
G13  83 achieved international standing. In modern eyes Washington's 
G13  84 concern for his reputation is embarrassing; it seems obsessive and 
G13  85 egotistical. But his contemporaries understood. All gentlemen tried 
G13  86 scrupulously to guard their reputations, which is what they meant 
G13  87 by their honor. Honor was the esteem in which they were held, and 
G13  88 they prized it. To have honor across space and time was to have 
G13  89 fame, and fame, <quote_>"the ruling passion of the noblest 
G13  90 minds,"<quote/> was what the Founding Fathers were after, 
G13  91 Washington above all. And he got it, sooner and in greater degree 
G13  92 than any other of his contemporaries. And naturally, having 
G13  93 achieved what his fellow Revolutionaries still anxiously sought, he 
G13  94 was reluctant to risk it.<p/>
G13  95 <p_>Many of his actions after 1783 can be understood only in terms 
G13  96 of this deep concern for his reputation as a virtuous leader. He 
G13  97 was constantly on guard and very sensitive to any criticism. 
G13  98 Jefferson said no one was more sensitive. He judged all his actions 
G13  99 by what people might think of them. This sometimes makes him seem 
G13 100 silly to modern minds, but not to those of the 18th century. In 
G13 101 that very suspicious age where people were acutely 'jealous' of 
G13 102 what great men were up to, Washington thought it important that 
G13 103 people understand his motives. The reality was not enough; he had 
G13 104 to <tf|>appear virtuous. He was obsessed that he not seem base, 
G13 105 mean, avaricious, or unduly ambitious. No one, said Jefferson, 
G13 106 worked harder than Washington in keeping <quote_>"motives of 
G13 107 interest or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred"<quote/> from 
G13 108 influencing him. He had a lifelong preoccupation with his 
G13 109 reputation for 'disinterestedness' and how best to use that 
G13 110 reputation for the good of his country. This preoccupation explains 
G13 111 the seemingly odd fastidiousness and the caution of his behavior in 
G13 112 the 1780's.<p/>
G13 113 <p_>One of the most revealing incidents occurred in the winter of 
G13 114 1784-85. Washington was led into temptation, and it was agony. The 
G13 115 Virginia General Assembly presented him with 150 shares in the 
G13 116 James River and Potomac canal companies in recognition of his 
G13 117 services to the state and the cause of canal-building. What should 
G13 118 he do? He did not feel he could accept the shares. Acceptance might 
G13 119 be <quote_>"considered in the same light as a pension"<quote/> and 
G13 120 might compromise his reputation for virtue. Yet he believed 
G13 121 passionately in what the canal companies were doing and had long 
G13 122 dreamed of making a fortune from such canals. Moreover, he did not 
G13 123 want to show <quote|>"disrespect" to the Assembly or to appear 
G13 124 <quote_>"ostentatiously disinterested"<quote/> by refusing this 
G13 125 gift.<p/>
G13 126 <p_>Few decisions in Washington's career caused more distress than 
G13 127 this one. He wrote to everyone he knew - to Jefferson, to Governor 
G13 128 Patrick Henry, to William Grayson, to Benjamin Harrison, to George 
G13 129 William Fairfax, to Nathanael Greene, even to Lafayette - seeking 
G13 130 <quote_>"the best information and advice"<quote/> on the 
G13 131 disposition of the shares. <quote_>"How would this matter be viewed 
G13 132 by the eyes of the world?"<quote/> he asked. Would not his 
G13 133 reputation for virtue be harmed? Would not accepting the shares 
G13 134 <quote_>"deprive me of the principal thing which is laudable in my 
G13 135 conduct?"<quote/><p/>
G13 136 <p_>The situation is humorous today, but it was not to Washington. 
G13 137 He suffered real anguish. Jefferson eventually found the key to 
G13 138 Washington's anxieties and told him that declining to accept the 
G13 139 shares would only add to his reputation for disinterestedness. So 
G13 140 Washington gave them away to the college that eventually became 
G13 141 Washington and Lee.<p/>
G13 142 <p_>Washington suffered even more anguish over the decision to 
G13 143 attend the Philadelphia Convention in 1787. Many believed that his 
G13 144 presence was absolutely necessary for the effectiveness of the 
G13 145 Convention, but the situation was tricky. He wrote to friends 
G13 146 imploring them to tell him <quote_>"confidentially what the public 
G13 147 expectation is on this head, that is, whether I will or ought to be 
G13 148 there?"<quote/> How would his presence be seen, how would his 
G13 149 motives be viewed? If he attended, would he be thought to have 
G13 150 violated his pledge to withdraw from public life? But, if he did 
G13 151 not attend, would his staying away be thought to be a 
G13 152 <quote_>"dereliction to Republicanism?"<quote/> Should he squander 
G13 153 his reputation on something that might not work?<p/>
G13 154 <p_>What if the Convention should fail? The delegates would have to 
G13 155 return home, he said, <quote_>"chagrined at their ill success and 
G13 156 disappointment. This would be a disagreeable circumstance for any 
G13 157 one of them to be in; but more particularly so, for a person in my 
G13 158 situation."<quote/> Even James Madison had second thoughts about 
G13 159 the possibility of misusing such a precious asset as Washington's 
G13 160 reputation. What finally convinced Washington to attend the 
G13 161 Convention was the fear that people might think he wanted the 
G13 162 federal government to fail so that he could manage a military 
G13 163 takeover. So in the end he decided, as Madison put it, <quote_>"to 
G13 164 forsake the honorable retreat to which he had retired, and risk the 
G13 165 reputation he had so deservedly acquired."<quote/> No action could 
G13 166 be more virtuous. <quote_>"Secure as he was in his fame,"<quote/> 
G13 167 wrote Henry Knox with some awe, <quote_>"he has again committed it 
G13 168 to the mercy of events. Nothing but the critical situation of his 
G13 169 country would have induced him to so hazardous a 
G13 170 conduct."<quote/><p/>
G13 171 <h|>IV
G13 172 <p_>When the Convention met, Washington was at once elected its 
G13 173 president. His presence and his leadership undoubtedly gave the 
G13 174 Convention and the proposed Constitution a prestige that they 
G13 175 otherwise could not have had. His backing of the Constitution was 
G13 176 essential to its eventual ratification. <quote_>"Be 
G13 177 assured,"<quote/> James Monroe told Jefferson, <quote_>"his 
G13 178 influence carried this government."<quote/> Washington, once 
G13 179 committed to the Constitution, worked hard for its acceptance. He 
G13 180 wrote letters to friends and let his enthusiasm for the new federal 
G13 181 government be known. Once he had identified himself publicly with 
G13 182 the new Constitution he became very anxious to have it accepted. 
G13 183 Its ratification was a kind of ratification of himself.<p/>
G13 184 <p_>After the Constitution was established, Washington still 
G13 185 thought he could retire to the domestic tranquillity of Mount 
G13 186 Vernon. But everyone else expected that he would become president 
G13 187 of the new national government. He was already identified with the 
G13 188 country. People said he was denied children in his private life so 
G13 189 he could be the father of his country. He had to be the president. 
G13 190 Indeed, the Convention had made the new chief executive so strong, 
G13 191 so kinglike, precisely because the delegates expected Washington to 
G13 192 be the first president.<p/>
G13 193 <p_>Once again this widespread expectation aroused all his old 
G13 194 anxieties about his reputation for disinterestedness and the proper 
G13 195 role for a former military leader. Had he not promised the country 
G13 196 that he would permanently retire from public life? How could he 
G13 197 then now assume the presidency without being <quote_>"chargeable 
G13 198 with levity and inconsistency; if not with rashness and 
G13 199 ambition?"<quote/> His protests were sincere. He had so much to 
G13 200 lose, yet he did not want to appear <quote_>"too solicitous for my 
G13 201 reputation."<quote/><p/>
G13 202 <p_>Washington's apparent egotism and his excessive coyness, his 
G13 203 extreme reluctance to get involved in public affairs and endanger 
G13 204 his reputation, have not usually been well received by historians. 
G13 205 Douglas Southall Freeman, his great biographer, thought that 
G13 206 Washington in the late 1780's was <quote_>"too zealously attentive 
G13 207 to his prestige, his reputation and his popularity - too much the 
G13 208 self-conscious national hero and too little the daring 
G13 209 patriot."<quote/>
G13 210 
G14   1 <#FROWN:G14\><h_><p_><tf_>Babette's Feast:<tf/> Feasting with 
G14   2 Lutherans<p/>
G14   3 <p_>BY MARY ELIZABETH PODLES<p/><h/>
G14   4 <p_>At the time she wrote 'Babette's Feast,' Isak Dinesen (Karen 
G14   5 Blixen) was in the latest stages of the syphilis she had contracted 
G14   6 from her husband, and knew herself to be near death. Her digestive 
G14   7 system had been destroyed by the disease, and, in intense pain and 
G14   8 unable to eat, she dictated her story as she literally starved to 
G14   9 death. Yet still she could write 'Babette,' a parable of a 
G14  10 sumptuous superfluity of food and of the sacrifices an artist makes 
G14  11 to give of herself and her art. Gabriel Axel's <tf_>Babette's 
G14  12 Feast<tf/> (<tf_>Babbette's Gastebud<tf/>, 1987), an expansion of 
G14  13 the story into film, partakes of the same artistry. Numerous 
G14  14 critics compare the visual effects of Axel's film to painting in an 
G14  15 attempt to capsulize its force and flavor. Typical are Tom 
G14  16 O'Brien's observations in <tf|>Commonweal: the Lutheran minister 
G14  17 resembles <quote_>"a dour portrait of John Calvin,"<quote/> his 
G14  18 daughters are called <quote_>"pre-Raphaelite-looking,"<quote/> and 
G14  19 the cool bluish tone of Axel's color scheme <quote_>"looks as if 
G14  20 Vermeer had painted it."<quote/> 
G14  21 Fr<*_>e-acute<*/>d<*_>e-acute<*/>ric Strauss in <foreign_>Cahiers 
G14  22 du Cinema<foreign/> refers to the film's 
G14  23 <quote_>"<foreign_>atmosph<*_>e-grave<*/>re 
G14  24 pointilliste.<foreign/>"<quote/> <tf_>Babette's Feast<tf/> clearly 
G14  25 suggests even to those who are not art historians a debt to 
G14  26 painting. Indeed, the film recapitulates the main currents of 
G14  27 Scandinavian painting, a recapitulation that is part of Gabriel 
G14  28 Axel's synthesis of the deepest themes of Danish culture - folk, 
G14  29 European, and Lutheran.<p/>
G14  30 <p_>For a director to allude to painting in a film is not a new 
G14  31 development. First, paintings are often 'quoted' in film for the 
G14  32 sake of the power of the image borrowed. Whether the audience 
G14  33 recognizes the image is almost irrelevant. Its form and composition 
G14  34 carry their own force. But further, film, a younger child in the 
G14  35 family of the visual arts, sometimes seeks to validate its own 
G14  36 worth by using the techniques of its more respected elder siblings. 
G14  37 Just as painters of the Renaissance self<?_>-<?/>consciously held 
G14  38 themselves up for comparison to the art of the antique, so 
G14  39 filmmakers frequently make reference to the older, comparable art 
G14  40 of painting, hoping or assuming that an intelligent audience will 
G14  41 see the superior advantages of the newer idiom. Thus the tableaux 
G14  42 <foreign|>vivants of <tf_>Carnival in Flanders<tf/> (Jaques Feyder, 
G14  43 1935), while not the point of the film, add to the general 
G14  44 drollery, tickle the knowledgeable viewer's appreciation of 
G14  45 seventeenth-century painting, and make valid, if mocking, points of 
G14  46 comparison concerning composition, framing, and their impact on 
G14  47 narrative in the two media, film and painting. <tf_>A Sunday in the 
G14  48 Country<tf/> (Bernard Travernier, 1984) pulls joke after in-joke on 
G14  49 us, as the elderly painter-hero ruminates on his failure of courage 
G14  50 in not pursuing the avant<?_>-<?/>garde avenues of 
G14  51 nineteenth-century painting, while his life is shown as a series of 
G14  52 visions of contemporary painting come alive. Frame after frame of 
G14  53 Monet, Degas, Carri<*_>e-grave<*/>re, Van Gogh parade across the 
G14  54 screen, to the delight of art historians in the audience. There is 
G14  55 little in the way of plot to impede their enjoyment.<p/>
G14  56 <p_><tf_>Babette's Feast<tf/> continues this film tradition by 
G14  57 referring to nineteenth-century Scandinavian painting to evoke and 
G14  58 explain the complexity of Danish culture, to which the film is a 
G14  59 conscious homage. Recent scholarship, notably Kirk Varnedoe's 
G14  60 <tf_>Northern Lights<tf/> (1988) and the Kunstmuseum 
G14  61 D<*_>u-umlaut<*/>sseldorf's <tf_>Im Lichte des Nordens<tf/> (1986), 
G14  62 is working towards the establishment of a corpus and definition of 
G14  63 nineteenth-century Scandinavian painting both as a facet of 
G14  64 cosmopolitan European culture and as an indigenous phenomenon born 
G14  65 of the distinctive and evocative Nordic light.<p/>
G14  66 <p_><tf_>Babette's Feast<tf/> is a sophisticated European film with 
G14  67 a decided flavor of Denmark and a deceptive simplicity, an amalgam 
G14  68 like the paintings it imitates. The evocation of Scandinavian 
G14  69 painting throughout the film is more than a nod to art historians 
G14  70 and more than a validation of the artistic importance of the film 
G14  71 medium. It helps Axel to explore his own culture as an expression 
G14  72 of the deepest levels of artistic and human yearnings. Axel invokes 
G14  73 not only painting but also literature, music, humor, and Lutheran 
G14  74 theology to make his statement about life, art, and the nature of 
G14  75 grace.<p/>
G14  76 <p_>Gabriel Axel's literacy connection is the most obvious. 
G14  77 <tf_>Babette's Feast<tf/> closely follows Isak Dinesen's slight 
G14  78 short story of the same name. The plot is simple. A Lutheran 
G14  79 minister with two beautiful daughters has gathered a small, 
G14  80 intensely pietist flock around him in a fishing village. Norre 
G14  81 Vosseberg in Jutland in the film. A young army officer, in trouble 
G14  82 for his loose living, is sent to rusticate with an elderly aunt. He 
G14  83 visits the pietist community, to which his aunt is devoted, for 
G14  84 prayer and proximity to the elder daughter Martine. He leaves her, 
G14  85 however, without ever articulating his feelings, tells her only 
G14  86 that he has realized that <quote_>"in this world there are things 
G14  87 which are impossible,"<quote/> and determines to cut a brilliant 
G14  88 figure in the military and the world.<p/>
G14  89 <p_>Subsequently, a French opera singer, Achille Papin, sunk in a 
G14  90 profound Danish melancholy during a visit to the village, hears 
G14  91 Philippa, the other daughter, singing in her father's congregation. 
G14  92 Recognizing the quality of her voice, he gives her singing lessons 
G14  93 and promises to make her a prima donna. Though she is attracted to 
G14  94 the splendid, erotic world he represents (together they sing 
G14  95 Mozart's 'Seduction Duet'), she rejects the proffered career - and 
G14  96 him.<p/>
G14  97 <p_>Years pass. The dean has died; his daughters head the dwindling 
G14  98 community in prayer and ministry to the poor. Babette, a 
G14  99 Frenchwoman and friend of Papin, is cast up into the village, 
G14 100 fleeing from the violence of the Commune. The sisters, though they 
G14 101 have little enough to spare, take her in and give her a position as 
G14 102 a cook. Soon they find her indispensable: they, on whom she 
G14 103 depended, have become dependent on her.<p/>
G14 104 <p_>More years pass. Babette, whose sole remaining contact with 
G14 105 France has been a lottery subscription, wins the grand prize of Fr. 
G14 106 10,000. All are saddened by the prospect of her leaving. She asks 
G14 107 whether she may cook a real French meal for the community to 
G14 108 celebrate the hundredth anniversary of the birth of the founding 
G14 109 dean. The sisters view such a wordly feast with trepidation, but, 
G14 110 considering it to be Babette's last request before her departure, 
G14 111 they consent. Privately, the brethren agree never to mention, not 
G14 112 even to notice or taste the food as they eat.<p/>
G14 113 <p_>The dinner convenes, and course after course of beautiful, 
G14 114 sumptuous food and wine appears. Babette is a cook of consummate 
G14 115 artistry. Under the influence of her art, old bitternesses and 
G14 116 recriminations between the brethren are reconciled, old sorrows 
G14 117 healed and loves restored, and all made whole again in a 
G14 118 transcendent feast. Afterwards, the sisters express their thanks to 
G14 119 Babette and their sorrow that she will soon be leaving them. She 
G14 120 reveals that she will in fact not return to France, for she has 
G14 121 spent all her winnings to provide the feast.<p/>
G14 122 <p_>The film varies from Dinesen's story by omitting any reference 
G14 123 to Babette as a <foreign|>petroleuse, an incendiary participant in 
G14 124 the Communard up<?_>-<?/>rising. In the story, the sisters' 
G14 125 suspicion of her role in the revolutionary violence increases 
G14 126 Babette's depth and mystery. Furthermore, it adds a level of irony 
G14 127 to Lowenhielm's climactic dinner speech, in which he recalls the 
G14 128 sumptuous meal he had eaten with Gallifet, the general from whom 
G14 129 Babette was fleeing, and a further level still when Babette lets it 
G14 130 be known that she was indeed the cook of that legendary meal, and 
G14 131 that, cruel and oppressive as Gallifet was, she grieves for him as 
G14 132 one of the few who understood and appreciated her art. This change 
G14 133 the film makes in the original story is an improvement, because, it 
G14 134 distances Babette's story from the political and particular and 
G14 135 gives it a greater universality by focusing it on the relation of 
G14 136 art and grace in Babette's story.<p/>
G14 137 <p_>Dinesen's story was originally written in English to reach a 
G14 138 wider European audience. Axel translates it back into Danish (as 
G14 139 Dinesen often did herself), for Danish is a more suitable language 
G14 140 for so Danish a story. Dinesen set her story in Norway; Axel moves 
G14 141 it back to Denmark. Dinesen's Norwegian setting may have been meant 
G14 142 to distance the story a little from her immediate Danish audience, 
G14 143 to give it a slight added flavor of the quaint; otherwise it is so 
G14 144 distinctively Danish in its understatement, its irony, humor, and 
G14 145 in the constructs of Lutheranism that shape its structure, that it 
G14 146 is again an improvement to return it to a Danish setting in the 
G14 147 film.<p/>
G14 148 <p_>Just as Dinesen's writing is a mix of the cosmopolitan and the 
G14 149 specifically Danish, so too are the Scandinavian paintings with 
G14 150 which we began this essay, and which are, to an informed eye, so 
G14 151 strikingly evoked by the visual imagery of <tf_>Babette's 
G14 152 Feast<tf/>. For example, the close cultural and political ties 
G14 153 between Germany and Denmark produced a close resemblance between 
G14 154 German Romantic painting and Danish art of the late years of the 
G14 155 century. Some of the most compelling images of <tf_>Babette's 
G14 156 Feast<tf/> are pure German Romanticism: an isolated figure stands 
G14 157 against a panoramic background, a solitary individual in the face 
G14 158 of cosmic natural forces. Caspar David Friedrich's <tf_>Traveller 
G14 159 Looking over a Sea of Fog<tf/> is a close parallel: it portrays a 
G14 160 single figure seen from behind, atop a mountain spur looking down 
G14 161 and outward over a rocky, mist-covered landscape; his face is 
G14 162 averted, his response to the mysterious panorama concealed. The 
G14 163 young Lowenhielm riding over the dunes, Achilles Papin sitting on 
G14 164 the headlands, Babette gathering herbs in the meadow: each is 
G14 165 framed as the elevated Romantic soul (the lover, the musician, the 
G14 166 artist-cook) and, within the framework of the story, each one is 
G14 167 alone, an outcast of one kind or another, thrown up into the 
G14 168 village by apparent chance, there to find connections <quote_>"in 
G14 169 the hidden regions of the heart."<quote/><p/>
G14 170 <p_>From the isolated figure in the landscape to the solitary 
G14 171 figure in the domestic interior is a short step, and there the film 
G14 172 reflects another theme of nineteenth-century Danish painting, the 
G14 173 Realist study of the single, absorbed, unsentimentalized figure, 
G14 174 often a peasant or a woman, painted in a subtle and limited range 
G14 175 of color. Painters like the Danish Anna Ancher drew ultimately on 
G14 176 the paintings of seventeenth-century Holland and Flanders to create 
G14 177 their own versions of the genre painting, and to pay homage to the 
G14 178 dignity and authentic quality of the simple rustic life they 
G14 179 portrayed. Ancher's painting <tf_>Lars Gaihede Carving a 
G14 180 Stick<tf/>, for instance, shows a real person known to the artist 
G14 181 immersed in his work, oblivious to the artist for whom he sits. In 
G14 182 <tf_>Babette's Feast<tf/>, the three scenes of the pauper with the 
G14 183 soup bowl pay their own homage to Danish art, and at the same time 
G14 184 comment with understated Danish humor on Axel's central themes. He 
G14 185 is as rough-hewn as Ancher's model, and as absorbed in his food as 
G14 186 Lars Gaihede is in carving his stick. First he receives soup from 
G14 187 the minister's daughters, who have renounced love and art for good 
G14 188 works, then from Babette, who transforms food into grace, and again 
G14 189 from the sisters, who have come to recognize what life without 
G14 190 Babette would be: his silent <quote|>"Phooey," when he gets his ale 
G14 191 bread soup instead of the French cooking to which he has become 
G14 192 accustomed, speaks volumes. The recipient of the community's 
G14 193 charity, with all its limitations, and of Babette's grace, he is 
G14 194 both an exponent of and a humorous, unsentimental commentator on 
G14 195 the unfolding themes of the film. At the same time, he represents 
G14 196 in the film just what Varnedoe finds in Scandinavian genre 
G14 197 paintings, a <quote_>"rural folk ... as surviving examples of a 
G14 198 primordial national soul."<quote/><p/>
G14 199 <p_>Scenes of the sisters with their sewing and of Babette in her 
G14 200 kitchen create a high-culture counterpart to these rustic genre 
G14 201 'paintings' within the film, and make reference to another strain 
G14 202 of Scandinavian painting. Artists like Harriet Backer made a 
G14 203 speciality of the single female figure engaged in some mundane task 
G14 204 (sewing, for example) in a simple interior often bathed in 
G14 205 transforming light effects (lamplight, sunlight diffused from a 
G14 206 window in another room).
G14 207 
G15   1 <#FROWN:G15\><p_>I am led to ask these questions about television's 
G15   2 male viewers for a number of reasons which arise, for me at least, 
G15   3 in a much earlier interpretive context - namely, whenever I 
G15   4 encounter the scene very near the end of <tf_>Dark Victory<tf/> 
G15   5 when Judith has begun to go blind. I am mystified, not sure of my 
G15   6 knowledge or what I am supposed to see, yet quite 'moved.' That 
G15   7 distanciation I am supposed to have, as a male confronted with 
G15   8 melodrama, seems to fail me because of the ways in which I am 
G15   9 implicated. Let me be explicit: Judith has revealed the fact of her 
G15  10 impending blindness to her dearest female friend Anne but hides it 
G15  11 from her husband, Frederick, because he has had important news 
G15  12 about presenting his research in New York City. She does not want 
G15  13 to keep him from going. Frederick, however, has suddenly become 
G15  14 oblivious to Judith's condition and does not 'see' her current 
G15  15 condition, whereas he had been solicitous and observant (as both 
G15  16 doctor and husband) before. Why does this scene arouse my anger 
G15  17 toward the marginalization of the doctor? How can he not recognize 
G15  18 what Judith is concealing from him? Is he merely insensitive, or 
G15  19 does he not have access to Judith's state of mind because she has 
G15  20 concealed it (from him but not from me)? Is it that our optical 
G15  21 point of view and its consequent knowledge is something we can 
G15  22 share only with Judith and not with Frederick? Yet, why in what 
G15  23 Frederick does not see and does not do, do I suffer the pain of 
G15  24 visible and embodied recognition?<p/>
G15  25 <p_>Why <tf|>might this scene, however, appeal to spectators of 
G15  26 both sexes, after so many years have passed? Of course, as Steve 
G15  27 Neale recently argued about melodrama and tears, it has to do with 
G15  28 the coincidence of character and spectator knowledge as well as 
G15  29 with a sense of spectator powerlessness. That is, my knowledge is 
G15  30 not restricted or withheld by the film, my point of view is always 
G15  31 more complete than the diegetic character, and my sense of 
G15  32 powerlessness comes about because of the delay in understanding and 
G15  33 awareness. It is always too late in melodrama. Amidst this 
G15  34 powerless feeling, there is, nonetheless, the power of the 
G15  35 <tf_>Dark Victory<tf/> scene to be found in the 'feeling' that, one 
G15  36 suspects for both male and female spectator, is quite contradictory 
G15  37 and unpleasurable. When we move from the cinematic to the 
G15  38 televisual, 'feelings,' intimate detail, and intense emotion in 
G15  39 small but familiar spaces are the ways television resolves 
G15  40 everything that is contradictory - consumer culture, gender and 
G15  41 class relations - especially in what is recognized as 
G15  42 'melodramatic.' As more and more televisual genres become mixed 
G15  43 modes of realism and melodrama, as fantasy and desire invade 
G15  44 so-called gender-specific genres, and as television melodrama 
G15  45 reveals more and more the strains of contradictory bourgeois 
G15  46 culture, the interpretive moment becomes more complex.<p/>
G15  47 <p_>Cinematic criticism of melodrama has not recovered enough from 
G15  48 its Sirkian moment, apparently, to recognize that television has 
G15  49 moved beyond simplistic notions of two textually defined audiences: 
G15  50 the female one that is implicated in, identifies with, and weeps at 
G15  51 melodrama, and the male one that sees through female involvement 
G15  52 and distances itself from melodrama. Cinematic 'bachelor machines' 
G15  53 regulate issues of knowledge and surveillance as they, and we male 
G15  54 spectators, bind and constrain women. But those familiar 
G15  55 assumptions are very prejudicial to, and presumptive about, males 
G15  56 in the audience.<p/>
G15  57 <p_>For example, one assumption in most cinematic theory is that 
G15  58 the 'eyes' that see are exclusively male. The male 'gaze' at the 
G15  59 female in melodrama is a concept which is usually ahistorical while 
G15  60 being essential. But in <tf_>Dark Victory<tf/>, we see that the 
G15  61 male <tf|>and female characters do not see, and we know that they 
G15  62 do not. We also know that Judith and Frederick see each other 
G15  63 differently. I am quite sure, for example, that I will never be 
G15  64 able to recognize (not just 'see') why Judith makes the choice she 
G15  65 does. To assume that that lack of insight results only, or 
G15  66 essentially, or ideologically, from the fact of my gender 
G15  67 essentiallizes gender, excludes my experience, and assumes, I 
G15  68 think, too much about gender, and too little about me. All males do 
G15  69 not see the same things about that scene, feel the same way about 
G15  70 those characters, when they are husband and wife, or act upon that 
G15  71 sight and that knowledge in the same ways.<p/>
G15  72 <p_>What part, then, might that scene from <tf_>Dark Victory<tf/> 
G15  73 play in an explanation of how males view television melodrama? 
G15  74 Thomas Elsaesser's recent review of Mary Ann Doane's book <tf_>The 
G15  75 Desire to Desire<tf/> raises precisely these points. It is assumed 
G15  76 that men did not, do not, like the melodramatic in any cultural 
G15  77 form identified as 'feminine.' How, then, can men take pleasure in 
G15  78 and acknowledge a desire for the melodramatic? Men, after all, have 
G15  79 an historical complicity with (compounded by an institutional 
G15  80 predilection for) the more rigid and fixated forms, Elsaesser says, 
G15  81 of <quote_>"imaginary investment"<quote/> represented by the 
G15  82 <quote_>"object choices"<quote/> of the so-called 'male' genres. 
G15  83 How to explain this paradox? How, further, to discover any 
G15  84 patriarchal consent for such a preference?<p/>
G15  85 <p_>Might men view women's films, and melodrama generally, out of a 
G15  86 desire to <quote|>"see" the woman's desire <quote|>"thematized" as 
G15  87 Elsaesser suggests (p. 114), but also to see new forms of public 
G15  88 desire worked out in admittedly non-utopian representations of 
G15  89 heterosexual and family relations? Popular culture is not, Andrew 
G15  90 Ross argues, <quote_>"an expression of mass <tf|>complicity with 
G15  91 the status quo, but rather a medium in which ideological consent is 
G15  92 either won or lost."<quote/> But if the male viewer becomes 
G15  93 <quote|>"captivated" (Elsaesser's term; Neale's would be 
G15  94 <quote|>"moved" which has an older, Longinian sense to it), and he 
G15  95 loses his sense of distance from the domestic melodrama, he is no 
G15  96 longer ruled visually by the voyeuristic. Then desire for the male 
G15  97 spectator is 'desire deferred,' which sounds very much like the 
G15  98 sort of 'desire' that television's imaginative regime requires to 
G15  99 function. Elsaesser notes that <quote_>"'the desire to desire' is 
G15 100 in fact a kind of double negative, and grants the female spectator, 
G15 101 or for that matter any spectator caught up in the signifying 
G15 102 process of the woman's film, a special sort of intensity, a 
G15 103 radicalism of desire: it is not desire denied, but desire 
G15 104 doubled"<quote/> (p. 114). By positioning this notion of 'desire' 
G15 105 outside of the ahistorical, class-less psychopathology of 
G15 106 Elsaesser's theoretical formulation, we can escape from the narrow 
G15 107 text-constructed aspects of his argument.<p/>
G15 108 <p_>What draws men to melodrama, to the male in melodrama, and to 
G15 109 male melodrama are issues larger than what draws men to the woman's 
G15 110 films. While male desire might take the form of (misogynist or 
G15 111 malevolent) curiosity, it might also take other forms, some of 
G15 112 which Elsaesser recognizes. e.g., woman's film satisfies the males' 
G15 113 <quote_>"desire to see the woman's desire"<quote/> (p. 114), which 
G15 114 is very close to pornography; the melodramatic disposition 
G15 115 recognizes (and misrecognizes) the sado-masochistic scenarios of 
G15 116 desire; the melodramatic in both so-called 'male' genres and 
G15 117 'female' genres involves that push-me-pull-you of distance and 
G15 118 captivation, the pleasure of the unpleasurable, the basic paradox 
G15 119 of popular culture. Additionally, we might note a willing desire to 
G15 120 see and to recognize, to know and to understand, that which is 
G15 121 otherwise forbidden because of the power of patriarchy to repair 
G15 122 and mend itself even when under tremendous siege, as it appears to 
G15 123 have been in the United States since at least the Vietnam War.<p/>
G15 124 <p_>Male desire to 'see' woman's desire may, also, emerge from 
G15 125 areas of male sexuality that are by no means universal: that is, 
G15 126 that some males actually fear and distrust women, starting with 
G15 127 their mothers, as Dorothy Dinnerstein argues. Some males simply 
G15 128 cannot distinguish between sex and love. Some males dislike the 
G15 129 messiness of sex itself. Beneath the macho and bravado of male 
G15 130 bonding might lurk not just a primal misogyny but a horrified 
G15 131 awareness. There may, furthermore, be a blending of male desires 
G15 132 evoked by viewing and recognizing the more traditional implications 
G15 133 and identifications of melodrama as well as those desires evoked by 
G15 134 male-genres that have always contained melodramatic elements 
G15 135 presenting more suitable male desires: the fantasy of male 
G15 136 achievement, the concern for manliness and the anti-feminine, 
G15 137 masculine pride and ethos, and masculine nostalgia for its 
G15 138 youth.<p/>
G15 139 <h_><p_>THE COMPLICITY OF THE MALE VIEWER<p/><h/>
G15 140 <p_>The project of this essay is to interrogate these aspects of 
G15 141 masculine desire through an investigation of the relationship of 
G15 142 male viewers to particular types of television programming because, 
G15 143 following Tania Modleski's suggestion, I want to 
G15 144 <quote_>"complicate the question of male sexuality, and so move 
G15 145 beyond the notion that masculinity is always about achieving a 
G15 146 phallic identity."<quote/> Perhaps, by deemphasizing the current 
G15 147 psychopathology of gender-genre relations and emphasizing a 
G15 148 textual<?_>-<?/>social dialectical epistemology, we can approach 
G15 149 Elsaesser's more <quote|>"heretical" (his term) definition of the 
G15 150 television viewer as lacking lack and desire because s/he is 
G15 151 already <quote_>"part consumer, part social subject"<quote/> (p. 
G15 152 115). For Elsaesser, this hybrid spectator is not positioned in a 
G15 153 cinematic field of vision but in a <quote_>"multiplicity of voices 
G15 154 and modes of address"<quote/> providing <quote_>"intelligibility 
G15 155 and interpretation, social preconstruction rather than textual 
G15 156 construction and imaginary coherence"<quote/> (p. 115). Clearly, 
G15 157 Elsaesser's notion of the television viewer is undesirably 'social' 
G15 158 and commodified rather than 'textual,' having or possessing a 
G15 159 different subjectivity from that of the cinematic spectator.<p/>
G15 160 <p_>But textually constructed male spectators <tf|>and historically 
G15 161 constructed male social subjects are tied to an anterior idea of my 
G15 162 [our] self-nominated and self<?_>-<?/>identified complicity(ies) 
G15 163 with a social representation of myself as 'male audience' for and 
G15 164 within television. It follows that any 'male spectator' that I 
G15 165 discuss here will have to be capable of dealing with conflicting 
G15 166 cultural messages, with contradictory subject positions within 
G15 167 'masculinity,' and with competitive cultural interpellations. Since 
G15 168 I've nominated myself for complicity with televisual texts, and 
G15 169 with the rest of my 'world,' I must have some social history as 
G15 170 'audience' formed (some might say 'bought') as the audience of 
G15 171 television programs addressed, I presume, to me as well as to 
G15 172 others both like and unlike me (in gendered and other terms).<p/>
G15 173 <p_>Stephen Heath says that as individual human subjects 
G15 174 <quote_>"we live our heterogeneity,"<quote/> but we also 
G15 175 <quote_>"live our positionings in the [gendered] social 
G15 176 field."<quote/> We have to assume (be complicit with) both sects of 
G15 177 operations. Men are carriers of the patriarchal mode, of 
G15 178 masculinity, and the masculine point of view. They can, also, 
G15 179 sometimes engage in a practice of deconstruction. Within 
G15 180 deconstructive practice, this would amount to the recognition of 
G15 181 <quote_>"provisional and intractable starting points"<quote/> in 
G15 182 the investigation of one's own masculine positioning in the social 
G15 183 field. Such an investigation amounts to the disclosure of 
G15 184 complicities, where the <quote_>"critic-as-subject is her[him]self 
G15 185 complicit with the objects of her [his] critique,"<quote/> 
G15 186 emphasizing history and the <quote_>"ethico-political as the 
G15 187 'trace' of that complicity."<quote/><p/>
G15 188 <p_>This structure of complicity includes not just the disclosure 
G15 189 of the subject as subjected, but genre complicity, textual 
G15 190 complicity, viewing complicity, and commodity complicity. This 
G15 191 complicity between social text and its viewer takes many, familiar 
G15 192 forms: the way in which we are complicit in the concepts of modes 
G15 193 of address and ideological problematic used by David Morley and 
G15 194 John Fiske, the way in which we think the relationship of viewer 
G15 195 interdiscourse and television's heterogeneity of discourse (Ien 
G15 196 Ang), the way in which we think about ideologies contending with 
G15 197 one another for our consent (in, among other places, Bill Nichols' 
G15 198 essay 'Ideological and Marxist Criticism'), or the way in which 
G15 199 television works to construct a complicity with the viewer around 
G15 200 the construction of the ideal family (in John Ellis and Jane 
G15 201 Feuer). None of these discursively constructed complicities assumes 
G15 202 a complete reciprocity in terms of encoder/decoder understanding, 
G15 203 nor a complete disjuncture either. Whenever, then, we discuss the 
G15 204 means by which genre is currently thought, or the nature of 
G15 205 audience complicity with star discourses, we are, implicitly, 
G15 206 investigating the complicity of texts-viewers encounters. Even in 
G15 207 commodity theory, we recognize that the audience, which is sold by 
G15 208 networks to advertisers, is also a commodity for itself, involving 
G15 209 kinds of cognitive and emotional work that is sold.<p/>
G15 210 <p_>Complicity, then, involves processes of consent, sometimes 
G15 211 collusion, but never bad faith or guilt.
G15 212 
G15 213 
G15 214 
G16   1 <#FROWN:G16\><h_><p_>William Olsen<p/>
G16   2 <p_>Lyric Detachment: Two New Books of Poetry<p/>
G16   3 <p_>Jorie Graham, <tf_>Region of Unlikeness.<tf/> New York: Ecco, 
G16   4 1991.<p/>
G16   5 <p_>Chase Twichell. <tf|>Perdido. New York: Farrar, Strauss and 
G16   6 Giroux, 1991.<p/><h/>
G16   7 <p_>As artists, poets should naturally want to distance themselves 
G16   8 from what they regard as mere fashion - which is to say that 
G16   9 fashion influences those who would shed it almost as deeply as 
G16  10 those who would cling to it. At present it seems fashionable to 
G16  11 deride the personal in poetry. We have approached a juncture where 
G16  12 contemporary American poetry is collectively congratulating itself 
G16  13 for having escaped the malignant confines of a personal poetry, 
G16  14 especially as practiced by the so-called confessional poets - 
G16  15 currently, our most widely spanning and therefore most meaningless 
G16  16 pejorative. A poetry of self-confrontation is seen to be a product, 
G16  17 if not the cause, of the excesses of a narcissistic culture. 
G16  18 Further, a strictly personal poetry is seen to be aesthetically 
G16  19 incorrect: if the Marxists are right and our consumer society 
G16  20 created an ethos of the self out of a need for ever more selfish 
G16  21 consumers, then any poetry dealing with the personal only 
G16  22 strengthens the stranglehold our greed has on us. Our newest truism 
G16  23 is that a less private, more public poetry is less apt to be given 
G16  24 to narcissism, sentimentalism, self-promoting, etc. A more public 
G16  25 poetry will lead us away from all of these things. In the meantime 
G16  26 the introspective had better watch their step.<p/>
G16  27 <p_>No doubt genuine change in the arts occurs slowly, maybe too 
G16  28 slowly for those of us mired in the present moment to comprehend. 
G16  29 That so many voices are clamoring against the personal suggests, 
G16  30 among other things, how strong a pull the personal still has on 
G16  31 poetry. And arguably, of the various kinds of discourse, poetry is 
G16  32 actually blessed, not cursed, with a small (the sophists would say 
G16  33 elite) audience; for if poetry has one custodial function in our 
G16  34 culture right now, it may be to preserve the potential for genuine 
G16  35 community that eludes more massive forms of communication. You 
G16  36 can't talk back to a TV, a poet<?_>-<?/>friend once said to me. 
G16  37 True, you can't talk back to a poem either. But when you listen to 
G16  38 a poem or read a poem, you listen as part of a small group or you 
G16  39 read by yourself and not as an indistinguishable member of a 
G16  40 tyrannical majority. The individual called the poet depends on the 
G16  41 fact that other individuals called readers are out there. However, 
G16  42 even in our most revolutionary poetry, L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E poetry, what 
G16  43 we have (arguably) instead of a public poetry is a poetry that 
G16  44 could not possibly be more subjective, a poetry that chooses the 
G16  45 most private of all aesthetic paths, absolute stylism.<p/>
G16  46 <p_>What really has changed in American poetry in the last thirty 
G16  47 years or so is not so easy to talk about. It may have less to do 
G16  48 with poetry eschewing the subjective than with its tiring of 
G16  49 postured ways of behaving subjectively in poems and its rejecting 
G16  50 specious alchemical formulas for the private life. In reading new 
G16  51 books by Jorie Graham and Chase Twichell, it becomes clear to me 
G16  52 that the dynamics between poetry and personality have changed 
G16  53 somewhat. Both poets use post<?_>-<?/>modernist strategies of 
G16  54 artistic self-consciousness - like David Letterman knocking on the 
G16  55 camera lens to see if anyone at home is really at home - but they 
G16  56 do so only out of the hyper-earnest desire to be more honest about 
G16  57 poetry's status as artifice. Though both poets aspire to a more 
G16  58 public role for the poetry, by and large they are still 
G16  59 cartographers of the interior. Their poetry is characteristic of 
G16  60 one current branch of mainstream poetry, a poetry of lyric 
G16  61 detachment.<p/>
G16  62 <p_>These poets view human experience less as dramatic participants 
G16  63 or as agonized soliloquists and more as detached observers. It is 
G16  64 poetry's very capacity to distance us from experience that attracts 
G16  65 - and frustrates - these poets and paradoxically impassions them 
G16  66 with responsibility. There is a suprapersonal, yet pained restraint 
G16  67 in their treatment of the qualms of the inner life and the 
G16  68 unpredictabilities of a deterministic world. On the one hand, 
G16  69 detachment becomes a necessary evil. On the other hand, as the 
G16  70 essential flipside of involvement, it actually facilitates worldly 
G16  71 engagement. For Chase Twichell, 'music'-poetry - becomes a 
G16  72 protective agent, or <quote_>"a chord, like the membrane, broken 
G16  73 only once, that keeps the world away."<quote/> More than her first 
G16  74 two books, <tf|>Perdido admits moments of devastating personal 
G16  75 revelation, but only because a dispassionate overtone makes these 
G16  76 moments possible. Jorie Graham adheres to a camera-like point of 
G16  77 view so as to tease herself and her reader into sympathy for a 
G16  78 living world abandoned to lifeless analysis. Graham has at once a 
G16  79 great distrust for language and an equal fascination with its 
G16  80 powers of abstraction. In <tf_>Region of Unlikeness<tf/> language 
G16  81 is almost personified into an interrogator of experience and a 
G16  82 perpetrator of our omnicidal history.<p/>
G16  83 <p_>Chase Twichell aspires to a poetry of lyric detachment because 
G16  84 the world of her poetry is too cruel for any other response. Her 
G16  85 goal is imaginative sympathy, but for her such sympathy is 
G16  86 conceivable only after scrupulous investigation of the darker 
G16  87 motives alive and brooding somewhere just behind craft. The speaker 
G16  88 in <tf|>Perdido seems to report her discoveries from behind a 
G16  89 plexiglass surface of memory. Her strategies are mock-inductive: 
G16  90 however quirky and ungrounded and unscientific her conclusions are, 
G16  91 she arrives at those conclusions only after compiling the requisite 
G16  92 perceptual data, descriptions that shimmer in the phenomenological 
G16  93 no-man's land between the subjective and the objective. Her 
G16  94 imagery, usually pleasing enough in itself, is never just flashy: 
G16  95 it urges the speaker toward statement, personal disclosure, and 
G16  96 intimations of vulnerability. Unlike so much bad magazine verse 
G16  97 that bulldozes piles of observant description as proof of a 
G16  98 sometimes missing intelligence, Twichell is just as engaged by 
G16  99 speculation as by observation. In good keeping with post-Heisenberg 
G16 100 metaphysics, she constantly makes the point that speculation alters 
G16 101 our methods of observation and transforms and even mutates whatever 
G16 102 it is we observe. Her first-person speaker is ideational: a 
G16 103 speculative witness that consistently laments her abstraction from 
G16 104 the physical world. Yet in her own words, the disclosures are 
G16 105 <quote|>"unrepentant."<p/>
G16 106 <p_>Oddly, the exploration of consciousness Twichell's poetry 
G16 107 documents is something like a descent into an underworld, a 
G16 108 Darwinian, subterranean world plainly visible to the powers of 
G16 109 intellection if somewhere just beyond full comprehension. The one 
G16 110 domain of her poetry encompasses the twin zones of memory and 
G16 111 desire, and her journey therein open out into pre-human worlds 
G16 112 teeming with creaturely presences. From a biological perspective, 
G16 113 these poems assert a continuity of being among the lower and higher 
G16 114 life forms. From a psychological perspective, her poetry aims to 
G16 115 achieve self-realization only upon something akin to regression, 
G16 116 some slippage into the depths of the psyche, that murky place where 
G16 117 all at once the libido takes hold and consciousness begins. Yet 
G16 118 Twichell is never guilty of species-ism, and I'm guessing she would 
G16 119 hesitate to accept Roethke's idea of a poem as <quote_>"in a sense 
G16 120 ... a kind of struggle out of the slime."<quote/> If anything, the 
G16 121 pre-human realms of <tf|>Perdido comprise a world of sometimes 
G16 122 remarkably clear actualities, a world neither more nor less than 
G16 123 our world of brutal intelligences. In Spanish, <foreign|>perdido 
G16 124 means 'lost,' 'strayed,' 'ruined,' 'mislaid.' In these poems 
G16 125 'Perdido' is the name both of the Alabaman river that empties into 
G16 126 the Gulf and of some seemingly pre-lapsarian city of light. Between 
G16 127 the subhuman and human realms there are endless border 
G16 128 crossings.<p/>
G16 129 <p_>So far all I have done is to scratch the surface of a world 
G16 130 view. Consider how rich the opening poem 'Why All Good Music Is 
G16 131 Sad,' is, how hypnotically its rhythms unfold, how much the poem is 
G16 132 about the pull of its own musical seduction, how the cadences hover 
G16 133 between free verse and metered verse, how the images hover between 
G16 134 loveliness and venom; and how, more than the poem's candid 
G16 135 statements, even more than the rich mystique of its conceit that 
G16 136 produces the final equation between fish and speaker, the rhythms 
G16 137 themselves embody the unending struggles between body and spirit, 
G16 138 desire and memory, insentience and sentience:<O_>poem<O/><p/>
G16 139 <p_>However metaphorical this poem is, it never cloys into 
G16 140 allegory. From the strangely icy and matter-of-fact first line that 
G16 141 provides the poem's personal frame, we move through flashing 
G16 142 schools of fish and the undulating lacy fans to the poem's crux, 
G16 143 the sight of a fish impaled on a spear, <quote_>"abandoned to its 
G16 144 one desire."<quote/> It is not death that the fish seems to be 
G16 145 suffering so much as bodily isolation. The paradox is that desire, 
G16 146 normally a vehicle for escaping isolation, is the cause of 
G16 147 isolation. At this ironic <quote_>"apex of its fear"<quote/> 
G16 148 Perdido filters from the world above to the <quote_>"half-lit 
G16 149 world"<quote/> below, until words subhuman and human, preverbal and 
G16 150 verbal, presexual and sexual, unfold the same problems, are prone 
G16 151 to the same violence. Twichell captures whatever it is about human 
G16 152 apperception that makes it easier to lounge on the surface and 
G16 153 enjoy the freakshow below. Yet at the same time her speaker's 
G16 154 observation grows out of such dark instincts as can only be 
G16 155 appeased - if that - when they are comprehended. The ending is 
G16 156 fairly easy to anticipate (that the sea has been a metaphor for the 
G16 157 bed hardly surprises us), yet this unsurprising closure, or the 
G16 158 sorrowful ease of it, strikes a common nerve with the stunned 
G16 159 awareness that the speaker is unfathomably alone, yet ever just 
G16 160 able to say so.<p/>
G16 161 <p_>It is characteristic of Twichell's poems to flatten out their 
G16 162 own worst foreboding news. If Twichell means to be moving away from 
G16 163 an art which is no more than <quote_>"cold solace,"<quote/> her 
G16 164 poems now reach new emotional depths as a result of the dramatic 
G16 165 distancing of the speaker from her experience - this because deep 
G16 166 feeling shows up most clearly against a backdrop of reserve. The 
G16 167 problems these poems occasionally run into have to do with one of 
G16 168 Twichell's strong suits as a poet, metaphor-making. Sometimes she 
G16 169 seems too willing to reduce unstated psychic dilemmas into fairly 
G16 170 formulaic images, worldly and pathetic and terrible for being put 
G16 171 so flatly, yet still reductive. In a poem ironically titled 'A 
G16 172 Whole Year of Love' (it turns out that a whole year of love doesn't 
G16 173 amount to a can of minnows!), we get a glib equation like this: 
G16 174 <quote_>"just as a whole year of love, for example,/ might shrink 
G16 175 to a stack of pale-colored,/ just laundered shirts. An 
G16 176 image."<quote/> Here Twichell's usually hard-won flatness of voice 
G16 177 lapses to mere posturing, and tonal effect becomes a shortcut to 
G16 178 substance. These poems also sometimes go wrong when they provide 
G16 179 pat emblems of their own emotional inaccessibility, as at the end 
G16 180 of 'Window in the Shape of a Diamond':<O_>poem<O/><p/>
G16 181 <p_>This gesture of unsaying the sublime, meant to be sublime in 
G16 182 itself, does not produce much more than mute pathos. Thus the poem 
G16 183 speaks no more accurately of the poet's inner life than it does of 
G16 184 the world outside the window.<p/>
G16 185 <p_>But the truth is that <tf|>Perdido gains emotional and 
G16 186 intellectual ground because of its willingness to overreach. It may 
G16 187 have been more difficult to tell the good poems from the weak poems 
G16 188 in Twichell's first two promising collections, <tf_>Northern 
G16 189 Spy<tf/> and <tf_>The Odds<tf/>. <tf|>Perdido is a stronger 
G16 190 collection. It has Twichell's penchant for images as smart as they 
G16 191 are dazzling, but it also allows her imagination more auditory 
G16 192 depths. Though this isn't true for the poetry of every poet, 
G16 193 Twichell's poetry has gained in passion and meaning as her syntax 
G16 194 has relaxed and as her ear has joined her eye in writing the poem. 
G16 195 I quoted 'Why All Good Music Is Sad' because it best illustrates 
G16 196 the vision of <tf|>Perdido. I can't leave unmentioned other equally 
G16 197 strong poems like 'Dream of the Interior,' 'The Shades of Grand 
G16 198 Central,' 'One Physics,' 'Useless Islands,' 'Revenges,' and the 
G16 199 remarkable closing poem, 'The Stolen Emblem.' In this tour de force 
G16 200 poem Twichell has made the dream of her interior ours, its language 
G16 201 our language. She does so by playing endless riffs on the book's 
G16 202 by-now recognizable discovery that our perceptions cloud the world, 
G16 203 but with twists that take the poem beyond the common bounds of 
G16 204 pop-quantum physics:<O_>poem<O/><p/>
G16 205 
G16 206 
G17   1 <#FROWN:G17\><h_><p_>Michael Dorris<p/>
G17   2 <p_>Beyond Clich<*_>e-acute<*/>, Beyond Politics:<p/>
G17   3 <p_>Multiculturalism and the Fact of America<p/><h/>
G17   4 <p_>HALF a millennium ago, my Modoc paternal ancestors lived near 
G17   5 the lava flats of northern California. They went about their lives 
G17   6 - hunting, fishing, falling in love, mourning their dead - 
G17   7 completely unaware of an Atlantic Ocean, much less of any human 
G17   8 beings on the other side of it. Meanwhile, Irish peasants - my 
G17   9 mother's people - toiled in the rocky fields of the western county 
G17  10 of Roscommon, spoke Gaelic, and worried when the next attack from 
G17  11 the sea might come. Unschooled in geography, they possessed little 
G17  12 notion of Spain, much less the possibility of a New World. 
G17  13 Somewhere in the tree of my particular lineage were also French 
G17  14 farmers, Swiss shepherds, German professors, Coeur d'Alene salmon 
G17  15 fishermen - all innocent of the complications of contact, oblivious 
G17  16 of each other's priorities and concerns, insular, ethnocentric, 
G17  17 proud ... and unfathomable to a contemporary person.<p/>
G17  18 <p_>These were men and women whose world was infinitely smaller, 
G17  19 arguably easier, but ultimately less interesting than our own. When 
G17  20 the lines of their consciousnesses inadvertently collided - well 
G17  21 into the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries - they were at least 
G17  22 as confused as they were enlightened, as terrified by newness as 
G17  23 they were fascinated by it. No doubt they mistrusted the strange, 
G17  24 yearned for the security of the 'old days,' often wished each other 
G17  25 gone. But there were also among them people who dared to look 
G17  26 beyond the boundaries of their own birthplaces, who not only 
G17  27 accepted but embraced the possibilities of difference, who joined 
G17  28 together to forge something new.<p/>
G17  29 <p_>This was not, in most cases, a matter of choice but rather a 
G17  30 practical, creative, and available necessity. Our dynamic American 
G17  31 landscape of fabulously interwoven ethnicities has struggled for 
G17  32 generations to devise a workable definition of itself - a challenge 
G17  33 and debate at the heart of the quincentennial anniversary of 
G17  34 Christopher Columbus' first voyage to this hemisphere. The task has 
G17  35 consistently proven to be neither simple nor uncontroversial. 
G17  36 'Multiculturalism,' though the only catchall that accurately 
G17  37 reflects this nation's history of free-for-all migration and 
G17  38 slippery assimilation, has become almost a clich<*_>e-acute<*/> in 
G17  39 political discourse - a bow to each federally recognized ethnic 
G17  40 population, a dutiful list of its accomplishments and contributions 
G17  41 to the modern world. As a concept, multiculturalism is amorphism 
G17  42 without the sharp edges that traditionally mark boundaries, and it 
G17  43 rarely pleases anyone.<p/>
G17  44 <p_>Among the Native American people I know and respect, there are 
G17  45 many who are angry at the attention lavished on the 1992 
G17  46 continental birthday party. These individuals are the embittered 
G17  47 descendants of tribes whose lands were stolen, whose populations 
G17  48 were decimated, whose religions were outlawed and held in contempt, 
G17  49 whose books were burned, whose skin color was reviled. They have 
G17  50 ample reason to profess an aversion to Columbus and all he stands 
G17  51 for. Mythologizing and glorifying - or denigrating - a complicated 
G17  52 past does no justice to anyone. It over-simplifies, and it buries 
G17  53 hard facts and sad realities. It absolves without any confession of 
G17  54 guilt, and it does not heal.<p/>
G17  55 <p_>There are, among my non-Indian friends, those who resent any 
G17  56 cloud cast over the international orgy of self-aggrandizement, and 
G17  57 who blissfully dismiss as 'revisionary' every history save that of 
G17  58 the conquerors. <quote_>"To the victors belong the spoils,"<quote/> 
G17  59 they crow. But they are wrong - wrong as the extollers of Manifest 
G17  60 Destiny were in the last century, wrong as those who would remake 
G17  61 the world in the image of a single culture or society or faith - 
G17  62 and they <tf|>must be challenged. Our diversity, as a species, has 
G17  63 always been our salvation. Why do we struggle so to deny and 
G17  64 suppress it?<p/>
G17  65 <*_>star<*/>
G17  66 <p_>Who, after all, were those societies that greeted Europeans 
G17  67 five, four, three hundred years ago? What were their motives, their 
G17  68 important elements, their contrasts with the Old World norms that 
G17  69 attempted to dominate and destroy them?<p/>
G17  70 <p_>Imagine the scene: it is an autumn day in the late fifteenth 
G17  71 century. On a beach with rose-colored sand, somewhere in the 
G17  72 Caribbean, two groups of people are about to meet for the first 
G17  73 time. The world will never again be the same.<p/>
G17  74 <p_>Emerging from a small landing boat are a group of men exhausted 
G17  75 from a long and frightening ocean voyage. They didn't trust where 
G17  76 they were going and now they don't know where they've arrived - but 
G17  77 it doesn't look at all like the India described by Marco Polo. They 
G17  78 come from Spain and Portugal and Genoa, are Christian and Jewish. 
G17  79 The more superstitious and uneducated among them feared that, by 
G17  80 sailing west across the Atlantic, they would fall off the edge of 
G17  81 the planet.<p/>
G17  82 <p_>The men seek treasure and adventure, fame and glory, but the 
G17  83 people who greet them seem quite poor. They are not dressed in fine 
G17  84 brocade encrusted with precious jewels, as one would expect of 
G17  85 subjects of the great Khan. They are, in fact, not dressed at all, 
G17  86 except for a few woven skirts and dabs of paint. Are they demons? 
G17  87 Are they dangerous? Do they know where the gold is hidden?<p/>
G17  88 <p_>Watching the boat draw near are a cluster of men, women, and 
G17  89 children. They speak a dialect of the Arawak language and are 
G17  90 delighted to receive new guests, especially ones who aren't painted 
G17  91 white - signifying death. Strangers arrive often, anxious to barter 
G17  92 parrot feathers or new foods or useful objects made of stone or 
G17  93 shell. These particular visitors look rather strange, it's true: 
G17  94 their bodies are covered with odd materials, not at all suited for 
G17  95 the warm climate, and they communicate with each other in a tongue 
G17  96 as indecipherable as Carib or Nahuatl.<p/>
G17  97 <p_>Up close there are more surprises. There are no women in the 
G17  98 group, and some of the hosts speculate on why this may be the case. 
G17  99 Have their clan mothers expelled these men, banished them to wander 
G17 100 alone and orphaned? Has their tribe suffered some disaster? And 
G17 101 another thing: they have the strong odor of people who have not had 
G17 102 their daily bath. Are they from some simple and rude society that 
G17 103 doesn't know how to comport itself?<p/>
G17 104 <p_>But all this notwithstanding, guests are guests and should be 
G17 105 treated with hospitality. They must be offered food and shelter, 
G17 106 must be entertained with stories and music, before the serious 
G17 107 business of trade begins.<p/>
G17 108 <*_>star<*/>
G17 109 <p_>The earth was much larger than Christopher Columbus imagined, 
G17 110 and its human population was far more diverse. The land mass he 
G17 111 encountered on his transatlantic voyages was thoroughly inhabited 
G17 112 by more than one hundred million people, from the frigid steppes of 
G17 113 Patagonia at the furthest extremity of South America to the dark 
G17 114 arboreal forests of Newfoundland. In the inhospitable Arctic, 
G17 115 Inuits foraged for much of the year in small nuclear or extended 
G17 116 family groups, assembling only sporadically to carry on the 
G17 117 necessary business of marriage, remembrance, or collective action, 
G17 118 and only when the availability of food was at its peak. In the lush 
G17 119 and verdant jungles of Yucat<*_>a-grave<*/>n and Guatemala, Mayas 
G17 120 had invented agriculture, writing, and an accurate calendar fifteen 
G17 121 hundred years before the birth of Christ, and they had gone on to 
G17 122 become populous in complex, class-oriented societies supported by a 
G17 123 nutritionally balanced diet based on maize, squashes, and beans. In 
G17 124 the Andes of north<?_>-<?/>western South America, early Quechuas 
G17 125 domesticated the potato, engineered an intricate system of roads 
G17 126 and bridges, formed a nation in which the state owned all property 
G17 127 except houses and movable household goods, and collected taxes in 
G17 128 labor.<p/>
G17 129 <p_>The Western Hemisphere was home to literally hundreds of 
G17 130 cultures whose people spoke a multiplicity of languages and 
G17 131 dialects derived from at least ten mutually exclusive linguistic 
G17 132 families. Many societies had well-developed traditions of science 
G17 133 and medicine - some forty percent of the modern world's 
G17 134 pharmacopeia were utilized in America before 1492 - and literature, 
G17 135 visual art, and philosophy flourished in a variety of contexts. Yet 
G17 136 beyond a shared geography, there were few common denominators; due 
G17 137 to the haphazard and long process by which in-migrating peoples had 
G17 138 distributed themselves throughout the continents, the Western 
G17 139 Hemisphere thrived as a living laboratory of disparate 
G17 140 life<?_>-<?/>styles, linguistic variety, and cultural pluralism.<p/>
G17 141 <p_>The Karok in California were no more likely to share mores with 
G17 142 the Anishinabe of Wisconsin or the Yanomamo of Venezuela than they 
G17 143 were with groups in Polynesia or Persia. Every type of social 
G17 144 organization existed: theocracies among the Natchez, matrilineal 
G17 145 clan descent among the Delaware, incipient forms of representative 
G17 146 government among the Iroquois, chiefdoms among the Arawak, 
G17 147 confederacies among the Huron, loosely knit bands among the peoples 
G17 148 of the Amazon. The Zunis maintained stable towns and the Toltecs 
G17 149 dwelled in cosmopolitan cities. Vast trading networks linked the 
G17 150 so-called Mound Builders of central North America with the tribes 
G17 151 living along the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, as well as with 
G17 152 peoples on the North Atlantic seaboard.<p/>
G17 153 <p_>Obviously, no single group was directly aware of more than a 
G17 154 fraction of the other extant societies - and there was no 
G17 155 conception of an overarching group identity. 'We' was the family, 
G17 156 the community, the tribe, and 'they' were everyone else, known and 
G17 157 unknown. The <tf|>fact of cultural diversity, however, was 
G17 158 manifest. Within a day's walk of virtually every indigenous 
G17 159 population could be found at least one and probably more than one 
G17 160 unrelated community whose inhabitants, relative to the visitor, 
G17 161 spoke a totally foreign and incomprehensible language, adhered to a 
G17 162 unique cosmology, dressed in unusual clothing, ate exotic foods, 
G17 163 and had a dissimilar political organization with peculiar 
G17 164 variations on age and gender roles.<p/>
G17 165 <p_>Native persons in most regions of precontact America could and 
G17 166 undoubtedly did believe that they belonged to the smartest, most 
G17 167 tasteful, most accomplished, and most handsome human constellation 
G17 168 in the universe, but clearly they knew that their particular 
G17 169 culture was not the only one. Variety, in whichever way it was 
G17 170 construed and explained, was inescapably the human norm.<p/>
G17 171 <p_>It is little wonder, therefore, that for Europeans of the 
G17 172 fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, America proved to be much more 
G17 173 than a single new world: it was an unimagined universe. The sheer 
G17 174 heterogeneity of Western Hemisphere societies challenged every 
G17 175 cherished medieval assumption about the uniform and orderly nature 
G17 176 of human origin and destiny. It was as if the cultural hodgepodge 
G17 177 of America revealed a whole new set of potential operating rules - 
G17 178 or, even more disconcerting, served as an ego<?_>-<?/>threatening 
G17 179 intimation that there were <tf|>no dependable rules at all. Imagine 
G17 180 the shock! To have believed for a thousand years that everything 
G17 181 and everybody of consequence was known and neatly categorized, and 
G17 182 then suddenly to open a window and learn that, all along, one had 
G17 183 been dwelling in a small house with no perspective on the teeming 
G17 184 and chaotic city that surrounded one's accustomed neighborhood - 
G17 185 with no map or dictionary provided. How did Cain and Abel fit into 
G17 186 this new, complicated schema? Which Old Testament patriarch 
G17 187 begat<&|>sic! the Lakota or the Chibcha? How did the Comanche get 
G17 188 from the Tower of Babel to Oklahoma?<p/>
G17 189 <p_>The contrasts between the Old World and the Americas were 
G17 190 staggering. With only a few minor exceptions, virtually all 
G17 191 Europeans spoke languages that sprang from a single linguistic 
G17 192 family. Moreover, in the larger perspective, Europe's vaunted 
G17 193 religious and philosophical divisions were basically variations on 
G17 194 a concordant theme. Everyone from the Baltic to the Balkans and on 
G17 195 west to the British Isles professed belief in the same male 
G17 196 divinity, and - except for European Jewry - worshiped His Son as 
G17 197 well.<p/>
G17 198 <p_>As side effects of this theological unity, Latin became a 
G17 199 lingua franca for intellectuals from all sectors, and the Mosaic 
G17 200 code formed the basis for practically every ethical or legal 
G17 201 philosophy. The broad assumption of male dominance reigned 
G17 202 uncontested, from individual marriage contracts to the leadership 
G17 203 hierarchy of emergent nation-states. And the Bible - especially the 
G17 204 Book of Genesis - was regarded as a literally true and factually 
G17 205 accurate accounting of origin itself.<p/>
G17 206 <p_>Significantly, in the Adam and Eve story creation is 
G17 207 <tf|>intentional: a personalized, antropomorphic, <tf|>male 
G17 208 divinity formed a man in His image and then threw in a woman, made 
G17 209 out of a nonessential rib, for man's company and pleasure. God's 
G17 210 word was law, and the only token competition came from a fallen 
G17 211 angel, also of His manufacture.
G17 212 
G18   1 <#FROWN:G18\><h_><p_>THE POLITICS OF RACE<p/>
G18   2 <p_>THE MEANING OF EQUALITY<p/>
G18   3 <p_>SEYMOUR MARTIN LIPSET<p/><h/>
G18   4 <p_>No achievement of 20th-century American politics surpasses the 
G18   5 creation of an enduring national consensus on civil rights. This 
G18   6 consensus was forged during the past quarter century by a 
G18   7 civil-rights movement that compelled Americans finally to confront 
G18   8 the wide gap between their treatment of blacks and the egalitarian 
G18   9 values of their own cherished national creed.<p/>
G18  10 <p_>In recent years, however, the leaders of the civil-rights 
G18  11 movement have shifted the focus from the pursuit of equal 
G18  12 opportunity to the pursuit of substantive equality through policies 
G18  13 of preferential treatment. This has brought matters to a difficult 
G18  14 pass, because most Americans, including many blacks, have not 
G18  15 shifted with the leaders of the movement. The reason is not hard to 
G18  16 find. While the civil-rights movement of the 1960s asked Americans 
G18  17 to live up to a single un<?_>-<?/>assailable ideal, today it sets 
G18  18 up a conflict between two core American values: egalitarianism and 
G18  19 individualism.<p/>
G18  20 <p_>Affirmative action was born in 1965 in the spirit of the first 
G18  21 civil-rights revolution. Soon thereafter it was transformed into a 
G18  22 system of racial preferences, and today affirmative action is 
G18  23 rapidly polarizing the politics of race in America. The editorial 
G18  24 and op-ed pages bristle with affirmative action polemics and 
G18  25 analyses. In the 1990 contest for the governorship of California, 
G18  26 Republican Pete Wilson focused on the 'quota' issue in defeating 
G18  27 Diane Feinstein. In the same year, Senator Jesse Helms won 
G18  28 reelection in North Carolina with the help of the quota issue, and 
G18  29 in Louisiana ex-Klansman David Duke exploited it to gain a majority 
G18  30 of white votes while losing his bid for a Senate seat. His failed 
G18  31 campaign for the governorship last fall became a national drama. 
G18  32 When Congress began its 1991 session, the first bill introduced by 
G18  33 the Democratic leadership in the House of Representatives was a 
G18  34 civil-rights bill described by its opponents as 'quota' 
G18  35 legislation. Even after a version of that bill became law in 
G18  36 November, controversy over its meaning and import continued. ...<p/>
G18  37 <p_>In many ways, of course, the United States has never been a 
G18  38 perfect meritocracy. In the job market and other fields, people 
G18  39 tend to favor relatives, friends, and members of their own ethnic, 
G18  40 religious, communal, or cultural groups. And universities, though 
G18  41 meritocratic and universalistic in their explicit values, have 
G18  42 always favored the children of alumni and faculty, not to mention 
G18  43 athletes, in their admissions policies. They also award special 
G18  44 scholarships and fellowships limited to applicants from particular 
G18  45 regional, gender, ethnic, or religious backgrounds - though some of 
G18  46 these practices are now outlawed. To a large extent, blacks have 
G18  47 been excluded from these networks of privilege.<p/>
G18  48 <p_>Women and most other minorities have required only genuine 
G18  49 equality of opportunity, not special help, in order to make a place 
G18  50 for themselves in American society. Indeed, the Jews, the 
G18  51 'Confucian' Asians, and the East Indians have done better on 
G18  52 average than old<?_>-<?/>stock white Americans with similar skills 
G18  53 and education. Roughly 40 percent of Mexican-Americans hold 
G18  54 white-collar or other high-level positions today, even though most 
G18  55 of them were not born in the United States. In any case, immigrants 
G18  56 generally have no claim on American society. Whatever handicaps 
G18  57 they have - inadequate education, lack of skills, inexperience with 
G18  58 the ways of the cities - are not the fault of American society.<p/>
G18  59 <p_>Blacks clearly do have a claim on this society. As I wrote in 
G18  60 1963 in <tf_>The First New Nation<tf/>: <quote_>"Perhaps the most 
G18  61 important fact to recognize about the current situation of the 
G18  62 American Negro is that <tf_>equality is not enough to assure his 
G18  63 movement into the larger society.<tf/>"<quote/> The question is, 
G18  64 what will?<p/>
G18  65 <p_>One of the more novel proposals is advanced by Brandeis 
G18  66 University's Lawrence Fuchs in <tf_>The American Kaleidoscope<tf/> 
G18  67 (1990). He argues for a system of preferential treatment in 
G18  68 employment that varies according to the type of job. Fuchs points 
G18  69 out that in many, if not most, occupations employers chiefly 
G18  70 require competence, not superior performance. Seniority rights, 
G18  71 legislation outlawing compulsory retirement ages, and tenure for 
G18  72 school teachers are all justified by the assumption that general 
G18  73 competence is a sufficient qualification for employment. Thus, 
G18  74 Fuchs contends, efforts to increase the number of minority workers 
G18  75 among the less-skilled - <quote_>"fire fighters, machinists, 
G18  76 computer operators, and candidates for dental school"<quote/> - can 
G18  77 reasonably include numerical goals, permitting <quote_>"race to be 
G18  78 counted as one of many factors. ..."<quote/> in filling jobs. But 
G18  79 he argues that fields in which high achievement matters a great 
G18  80 deal - scholarship, medicine, sports, airline pilots, and 
G18  81 management - should not be subject to quotas and special preference 
G18  82 policies, apart from special recruitment and training efforts.<p/>
G18  83 <p_>Whatever the merits of Fuchs' distinction, people who work in 
G18  84 these less-exalted fields do not accept such disparaging estimates 
G18  85 of their worth. Poll after poll finds that white workers see no 
G18  86 reason that meritocratic standards and universalistic rules should 
G18  87 not apply to them. In fact, more support (or at least acceptance) 
G18  88 of special preferences is found among elite whites, who begin with 
G18  89 much more economic and status security.<p/>
G18  90 <p_>Mass opinion remains invariably opposed to preferential 
G18  91 treatment for deprived groups. The Gallup Organization repeated the 
G18  92 same question five times between 1977 and 1989:<p/>
G18  93 <p_><quote_>Some people say that to make up for past 
G18  94 discrimination, women and minorities should be given preferential 
G18  95 treatment in getting jobs and places in college. Others say that 
G18  96 ability, as determined by test scores, should be in the main 
G18  97 consideration. Which point of view comes close to how you feel on 
G18  98 the subject?<quote/><p/>
G18  99 <p_>In each survey, 10 or 11 percent said that minorities should be 
G18 100 given preferential treatment, while 81, 83, or 84 percent replied 
G18 101 that ability should be the determining factor. When the 1989 
G18 102 answers were broken down by the respondents' race, blacks were only 
G18 103 somewhat more supportive of preferential treatment than whites (14 
G18 104 percent to 7 percent); a majority of the blacks (56 percent) 
G18 105 favored <quote_>"ability, as determined in test scores."<quote/> 
G18 106 Women, it should be noted, had the same response as men; 10 percent 
G18 107 supported preferential treatment, and 85 percent ability.<p/>
G18 108 <p_>Gallup, working for the Times Mirror Corporation, presented the 
G18 109 issue somewhat differently in 1987 and 1990: <quote_>"We should 
G18 110 make every effort to improve the position of blacks and other 
G18 111 minorities even if it means giving them preferential 
G18 112 treatment."<quote/> This formulation was supported more strongly. 
G18 113 Twenty-four percent agreed in both years, while 71 to 72 percent 
G18 114 disagreed. Blacks were more favorable than whites by 32 to 18 
G18 115 percent, but again it is notable that over two-thirds of the blacks 
G18 116 rejected preferential treatment. And while over four-fifth of the 
G18 117 Republicans surveyed were against preferences, so were two-thirds 
G18 118 of the Democrats. A relatively high proportion of those who 
G18 119 identified themselves as <quote_>"strong liberals,"<quote/> 43 
G18 120 percent, endorse preferential treatment, but they constituted only 
G18 121 10 percent of the total sample.<p/>
G18 122 <p_>Last spring, a <tf|>Newsweek-Gallup poll posed the issue in 
G18 123 terms of persons of equal qualifications: <quote_>"Do you believe 
G18 124 that because of past discrimination against black people, qualified 
G18 125 blacks should receive preference over equally qualified whites in 
G18 126 such matters as getting into college or getting jobs?"<quote/> Only 
G18 127 19 percent of whites responded positively, 72 percent said no. But 
G18 128 preferences secured a plurality of 48 percent among blacks, with 42 
G18 129 percent opposed.<p/>
G18 130 <p_>Preferential treatment does somewhat better when it is 
G18 131 justified as making up for specific past discrimination, when 
G18 132 ability is not posed as an alternative, and when it is limited to 
G18 133 blacks and applies only to employers that have actually 
G18 134 discriminated. The <tf_>New York Times<tf/> national poll asked in 
G18 135 May and December of 1990: <quote_>"Do you believe that where there 
G18 136 has been job dis<?_>-<?/>crimination against blacks in the past, 
G18 137 preference in hiring or promotion should be given to blacks 
G18 138 today?"<quote/> Both times, roughly one-third of those polled said 
G18 139 yes. But small majorities, 51-52 percent, rejected preferential 
G18 140 treatment even under these conditions.<p/>
G18 141 <p_>By June 1991, during the debate on the new civil-rights bill 
G18 142 that Republicans attacked as quota legislation, support for 
G18 143 preferences dropped to 24 percent, while opposition rose to 61 
G18 144 percent. One month later, a poll of blacks taken by <tf_>USA 
G18 145 Today<tf/> to test their reaction to Clarence Thomas's nomination 
G18 146 to the Supreme Court found that they rejected quotas. They were 
G18 147 asked, <quote_>"Thomas has said that racial hiring quotas and other 
G18 148 race-conscious legal measures damage blacks' efforts to advance. He 
G18 149 emphasizes self-help instead. Agree or disagree?"<quote/> More 
G18 150 blacks agreed with Thomas, 47 percent, than disagreed, 39 percent, 
G18 151 while 14 percent replied <quote_>"don't know."<quote/><p/>
G18 152 <p_>Both whites and blacks, however, will support a policy 
G18 153 described as <quote_>"affirmative action"<quote/> if it explicitly 
G18 154 does not involve quotas, as an NBC News-<tf_>Wall Street 
G18 155 Journal<tf/> poll found in July 1990. Two-thirds of whites (66 
G18 156 percent) and 84 percent of blacks responded favorably to the 
G18 157 question: <quote_>"All in all, do you favor or oppose affirmative 
G18 158 action programs in business for blacks, provided there are no rigid 
G18 159 quotas?"<quote/><p/>
G18 160 <h_><p_>A LEADER-FOLLOWER SPLIT<p/><h/>
G18 161 <p_>Americans make a critical distinction between compensatory 
G18 162 action and preferential treatment. To return to Lyndon Johnson's 
G18 163 image of the shackled runner, they are willing to do more than 
G18 164 remove the chains. They will go along with special training 
G18 165 programs and financial assistance, enabling the previously shackled 
G18 166 to catch up with those who are ahead because of earlier unfair 
G18 167 advantages. But they draw the line at predetermining the results of 
G18 168 the competition.<p/>
G18 169 <p_>In some measure, the distinction between 'compensatory action' 
G18 170 and 'preferential treatment' parallels the distinction drawn 
G18 171 between 'equality of opportunity' and 'equality of results.' 
G18 172 Compensatory action is probably seen as a way to enhance equality 
G18 173 of opportunity. Because blacks have been discriminated against in 
G18 174 the past, it is fair to give them special consideration so that 
G18 175 they will have a better chance in the future. Preferential 
G18 176 treatment, on the other hand, probably sounds to most whites like 
G18 177 an effort to predetermine the outcome of the competitive 
G18 178 process.<p/>
G18 179 <p_>The heaviest support for preferential treatment seems to come 
G18 180 from the liberal intelligentsia, the well-educated, the five to six 
G18 181 percent of the population who have gone to graduate schools, plus 
G18 182 those who have majored in the liberal arts in college. Support is 
G18 183 also strong among the political elite, particularly Democrats but 
G18 184 including many Republicans (though not many prominent 
G18 185 officeholders). The Democrats in Congress increasingly support 
G18 186 these policies, a change which may flow from the fact that the 
G18 187 proportion of Democratic members who can be classified as liberal 
G18 188 on the basis of their voting record has increased steadily since 
G18 189 the 1960s.<p/>
G18 190 <p_>Democratic leaders are increasingly out of step with public 
G18 191 opinion, and it is hurting them. The Republicans, their creation of 
G18 192 quotas long forgotten, now vigorously emphasize meritocratic 
G18 193 standards. Democrats are faced with a dilemma: how to respond to 
G18 194 pressure from civil<?_>-<?/>rights groups and the intelligentsia on 
G18 195 the one hand, and on the other, how to prevent the party's 
G18 196 identification with quotas from alienating its traditional base of 
G18 197 support among whites in the working class and the South. Lyndon 
G18 198 Johnson anticipated the problem in 1965, when he said in private 
G18 199 White House discussions about civil rights, <quote_>"We have to 
G18 200 press for them as a matter of right, but we also have to recognize 
G18 201 that by doing so we will destroy the Democratic Party."<quote/><p/>
G18 202 <p_><tf_>This is precisely what is happening. A <tf_>New York 
G18 203 Times<tf/>-CBS News poll conducted in mid-year 1991 found that 56 
G18 204 percent of Americans said the Democratic Party <quote_>"cares more 
G18 205 about the needs and problems of blacks,"<quote/> while only 15 
G18 206 percent believed the Republicans do. More significant may be the 
G18 207 finding that, when asked the same question about <quote_>"the needs 
G18 208 and problems of whites,"<quote/> 45 percent answered that the GOP 
G18 209 cares more, only 19 percent said the Democrats do, and 14 percent 
G18 210 said both parties care equally about both races.<p/>
G18 211 <p_>Affirmative action is widely seen as reverse discrimination. 
G18 212 Many less-affluent whites believe that the number of jobs available 
G18 213 for them had declined as a result of preferences for blacks. Two 
G18 214 studies undertaken in 1985 and 1987 by Stanley Greenberg of the 
G18 215 Analysis Group for the Michigan Democratic Party indicate that 
G18 216 negative reaction to affirmative action has played a major role in 
G18 217 the defection of white male blue-collar voters from the party.
G18 218 
G19   1 <#FROWN:G19\><h_><p_>RICHARD LIND<p/>
G19   2 <p_>The Aesthetic Essence of Art<p/><h/>
G19   3 <p_>Anyone familiar with the parallel evolution of aesthetics and 
G19   4 Western art knows how new art<?_>-<?/>forms, in a kind of 
G19   5 punctuated equilibrium, have regularly dislodged each new art 
G19   6 theory. In a strategy designed to avoid any new embarrassments, 
G19   7 some contemporary writers have sought to define 'art' in terms of a 
G19   8 complex relationship within the so-called 'artworld' between 
G19   9 artists, their products and the traditional community for whom 
G19  10 those products are made. One of these writers, Arthur Danto, has 
G19  11 plausibly argued that all art makes some sort of 'statement' 
G19  12 interpretable only by artworld participants familiar with an 
G19  13 appropriate art theory. Nothing can be an artwork until an artworld 
G19  14 theory emerges by which it can be understood.<p/>
G19  15 <p_>There are good reasons to believe that 'making a statement,' in 
G19  16 the broadest possible sense, is a <tf|>necessary condition of art. 
G19  17 But it is not <tf|>sufficient. Phenomenological analysis tends to 
G19  18 show that an artwork must be <tf|>aesthetic as well as meaningful. 
G19  19 Without this further specification, what the artist has to say 
G19  20 could not be distinguished from many <tf_>non<tf/>artistic forms of 
G19  21 communication. Indeed, for anything to be art, its meaning must 
G19  22 <tf|>subserve the aesthetic function of the artwork, in a role I 
G19  23 shall call <tf|>'significance.' Our counter thesis, then, will be 
G19  24 that the concepts of 'art' and 'artwork' must be defined in terms 
G19  25 of <tf_>the creation of significant aesthetic objects.<tf/><p/>
G19  26 <p_>I<p/>
G19  27 <p_>Danto doesn't offer a readily accessible formulation of his 
G19  28 definition of 'art,' but it is possible to piece one together from 
G19  29 his various pronouncements. At the heart of his theory is a concern 
G19  30 about the basic difference between such everyday objects as 
G19  31 clusters of real Brillo boxes and putative artworks like Warhol's 
G19  32 <tf_>Brillo Boxes,<tf/> the respective physical features of which 
G19  33 are virtually identical. If they are alike in every physical 
G19  34 detail, yet one is art and the other not, something must make for 
G19  35 the distinction. Danto points out that, of the two, only 
G19  36 <tf_>Brillo Boxes<tf/> is subject to 'interpretation' by an 
G19  37 artistic community, the 'artworld.'<p/>
G19  38 <p_>Consider, he says, a pair of <tf|>hypothetical neckties painted 
G19  39 all-over blue, respectively, by C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne and Picasso. 
G19  40 Only Picasso's would have qualified as art:<p/>
G19  41 <p_><quote_><tf_>For one thing, there would have been no room in 
G19  42 the artworld of C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne's time for a painted necktie. 
G19  43 Not everything can be an artwork at every time: the artworld must 
G19  44 be ready for it. ... But Picasso's artworld was ready to receive, 
G19  45 at Picasso's hand, a necktie: for he had made a chimpanzee out of a 
G19  46 toy, a bull out of a bicycle seat ...: so why not a <tf|>tie out of 
G19  47 a tie?<tf/><quote/><p/>
G19  48 <p_>On the basis of such observations Danto seems to offer a set of 
G19  49 necessary, if not sufficient, conditions for 'art': <tf_>a) the use 
G19  50 of some object b) to make an original statement c) interpretable 
G19  51 within an artworld context.<tf/> Conditions a) and b) are suggested 
G19  52 in the explanation of Picasso's tie as art: <quote_>"Picasso 
G19  53 <tf|>used the necktie to <tf_>make a statement<tf/>."<quote/> Danto 
G19  54 points out that the statement must be original since a fake does 
G19  55 not qualify as art. Condition c) is an explicit part of Danto's 
G19  56 conditions:<p/>
G19  57 <p_><quote_><tf_>The moment something is considered an artwork, it 
G19  58 becomes subject to an <tf|>interpretation. It owes its existence as 
G19  59 an artwork to this, and when its claim to art is defeated, it loses 
G19  60 its interpretation and becomes a mere thing.<p/>
G19  61 <p_>To see something as art demands nothing less than this, an 
G19  62 atmosphere of artistic theory, a knowledge of the history of 
G19  63 art.<tf/><quote/><p/>
G19  64 <p_>Danto is often accused of failing to specify what makes a 
G19  65 community an artworld community. But in <tf_>The Transfiguration of 
G19  66 the Commonplace<tf/> he tells us that by means of artistic theory 
G19  67 the artist enables us <quote_>"to see his way of seeing the 
G19  68 world."<quote/> For instance, within the tradition of art as 
G19  69 self-commentary, Warhol's <tf_>Brillo Boxes<tf/>, can be 
G19  70 interpreted as propounding <quote_>"a brash metaphor: the 
G19  71 brillo-box-as-work-of-art."<quote/> Danto can thus claim that the 
G19  72 artworld is a community of individuals prepared to see the world as 
G19  73 the artist does through his statement.<p/>
G19  74 <p_>Though this sketch may not do Danto full justice, it at least 
G19  75 enables us to see the beauty of his <tf|>main thesis that the 
G19  76 function of art is to convey meanings decipherable by an 
G19  77 appropriate artworld audience. The idea that anything requires an 
G19  78 interpretive understanding before it can be experienced as a work 
G19  79 of art seems the only plausible explanation for the fact that what 
G19  80 counts as art in one age would not have counted as art in an 
G19  81 earlier one. We might question Danto's claim that if 
G19  82 C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne had painted his tie blue it would not have 
G19  83 been art; had he actually produced one, we should now say it always 
G19  84 had been art - <tf|>unappreciated art. But a principle has still 
G19  85 been demonstrated: if such an artifact did not even have the 
G19  86 <tf|>potential to be interpreted by <tf|>any artworld community, it 
G19  87 would never be deemed 'art.' The potential for 'interpretation' 
G19  88 therefore has to be an integral part of anything's being an 
G19  89 artwork.<p/>
G19  90 <p_>But Danto's <tf|>subsidiary thesis, that the statement of the 
G19  91 artist consists of enabling us to see the artist's 'way of seeing 
G19  92 the world,' makes his artworld-interpretation condition too narrow. 
G19  93 This condition implies that art must always be <tf|>about something 
G19  94 <tf_>in the world<tf/>. George Dickie has challenged this 
G19  95 'aboutness' requirement:<p/>
G19  96 <p_><quote_><tf_>Consider a design which consists of a number of 
G19  97 interpenetrating triangular-shaped areas and entitled #23. Is it 
G19  98 about triangles? About art? Nothing in the painting or its title 
G19  99 gives one any reason to think that it is about anything at all in 
G19 100 any ordinary sense of 'about.'<tf/><quote/><p/>
G19 101 <p_>Nonobjective art is by definition about nothing at all. And 
G19 102 obvious examples of music - Schoenberg's serial pieces for instance 
G19 103 - qualify as art, even though they fail to 'say' anything about the 
G19 104 world. So Danto's 'aboutness' thesis leaves out a significant 
G19 105 segment of what the artworld embraces as art.<p/>
G19 106 <p_>II<p/>
G19 107 <p_>That art makes statements is justifiable, however, so long as 
G19 108 we view 'making statements' metaphorically - as a way of 
G19 109 communicating <tf|>meanings that are understood by an audience. I 
G19 110 am using the word 'meanings' in the broad phenomenological sense to 
G19 111 signify whatever is brought to mind in accordance with the 
G19 112 principle of association. Distant thunder thus 'means' an impending 
G19 113 rainstorm in the same general sense that the word 'dog' means a 
G19 114 certain species of four-legged animal: both are signs that 
G19 115 regularly remind us of something. Words have <tf|>conventional 
G19 116 meanings, being based on agreed-upon associations, but there are 
G19 117 other sorts of conventional meanings as well. Clearly, art is able 
G19 118 to communicate a wide variety of nonverbal meanings that become 
G19 119 intersubjectively 'interpretable' in virtue of the shared 
G19 120 associations of a knowledgeable art community. Such meanings are 
G19 121 'interpreted' by those familiar with the particular style, school, 
G19 122 or tradition of the work.<p/>
G19 123 <p_>Danto regards artworld meanings as limited to whatever is 
G19 124 specified by particular art theories. In doing so, he seems to have 
G19 125 overlooked one basic meaning that appears to be universal, present 
G19 126 even where the work is nonobjective. That meaning is 
G19 127 <tf|>authorship, by which we recognize that what has been presented 
G19 128 to us is the product of a certain special activity on the part of 
G19 129 its creator.<p/>
G19 130 <p_>After all, nothing is identified as an artwork if it does not 
G19 131 cause us to associate with it the idea that it was specifically 
G19 132 created by someone to be appreciated in the appropriate way. For 
G19 133 instance, the very fact that Dickie's counter example has a title 
G19 134 ('#23') is a sufficient clue to its artistic intentions. Lacking 
G19 135 <tf|>any such sign, an absent<?_>-<?/>minded doodle of a similar 
G19 136 set of intersecting triangles would not be considered an artwork. 
G19 137 Unframed, untitled, unsigned, and unexhibited, enterprises like 
G19 138 whistling while you work, free<?_>-<?/>associating in your diary, 
G19 139 or absentmindedly torturing tinfoil into quirky figures lack only 
G19 140 the standard signs of authorship to qualify as art. Art is always 
G19 141 at least about itself; it conveys by certain <tf_>mutually 
G19 142 understood clues<tf/> the idea that it is the sort of thing created 
G19 143 for a specific kind of appreciation by a certain kind of audience. 
G19 144 The fact that authorship is at least one conventional meaning 
G19 145 required of all art would seem to render Danto's thesis, that art 
G19 146 makes statements interpretable by an artworld community, a viable 
G19 147 definitional condition, so long as we construe 'making statements' 
G19 148 as <tf_>conveying inter<?_>-<?/>subjective meanings<tf/> in the 
G19 149 broadest possible sense.<p/>
G19 150 <p_>III<p/>
G19 151 <p_>By itself, however, our modification of Danto's condition is 
G19 152 now <tf_>too broad<tf/> to catch <tf|>only 'artworks' in its net. 
G19 153 Without any specification as to what makes any community an 
G19 154 <tf|>artworld community, our requirement would seem to include 
G19 155 <tf|>any kind of artifact that conveys meanings interpretable by a 
G19 156 community - for instance, the products of journalism, history, 
G19 157 science, and philosophy. If 'art' does have a set of sufficient 
G19 158 conditions, we need to find at least one more ingredient. I shall 
G19 159 contend that the key condition that Danto's theory lacks - and even 
G19 160 <tf|>eschews - is the requirement that the main function of art is 
G19 161 to produce aesthetic objects. The idea that art must be aesthetic 
G19 162 is not exactly new; its most prominent proponent was Monroe 
G19 163 Beardsley. But the difficulty with this particular condition has 
G19 164 always been to give a proper account of what makes anything 
G19 165 aesthetic.<p/>
G19 166 <p_>I propose to spell out the aesthetic requirement of art by 
G19 167 means of an analysis of 'aesthetic object' worked out in earlier 
G19 168 essays. The theory was proposed as a corrective to the 
G19 169 once<?_>-<?/>popular thesis that an object becomes aesthetic simply 
G19 170 if one addresses it with a certain 'aesthetic attitude.' The 
G19 171 attitude theory fails to distinguish <tf_>taking an interest in 
G19 172 something<tf/> (giving it a 'chance' to be interesting) from 
G19 173 <tf_>finding it interesting<tf/> (being interested by or attracted 
G19 174 to it). The described attitude does only the former; it is a 
G19 175 special way of taking an interest in the appearance of things. The 
G19 176 problem is that such an attitude is not always rewarded: 'I am 
G19 177 paying full attention to x and x is not aesthetic,' is clearly not 
G19 178 self-contradictory.<p/>
G19 179 <p_>It would seem that only when something <tf|>holds our interest 
G19 180 in a certain way do we want to call it 'aesthetic.' My thesis, 
G19 181 then, is that to be aesthetic something must be attractive to 
G19 182 attention in a spectrum of ways one might variously describe as 
G19 183 'intriguing,' 'fascinating,' 'beautiful' or 'gorgeous,' depending 
G19 184 on the degree and kind of perceptual interest taken. The term no 
G19 185 longer refers merely to the beautiful. Even objects we would 
G19 186 ordinarily regard as 'ugly' - withered old hags, for instance - can 
G19 187 count as 'aesthetic' if they grab and hold our attention in a 
G19 188 certain way. I shall try to demonstrate that all aesthetic objects 
G19 189 are necessarily interesting, but in a way that distinguishes them 
G19 190 from other interesting objects.<p/>
G19 191 <p_><tf|>Are aesthetic objects necessarily interesting? If we 
G19 192 single out any natural, manufactured or artistic item as aesthetic, 
G19 193 intuitively it is only after having <tf|>contemplated it. No other 
G19 194 use seems relevant. But why, out of all the phenomena continuously 
G19 195 swimming through experience, should we contemplate just these 
G19 196 items? Clearly it is only because they somehow reward that 
G19 197 contemplation by 'holding' our attention and motivating us to 
G19 198 continue to engage in their contemplation. Indeed, it seems a 
G19 199 contradiction to say a sunset or piece of driftwood is aesthetic 
G19 200 but totally uninteresting. True, someone could consistently say, 
G19 201 <quote_>"I'm bored with beautiful sunsets."<quote/> But consider 
G19 202 what such a statement actually means: the sunset remains 
G19 203 interesting to the eye ('beautiful') but the speaker is no longer 
G19 204 interested in that sort of experience.<p/>
G19 205 <p_>The fact that we speak of being aesthetic as a matter of 
G19 206 <tf|>degree supports our claim. It is lexically and syntactically 
G19 207 correct to say that one work is 'more aesthetic' than another, or 
G19 208 that a particular arrangement is 'not very aesthetic.' We could not 
G19 209 mean simply that we are deliberately paying more attention to one 
G19 210 than the other; intense scrutiny is often disappointed by 
G19 211 admittedly unaesthetic objects. Intuitively, we see that the more 
G19 212 an item spontaneously elicits discrimination the more aesthetic we 
G19 213 say it is. Being contemplatively interesting thus seems the only 
G19 214 possible reason to bother to call anything 'aesthetic.'<p/>
G19 215 <p_>IV<p/>
G19 216 <p_>So there are good reasons for claiming that all aesthetic 
G19 217 objects are interesting.
G19 218 
G19 219 
G19 220 
G19 221 
G20   1 <#FROWN:G20\>By and large, this work has suggested that although 
G20   2 scientifically demonstrated routes of HIV transmission (through 
G20   3 intimate sexual contact, sharing needles, and blood transfusions) 
G20   4 are well understood by the public, there is nonetheless a 
G20   5 persistent belief among substantial portions of the public that 
G20   6 AIDS can also be transmitted through a variety of casual routes 
G20   7 (e.g., by working alongside HIV-infected persons, shaking hands, 
G20   8 being sneezed on, etc.). Recently, for example, the National Center 
G20   9 for Health Statistics estimated from their September 1990 National 
G20  10 Health Interview Survey that 24 percent of the public thinks it is 
G20  11 <quote_>"very likely"<quote/> or <quote_>"somewhat likely"<quote/> 
G20  12 that someone would contract AIDS from eating in a restaurant where 
G20  13 the cook has the AIDS virus, while 19 percent believes it is 
G20  14 <quote|>"very" or <quote_>"somewhat likely"<quote/> that they would 
G20  15 contract AIDS from using public toilets (Adams and Hardy 1991).<p/>
G20  16 <p_>These findings are of concern to public health policy officials 
G20  17 for at least two important reasons. First, basic knowledge about 
G20  18 HIV and how it is transmitted is an essential precursor to 
G20  19 reasonable and safe personal health practices, which are necessary 
G20  20 for preventing further spread of AIDS. Second - and more to the 
G20  21 point of the present research - levels of public knowledge have 
G20  22 considerable consequences for the structuring of public policy 
G20  23 health debates and the long-term social outcomes for the AIDS 
G20  24 epidemic. Public support or opposition will undoubtedly help 
G20  25 determine the eventual success or failure of various health 
G20  26 policies. And some research has already found that beliefs in the 
G20  27 casual transmission of HIV are indeed predictive of increased 
G20  28 levels of public support for certain restrictive and even 
G20  29 discriminatory policies aimed at infected persons (Sniderman et al. 
G20  30 1987). Given that public health officials currently desire policies 
G20  31 that are not heavily restrictive of HIV-infected persons (e.g., the 
G20  32 President's Commission on the Human Immunodeficiency Virus Epidemic 
G20  33 [Watkins 1988]) such findings certainly deserve attention.<p/>
G20  34 <p_>Correct information - or misinformation - about the ways in 
G20  35 which AIDS is contracted is certainly not the only factor 
G20  36 underlying public opinion on AIDS-related issues. Long-standing 
G20  37 public attitudes, in particular, attitudes toward the clearly 
G20  38 defined social groups that have so far been most affected by AIDS, 
G20  39 will also presumably play a large role. Some evidence bearing on 
G20  40 this issue has also been uncovered: recent work has suggested that 
G20  41 antihomosexual or homophobic attitudes may directly affect public 
G20  42 policy preferences (Ostrow and Traugott 1988; Sniderman et al. 
G20  43 1987) and perhaps interfere with receptivity to publicized 
G20  44 information about AIDS transmission (Stipp and Kerr 1989).<p/>
G20  45 <p_>Previous research, then, although limited, has identified at 
G20  46 least two variables that appear to be important predictors of 
G20  47 public opinion concerning AIDS-related health policies: levels of 
G20  48 misinformation about the transmissibility of AIDS and levels of 
G20  49 antigay sentiment. But if these variables are to be dealt with 
G20  50 effectively in the formulation of public health policy, and in the 
G20  51 planning and implementation of health information campaigns, a 
G20  52 better understanding of their origins is needed. What factors, in 
G20  53 other words, contribute to AIDS knowledge and to antigay 
G20  54 attitudes?<p/>
G20  55 <p_>It seems reasonable to postulate that exposure to mass media 
G20  56 messages about AIDS is the principal determinant of levels of AIDS 
G20  57 knowledge, since the mass media have, to date, been the principal 
G20  58 conduits for public information about the disease. The American 
G20  59 public, at least, seems to credit the mass media as being a 
G20  60 principal source of AIDS information (Singer, Rogers, and Corcoran 
G20  61 1987). Exposure to media messages is not, however, in and of itself 
G20  62 sufficient to produce changes in knowledge - and certainly not 
G20  63 changes in attitude or opinion. Decades of research on 
G20  64 communication and attitude change have demonstrated that media 
G20  65 audiences may, due to a variety of psychological factors, 
G20  66 selectively attend to messages, distort or alter their meaning, and 
G20  67 thus 'resist' them (see, e.g., McGuire 1981). Recently Stipp and 
G20  68 Kerr (1989) have argued that negative attitudes toward homosexuals 
G20  69 can interfere with the acceptance of information from the mass 
G20  70 media about AIDS.<p/>
G20  71 <p_>Against this backdrop of limited prior research and findings, 
G20  72 then, we propose the following set of propositions concerning the 
G20  73 determinants of public opinion on AIDS-related policies:<p/>
G20  74 <p_>1. The misunderstanding that AIDS can be easily contracted 
G20  75 through casual contact with HIV-infected persons is a primary 
G20  76 contributor to higher levels of support for more restrictive public 
G20  77 policies aimed at people with AIDS.<p/>
G20  78 <p_>2. Principal factors contributing to misunderstanding about 
G20  79 AIDS transmission include <tf|>(a) limited exposure to mass media 
G20  80 messages about AIDS, <tf|>(b) restricted ability to comprehend 
G20  81 information that is received, and <tf|>(c) attitudinal resistance 
G20  82 to mass media messages due to various long-standing values and 
G20  83 predispositions.<p/>
G20  84 <p_>3. Consequently, variables that affect exposure and 
G20  85 comprehension (e.g., socioeconomic background, age, education) or 
G20  86 that may engender resistance to AIDS information (namely, elevated 
G20  87 feelings of threat or fear, religious and moral beliefs, and 
G20  88 attitudes toward sexual behavior) are thus expected to be principal 
G20  89 predictors of misunderstanding.<p/>
G20  90 <p_>4. Principal predictors of support for restrictive public 
G20  91 policies toward people with AIDS are expected to include - in 
G20  92 addition to misunderstanding about casual transmission - general 
G20  93 attitudes toward individual freedoms and civil rights and political 
G20  94 liberalism/conservatism and negative attitudes toward affected 
G20  95 groups (e.g., toward homosexuals).<p/>
G20  96 <p_>These four propositions are necessarily general, given the 
G20  97 somewhat underdeveloped state of research in this area. Although 
G20  98 the research literature on public opinion concerning AIDS is 
G20  99 steadily expanding, it remains in relatively short supply. 
G20 100 Furthermore, studies to date suffer from several important 
G20 101 limitations. First, much of the research drawn from nationally 
G20 102 representative surveys has been confined to aggregate-level data 
G20 103 analysis, most of it descriptive or limited to bivariate 
G20 104 cross-tabulations (e.g., Blake and Arkin 1988; Singer, Rogers, and 
G20 105 Corcoran 1987). More recent efforts to extend this important work 
G20 106 by pursuing multivariate analyses (e.g., Singer 1989) have still 
G20 107 relied primarily upon demographic analyses. Meanwhile, more 
G20 108 in-depth studies of determinants of knowledge, attitudes, or 
G20 109 opinions using multivariate techniques at the individual level of 
G20 110 analysis have generally been confined to regional rather than 
G20 111 national surveys (e.g., Ostrow and Traugott 1988; Sniderman et al. 
G20 112 1987) or have investigated only a very small subset of variables 
G20 113 (e.g., Stipp and Kerr 1989).<p/>
G20 114 <p_>Unfortunately, then, we still lack a systematic understanding 
G20 115 of even the most basic demographic and attitudinal determinants of 
G20 116 public levels of knowledge about AIDS, or the ways in which AIDS 
G20 117 knowledge and longer-standing attitudinal and social-structural 
G20 118 variables operate together in shaping public opinions on potential 
G20 119 AIDS policies. The present research aims at addressing these 
G20 120 problems, by taking advantage of two extant survey data sets to 
G20 121 pursue systematic, individual-level analyses of these issues. In 
G20 122 line with the proportions outlined above, we propose and test a 
G20 123 theoretical model of the relationships between a variety of 
G20 124 social-structural background variables, knowledge of HIV 
G20 125 transmission, attitudes toward homosexuals, and support for 
G20 126 restrictive policies aimed at HIV-infected persons.<p/>
G20 127 
G20 128 <h|>Method
G20 129 <p_>Data used in the present study were taken from two <tf_>Los 
G20 130 Angeles Times<tf/> polls, conducted in December 1985 and July 1987, 
G20 131 which focused on AIDS. Both surveys involved telephone interviews 
G20 132 with national samples of men and women age 18 and older (N =2,308 
G20 133 in 1985; N =2,095 in 1987). Responses were weighted to take account 
G20 134 of household size, times at home, and variations in the sample 
G20 135 relating to geographic region, age, gender, employment, race, and 
G20 136 education. Telephone numbers for the samples were generated by 
G20 137 computer randomly within strata to insure that both listed and 
G20 138 unlisted households were included. Five standard metropolitan 
G20 139 statistical areas (SMSAs), which together account for nearly half 
G20 140 of the AIDS cases in the United States, were oversampled (Los 
G20 141 Angeles, San Francisco, New York, Miami, and Newark, NJ). Data from 
G20 142 the national sample and the oversampled SMSAs were weighted in the 
G20 143 analyses according to the probability of selection.<p/>
G20 144 <h|>MEASURES
G20 145 <p_><tf_>Knowledge of AIDS transmission.<tf/> The present study 
G20 146 focuses on misinformation about the transmissibility of AIDS rather 
G20 147 than correct information about ways in which AIDS can be 
G20 148 contracted. By 1985, when the first of the two <tf_>Los Angeles 
G20 149 Times<tf/> polls was conducted, well over 90 percent of the general 
G20 150 population already understood that AIDS could be transmitted 
G20 151 through intimate sexual contact, the sharing of hypodermic needles, 
G20 152 and blood transfusions. But the incorrect impression that AIDS can 
G20 153 also be transmitted through a variety of far more casual forms of 
G20 154 contact with infected persons clearly persisted.<p/>
G20 155 <p_>Four questions included in the 1985 survey were used to assess 
G20 156 respondents' level of misinformation concerning AIDS transmission: 
G20 157 people were asked whether they thought someone could contract AIDS 
G20 158 in four different ways: (1) from eating food that had been handled 
G20 159 by a person with AIDS (19 percent replied <quote|>"yes"); (2) from 
G20 160 a toilet seat (24 percent <quote|>"yes"); (3) from trying on 
G20 161 clothes in a department store (14 percent <quote|>"yes"); and (4) 
G20 162 from handling money (10 percent <quote|>"yes"). The four questions 
G20 163 were recoded to take the values 0 = no, and 1 = yes or not sure. 
G20 164 The exact wording of each question, including item means and 
G20 165 standard deviations, are presented in table A1.<p/>
G20 166 <p_>Only two of these questions were repeated on the 1987 survey 
G20 167 (see table A2). In the 2 years intervening between the surveys, 
G20 168 levels of misinformation about the transmissibility of AIDS 
G20 169 declined only slightly. A sizable number of respondents still 
G20 170 believed that AIDS could be contracted through food (14 percent 
G20 171 indicated they thought so) or from a toiled (20 percent said 
G20 172 <quote|>"yes").<p/>
G20 173 <p_><tf_>Attitudes toward homosexuals<tf/>. Four questions included 
G20 174 in the 1985 survey were used to measure attitudes toward 
G20 175 homosexuals. These questions asked respondents (1) whether they 
G20 176 thought that homosexuals have too little or too much political 
G20 177 power (8 percent said <quote_>"too little," 39 percent said 
G20 178 <quote_>"about right,"<quote/> and 34 percent said <quote_>"too 
G20 179 much"<quote/>); (2) whether their views about homosexuality were 
G20 180 liberal or conservative (29 percent were <quote|>"very" or 
G20 181 <quote|>"somewhat" liberal toward homosexuality, 44 percent were 
G20 182 <quote|>"very" or <quote|>"somewhat" conservative); (3) to what 
G20 183 degree they considered sexual relations between adults of the same 
G20 184 sex to be wrong (73 percent felt it that it was <quote|>"always" or 
G20 185 <quote_>"almost always"<quote/> wrong); and (4) what their personal 
G20 186 attitude was toward homosexuality (50 percent were personally 
G20 187 opposed to homosexual relations). Responses to all four questions 
G20 188 were recoded such that 1 = the response most supportive of 
G20 189 homosexuals and 5 = the least supportive response. Again, the exact 
G20 190 wording of each question and descriptive statistics are provided in 
G20 191 table A1.<p/>
G20 192 <p_>Only two of these four questions were repeated in the 1987 
G20 193 survey, and responses to these questions were overall quite similar 
G20 194 to the data from the earlier survey. When asked their overall views 
G20 195 of homosexuality, 23 percent said they were <quote|>"very" or 
G20 196 <quote|>"somewhat" liberal, while 42 percent said they were 
G20 197 <quote|>"very" or <quote|>"somewhat" conservative. On the matter of 
G20 198 gay political power, 13 percent of 1987 respondents felt that 
G20 199 homosexuals had <quote_>"too little"<quote/> power, 32 percent said 
G20 200 that gay political clout was <quote_>"about right"<quote/>, and 34 
G20 201 percent indicated that homosexuals had <quote_>"too much"<quote/> 
G20 202 political power. Once again the items were recoded to a 1-5 
G20 203 interval (see table A2).<p/>
G20 204 <p_><tf_>Opinions concerning restriction of HIV-infected 
G20 205 people.<tf/> The 1985 survey also carried three questions that 
G20 206 assessed the level of support for policies aimed at restricting 
G20 207 people with AIDS as a means of combating the disease. These 
G20 208 restrictions included: (1) requiring persons exposed to AIDS to 
G20 209 carry identification (ID) cards (48 percent in favor, 43 percent 
G20 210 opposed, 9 percent not sure); (2) quarantining AIDS patients (51 
G20 211 percent in favor, 40 percent opposed, 9 percent not sure); and even 
G20 212 (3) tattooing people exposed to AIDS (15 percent in favor, 78 
G20 213 percent opposed, 6 percent not sure). The three items were coded 
G20 214 with values 1 = opposed, 2 = not sure, and 3 = in favor (wording 
G20 215 and descriptive statistics for each item can be found in table 
G20 216 A1).<p/>
G20 217 <p_>It is surprising that such sizable minority within the general 
G20 218 population - here estimated at about 15 percent - would support a 
G20 219 measure as extreme as tattooing persons with AIDS. Yet support for 
G20 220 such restrictions, as with the aforementioned persistance of AIDS 
G20 221 misinformation and antigay sentiment, apparently remained constant 
G20 222 or increased slightly from 1985 to 1987. The two restriction 
G20 223 measure repeated in 1987 produced a pattern of response similar to 
G20 224 that found 2 years earlier. On the matter of quarantining AIDS 
G20 225 patients, 52 percent favored such a measure, while 41 percent 
G20 226 opposed it and 7 percent were unsure.
G20 227 
G21   1 <#FROWN:G21\>Strachey and Woolf knew those roles well, and Freud, 
G21   2 it is rather surprising, seems to have known them well too. At any 
G21   3 rate each of them became busy combating Victorian ways of enacting, 
G21   4 serving those roles.<p/>
G21   5 <p_>In introducing <tf_>Eminent Victorians<tf/> Lytton Strachey 
G21   6 writes of the genre: <quote_>"With us, the most delicate and humane 
G21   7 of all the branches of the art of writing has been relegated to the 
G21   8 journeymen of letters."<quote/> He then damns the journeymen for 
G21   9 their <quote_>"ill-digested masses of matter, their slipshod style, 
G21  10 their tone of tedious panegyric [and] their lamentable lack of 
G21  11 selection, of detachment, of design."<quote/> He goes on to 
G21  12 summarize and complain about his four biographies in his own terse, 
G21  13 ironic, thoroughly selective manner. He might well have come out 
G21  14 and talked of journeymen biographers as Victorians straightway, and 
G21  15 named names, for, as a dedicated anti-Victorian near the end of 
G21  16 World War I, he was writing deliberately to annoy historians as 
G21  17 well as biographers of the Victorian establishment, knowing that 
G21  18 they would think him an enemy to scholarship, thoroughness, 
G21  19 objectivity, and, as if incidentally, the values of Victorianism 
G21  20 itself.<p/>
G21  21 <p_>The journeymen's arguments against him may now be construed 
G21  22 roughly like this. The agnostic polemicist Strachey chose Cardinal 
G21  23 Manning as a subject because Manning seemed a representative 
G21  24 worldly politician of religion, a clergyman whose wheeling and 
G21  25 dealing reflected darkly on both the Romans he espoused and the 
G21  26 Anglicans he abandoned. Strachey, a pacifist, chose General 
G21  27 (Chinese) Gordon as a representative chauvinist of the Victorian 
G21  28 imperialist war machine. The liberal Strachey chose Thomas Arnold 
G21  29 as an instance of the pompous piety running the English 
G21  30 anti-Semitic, law-and-order, school-tie education system. The 
G21  31 Freudian Strachey chose Florence Nightingale because the legend 
G21  32 about her as a <quote_>"saintly, self-sacrificing woman,"<quote/> a 
G21  33 <quote_>"delicate maiden,"<quote/> seemed a representative piece of 
G21  34 hypocrisy (about females generally) to be found in Victorian 
G21  35 households. In short Bloomsbury Strachey had - for such critics - 
G21  36 an inflexible, four-victim agenda for misrepresenting the whole 
G21  37 culture. He did not just use his subjects: he abused them.<p/>
G21  38 <p_>In defense of Strachey I would say that the book stands up well 
G21  39 after seventy-five years. Its poorly documented scholarship (no 
G21  40 notes - and only a brief bibliography for each life) has not to my 
G21  41 knowledge been found to be seriously defective scholarship, and its 
G21  42 agenda is more complicated and even considerate than critics allow. 
G21  43 It remains a model for any group biographer, and it is as group 
G21  44 biography that it asks to be considered. With his four 
G21  45 interestingly diverse upper-class individuals he was able to 
G21  46 construct at least the scaffolding of the larger entity behind and 
G21  47 around them, and do so while minding his p's and q's as a 
G21  48 biographer, not as a sociologist.<p/>
G21  49 <p_>Of course there was less sociology in the air in 1918, and he 
G21  50 was English; but even then there were scholars, such as Edmund 
G21  51 Gosse, alarmed and up in arms about the new scientism. Thus Gosse 
G21  52 defined biography - for the eleventh edition of the 
G21  53 <tf_>Encyclopedia Britannica<tf/> (1910) - in such a prescriptive 
G21  54 way as to exclude <quote_>"broad views"<quote/> entirely. He 
G21  55 declared <quote_>"the true conception of biography"<quote/> to be 
G21  56 that of <quote_>"the faithful portrait of a soul [note the 
G21  57 singular] in its adventures through life,"<quote/> with those 
G21  58 adventures being <quote_>"sharply defined by two definite events, 
G21  59 birth and death."<quote/> Strachey was no social scientist, but he 
G21  60 came at biography as an art that had a necessary social-historical 
G21  61 dimension.<p/>
G21  62 <p_>My second revolutionary, Sigmund Freud, was an alien among 
G21  63 Victorians, but he needs to be looked at as a vital contributor to 
G21  64 Bloomsbury thought - for a time he even had Leonard Woolf as his 
G21  65 publisher - about biography. But was he a biographer at all? He 
G21  66 kept saying no, and his disclaimer is implicit in his title: 
G21  67 <tf_>Leonardo da Vinci and a Memory of Childhood.<tf/> Yet that 
G21  68 work as well as his even briefer comments about Michelangelo and 
G21  69 Shakespeare, had the broadest of views lurking inside, as this 
G21  70 quotation from chapter 6 of the <tf|>Leonardo reveals:<p/>
G21  71 <p_><quote_>Biographers are fixated on their heroes in a quite 
G21  72 special way. In many cases they have chosen their hero as the 
G21  73 subject of their studies because - for reasons of their personal 
G21  74 emotional life - they have felt a special affection to the task of 
G21  75 idealization, aimed at enrolling the great man among the class of 
G21  76 their infantile models - at reviving in him, perhaps, the child's 
G21  77 idea of the father. To gratify this wish they obliterate the 
G21  78 individual features of their subject's physiognomy; they smooth 
G21  79 over the traces of his life's struggles with internal and external 
G21  80 resistances, and they tolerate in him no vestige of human weakness 
G21  81 or imperfection. They thus present us with what is in fact a cold, 
G21  82 strange, ideal figure, instead of a human being to whom we might 
G21  83 feel ourselves distantly related. That they should do this is 
G21  84 regrettable, for they thereby sacrifice truth to an 
G21  85 illusion.<quote/><p/>
G21  86 <p_>Freud's contribution to the biographical revolution was of 
G21  87 course that of the psychoanalyst, as Strachey's was that of the 
G21  88 social historian, and Woolf's that of the novelist and satirist. 
G21  89 Each set up shop as if in an appropriate building on a university 
G21  90 campus (Freud in absentia), and all proceeded to use biography as a 
G21  91 serviceable adjunct-genre for their professional activities. But 
G21  92 their activities were never just created for their professions. To 
G21  93 revise Frost's lines:<p/>
G21  94 <p_><quote_>They couldn't be called ungentle,<p/>
G21  95 <p_>But neither were they departmental.<quote/><p/>
G21  96 <p_>Now we return to <tf|>Orlando. In Woolf's diary at the time of 
G21  97 her dream of revolution she wrote that she had had the first 
G21  98 glimmerings of <tf|>Orlando after finishing <tf_>To The 
G21  99 Lighthouse<tf/>, a novel with her own hero-villain father at its 
G21 100 center, Leslie Stephen, a biographer who was the first editor of 
G21 101 the <tf_>Dictionary of National Biography<tf/>. She had just agreed 
G21 102 to do several reviews and was gloomy at the prospect. She was 
G21 103 feeling empty. She was wondering if she shouldn't do something 
G21 104 <quote_>"wild and satirical,"<quote/> and she concocted a fuzzy 
G21 105 plot with two women wandering about Constantinople (Vita had 
G21 106 recently returned from a long tour of the Middle East with her 
G21 107 husband, the diplomat Harold Nicolson). She was also being 
G21 108 reflectively critical of her own prose, and of Vita's. More 
G21 109 important, she had been visiting, with Vita, the great Sackville 
G21 110 country house Knole:<p/>
G21 111 <p_><quote_>Vita took me over the 4 acres of buildings, which she 
G21 112 loves: too little conscious beauty for my taste: smallish rooms 
G21 113 looking onto buildings: no views: yet one or two things remain: 
G21 114 Vita stalking in her Turkish dress, attended by small boys, down 
G21 115 the gallery, wafting them on like some tall sailing ship - a sort 
G21 116 of covey of noble English life. ... How do you see that I asked 
G21 117 Vita. She said she saw it as something that had gone on for 
G21 118 hundreds of years. ... All the centuries seemed lit up, the past 
G21 119 expressive, articulate; not dumb and forgotten; but a crowd of 
G21 120 people stood behind, not dead at all; not remarkable; fair faced, 
G21 121 long limbed, affable; & so we reach the days of Elizabeth quite 
G21 122 easily. After tea, looking for letters of Dryden's to show me, she 
G21 123 tumbled out a (17th century) love letter with a lock of soft gold 
G21 124 tinted hair which I held in my hand for a moment. One had a sense 
G21 125 of links fished up into the light which are usually submerged.<p/>
G21 126 <p_>(January 23, 1927)<quote/><p/>
G21 127 <p_>So <tf|>Orlando begins to take shape, wild and satirical but 
G21 128 also, in a Woolfian way, historical. Saturated with Knole's 
G21 129 history. And scented biographically with Vita, Vita, Vita. 
G21 130 Centuries of Vita. Plus of course father Stephen.<p/>
G21 131 <p_>Nothing gelled for several months. Virginia Woolf took a 
G21 132 holiday on the continent with her husband, Leonard, progressing no 
G21 133 further with the wildness except to think <quote|>"it" might be 
G21 134 <quote_>"fun to write."<quote/> Coming back home, she found Vita in 
G21 135 her life again for having won a literary prize (for a poem). The 
G21 136 prize and the poem managed to depress them both, and Woolf wrote 
G21 137 snobbishly: <quote_>"[At the ceremony] I felt there was not one 
G21 138 full grown mind among us. In truth it was the thick dull middle 
G21 139 class of letters that met; not the aristocracy. Vita cried at 
G21 140 night."<quote/><p/>
G21 141 <p_>Shades of Strachey's 'journeymen' thesis (she had admired 
G21 142 <tf_>Eminent Victorians<tf/> greatly, almost ten years before). 
G21 143 Then suddenly, after a seemingly idle, society-ridden summer, 
G21 144 <tf|>Orlando comes clear: she finds herself <quote_>"writing at 
G21 145 great speed, engulfed."<quote/> It is indeed to be a biography of 
G21 146 Vita, but three hundred years' worth, with Vita as both male and 
G21 147 female (she switches sex in the eighteenth century), and activated, 
G21 148 enlivened right back to the Elizabethans by her Knole lineage, an 
G21 149 individual rendered as a national composite. Don't forget that the 
G21 150 <tf|>DNB is also, in its way, a national composite. So Vita would 
G21 151 arrive, after the centuries, at the present: age thirty-six in 
G21 152 1927. The result would be a formally (and biologically) 
G21 153 revolutionary group biography - the group being the English upper 
G21 154 class - but it would still be about Vita Sackville-West, the 
G21 155 living, singular Vita known intimately to Woolf.<p/>
G21 156 <p_>Would this be a serious undertaking? As with all satire it 
G21 157 could only be partly serious. And as with all human biography - 
G21 158 there are other kinds - of the living, it had to be moderate in its 
G21 159 mockery. Vita was going to read it (and did, though not until it 
G21 160 actually appeared) so Woolf could chide her for her minor 
G21 161 frailties, especially as a young romantic with instant changes of 
G21 162 mood; but she could not sneer at her, scorn her. Her biographical 
G21 163 aim with Vita had to be in the old tradition of commemorative 
G21 164 biography.<p/>
G21 165 <p_>Therefore her serious satirical aim had to be elsewhere, at her 
G21 166 surrounding cast in the various centuries, at the sycophants and 
G21 167 hypocritical literary critics and male belittlers of females, at 
G21 168 the faithless, the arrogant, the ruthless, the stupid. And at 
G21 169 biography itself, as practiced by journeymen.<p/>
G21 170 <p_><tf|>Orlando is full of potshots at all these, with the aim 
G21 171 often straight at father Stephen, though a much better target might 
G21 172 have been his journeyman successor on the <tf|>DNB, Sidney Lee, for 
G21 173 whom she expressed contempt in a review written at about the time 
G21 174 of <tf|>Orlando. Clearly it is with these potshots that 
G21 175 <tf|>Orlando emerges as what she announced it to be, originally, in 
G21 176 the title - <tf_>Orlando: A Biography<tf/>. At least it emerges as 
G21 177 a kind, though an odd kind, of biography, and certainly as a book 
G21 178 <tf|>about biography, not just about a somewhat fictionalized Vita. 
G21 179 In the potshots is the revolution, and it failed. The work was 
G21 180 instantly rejected as biography by critics even as they praised the 
G21 181 book, rejected by the simple device of denying that it was 
G21 182 biography at all. Most of them called it a novel (and Woolf's own 
G21 183 publisher came to call it a novel), and one reader - who is quoted 
G21 184 on the current paperback edition - called it a lover letter.<p/>
G21 185 <p_>Father Stephen would presumably have denied it as biography 
G21 186 also, though his views were more complicated than the satirical 
G21 187 strain in <tf|>Orlando would allow. At heart he was a company man, 
G21 188 a professional scrivener in biography's long tradition of 
G21 189 establishment service. Victorian England was an extremely large 
G21 190 establishment requiring professional, businesslike, and 
G21 191 conventional values; and obviously it needed a dictionary of 
G21 192 national biography to consolidate and regularize those values, 
G21 193 edited by someone who would not oppose them. Father Stephen didn't. 
G21 194 His daughter Virginia Woolf, sitting in nearby Bloomsbury and 
G21 195 spiritually allied to Strachey and Freud, did.<p/>
G21 196 <p_>Several lessons in biography, with attendant questions, hover 
G21 197 about this small, triadic revolution, especially when it is viewed 
G21 198 from another country decades later. The ambiguity in Strachey's 
G21 199 long-term success appears oddly as a lesson against group biography 
G21 200 from contemporary departments of history, though that lesson is 
G21 201 undercut by many postmodern (I think the word is applicable here) 
G21 202 group biographies of and by women - a point to which I'll return. 
G21 203 The lesson is reinforced, however, by a curious recent 
G21 204 counterrevolutionary move by historians (whom I would label 
G21 205 scientific historians) against the greatest group biographer of 
G21 206 classical times, Plutarch. In the latest Penguin paperbacks of his 
G21 207 <tf_>Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans<tf/> the lives of the 
G21 208 Grecians are separated from the lives of the Romans by being placed 
G21 209 in separate volumes, and the comparisons he conducted of each pair 
G21 210 following the scheme of parallel biographies are simply omitted.
G21 211 
G21 212 
G21 213 
G22   1 <#FROWN:G22\><h_><p_>Superseding Historic Injustice<p/>
G22   2 <p_>Jeremy Waldron<p/>
G22   3 <p_>I. INJUSTICE AND HISTORY<p/><h/>
G22   4 <p_>The history of white settlers' dealings with the aboriginal 
G22   5 peoples of Australia, New Zealand, and North America is largely a 
G22   6 history of injustice. People, or whole peoples, were attacked, 
G22   7 defrauded, and expropriated; their lands were stolen and their 
G22   8 lives were ruined. What are we to do about these injustices? We 
G22   9 know what we should think about them: they are to be studied and 
G22  10 condemned, remembered and lamented. But morality is a practical 
G22  11 matter, and judgments of 'just' and 'unjust' like all moral 
G22  12 judgments have implications for action. To say that a future act 
G22  13 open to us now would be unjust is to commit ourselves to avoiding 
G22  14 it. But what of past injustice? What is the practical importance 
G22  15 now of a judgment that injustice occurred in the past?<p/>
G22  16 <p_>In the first instance the question is one of metaethics. Moral 
G22  17 judgments are prescriptive in their illocutionary force; they 
G22  18 purport to guide choices. But since the only choices we can guide 
G22  19 are choices in front of us, judgments about the past must look 
G22  20 beyond the particular events that are their ostensible subject 
G22  21 matter. The best explanation of this relies on universalizability. 
G22  22 When I make a moral judgment about an event <tf|>E, I do so not in 
G22  23 terms of the irreducible particularity of <tf|>E but on the basis 
G22  24 of some feature of <tf|>E that other events might share. In saying, 
G22  25 for example, <quote_>"<tf|>E was unjust,"<quote/> I am saying, 
G22  26 <quote_>"There is something about <tf|>E and the circumstances in 
G22  27 which it is performed, such that any act of that kind performed in 
G22  28 such circumstances would be unjust."<quote/> I am not so much 
G22  29 prescribing the avoidance of <tf|>E itself (a prescription that 
G22  30 makes no sense if <tf|>E is in the past), but prescribing the 
G22  31 avoidance of <tf|>E-type events. If <tf|>E involved breaking a 
G22  32 promise, or taking advantage of someone's credulity, then our 
G22  33 condemnation of it commits us to a similar condemnation of breaches 
G22  34 of faith or exploitation in the present. Though <tf|>E occurred 150 
G22  35 years ago, to condemn it is to express a determination now that in 
G22  36 the choices we face, we will avoid actions of this kind.<p/>
G22  37 <p_>The point of doing this is not that we learn new and better 
G22  38 standards for our lives from the judgments we make about the past. 
G22  39 Unless we had those standards already, we would not make those 
G22  40 judgments. But our moral understanding of the past is often a way 
G22  41 of bringing to imaginative life the full implications of principles 
G22  42 to which we are already in theory committed. To be disposed to act 
G22  43 morally, it is not enough to be equipped with a list of appropriate 
G22  44 principles. One also needs a sense of the type of situation in 
G22  45 which these things may suddenly be at stake, the temptations that 
G22  46 might lead one to betray them, and the circumstances and 
G22  47 entanglements that make otherwise virtuous people start acting 
G22  48 viciously. That is what history provides: a lesson about what it is 
G22  49 like for people just like us - human, all too human - to face real 
G22  50 moral danger.<p/>
G22  51 <p_>Beyond that, there is an importance to the historical 
G22  52 recollection of injustice that has to do with identity and 
G22  53 contingency. It is a well<?_>-<?/>known characteristic of great 
G22  54 injustice that those who suffer it go to their deaths with the 
G22  55 conviction that these things must not be forgotten. It is easy to 
G22  56 misread that as vain desire for vindication, a futile threat of 
G22  57 infamy upon the perpetrators of an atrocity. But perhaps the 
G22  58 determination to remember is bound up with the desire to sustain a 
G22  59 specific character as a person or community against a background of 
G22  60 infinite possibility. That <tf|>this happened rather than <tf|>that 
G22  61 - that people were massacred (though they need not have been), that 
G22  62 lands were taken (though they might have been bought fairly), that 
G22  63 promises were broken (though they might have been kept) - the 
G22  64 historic record has a fragility that consists, for large part, in 
G22  65 the sheer contingency of what happened in the past. What happened 
G22  66 might have been otherwise, and, just because of that, it is not 
G22  67 something one can reason back to if what actually took place has 
G22  68 been forgotten or concealed.<p/>
G22  69 <p_>Each person establishes a sense of herself in terms of her 
G22  70 ability to identify the subject or agency of her present thinking 
G22  71 with that of certain acts and events that took place in the past, 
G22  72 and in terms or her ability to hold fast to a distinction between 
G22  73 memory so understood and wishes, fantasies, or various other ideas 
G22  74 of things that might have happened but did not. But remembrance in 
G22  75 this sense is equally important to communities - families, tribes, 
G22  76 nations, parties - that is, to human entities that exist often for 
G22  77 much longer than individual men and women. To neglect the 
G22  78 historical record is to do violence to this identity and thus to 
G22  79 the community that it sustains. And since communities help generate 
G22  80 a deeper sense of identity for the individuals they comprise, 
G22  81 neglecting or expunging the historical record is a way of 
G22  82 undermining and insulting individuals as well.<p/>
G22  83 <p_>When we are told to let bygones be bygones, we need to bear in 
G22  84 mind also that the forgetfulness being urged on us is seldom the 
G22  85 blank slate of historical oblivion. Thinking quickly fills up the 
G22  86 vacuum with plausible tales of self-satisfaction, on the one side, 
G22  87 and self-deprecation on the other. Those who as a matter of fact 
G22  88 benefited from their ancestors' injustice will persuade themselves 
G22  89 readily enough that their good fortune is due to the virtue of 
G22  90 their race, while the descendants of their victims may too easily 
G22  91 accept the story that they and their kind were always good for 
G22  92 nothing. In the face of all this, only the deliberate enterprise of 
G22  93 recollection (the enterprise we call 'history'), coupled with the 
G22  94 most determined sense that there is a difference between what 
G22  95 happened and what we would like to think happened, can sustain the 
G22  96 moral and cultural reality of self and community.<p/>
G22  97 <p_>The topic of this article is reparation. But before I embark on 
G22  98 my main discussion, I want to mention the role that payment of 
G22  99 money (or the return of lands or artifacts) may play in the 
G22 100 embodiment of communal remembrance. Quite apart from any attempt 
G22 101 genuinely to compensate victims or offset their losses, reparations 
G22 102 may symbolize a society's undertaking not to forget or deny that a 
G22 103 particular injustice took place, and to respect and help sustain a 
G22 104 dignified sense of identity-in-memory for the people affected. A 
G22 105 prominent recent example of this is the payment of token sums of 
G22 106 compensation by the American government to the survivors of 
G22 107 Japanese-American families uprooted, interned, and concentrated in 
G22 108 1942. The point of these payments was not to make up for the loss 
G22 109 of home, business, opportunity, and standing in the community which 
G22 110 these people suffered at the hands of their fellow citizens, nor 
G22 111 was it to make up for the discomfort and degradation of their 
G22 112 internment. If that were the aim, much more would be necessary. The 
G22 113 point was to mark - with something that counts in the United States 
G22 114 - a clear public recognition that this injustice did happen, that 
G22 115 it was the American people and their government that inflicted it, 
G22 116 and that these people were among its victims. The payments give an 
G22 117 earnest of good faith and sincerity to that acknowledgment. Like 
G22 118 the gift I buy for someone I have stood up, the payment is a method 
G22 119 of putting oneself out, or going out of one's way, to apologize. It 
G22 120 is no objection to this that the payments are purely symbolic. 
G22 121 Since identity is bound up with symbolism, a symbolic gesture may 
G22 122 be as important to people as any material compensation.<p/>
G22 123 
G22 124 <h_><p_>II. THE COUNTERFACTUAL APPROACH TO REPARATION<p/><h/>
G22 125 <p_>I turn now to the view that a judgment about past injustice 
G22 126 generates a demand for full and not merely symbolic reparation - a 
G22 127 demand not just for remembrance but for substantial transfers of 
G22 128 land, wealth, and resources in an effort actually to rectify past 
G22 129 wrongs. I want to examine the difficulties that these demands give 
G22 130 rise to, particularly when they conflict with other claims that may 
G22 131 be made in the name of justice on the land, wealth, and resources 
G22 132 in question.<p/>
G22 133 <p_>It may seem as though the demand is hopeless from the start. 
G22 134 What is it to correct an injustice? How can we reverse the past? If 
G22 135 we are talking about injustice that took place several generations 
G22 136 ago, surely there is nothing we can do now to heal the lives of the 
G22 137 actual victims, to make them less miserable or to reduce their 
G22 138 suffering. The only experiences we can affect are those of people 
G22 139 living now and those who will live in the future.<p/>
G22 140 <p_>But though these are obvious truths, we may miss something if 
G22 141 we repeat them too often. To stand on the premise that the past 
G22 142 cannot be changed is to ignore the fact that people and communities 
G22 143 live whole lives, not just series of momentary events, and that an 
G22 144 injustice may blight, not just hurt, such a life. Individuals make 
G22 145 plans and they see themselves as living partly for the sake of 
G22 146 their posterity; they build not only for themselves but for future 
G22 147 generations. Whole communities may subsist for periods much longer 
G22 148 than individual lifetimes. How they fare at a given stage and what 
G22 149 they can offer in the way of culture, aspiration, and morale may 
G22 150 depend very much on the present effect of events that took place 
G22 151 several generations <}_><-|>ealier<+|>earlier<}/>. Thus, part of 
G22 152 the moral significance of a past event has to do with the 
G22 153 difference it makes to the present.<p/>
G22 154 <p_>But then there is a sense in which we can affect the moral 
G22 155 significance of past action. Even if we cannot alter the action 
G22 156 itself we may be able to interfere with the normal course of its 
G22 157 consequences. The present surely looks different now from the way 
G22 158 the present would look if a given injustice of the past had not 
G22 159 occurred. Why not therefore change the present so that it looks 
G22 160 more like the present that would have obtained in the absence of 
G22 161 the injustice? Why not make it now as though the injustice had not 
G22 162 happened, for all that its occurrence in the past is immutable and 
G22 163 undeniable?<p/>
G22 164 <p_>This is the approach taken by Robert Nozick in his account of 
G22 165 the role played by a principle of rectification in a theory of 
G22 166 historic entitlement:<p/>
G22 167 <p_><quote_>This principle uses historical information about 
G22 168 previous situations and injustices done in them (as defined by the 
G22 169 first two principles of justice [namely, justice in acquisition and 
G22 170 justice in transfer] and rights against interference), and 
G22 171 information about the actual course of events that flowed from 
G22 172 these injustices, until the present, and it yields a description 
G22 173 (or descriptions) of holdings in the society. The principle of 
G22 174 rectification presumably will make use of its best estimate of 
G22 175 subjunctive information about what would have occurred (or a 
G22 176 probability distribution over what might have occurred, using the 
G22 177 expected value) if the injustice had not taken place. If the actual 
G22 178 description of holdings turns out to be one of the descriptions 
G22 179 yielded by the principle, then one of the descriptions yielded must 
G22 180 be realized.<quote/><p/>
G22 181 <p_>The trouble with this approach is the difficulty we have in 
G22 182 saying what would have happened if some event (which did occur) had 
G22 183 not taken place. To a certain extent we can appeal to causal laws 
G22 184 or, more crudely, the normal course of events. We take a 
G22 185 description of the actual world, with its history and natural laws 
G22 186 intact, up until the problematic event of injustice (which we shall 
G22 187 call event <tf|>'E'). In the actual course of events, what followed 
G22 188 <tf|>E (events <tf_>F, G,<tf/> and <tf|>H) is simply what results 
G22 189 from applying natural laws to <tf|>E as an initial condition. For 
G22 190 example, if <tf|>E was your seizure of the only water hole in the 
G22 191 desert just as I was about to slake my thirst, then <tf|>F - the 
G22 192 event that follows <tf|>E - would be what happens normally when one 
G22 193 person is deprived of water and another is not: you live and I die.
G22 194 
G22 195 
G22 196 
G22 197 
G23   1 <#FROWN:G23\><h_><p_>The Culture of Cruelty<p/>
G23   2 <p_>BY RUTH CONNIFF<p/><h/>
G23   3 <p_>Not long ago I was on a morning radio show talking about 
G23   4 welfare, when an irate caller from Milwaukee got on the line and 
G23   5 introduced himself as <quote_>"that most hated and reviled 
G23   6 creature, the American tax<?_>-<?/>payer."<quote/> He went on to 
G23   7 vent his spleen, complaining about freeloading welfare mothers 
G23   8 living high on the hog while he goes to work each day. <quote_>"A 
G23   9 whiff of starvation is what they need,"<quote/> he said.<p/>
G23  10 <p_>I was chilled by the hatred in his voice, thinking about the 
G23  11 mothers I know on welfare, imagining what it would be like for them 
G23  12 to hear this.<p/>
G23  13 <p_>One young woman I've met, Karetha Mims, recently moved to 
G23  14 Wisconsin, fleeing the projects in Chicago after her little boy saw 
G23  15 a seven-year-old playmate shot in the head. Mims is doing her best 
G23  16 to make a better life for her son, a shy third-grader named 
G23  17 Jermain. She volunteers at his elementary school, and worries about 
G23  18 how he will fit in. The Mimses have received a cold welcome in 
G23  19 Wisconsin, where the governor warns citizens that welfare families 
G23  20 spilling across the border from Illinois will erode the tax base 
G23  21 and ruin the <quote_>"quality of life."<quote/><p/>
G23  22 <p_>Of course, even in Wisconsin, life on welfare is no free ride. 
G23  23 The average family of three receives about $500 a month in Aid to 
G23  24 Families with Dependent Children - barely enough to pay the rent. 
G23  25 Such figures are widely known. So is the fact that each state 
G23  26 spends a small amount - about 3.4 per cent of our taxes, or a 
G23  27 national total of $22.9 billion annually - on welfare. In contrast, 
G23  28 we have now spent $87 billion - about $1,000 per taxpaying family - 
G23  29 to bail out bank presidents at failed savings-and-loans.<p/>
G23  30 <p_>But neither the enraged taxpayer nor my host on the radio 
G23  31 program wanted to hear these dry facts. <quote_>"What ever happened 
G23  32 to the work ethic in this country?"<quote/> the host demanded. 
G23  33 <quote_>"What about the immigrants who came over and worked their 
G23  34 way up?"<quote/><p/>
G23  35 <p_>I had the feeling I was losing my grasp on the conversation. I 
G23  36 could see my host getting impatient, and the more I said the more I 
G23  37 failed to answer her central question: <quote_><tf_>What's wrong 
G23  38 with those people on welfare?<tf/><quote/><p/>
G23  39 <p_>The people on welfare whom I know have nothing wrong with them. 
G23  40 They live in bad neighborhoods; they can't find safe, affordable 
G23  41 child care; often, they are caught in an endless cycle of 
G23  42 unemployment and low-wage work - quitting their jobs when a child 
G23  43 gets sick, losing medical insurance when they go back to their 
G23  44 minimum-wage jobs. They don't have enough money to cover such 
G23  45 emergencies as dental work or car repairs. In short, they are poor. 
G23  46 They are struggling hard just to make it, in the face of extreme 
G23  47 hardship and in an increasingly hostile environment.<p/>
G23  48 <p_>Meanwhile, rhetoric about lazy welfare bums is taking the 
G23  49 country by storm. Policy experts keep coming up with new theories 
G23  50 on the 'culture of poverty' and its nameless perpetrators, members 
G23  51 of a socially and morally deformed 'underclass.' <quote_>"Street 
G23  52 hustlers, welfare families, drug addicts, and former mental 
G23  53 patients,"<quote/> political scientist Lawrence Mead calls them.<p/>
G23  54 <p_><quote_>"It's simply stupid to pretend the underclass is not 
G23  55 mainly black,"<quote/> adds Mickey Kaus in his much-acclaimed new 
G23  56 book <tf_>The End of Equality<tf/>. Kaus and fellow pundit 
G23  57 Christopher Jencks, who wrote his own book this year - 
G23  58 <tf_>Rethinking Social Policy: Race, Poverty, and the 
G23  59 Underclass<tf/> - are two of the most recent riders on the 
G23  60 underclass bandwagon. But the essence of their work is 
G23  61 uncomfortably familiar. Both writers start by asking the question: 
G23  62 <quote_>What's wrong with the underclass?<quote/>, and both proceed 
G23  63 to talk about the depravity of poor black people, devoting large 
G23  64 though inconclusive sections to such ideas as genetic inferiority 
G23  65 and <quote_>"Heredity, Inequality, and Crime."<quote/><p/>
G23  66 <p_>Kaus paints a lurid picture of young black men who sneer at the 
G23  67 idea of working for the minimum wage, which he says they deride as 
G23  68 <quote_>"chump change."<quote/> (It's not clear where Kaus gets 
G23  69 this information, since he doesn't cite any interviews with actual 
G23  70 poor blacks.)<p/>
G23  71 <p_>Why don't poor black people just get jobs and join the 
G23  72 mainstream of society? Kaus asks rhetorically. While many 
G23  73 African-Americans have moved up to the middle class, he writes, the 
G23  74 important question is <quote_>"what enabled some of them, a 
G23  75 lower-class remnant, to stay behind in the ghetto? And what then 
G23  76 allowed them to survive in the absence of legitimate sources of 
G23  77 income?"<quote/><p/>
G23  78 <p_>The answer, of course, is welfare. Kaus compares black people's 
G23  79 attachment to poverty with a junkie's addiction to a drug. Welfare 
G23  80 is the <quote|>"enabling" force that indulges ghetto residents' 
G23  81 propensity for living in squalor. When they stopped working hard 
G23  82 and learned they could collect welfare while living in the ghetto, 
G23  83 Kaus theorizes, poor black people's values eroded and they became a 
G23  84 blight on society.<p/>
G23  85 <p_>Kaus's solution to the <quote_>"underclass problem,"<quote/> 
G23  86 then, relies largely on such motivational initiatives as instilling 
G23  87 a work ethic in lazy black youth through hard labor and 
G23  88 <quote_>"military-style discipline."<quote/> Likewise, he proposes 
G23  89 cutting benefits to mothers who have more than one child, creating 
G23  90 an example for their neighbors, who, he says, would <quote_>"think 
G23  91 twice"<quote/> before becoming pregnant.<p/>
G23  92 <p_>To his credit, J. Anthony Lukas, the writer who reviewed 
G23  93 <tf_>The End of Equality<tf/> for <tf_>The New York Times<tf/>, 
G23  94 noted near the end of his essay that Kaus had forgotten to talk to 
G23  95 anyone on welfare in the course of writing his book. But Lukas 
G23  96 detected no prejudice in Kaus's prescriptions for an overhaul of 
G23  97 the underclass, and he found a touching note of 
G23  98 <quote|>"compassion" in Kaus's assurance that under his plan, 
G23  99 <quote_>"no one would starve."<quote/><p/>
G23 100 <p_>What I want to know is how Kaus came to be considered even 
G23 101 remotely qualified to analyze the psychology and motivations of 
G23 102 poor black mothers and their sons. Kaus's whole program rests on a 
G23 103 faith in his own ability to do exactly that: to surmise what ghetto 
G23 104 residents are thinking and why they behave the way they do.<p/>
G23 105 <p_>Kaus and Jencks show little interest in learning about the real 
G23 106 lives or day-to-day difficulties of people who are poor. Rather, in 
G23 107 the grand tradition of underclass theory, they invent hypothetical 
G23 108 characters with demeaning little names.<p/>
G23 109 <p_><quote_>"Phyllis may not be very smart,"<quote/> writes Jencks, 
G23 110 in a revised version of underclass theorist Charles Murray's famous 
G23 111 'Harold and Phyllis' scenario. <quote_>"But if she chooses AFDC 
G23 112 over Harold, surely that is because she expects the choice to 
G23 113 improve the quality of her family life. ..."<quote/> Furthermore, 
G23 114 says Jencks, <quote_>"If Phyllis does not work, many - including 
G23 115 Sharon - will feel that Phyllis should be substantially worse off, 
G23 116 so that there will be no ambiguity about Sharon's virtue being 
G23 117 rewarded."<quote/><p/>
G23 118 <p_>On the strength of the projected feelings of the fictitious 
G23 119 Sharon, Jencks goes on to recommend a welfare system in which 
G23 120 single mothers don't get too much money.<p/>
G23 121 <p_>Incredibly, this sort of work then gets translated into 
G23 122 concrete public policy.<p/>
G23 123 <p_>Under the Family Support Act, states are now running a number 
G23 124 of experiments designed to tinker with the motivations and 
G23 125 attitudes of poor people - despite data that demonstrate such 
G23 126 tinkering will have no positive effect. There is no evidence, for 
G23 127 example, to back up one of the popular notions Kaus subscribes to - 
G23 128 that <quote|>"most" poor women would stop having babies if benefits 
G23 129 were cut. Women who live in states with higher benefits do not have 
G23 130 more babies. They do not have fewer babies in Alabama or 
G23 131 Mississippi (or Bangladesh, for that matter), where benefits are 
G23 132 shockingly low. Yet Wisconsin, California, and New Jersey are now 
G23 133 cutting AFDC payments to women who have more than one child. 
G23 134 Likewise, theories about the underclass have inspired initiatives 
G23 135 to teach poor people job skills and <quote|>"self-esteem" - despite 
G23 136 the fact that in many of the areas where the training is done, no 
G23 137 jobs are available.<p/>
G23 138 <p_>The results of these policies are often disastrous for the 
G23 139 poor. As more and more states treat poverty as an attitude problem, 
G23 140 legislatures justify slashing the safety net and cutting back 
G23 141 social programs that help poor people survive. The situation is 
G23 142 particularly dire for the 'extra' children of women on welfare, who 
G23 143 are punished just for being born.<p/>
G23 144 <p_>But in Kaus's estimation, the suffering of children is nothing 
G23 145 next to the social benefits he thinks will accrue from causing pain 
G23 146 to their mothers. <quote_>"If we want to end the underclass, 
G23 147 remember, the issue is not so much whether working or getting two 
G23 148 years of cash will best help Betsy Smith, teenage high-school 
G23 149 dropout, acquire the skills to get a good private sector job 
G23 150 <tf|>after she's become a single mother. It is whether the prospect 
G23 151 of having to work will deter Betsy Smith from having an 
G23 152 out-of-wedlock child in the first place. ... The way to make the 
G23 153 true costs of bearing a child out of wedlock clear is to let them 
G23 154 be felt when they are incurred - namely, at the child's 
G23 155 birth."<quote/><p/>
G23 156 <p_>The callousness and immorality of such thinking, I believe, are 
G23 157 part of a pathology that is spreading throughout our society. We 
G23 158 might call it a <quote_>"culture of cruelty.<quote/><p/>
G23 159 <p_>Such theorists as Kaus and Jencks build the rational foundation 
G23 160 beneath our national contempt for the poor. They lend legitimacy to 
G23 161 the racist and misogynist stereotypes so popular with conservative 
G23 162 politicians and disgruntled taxpayers who feel an economic crunch 
G23 163 and are looking for someone to blame. Understanding the roots of 
G23 164 the culture of cruelty, and trying to determine how, through the 
G23 165 adoption of decent social values, we might overcome it, would be 
G23 166 far more useful than any number of volumes of speculation by 
G23 167 upper-class white experts on the attitudes and pathologies of the 
G23 168 <quote|>"underclass."<p/>
G23 169 <p_>Underclass theory as promoted by Kaus and Jencks has four main 
G23 170 characteristics:<p/>
G23 171 <p_><*_>paragraph-sign<*/>It is extremely punitive, appealing to a 
G23 172 desire to put poor black people, especially women, in their 
G23 173 place.<p/>
G23 174 <p_><*_>paragraph-sign<*/>It is based on prejudice rather than 
G23 175 fact, full of stereotypical characters and flippant, unsupported 
G23 176 assertions about their motivations and psychology.<p/>
G23 177 <p_><*_>paragraph-sign<*/>It is inconsistent in its treatment of 
G23 178 rich and poor. While poor people need sternness and 
G23 179 <quote_>"military-style discipline,"<quote/> to use Kaus's words, 
G23 180 the rich are coddled and protected. This third characteristic is 
G23 181 particularly important, since treating the <quote|>"underclass" as 
G23 182 alien and inhuman permits the prescription of draconian 
G23 183 belt<?_>-<?/>tightening that one would never impose on one's own 
G23 184 family or friends.<p/>
G23 185 <p_><*_>paragraph-sign<*/>Finally, there is the persistent, faulty 
G23 186 logic involved in claims that we can <quote_>"end the cycle of 
G23 187 poverty"<quote/> by refusing aid to an entire generation of 
G23 188 children. These children are thus punished for their mothers' sins 
G23 189 in producing them, and, if such programs persist, they will soon 
G23 190 have no hope of getting out from under the weight of belonging to a 
G23 191 despised lower caste.<p/>
G23 192 <p_>In his book <tf_>Savage Inequalities<tf/>, Jonathan Kozol 
G23 193 describes visiting a wealthy public school, where he talks to some 
G23 194 students who argue that giving equal funding to the schools in 
G23 195 poorer districts wouldn't make a difference. Poor children 
G23 196 <quote_>"still would lack the motivation,"<quote/> they say, and 
G23 197 <quote_>"would probably fail in any case because of other 
G23 198 problems."<quote/> Racial integration would cause too many problems 
G23 199 in their own school, they say. <quote_>"How could it be of benefit 
G23 200 to us?"<quote/><p/>
G23 201 <p_><quote_>"There is a degree of unreality about the whole 
G23 202 exchange,"<quote/> Kozol writes. <quote_>"The children are lucid 
G23 203 and their language is well chosen and their arguments well made, 
G23 204 but there is a sense that they are dealing with an issue that does 
G23 205 not feel very vivid, and that nothing that we say about it to each 
G23 206 other really matters since it's 'just a theoretical discussion.' To 
G23 207 a certain degree, the skillfulness and cleverness that they display 
G23 208 seem to derive precisely from this sense of unreality. Questions of 
G23 209 unfairness feel more like a geometric problem than a matter of 
G23 210 humanity or conscience. A few of the students do break through the 
G23 211 note of unreality, but, when they do, they cease to be so agile in 
G23 212 their use of words and speak more awkwardly. Ethical challenges 
G23 213 seem to threaten their effectiveness. There is the sense that they 
G23 214 were skating over ice and that the issues we addressed were safely 
G23 215 frozen underneath.
G23 216 
G23 217 
G24   1 <#FROWN:G24\><h_><p_>Edinburgh and the Idea of a Festival<p/>
G24   2 <p_>Robert L. King<p/><h/>
G24   3 <p_>THE PUBLICITY GENERATED BY <tf_>Tango at the End of Winter<tf/> 
G24   4 at the Edinburgh Festival last summer centered around the director, 
G24   5 Yukio Ninagawa, and the lead actor, Alan Rickman. Ninagawa's 
G24   6 reputation in the West for visual and visceral appeals was earned 
G24   7 first at Edinburgh; <tf|>Tango was his first English language 
G24   8 production. Rickman interrupted a movie career on the rise for a 
G24   9 chance to work under Ninagawa in a play set in a run-down cinema 
G24  10 and featuring a film actor of his own age, one locked in a world of 
G24  11 illusions, his chosen retreat from a Japanese society that banishes 
G24  12 male actors from the stage before they reach their forties. Neither 
G24  13 man speaks the other's language; Ninagawa reached the English 
G24  14 company through an interpreter and screened actors mostly for their 
G24  15 facial expressiveness. In the understandable excitement over this 
G24  16 collaboration, the playwright, Kunio Shimizu, and the adapter of 
G24  17 his text, Peter Barnes (<tf_>The Ruling Class<tf/> and <tf_>Red 
G24  18 Noses<tf/>) were relatively unnoticed. Their text derives from the 
G24  19 now dominant forces in the creative tradition of modern drama, 
G24  20 notably a self<?_>-<?/>consciousness that monitors and corrects any 
G24  21 tendencies that would seduce an audience into accepting dramatic 
G24  22 illusion as a value in itself. In <tf|>Tango, Shimizu borrows 
G24  23 directly from the action of Pirandello's <tf_>Henry IV<tf/>, a play 
G24  24 that resolutely breaks down boundaries between theatrical and 
G24  25 ordinary reality. Like Henry, Sei lives an imaginary life: he calls 
G24  26 his wife his sister, hears a telephone that does not ring, sees a 
G24  27 peacock that <quote_>"nobody else sees"<quote/> and <quote_>"plays 
G24  28 to an imaginary audience."<quote/> Like Henry's visitors, Sei's 
G24  29 wife, Gin, tries to shock him out of his escapist state; her forged 
G24  30 letter to Mizuo, an actress who may have been his lover, brings her 
G24  31 to the theatre where she enters as a kind of apparition in 
G24  32 white.<p/>
G24  33 <p_>Her entrance displays Shimizu's inventive use of the dramatic 
G24  34 tradition. Shigeo, Sei's brother and projectionist if the theatre 
G24  35 had any films, is explaining his fondness for heroines in Hollywood 
G24  36 Westerns. He recites 'the fixed unchanging pattern' and pushes up 
G24  37 an imaginary Stetson with one finger as the 'baddies' would. He 
G24  38 rounds off his summary of the pattern with <quote_>"as if in a 
G24  39 dream there in the entrance stands a woman in white."<quote/> The 
G24  40 stage direction repeats this line: Mizuo appears 
G24  41 <quote_>"<tf_>upstage centre ... a woman dressed in 
G24  42 white.<tf/>"<quote/> She appears on cue and as if on cue but 
G24  43 surprises Shigeo, the story-teller; through the actress/performer, 
G24  44 Mizuo appears as 'herself' and as the heroine in 
G24  45 <}_><-|>Sigeo's<+|>Shigeo's<}/> imagined scene. In this moment, 
G24  46 Shimizu complicates the question of theatrical illusion behind the 
G24  47 simplicity of the Western stereotype and the clarity of the pure 
G24  48 white costume. Such complicated simplicity - its significance 
G24  49 obscured beneath striking details of performance - lies at the 
G24  50 heart of the theatricality which gives <tf_>Tango at the End of 
G24  51 Winter<tf/> its artistic life.<p/>
G24  52 <p_>Turning lights on the audience has long since lost any element 
G24  53 of surprise, but the opening of <tf|>Tango works a disorienting 
G24  54 variation on the device. The powerful light from a projectionist's 
G24  55 booth is aimed out at the audience from deep and high on the stage; 
G24  56 images of student riots appear as if on a screen before us, and the 
G24  57 violent scene is brought to an end when Sei mounts toward the 
G24  58 projector and relieves our pained squinting with his covering hand. 
G24  59 When lights come up on the stage, we are facing the steep rows of 
G24  60 the seats of the cinema; Sei and cardboard cut-outs occupy them. 
G24  61 Gin comes forward to address the audience directly, explaining that 
G24  62 Sei had left the stage three years before to <quote_>"shut himself 
G24  63 away"<quote/> in this place. These opening minutes contain other 
G24  64 major components of <tf|>Tango's art. Besides the lighting and the 
G24  65 striking dramatic images that can occupy the entire stage, the 
G24  66 author plays variations on techniques of audience involvement. He 
G24  67 'mirrors' the audience in the theatre with a cardboard one on 
G24  68 stage; it is fully visible in a sharply raked but naturalistic 
G24  69 cinema auditorium. Shimizu's subtle text presents a Sei who has 
G24  70 escaped from live theatre to watch the fixed art of film, but 
G24  71 images of political turmoil and involvement introduce him as 
G24  72 spectator in a stage without films or living customers.<p/>
G24  73 <p_>In another paradox, Sei re-enacts his final curtain speech 
G24  74 several times, but near the play's end he confuses it with 
G24  75 <quote_>"lines from a bad play I did twenty years ago."<quote/> 
G24  76 Shigeo works up a Chaplin scene for his aunt (who would raze the 
G24  77 cinema for a supermarket) only to undercut it and his own apparent 
G24  78 emotional commitment: <quote_>"Actually, I don't really like 
G24  79 Chaplin. Too sentimental for me."<quote/> Similarly, Sei dismisses 
G24  80 as <quote|>"drivel" his earlier advice to Mizuo to <quote_>"have an 
G24  81 all-consuming love affair"<quote/> if she <quote_>"wanted to be a 
G24  82 good actress."<quote/> <quote|>"Drivel" ironically comments on Sei 
G24  83 himself, however, for he acted out a part even in his desire for 
G24  84 Mizuo. Despite its great potential for personal fulfillment, acting 
G24  85 has never truly liberated Sei. It allows him a measure of 
G24  86 third-person objectivity when he speaks of his past (<quote_>"He 
G24  87 was an actor ... He always made sure to choose the right 
G24  88 setting"<quote/>), but it traps him in the artistic moment, fusing 
G24  89 a present that demands he be young with a living past that imposes 
G24  90 former roles on him. Among his persistent memories is an 
G24  91 association of tango music with one of his more principled stage 
G24  92 speeches. The stylized movements and familiar rhythms of the dance 
G24  93 have a formal kinship with Sei's self-awareness as an actor: 
G24  94 practiced but assertive, sensual but directed. Late in the play, 
G24  95 Sei dances the tango with Mizuo and, having returned her to her 
G24  96 husband, sinks into his wife's arms, but in the next scene 
G24  97 <quote_>"<tf_>ten minutes later<tf/>,"<quote/> he kills Mizuo when 
G24  98 she questions his imaginative power, his actor's improvisational 
G24  99 skill, to transform a seat cushion into a peacock representing his 
G24 100 youth. As he strangles her, she is Desdemona; he calls her lifeless 
G24 101 body Mizuo. At this crucial point, <tf|>Tango once again recalls 
G24 102 Pirandello:<p/>
G24 103 <p_><quote_>REN: You maniac! You've killed her!<p/>
G24 104 <p_>SEI: No ... no ... keep calm ... It was only a play.<quote/><p/>
G24 105 <p_>To Western audiences accustomed to the spare theatricality of 
G24 106 much modern theatre, <tf|>Tango has been far more than a play. Its 
G24 107 fully furnished stage, its music and movement, and its range of 
G24 108 lighting strategies engage our senses and perhaps lull our 
G24 109 intellects. As he continues, Sei's long speech is filled with 
G24 110 snatches of earlier ones; finally he succumbs to the strains of a 
G24 111 tango that he dances with an imaginary partner. The stairs of the 
G24 112 cinema set provide a full view of Alan Rickman rapt in his 
G24 113 performance; he is stabbed by the avenging husband and, while still 
G24 114 dancing, collapses. The boundaries of time and of the set, our 
G24 115 focal point for theatrical reality, are destroyed. An upper portion 
G24 116 of the rear wall breaks away to reveal cherry blossoms which mix 
G24 117 with paper snow and blow over the stage. Richly colored peacock 
G24 118 patterns cover the side walls of the set; the music stops at Sei's 
G24 119 death, and the lights go down. The audience, in the natural course 
G24 120 of theatrical things, sees a culmination in the partial loss of 
G24 121 set, in the end of music and light, in the transforming peacock 
G24 122 colors and in the death of Sei. We applaud. But Shimizu and 
G24 123 Ninagawa are not through with us. The lights come up on Gin; she is 
G24 124 wearing a coat, ready to move on. She tells us that the cinema will 
G24 125 be <quote_>"pulled down in May as planned"<quote/> and asks us to 
G24 126 agree that it is a <quote_>"beautiful and sad"<quote/> place. The 
G24 127 stage audience re-enters in slow, dance-like movements; they 
G24 128 applaud as at the end of a film. We applaud - this time for 'real.' 
G24 129 The double ending of the play is not designed to trick the audience 
G24 130 into sudden awareness of its naivete; rather, <tf|>Tango assumes 
G24 131 our intelligence and good will. We truly participate in the 
G24 132 experience with all those responsible for the production's success, 
G24 133 director, cast, playwright and fellow members of the audience.<p/>
G24 134 <p_>George Tabori's <tf_>Wiseman & Copperface<tf/>, sub-titled 
G24 135 <tf_>A Jewish Western<tf/>, seemed the ideal play for an 
G24 136 international festival; it won a best play award in Vienna where 
G24 137 its author is an artistic director. Tabori's career gives him 
G24 138 overwhelming moral and aesthetic authority for writing on political 
G24 139 subjects. He lost his father and other family members at Auschwitz, 
G24 140 was blacklisted here in the McCarthy years, directed a revisionist 
G24 141 <tf_>Merchant of Venice<tf/> at Stockbridge and has confronted the 
G24 142 Holocaust and MyLai massacre in his plays. A person of such 
G24 143 experience - and my list is severely condensed - could well claim 
G24 144 to be his own arbiter of taste in approaching the great questions 
G24 145 of our time. And, since a reasonable person can read 
G24 146 twentieth-century history as farce, Tabori can hardly be faulted 
G24 147 for combining farcical elements with weighty subjects in a fiction. 
G24 148 In his latest effort, Weisman and his daughter, Ruth, have their 
G24 149 car stolen as they drive from New York to Los Angeles with an urn 
G24 150 holding the ashes of Weisman's wife. They are mugged by The Hunter, 
G24 151 who wears mirror sunglasses, drinks Budweiser from a can and smokes 
G24 152 Marlboros. This sort of push-button symbolism runs through the play 
G24 153 - Woodstock, McCarthy, John Wayne - until everything is on the same 
G24 154 indiscriminate level. Perhaps on the continent, Tabori's audience 
G24 155 was flattered by such references, but Wounded Knee, never mind the 
G24 156 Holocaust itself, is reduced by the other stark cultural signs to 
G24 157 the level of a catalogue listing. Ruth is retarded; her father 
G24 158 fails in an attempt to drown her, but the flawed ritual results in 
G24 159 a kind of rebirth. She plays scorekeeper in a verbal tennis match 
G24 160 between her father and Copperface, their Indian savior. In an 
G24 161 unconsciously ironic critique of his entire method, Tabori has the 
G24 162 two men lob words like <quote_>"Dachau" at each other in a 
G24 163 competition over which race has suffered more. Surely our politics 
G24 164 have debased language, but wrenching painful words out of 
G24 165 historical contexts to use them as markers in a game contributes to 
G24 166 the lowering without enlightening us. At the end, Ruth and the 
G24 167 Indian have exchanged cultural identities, she with an Indian name 
G24 168 and he, a Jewish one. They walk erect, to a new life; they turn 
G24 169 away from her dead father, his body covered with an Indian blanket 
G24 170 and her mother's ashes encircled with Indian rocks. This clumsy 
G24 171 allegory did not succeed with the audience the night I saw it. If 
G24 172 someone does stage it here, conservative columnists will be 
G24 173 delighted to have a broad target for attacks on their version of 
G24 174 the politically correct.<p/>
G24 175 <p_>To create a trilogy around the Guy Burgess spy story, The 
G24 176 Performance Theatre Company sandwiched a new play, <tf_>A Secret 
G24 177 Country<tf/> by Anthony Peters, between two established ones, 
G24 178 Julian Mitchell's <tf_>Another Country<tf/> and Alan Bennett's 
G24 179 brief <tf_>An Englishman Abroad<tf/>. About twenty people attended 
G24 180 the world premiere of the Peters play in Edinburgh at a venue that 
G24 181 had once been a church. About the only remaining religious 
G24 182 property, the pulpit, was used resourcefully for direct address to 
G24 183 the audience. A Grand Inquisitor begins and ends the play with 
G24 184 statements that the events are real but that the stage places with 
G24 185 their abstracted props have not been the places that Burgess, 
G24 186 Maclean and Philby actually inhabited. The play is, in other words, 
G24 187 framed by notices of its deliberate artificiality and includes many 
G24 188 others, among them the curtain line before the interval 
G24 189 (<quote_>"What a way to end an act"<quote/>), references like 
G24 190 <quote_>"Russian stereotype,"<quote/> and paper 'snow' thrown from 
G24 191 the pulpit. These deliberate dramatic procedures ideally complement 
G24 192 the proudly duplicitous lives of its homosexual heroes. As acted by 
G24 193 Paul Aves, the Burgess character revels in a theatricality which 
G24 194 makes sexual and political identities one. At one point Burgess 
G24 195 tells his Russian contact, Aleksei, that he himself can never be 
G24 196 sure which mask he is wearing. This willed self-deception, made 
G24 197 entirely credible by Aves, makes the performance intriguing where 
G24 198 an emphasis on the intrigue of the factual espionage would have 
G24 199 resulted in a predictable melodrama.
G24 200 
G24 201 
G25   1 <#FROWN:G25><h_><p_>Do We Have a Judeo-Christian Heritage?<p/>
G25   2 <p_>Vern L. Bullough<p/><h/>
G25   3 <p_>Recently Irving Kristol, a prominent Jewish author and editor 
G25   4 of <tf|>Commentary, editorialized that the United States was a 
G25   5 Christian nation and that Jews should recognize this and work 
G25   6 within that framework. Similarly, Richard John Neuhaus, a 
G25   7 Protestant theological convert to Catholicism, has claimed that 
G25   8 atheists cannot make good citizens in a Christian country like the 
G25   9 United States. Both statements represent a new onslaught on secular 
G25  10 humanism and mark a shift in attacks from right<?_>-<?/>wing fringe 
G25  11 fundamentalists. Key to all the attacks is the belief that our 
G25  12 <quote|>"common" Judeo-Christian tradition is threatened by modern 
G25  13 secularism.<p/>
G25  14 <p_>Both the fringe groups and the neo<?_>-<?/>fundamentalists 
G25  15 share a kind of deconstructionist belief that history is what we 
G25  16 say it is, and they ignore everything that seems to be contrary to 
G25  17 their own beliefs. They create a history that they want to believe 
G25  18 in order to establish a new faith as a basis to attack anyone with 
G25  19 whom they disagree. All ills of the modern world are blamed on 
G25  20 secularism, and a past that never existed is looked back to for 
G25  21 answers. In the true sense of the word these people are not really 
G25  22 conservatives, or neo-conservatives as they prefer to call 
G25  23 themselves, but radicals intent on establishing a new mythology 
G25  24 under the banner of conservatism.<p/>
G25  25 <p_>Though there is undoubtedly a Western tradition loosely called 
G25  26 the Judeo-Christian tradition during the twentieth century, it has 
G25  27 never been restricted to such. Many of our assumptions are based 
G25  28 upon those of the pagan Greeks and Romans. In turn their beliefs 
G25  29 were influenced by astrological, mathematical, and other 
G25  30 discoveries of the ancient Egyptians, Sumerians, Persians, Hindus, 
G25  31 Chinese, and others. We all are a product of our past, and in some 
G25  32 areas this past was Christianized in the Middle Ages, but mostly it 
G25  33 was not. We have twelve months of the year because the Romans did, 
G25  34 and the months still bear Roman names. We have seven days of the 
G25  35 week not because of the Bible, but because the ancients believed 
G25  36 there were seven heavenly spheres circling the earth: the Sun, the 
G25  37 Moon, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. Part of the names 
G25  38 of our days still keep this belief alive, while others are named 
G25  39 after German gods in which we no longer believe.<p/>
G25  40 <p_>With only a thin veneer of Christianity, we still manage to 
G25  41 celebrate and observe ancient festivals such as the Winter 
G25  42 Solstice, which we call Christmas, or the coming of spring, which 
G25  43 we call Easter. About the only thing Christian about Christmas is 
G25  44 the name, since all other aspects, from Christmas trees to 
G25  45 cr<*_>e-grave<*/>ches, are pre-Christian customs. Easter, the 
G25  46 spring celebration, is named after a German goddess, and traditions 
G25  47 ranging from the basket of eggs to the bunny have nothing at all to 
G25  48 do with Christianity.<p/>
G25  49 <p_>We believe a circle has 360 degrees because the ancient 
G25  50 residents of Mesopotamia said so, although we have abandoned 12 as 
G25  51 a base number and replaced it by 10. We got 0 and our decimal 
G25  52 system from the Muslims, who took it from India. Much of our Hebrew 
G25  53 scriptures are based on beliefs common in the Babylonia, while the 
G25  54 Christian scriptures themselves picked up not only from Judaism but 
G25  55 from Zoroastrianism, from the religion of Isis and Osiris, and from 
G25  56 the pagan Greek philosophical tradition. Stoicism and neo-Platonism 
G25  57 both exerted tremendous influence upon the Church fathers, as did 
G25  58 other aspects of Greek and Roman belief patterns. Augustine, 
G25  59 probably the most influential of the early Christian thinkers, was 
G25  60 a Manichean before he converted to Christianity, bringing over with 
G25  61 him many of the ideas that came from that offshoot of the Persian 
G25  62 Zoroastrianism, as well as the Stoic and neo-Platonic views he had 
G25  63 learned in school. Later, in the Middle Ages, as the Islamic 
G25  64 version of Aristotle reached Christian Western Europe, Aristotle 
G25  65 became more a part of the Christian tradition. In popular texts his 
G25  66 scholastic movement is sometimes called the Aristotelianization of 
G25  67 Christianity.<p/>
G25  68 <p_>Monasticism, which was so much a part of the Western Christian 
G25  69 tradition, seemed to have been influenced by Buddhism, and a series 
G25  70 of Chinese discoveries from paper-making to silk manufacturing to 
G25  71 gun powder eventually made their way west, changing the nature of 
G25  72 Western culture. The list could go on, but the point to emphasize 
G25  73 is that our Western tradition is a mixture of what has gone before 
G25  74 with a thin veneer of Christianity overlaid on it. Just how thin 
G25  75 the veneer is, is emphasized by the diversity of the 'Christian' 
G25  76 religions. From the very beginning there were hundreds of 
G25  77 interpretations, and the Emperor Constantine, after formally 
G25  78 incorporating Christianity into the Roman pantheon of religions, 
G25  79 found he had to call a council to decide what it was. Though 
G25  80 officially the Council of Nicaea established a version of 
G25  81 trinitarian Christianity, most Christians never formally adopted 
G25  82 it, and Constantine himself later refused to accept it. Hundreds of 
G25  83 'heresies' developed, and many of them still survive today in 
G25  84 various parts of the world. In the West, Catholicism for a time was 
G25  85 dominant, but only for a brief period, as it was soon challenged by 
G25  86 a number of different interpretations. Two of these 
G25  87 interpretations, Calvinism and Angelicanism, were particularly 
G25  88 influential in establishing colonies in the United States, but 
G25  89 dissenters such as the Society of Friends and the Baptists did the 
G25  90 same, as did traditional Catholics.<p/>
G25  91 <p_>When our Founding Fathers were hunting for a basis for their 
G25  92 new country, they did not turn to the Christian church for examples 
G25  93 but to ancient Rome and Greece. They named one of their legislative 
G25  94 bodies after the Roman senate, and were influenced by the Greek 
G25  95 leagues to come up with a second house. Even our law is based upon 
G25  96 Roman law, although it was more modified than continental law by 
G25  97 the influence of English common law. Undoubtedly our Founding 
G25  98 Fathers were religious, but a good many of them were influenced by 
G25  99 the deism of the day, and they certainly were determined to avoid 
G25 100 the rampant sectarianism of the time. Many of our early leaders 
G25 101 were Unitarians who denied the divinity of Jesus. Agnostics and 
G25 102 freethinkers from Thomas Paine to Robert Ingersoll also played 
G25 103 significant roles in the development of the United States.<p/>
G25 104 <p_>In recent years we have had a growing variety of non-Western 
G25 105 traditions, from Sikhism to Hinduism to Islam to Buddhism, gain and 
G25 106 establish strongholds in the United States. We have spawned or 
G25 107 tolerated new religions such as Bahaism and a variety of Hare 
G25 108 Krishna not usually found in India. We even have followers of L. 
G25 109 Ron Hubbard. Many traditional churches deny that the Mormons are 
G25 110 Christians, although in recent years the Mormons have tended to 
G25 111 emphasize a more Christian aspect of their tradition. Judaism has 
G25 112 also made a strong impact in the United States if only because it 
G25 113 stood outside the Christian belief system.<p/>
G25 114 <p_>Even our Christianity as such is radically different from the 
G25 115 Christianity of the past. Capitalism would have been condemned by 
G25 116 the medieval Church, and it was by modern popes. Usury and 
G25 117 interest-taking was regarded as a sin until the fourteenth century. 
G25 118 The early Church was pacifistic, and early Christians refused 
G25 119 military service, a far cry from the militant Christianity of the 
G25 120 Crusades or of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, for that 
G25 121 matter. In spite of the example of the two Marys in Christian 
G25 122 stories, women were given short shrift by Christian churches, and 
G25 123 their attempts to speak out and better their position have 
G25 124 traditionally been opposed. Christianity was interpreted to condone 
G25 125 slavery. In fact many religious conservative radical movements such 
G25 126 as the Southern Baptists are fueled by Bible<?_>-<?/>believing 
G25 127 literalist Christians determined to keep women and minorities in 
G25 128 their place. Many of them also oppose all of the theories behind 
G25 129 modern science.<p/>
G25 130 <p_>This is not to deny that Christianity (as have other religions) 
G25 131 often expressed high ideals and helped motivate large numbers of 
G25 132 people to aspire to look outside themselves and to help others, but 
G25 133 so have all kinds of non-believing traditions, going back at least 
G25 134 to Stoicism. Undoubtedly, also, people who called themselves 
G25 135 Christians have been a majority in the United States for much of 
G25 136 its history, but the various sects and denominations could not 
G25 137 agree among themselves (nor should they) about what that meant, and 
G25 138 often those in disagreement have been extremely intolerant of 
G25 139 others who believed differently.<p/>
G25 140 <p_>In short, we have an <tf|>eclectic tradition in the United 
G25 141 States, one that generally has been tolerant and nondogmatic. 
G25 142 Christians of various stripes are part of this, as are humanists 
G25 143 and agnostics, but this does not make the United States a Christian 
G25 144 nation or even a Judeo-Christian one. We are a mixed accumulation 
G25 145 of our past, and it is the Christian dogmatists, not the 
G25 146 secularists, who are the major threat to our pluralistic democratic 
G25 147 tradition.<p/>
G25 148 
G25 149 <h_><p_>The Vatican's Alliance with Reagan<p/>
G25 150 <p_>Tom Flynn<p/><h/>
G25 151 <p_>We note with concern recent media allegations that former 
G25 152 President Ronald Reagan and Pope John Paul II formed a secret 
G25 153 alliance to help topple communist rule in Poland. If true, the 
G25 154 stories help to explain certain elements of the Solidarity saga 
G25 155 that always seemed incredibly fortuitous. But they also mark a 
G25 156 papal return to geopolitics on a scale unmatched in more than a 
G25 157 century. And they raise serious questions about church-state 
G25 158 separation: How can a secular democracy order its relations with an 
G25 159 entity that is both a sovereign foreign power and a religious 
G25 160 community? And what is implied when the Vatican makes United States 
G25 161 compliance with its moral program a <foreign_>quid pro 
G25 162 quo<foreign/> to secure the church's political cooperation?<p/>
G25 163 <p_>Writing in <tf|>Time, Carl Bernstein reported that Reagan and 
G25 164 the pope forged a secret alliance to preserve Solidarity, whose 
G25 165 leaders had gone underground in Poland after General Wolciech 
G25 166 Jaruzelski imposed martial law on December 13, 1981. They acted 
G25 167 swiftly: United States' sanctions were imposed upon Poland and the 
G25 168 then U.S.S.R. Top-security intelligence data was funnelled to the 
G25 169 pope on the authority of Reagan and then-CIA Director William 
G25 170 Casey. If the United States enjoyed superior military intelligence, 
G25 171 the Vatican had more timely, better<?_>-<?/>quality intelligence 
G25 172 regarding social and political matters as the crisis unfolded. On 
G25 173 at least one occasion in 1984, Reagan relaxed certain sanctions 
G25 174 against Poland when Archbishop (now Cardinal) Pio Laghi flew to the 
G25 175 western White House to warn that the pope felt the sanctions had 
G25 176 grown counterproductive. At other times, Philadelphia's John 
G25 177 Cardinal Krol is said to have served as a papal intermediary to 
G25 178 Reagan.<p/>
G25 179 <p_>Within Poland, American spies and Catholic priests worked hand 
G25 180 in hand to distribute millions of dollars worth of fax machines, 
G25 181 video recorders, two<?_>-<?/>way radios, mimeographs, cash, and 
G25 182 more - all the accoutrements of a propaganda 'war from below' 
G25 183 against a repressive communist regime. We read that Casey himself 
G25 184 coordinated efforts to build the remnants of the Socialist 
G25 185 International within Poland into a force like the Christian 
G25 186 Democratic parties in many Western European countries.<p/>
G25 187 <p_>All of this reflected a vision that Reagan and the pope shared: 
G25 188 a vision that the post-World War II division of Europe, ceding 
G25 189 Eastern Europe to the Soviets, could be overturned. In the 
G25 190 fifteenth century, the Borgia pope Alexander VI had imposed a 
G25 191 similar partition, dividing the known world between Spain and 
G25 192 Portugal. With little less audacity a twentieth-century pope joined 
G25 193 forces with the president of United States to dissolve the 
G25 194 partition of Yalta. <quote|>"This," said Reagan national security 
G25 195 adviser Richard Allen without a trace of irony, <quote_>"was one of 
G25 196 the greatest secret alliances of all time."<quote/><p/>
G25 197 <p_>But the alliance was not without its cost to the United States. 
G25 198 Secularists cannot help but be concerned at the spectacle of an 
G25 199 American spymaster laying clandestine foundations for a 
G25 200 <quote_>"Christian Democratic"<quote/> <tf|>anything in a foreign 
G25 201 land. Equally dubious, in our view, was the Administration decision 
G25 202 to grant the Vatican full diplomatic recognition as a sovereign 
G25 203 state. Perhaps most disturbing was the <foreign_>quid pro 
G25 204 quo<foreign/> on birth control policy that Rome is said to have 
G25 205 exacted from Washington as the price of alliance. William Wilson, 
G25 206 Reagan's first ambassador to the Vatican, told <tf|>Time that the 
G25 207 Vatican demanded an outright ban on the use of American funds for 
G25 208 the promotion of birth control or abortion, whether by foreign 
G25 209 countries or international health organizations.
G25 210 
G25 211 
G25 212 
G26   1 <#FROWN:G26\><h_><p_>ALFRED KAZIN<p/>
G26   2 <p_><tf_>Howards End<tf/> Revisited<p/><h/>
G26   3 <p_><tf_>Howards End<tf/> appeared in 1910, a date that explains an 
G26   4 idealism important to our understanding of the book. It was E.M. 
G26   5 Forster's fourth novel. He had written in rapid succession 
G26   6 <tf_>Where Angels Fear to Tread<tf/> (1905), <tf_>The Longest 
G26   7 Journey<tf/> (1907), and <tf_>A Room with a View<tf/> (1908). 
G26   8 <tf_>Howards End<tf/> was the last novel he was to publish for 
G26   9 fourteen years. The next, <tf_>A Passage to India<tf/> (1924), was 
G26  10 certainly worth waiting for, but it is not as serene and hopeful as 
G26  11 <tf_>Howards End<tf/>. The 'Great War,' the most influential event 
G26  12 of the twentieth century and the onset of all our political woe, 
G26  13 had intervened between Forster's two major novels and certainly 
G26  14 darkened the second. The reality of British imperialism, bringing 
G26  15 the threat of racial politics to Forster's belief in personal 
G26  16 relationships as the supreme good, was something unsuspected in 
G26  17 <tf_>Howards End<tf/>.<p/>
G26  18 <p_>In 1910 Forster was thirty-one. In the next sixty years he was 
G26  19 to publish only one novel more. <tf|>Maurice, a novel about 
G26  20 homosexual love that had been circulating privately for years, was 
G26  21 published soon after Forster's death in 1970. All these dates and 
G26  22 gaps in Forster's record as a novelist have their significance. He 
G26  23 was a wonderfully supple and intelligent writer for whom the 
G26  24 outside world was a hindrance and even a threat to his 
G26  25 identification of himself and his art with 'relationships.' 
G26  26 Everyone knows that he wrote in <tf_>Two Cheers for Democracy<tf/>, 
G26  27 <quote_>"I hate the idea of causes, and if I had to choose between 
G26  28 betraying my country and betraying my friend, I hope I should have 
G26  29 the guts to betray my country."<quote/> But what - as happened so 
G26  30 often in World War Two - if my friend betrayed <tf|>me for an 
G26  31 ideology he considered his only 'country'?<p/>
G26  32 <p_>So the date of <tf_>Howards End<tf/> has a certain poignancy 
G26  33 now. The most famous idea in it is <quote_>"Only connect! That was 
G26  34 the whole of her sermon. Only connect the prose and the passion, 
G26  35 and both will be exalted, and human love will be seen at its 
G26  36 height. Live in fragments no longer. Only connect, and the beast 
G26  37 and the monk, robbed of the isolation that is life to either, will 
G26  38 die."<quote/> No one with the slightest sense of twentieth-century 
G26  39 history can read that in the 1990s without thinking (not for the 
G26  40 first time) how far we have traveled, in liberal, generous, above 
G26  41 all religious instinct, from 1910. <tf_>Howards End<tf/> is a 
G26  42 shapely and beautiful novel, extremely well thought out. One has to 
G26  43 read it now as a fable about England at the highest point of its 
G26  44 hopes in 1910, while at its center rises up before us, as always, 
G26  45 England's eternal Chinese wall of class distinctions, class war, 
G26  46 class hatred - a world in which people stink in each other's 
G26  47 nostrils because of their social origins or pretensions: in which a 
G26  48 poor young man, who has lost his job and is in the depths of 
G26  49 despair because of his home life, encounters hostility because he 
G26  50 walks down Regent Street without a hat. But <tf_>Howards End<tf/> 
G26  51 resolves this war between the English, tries to lift away this 
G26  52 winding-sheet of snobberies and taboos, in the only way it has ever 
G26  53 been resolved - in a beautiful theory of love between persons. This 
G26  54 extends just as far as love ever extends. Meanwhile social rage 
G26  55 keeps howling outside the bedroom.<p/>
G26  56 <p_><tf_>Howards End<tf/> is a novel of ideas, not brute facts; in 
G26  57 many respects it is an old kind of novel, playful in the 
G26  58 eighteenth-century sense, full of tenderness toward favorite 
G26  59 characters in the Dickens style, inventive in every structural 
G26  60 touch but not a modernist work. A modernist work - <tf|>Ulysses 
G26  61 will always be the grand, cold monument - is one that supplants and 
G26  62 subsumes the subject entirely in favor of the author as performer 
G26  63 and total original. This is hardly the case in <tf_>Howards 
G26  64 End<tf/>. Forster cares; he cares so much about the state of 
G26  65 England and the possibility of deliverance that what occupies him 
G26  66 most in working out the book is a dream of a strife<?_>-<?/>torn 
G26  67 modern England returning to the myth of its ancient beginnings as a 
G26  68 rural, self-dependent society. It is typical of an undefeatable 
G26  69 tenderness (almost softness) in Forster's makeup that the book ends 
G26  70 in a vision of perfect peace right at the old house in 
G26  71 Hertfordshire, Howards End, that is the great symbol throughout the 
G26  72 book of stability in ancestral, unconscious wisdom. Even in 1910 
G26  73 this was absurd - hardly an answer to the class war. But fairy 
G26  74 tales thrive on being of another world.<p/>
G26  75 <p_>The class war is hardly an English prerogative, but the English 
G26  76 have been so good at picturing it that it is no wonder they cannot 
G26  77 do without it. Where but in England would that quirky refugee Karl 
G26  78 Marx have found so perfect a ground, a text, for his belief in the 
G26  79 long-established war between the classes? As I write, I notice in a 
G26  80 review by Sir Frank Kermode of Sir V.S. Pritchett's <tf_>Collected 
G26  81 Stories<tf/>, that Pritchett once had a conversation with H.G. 
G26  82 Wells <quote_>"in which they considered the question of whether 
G26  83 lower-class characters could ever be treated in other than comic 
G26  84 terms."<quote/> It is noteworthy that Kermode finds it entirely 
G26  85 natural to write of <quote_>"lower-class characters"<quote/> and 
G26  86 <quote_>"suburban little people."<quote/> These are phrases that 
G26  87 seem comic to an American - not because America is less divided 
G26  88 than England but because, torn apart as it is by race, fear, and 
G26  89 hatred, its gods are equality and social mobility.<p/>
G26  90 <p_>How different the case in England. Dickens, though he lent 
G26  91 pathos and occasionally even dignity (if not heroism) to his 
G26  92 lower-class characters, certainly delighted in 'treating' them in 
G26  93 comic terms just as much as Shakespeare did. It is hard to think of 
G26  94 any first-class English novelist before Thomas Hardy who identifies 
G26  95 so much with the 'lowly' and who gave characters at the bottom like 
G26  96 Jude and Tess so much love and respect.<p/>
G26  97 <p_>George Orwell in 1937: <quote_>"Whichever way you turn, this 
G26  98 curse of class differences confronts you like a wall of stone. Or 
G26  99 rather is it not so much like a wall of stone as the plate glass 
G26 100 pane of an aquarium."<quote/> This American was for some months 
G26 101 near the end of World War II in close contact with 'other ranks' in 
G26 102 the British army. Even when lecturing at Cambridge after the war, 
G26 103 he came to see how the college servants lived, as well as the 
G26 104 incomparable beauty of the public surface. These experiences gave 
G26 105 glimpses of a side of life in England that explained the rancor and 
G26 106 frustration of postwar English writing - but also its violent 
G26 107 humor. As Edmund Wilson said, the English Revolution was made in 
G26 108 America.<p/>
G26 109 <p_>I hasten to add - and <tf_>Howards End<tf/> is in many respects 
G26 110 specifically about England - that as a subject single and entire of 
G26 111 itself, blissful to the literary imagination, England - <p/>
G26 112 <p_><quote_>This royal throne of kings, this scept'red isle,<p/>
G26 113 <p_>This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars,<p/>
G26 114 <p_>This other Eden, demi-paradise,<p/>
G26 115 <p_>This fortress built by Nature for herself<p/>
G26 116 <p_>Against infection and the hand of war,<p/>
G26 117 <p_>This happy breed of men, this little world,<p/>
G26 118 <p_>This precious stone set in the silver sea<quote/><p/>
G26 119 <p_>awakens an honest glow in its writers. America is too vast, 
G26 120 heterogeneous, and spiritually mixed up to appear before its 
G26 121 writers as a believable single image. F. Scott Fitzgerald in his 
G26 122 notebooks: <quote_>"France was a land, England was a people, but 
G26 123 America, having about it still that quality of the idea, was harder 
G26 124 to utter - it was the graves at Shiloh and the tired, drawn, 
G26 125 nervous faces of its great men, and the country boys dying in the 
G26 126 Argonne for a phrase that was empty before their bodies withered. 
G26 127 It was a willingness of the heart."<quote/><p/>
G26 128 <p_>America certainly has been harder to utter - except in the most 
G26 129 grandiose and boastful terms. By contrast, here is Forster in 
G26 130 Chapter Nineteen of <tf_>Howards End<tf/>. The Schlegel sisters' 
G26 131 German cousin is with them on a tour of the countryside, and 
G26 132 because one of the signal points of this novel is that the 
G26 133 characters are all representative - the English of conflicting 
G26 134 attitudes and cultures, the Germans of different sides of Germany - 
G26 135 Forster here 'interrupts' himself to speak with felt emotion about 
G26 136 England, his England, everyone's England, summed up as <quote_>"our 
G26 137 island"<quote/>:<p/>
G26 138 <p_><quote_>If one wanted to show a foreigner England, perhaps the 
G26 139 wisest course would be to take him to the final section of the 
G26 140 Purbeck Hills, and stand him on their summit, a few miles to the 
G26 141 east of Corfe. Then system after system of our island would roll 
G26 142 together under his feet ...How many villages appear in this view! 
G26 143 How many castles! How many churches, vanished or triumphant! How 
G26 144 many ships, railways, and roads! What incredible variety of men 
G26 145 working beneath that lucent sky to what final end! The reason 
G26 146 fails, like a wave on the Swanage beach; the imagination swells, 
G26 147 spreads, and deepens, until it becomes geographic and encircles 
G26 148 England.<quote/><p/>
G26 149 <p_>A few pages on, he inserts into a scene of conflict between the 
G26 150 Schlegel sisters on the incredible thought (to Helen) that Margaret 
G26 151 could even <tf|>consider marrying the overbearing businessman Henry 
G26 152 Wilcox:<p/>
G26 153 <p_><quote_>England was alive, throbbing through all her estuaries, 
G26 154 crying for joy through the mouths of her gulls, and the north wind, 
G26 155 with contrary emotion, blew stronger against her rising seas. What 
G26 156 did it mean? For what end are her fair complexities, her changes of 
G26 157 soil, her sinuous coast? Does she belong to those who have moulded 
G26 158 her and made her feared by other lands, or those who had added 
G26 159 nothing to her power, but have somehow seen her, seen the whole 
G26 160 island at once, lying as a jewel in a silver sea, sailing in a ship 
G26 161 of souls, with all the brave world's fleet accompanying her towards 
G26 162 eternity?<quote/><p/>
G26 163 <p_>Earlier, Forster had written of <quote_>"our race,"<quote/> and 
G26 164 later he was to write of his countrymen and women as 
G26 165 <quote|>"comrades." So the attentive reader comes to see that 
G26 166 behind the rivalry and final, ironic conjunction of Schlegels and 
G26 167 Wilcoxes (meaning Margaret and her defeated husband Henry Wilcox) 
G26 168 is Forster's yearning hope (as of 1910) that this grievously 
G26 169 class-proud, class-protecting, class-embittered society may yet 
G26 170 come to think of some deeper, more ancient 'comradeship' as one of 
G26 171 its distinguishing marks. Where Forster's belief in 
G26 172 <quote_>"personal relationships"<quote/> was founded on Bloomsbury 
G26 173 and the <tf_>Principia Ethica<tf/> (1903) of its Cambridge sage 
G26 174 G.E. Moore, Forster's invocation of 'comradeship' no doubt owes 
G26 175 much to Edward Carpenter, a strong defender of homosexuality who 
G26 176 was one of the first English disciples of Walt Whitman.<p/>
G26 177 <p_>But 'comradeship' aside for the moment, English literature's 
G26 178 advantage over American literature, so it appeared to the American 
G26 179 critic who helped to make Forster famous in America, Lionel 
G26 180 Trilling, is that the class war, class distinctions of every kind, 
G26 181 social rivalries of the most minute (and even nastiest) kind, are 
G26 182 great for literature. As conflict seems to be the first rule in 
G26 183 life, so conflict taken seriously enough, without sentimental hopes 
G26 184 of easy deliverance, is comedy, is tragedy, is dialogue, is 
G26 185 history, is FORCE. Only an Englishman would have opened Chapter Six 
G26 186 of <tf_>Howards End<tf/> with:<p/>
G26 187 <p_><quote_>We are not concerned with the very poor. They are 
G26 188 unthinkable, and only to be approached by the statistician or the 
G26 189 poet. This story deals with gentlefolk, or with those who are 
G26 190 obliged to pretend that they are gentlefolk.<p/>
G26 191 <p_>The boy, Leonard Bast, stood at the extreme verge of gentility. 
G26 192 He was not in the abyss, but he could see it.<quote/><p/>
G26 193 <p_>This would have enraged the California novelist and pioneer 
G26 194 socialist, Jack London, who in 1902 went down into the 
G26 195 <quote|>"horror" of London's poor to write <tf_>The People of the 
G26 196 Abyss<tf/>, a powerful document not likely to interest anyone in 
G26 197 England but the Salvation Army. Because <tf_>Howards End<tf/> is 
G26 198 rooted not even in Fabian socialism but in the dream of 
G26 199 <quote_>"personal relationships,"<quote/> one of the felt tensions 
G26 200 in the book is the fear of war between England and Germany. The 
G26 201 Schlegels' father (now dead) was a German idealist who fought for 
G26 202 Prussia before it took Germany over, and in disgust left for 
G26 203 England and married an Englishwoman.
G26 204 
G26 205 
G27   1 <#FROWN:G27\><h_><p_>Barry Maxwell<p/>
G27   2 <p_>Whitman: Acceptance, Appropriation, Investment<p/><h/>
G27   3 <p_>In a half-line from 'To Thee Old Cause,' one of the 
G27   4 inscriptions to the 1881 edition of <tf_>Leaves of Grass<tf/>, 
G27   5 Whitman's formulation of the relation between his poem and the 
G27   6 American Civil War is <tf_>prima facie<tf/> a direct and untroubled 
G27   7 statement of identity: <quote_>"my book and the war are 
G27   8 one."<quote/> On the whole, 'To Thee Old Cause' sets out a 
G27   9 relationship between <quote_>"my book,"<quote/> the war 
G27  10 (<quote_>"all war,"<quote/> in fact), and the <quote_>"peerless, 
G27  11 passionate, good cause"<quote/> the short poem apostrophizes. In 
G27  12 one of his characteristic parenthetical hushes, Whitman speaks to 
G27  13 the combatants, saying that the unitary war he has set forth in the 
G27  14 first stanza - <quote_>"all war through time was really fought, and 
G27  15 ever will be really fought, for thee"<quote/> - is <quote_>"(A war 
G27  16 O soldiers not for itself alone, /Far, far more stood silently 
G27  17 waiting behind, now to advance in this book.)"<quote/><p/>
G27  18 <p_>Far, far more <tf|>what? Wars? Or something less readily given 
G27  19 in this immediate context? Like much of Whitman's poetry, the 1881 
G27  20 inscription functions as pseudo-clarification. The mode of ringing 
G27  21 declamation and orbic utterance can easily carry the auditor beyond 
G27  22 such small, troublesome words as 'one' (<quote_>"my book and the 
G27  23 war are one"<quote/>) and 'for' (<quote_>"really fought, for 
G27  24 thee"<quote/>). Like a Brechtian drinking song, the Whitmanic 
G27  25 statement goes down easily, but is barbed, gentle reader. 'One' is 
G27  26 complicated, through a characteristic Whitmanic punning method 
G27  27 which I shall discuss, by the aural shadow of 'won'; 'for' is 
G27  28 innocuous only until we ask what precisely it means here. Beyond 
G27  29 these cruces, the word 'cause' itself looms up problematic. 
G27  30 Exemplified, but undefined, it stands as the sign of a cultural 
G27  31 motive shared by the poem and its readers. The word would goad us, 
G27  32 though, to specify our methods for assigning meaning to it.<p/>
G27  33 <p_>Altogether, the affective situation is something like what the 
G27  34 jazz musician Rahsaan Roland Kirk told an audience they might 
G27  35 undergo when he simultaneously played the melodies of 'Sentimental 
G27  36 Journey' and Dvorak's 'New World Symphony': <quote_>"It's like 
G27  37 makin' one part of your mind say, 'Oo<?_>-<?/>blah-dee,' and makin' 
G27  38 the other part of your mind say, 'What does he mean?'"<quote/> 
G27  39 Partaking of both the sentimental journey and new world symphony 
G27  40 modes, Whitman's work, not wholly without the Master's collusion, 
G27  41 has a long history of befogged reception on the 'oo-blah-dee' 
G27  42 level; our concern now might rather be with what he means. But if 
G27  43 interpretive precision is difficult here, it may be because Whitman 
G27  44 and his readers are in close quarters with a paradox of the sort 
G27  45 James Baldwin characterized when he spoke of a writer finding 
G27  46 <quote_>"that the things which hurt him and the things which helped 
G27  47 him cannot be divorced from each other; he could be helped in a 
G27  48 certain way only because he was hurt in a certain way; and his help 
G27  49 is simply to be enabled to move from one conundrum to the 
G27  50 next."<quote/> Precisely conundrum, a riddle to which the answer is 
G27  51 a pun, turns out to be a valuable heuristic notion in Whitman's 
G27  52 case. In the following, I want to point to some of the implications 
G27  53 for Whitman's work of the riddle of war and book-making, and of the 
G27  54 uneasy light the pun one/won admits to a dark nexus (<quote_>"All 
G27  55 of those athletes had to die young so that we might have this 
G27  56 magnificent poem?"<quote/>). In doing so, I hope that my debt to 
G27  57 Kenneth Burke's labyrinthine address to these matters will be 
G27  58 recognized and received critically, but in any case here stands 
G27  59 acknowledged. I have not so much stood on Burke's shoulders to look 
G27  60 at Whitman, though, as tried to attend to what each man has to say 
G27  61 about, as a Burkean title has it, <quote_>"The Nature of Art Under 
G27  62 Capitalism."<quote/> In addition, the specifically capitalist 
G27  63 character of Whitman's production will be discussed in the light of 
G27  64 certain of the German literary theorist Robert Weimann's extensions 
G27  65 of Marx's thought.<p/>
G27  66 <p_><quote_>"My book and the war are one"<quote/>; my book and the 
G27  67 war are won: Whitman's puns, rare as they are, follow the pattern 
G27  68 of compounding the initial, orthographically determined meaning 
G27  69 rather than exploiting, for ironic, humorous, or critical motives, 
G27  70 a semantic disjunction between manifest and latent meanings. When 
G27  71 the poet presents to us, for example, his profession of the 
G27  72 self-revealing nature of his work, titling it <quote_>"Here the 
G27  73 Frailest Leaves of Me,"<quote/> coupled to the presentative adverb 
G27  74 'here' is the urgent injunctive verb 'hear.' Of course 'leaves' 
G27  75 itself carries several meanings, as has been frequently pointed 
G27  76 out. Homophony works additively in this poetry, not dissonantly. In 
G27  77 the one/won play, we confront an assertion not only of an identity, 
G27  78 but also of a consubstantial achievement and indeed victory. That 
G27  79 Whitman's is in one sense not a true statement, given the pre-war 
G27  80 editions of <tf_>Leaves of Grass<tf/>, is not the issue here. I am 
G27  81 asking rather about the power that the war had to change Whitman's 
G27  82 sense of what he had made.<p/>
G27  83 <p_>In seeking to understand the textual-historical relationship 
G27  84 Whitman is propounding, we may recur to Robert Weimann's term 
G27  85 <foreign|>Aneignung. Weimann has demonstrated on several occasions 
G27  86 and in relation to diverse literatures the specific usefulness of 
G27  87 this concept, which may - with qualification - be translated as 
G27  88 'appropriation.' For the sake of clarity, we ought to give a moment 
G27  89 here to a terminological summary.<p/>
G27  90 <p_>One way of apprehending <foreign|>Aneignung is to see it as a 
G27  91 critique of Foucault's 'What is an Author?' In that essay, 
G27  92 discourses are held to be only <quote_>"objects of 
G27  93 appropriation,"<quote/> a function of which Weimann concedes the 
G27  94 importance. However, Weimann further insists that discourses are 
G27  95 also <quote_>"<foreign|>subjekte<&|>sic! of appropriation, that is 
G27  96 ... historical agencies of knowledge, pleasure, energy and 
G27  97 power"<quote/> (433). Linking discourse-as-object to the property 
G27  98 status of an author's <tf|>works (in other words, to their exchange 
G27  99 value), Weimann then argues that the use value of one's cultural 
G27 100 <tf|>work (as labor) derives from and depends upon 
G27 101 <quote_>"literary production as an appropriating agency"<quote/> 
G27 102 (433). The basic move of <foreign|>Aneignung, making things one's 
G27 103 own, is also making one's own things. We should bear in mind, 
G27 104 though, that in the German, the term has <quote_>"the advantage of 
G27 105 not necessarily involving an ideologically preconceived idea of 
G27 106 (private) ownership or (physical) property; instead it allows for 
G27 107 acquisitive behavior as well as for non-acquisitive acts of 
G27 108 intellectual energy and assimilation"<quote/>(433).<p/>
G27 109 <p_>The crucial historical shift in the situation of 
G27 110 <foreign|>Aneignung as a representational method is from a state 
G27 111 first of the relative paucity of material that an author in a 
G27 112 pre-modern society can make his or her own, because intellectual 
G27 113 production is largely conceived of there as a communal activity 
G27 114 carried out under <quote_>"previously inscribed authority"<quote/> 
G27 115 (434), to one of a burdensome plentitude of material that the 
G27 116 breakdown of <quote_>"<tf|>presupposed relations"<quote/> (Marx) 
G27 117 offers - or imposes - through dynamic contradictions to a 
G27 118 newly-constituted world of individuals. In the later situation, the 
G27 119 representational function of verbal art is, obviously, 
G27 120 problematized, but it is also, at the same moment, fixed on by 
G27 121 bourgeois culture as <tf|>the necessary healing agency. As Weimann 
G27 122 says:<p/>
G27 123 <p_><quote_>What representational art presupposes and <tf_>what it 
G27 124 thrives on<tf/> is more than anything else the loss, the undoing of 
G27 125 the plenitude of that property in which the self and the social are 
G27 126 mutually engaged and in which their engagement is unquestionably 
G27 127 given and taken for granted (436; emphasis added).<quote/><p/>
G27 128 <p_>One further aspect of <foreign|>Aneignung must be mentioned, 
G27 129 because without noting it we are hard put to understand Whitman's 
G27 130 aesthetic and poetic appropriation of the war as anything other 
G27 131 than heroizing and apologetic. The necessary companion gesture of 
G27 132 <foreign|>Aneignung is, according to Weimann, a 
G27 133 putting<?_>-<?/>apart from oneself, an <tf|>expropriation in its 
G27 134 etymological sense. <quote_>"The process of making other things 
G27 135 one's own becomes inseparable from making other things (and 
G27 136 persons) alien, so that the act of appropriation must be seen 
G27 137 always to involve not only self-projection and assimilation but 
G27 138 also alienation through expropriation"<quote/>(434). The taking-to 
G27 139 and the putting-apart from one's self and one's poetry are forms of 
G27 140 work that so mutually imply one another that, in fact, Weimann 
G27 141 subsumes performance of the latter under the term for the 
G27 142 former.<p/>
G27 143 <p_>If we provisionally concede that the primary task of Whitman's 
G27 144 writing is appropriation, particularly so in relation to the Civil 
G27 145 War, that concession need not pledge us to a simplistic view of 
G27 146 Whitman's work as an endorsement of the war, or of war in general. 
G27 147 An analogy may help here. Does a thief endorse, through the act of 
G27 148 theft, the ethical status of the goods he or she steals? Do the 
G27 149 processes of materials acquisition, production, distribution, and 
G27 150 'legal' exchange that account for the presence of such goods gain 
G27 151 from the act of theft a concurring voice or stamp of approval? Is 
G27 152 the thief's a symbolic action that encourages submission to and 
G27 153 cooperation with the manifold circumstances, historical and 
G27 154 political and economic, that placed the goods within reach? Does 
G27 155 the thief's act certify the quality of the thing stolen? Does theft 
G27 156 undermine or does it shore up dominant cultural forms (again, 
G27 157 Marx's <quote_>"<tf|>presupposed relations"<quote/>)? As Jean Genet 
G27 158 and others have pointed out, theft in a bourgeois society poses 
G27 159 more interesting questions about the thief and the thing stolen 
G27 160 than it does about the victim of the theft. If stealing is an act 
G27 161 with dimensions both acquisitive and non-acquisitive, and an act of 
G27 162 appropriation with attendant motives of expropriation, it may be 
G27 163 compared with Whitman's poetic acts in that both make yes or no 
G27 164 answers to the questions I have just posed dangerously naive.<p/>
G27 165 <p_><foreign|>Aneignung, then, names what Walter Benjamin would 
G27 166 call the <quote_>"decisive <foreign|>gestus"<quote/> of Whitman's 
G27 167 <tf_>Leaves of Grass<tf/>, specifically with respect to the status 
G27 168 of the war in the poem, and the poem in the war. Benjamin has in 
G27 169 fact provided us with a meditation on war and the enrichment or 
G27 170 depletion of symbolic reserves, and we might note that without 
G27 171 using the term <foreign|>Aneignung, he here instances the clearest 
G27 172 kind of thinking on the subject. The apposite passage, which 
G27 173 deserves quotation in full, not only problematizes juridical 
G27 174 concepts of 'winning' and 'losing' wars, but also prods us to think 
G27 175 of making war and multiplying cultural capital as intimately, even 
G27 176 causally related. It is this latter point, as I have suggested, 
G27 177 that is crucially at issue in Whitman's work.<p/>
G27 178 <p_><quote_>What does it mean to win or lose a war? How striking 
G27 179 the double meaning is in both words! The first, manifest meaning, 
G27 180 certainly refers to the outcome of the war, but the second meaning 
G27 181 - which creates that peculiar hollow space, the sounding board in 
G27 182 these words - refers to the totality of the war and suggests how 
G27 183 the war's outcome also alters the enduring significance it holds 
G27 184 for us. This meaning says, so to speak, the winner keeps the war in 
G27 185 hand, it leaves the hands of the loser; it says, the winner 
G27 186 conquers the war for himself, makes it his own property, the loser 
G27 187 no longer possesses it and must live without it. And he must live 
G27 188 not only without the war <tf_>per se<tf/> but without every one of 
G27 189 its slightest ups and downs, every subtlest one of its chess moves, 
G27 190 every one of its remotest actions. To win or lose a war reaches so 
G27 191 deeply, if we follow the language, into the fabric of our existence 
G27 192 that our whole lives become that much richer or poorer in symbols, 
G27 193 images and sources.<quote/><p/>
G27 194 <p_>In Whitman's poetry, we study a victor's disposition of what 
G27 195 the war gained for him and for his culture. That Whitman himself 
G27 196 could consider this 'disposition' in its fiduciary sense is made 
G27 197 clear by an undatable fragment with a most comprehensive title:<p/>
G27 198 <h_><p_><quote_>My Own Poems<p/><h/>
G27 199 <p_>Aye, merchant, thou hast drawn a haughty draft<p/>
G27 200 <p_>Upon the centuries yet to come<p/>
G27 201 <p_>Yet hitherto unborn - the Americas of the future:<p/>
G27 202 <p_>The trick is ...<tf_>Will they pay?<tf/><quote/><p/>
G27 203 <p_>I think we can see this promissory relation to the future of 
G27 204 the United States as determined - in fact, overdetermined - by the 
G27 205 victory of the Union. Without that victory, Whitman may well have 
G27 206 found himself in the situation of Benjamin's German veterans of the 
G27 207 First World War: <quote_>"grown silent - not richer, but poorer in 
G27 208 communicable experience."<quote/>
G27 209 
G27 210 
G27 211 
G28   1 <#FROWN:G28\><h_><p_>AMY THOMPSON MCCANDLESS<p/>
G28   2 <p_>College of Charleston<p/>
G28   3 <p_>The Higher Education of Black Women in the Contemporary 
G28   4 South<p/><h/>
G28   5 <p_>THE COLLEGIATE EXPERIENCE OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN women in the 
G28   6 contemporary South can be understood only in the context of 
G28   7 regional history. Educational statistics and surveys of Southerners 
G28   8 reveal the persistence of racial, regional, and gender differences 
G28   9 in student attitudes and behaviors. Southern black women's choices 
G28  10 of academic fields and educational institutions, their 
G28  11 relationships with their professors and classmates, and their goals 
G28  12 and achievements inside and outside the academy continue to be 
G28  13 shaped by conceptions of gender and race derived from the ideology 
G28  14 of the antebellum plantation. Because slave<?_>-<?/>holders 
G28  15 believed that the education of blacks would foment rebellion, free 
G28  16 persons of color had to leave the region to attend college. The end 
G28  17 of slavery created new educational opportunities for black youth, 
G28  18 but there was considerable debate among educators about the nature 
G28  19 and purpose of black higher education. Few thought that blacks and 
G28  20 whites should be educated together, and many wanted blacks to 
G28  21 receive an industrial rather than a liberal education.<p/>
G28  22 <p_>For African-American women, antebellum gender stereotypes 
G28  23 compounded postbellum racial biases. Many of the personality traits 
G28  24 ascribed to black women in the early twentieth century originated 
G28  25 in the complex relationships of the nineteenth-century plantation. 
G28  26 Black women - like black men - were considered docile, indolent, 
G28  27 and ignorant. Like white women, they were supposed to sublimate 
G28  28 their needs and wants to those of men. Like white women and black 
G28  29 men, they were expected to serve their lord and master. Unlike 
G28  30 white women, black women did not receive the protection of the 
G28  31 pedestal; instead they were blamed for the sexual liaisons of the 
G28  32 slave quarters. The consequence of such antebellum stereotyping was 
G28  33 a denigration of black women's intellectual and moral faculties.<p/>
G28  34 <p_>The academic offerings provided black women in the postbellum 
G28  35 South reflected these gender and racial prejudices.<&|>sic! Black 
G28  36 women were given a 'moral' and 'vocational' education designed to 
G28  37 develop 'virtuous women' who would as mothers and teachers 'uplift' 
G28  38 the race. Although this racial and gender stereotyping limited the 
G28  39 educational opportunities and professional horizons of black women, 
G28  40 it also inspired them to become teachers and social workers. As 
G28  41 historian Jeanne Noble concluded in her study of 'The Higher 
G28  42 Education of Black Women in the Twentieth Century,' black women 
G28  43 students consistently exhibited a greater <quote_>"sense of 
G28  44 mission"<quote/> and a greater concern for the well-being of 
G28  45 society than either black men or white women.<p/>
G28  46 <p_>In the last two decades, gender, racial, and regional 
G28  47 differences in higher education seem to have lessened considerably. 
G28  48 Today, Southern women, black and white, earn more associate, 
G28  49 bachelor's, and master's degrees than do men, the proportion of 
G28  50 women in the college population having increased significantly 
G28  51 since 1960. (In 1959 Southern women comprised only 38.0 percent of 
G28  52 the college/university population in the region; in 1987, 54 
G28  53 percent. Only two public military schools, Virginia Military 
G28  54 Institute and The Citadel, and a handful of private colleges in the 
G28  55 region do not grant women undergraduate degrees.) Black women now 
G28  56 outnumber black men in all but first professional degree programs. 
G28  57 Today also no woman can be barred from admission to a Southern 
G28  58 college or university because of her race. Whereas African-American 
G28  59 women at the beginning of the twentieth-century<&|>sic! were 
G28  60 limited by law to all-black institutions, over two-thirds of black 
G28  61 women currently attending college are enrolled in previously 
G28  62 all-white institutions. On a regional level, educational 
G28  63 opportunity grants and guaranteed student loan programs have made 
G28  64 it possible for more Southerners to attend college, and standards 
G28  65 at Southern institutions of higher education have equalled and, in 
G28  66 some instances, surpassed those at institutions in other parts of 
G28  67 the nation.<p/>
G28  68 <p_>Few black women were provided a liberal arts education at the 
G28  69 public expense at the beginning of the twentieth century; only in 
G28  70 recent years have Southern states assumed a greater share of fiscal 
G28  71 responsibility for the higher education of blacks and women. In 
G28  72 1968, 28.0 percent of all Southern women were enrolled in private 
G28  73 institutions; in 1987, 17.1 percent. The percentages for white and 
G28  74 black women were almost identical. Although black Southerners today 
G28  75 are slightly less likely to matriculate at public institutions than 
G28  76 white Southerners (82.3 percent versus 84.0 percent), they are 
G28  77 still more likely to attend public colleges and universities than 
G28  78 youth in the United States as a whole (82.3 percent and 77.0 
G28  79 percent respectively).<p/>
G28  80 <p_>Southern higher education, like Southern culture, has retained 
G28  81 many unique characteristics, however, and these continue to affect 
G28  82 the educational experiences of black women in the region. The South 
G28  83 still spends less on education than the nation as a whole. Even 
G28  84 though 16.0 percent of state taxes in the South in 1986 went to 
G28  85 finance higher education as opposed to 13.4 percent in the country 
G28  86 as a whole, the region lags behind in per capita expenditure on 
G28  87 higher education ($135 in the South compared to $140 in the United 
G28  88 States). Because the economic pie remains smaller in the South - 
G28  89 per capita personal income is only 89.0 percent of the national 
G28  90 average - Southerners must spend proportionately more on higher 
G28  91 education to close the gap.<p/>
G28  92 <p_>The educational attainment of Southern adults also trails that 
G28  93 of other Americans. A 1991 survey by the U.S. Census Bureau 
G28  94 revealed that the Southeast has the lowest proportion of high 
G28  95 school and college graduates of any area of the country. Robert 
G28  96 Cominsky, director of the Census Bureau's education branch, 
G28  97 attributed the low Southern rankings to the region's historic 
G28  98 inability or unwillingness to invest in education.<p/>
G28  99 <p_>Educational issues continue to be intricately interwoven with 
G28 100 matters of race. Desegregation has not resulted in racial 
G28 101 integration; most institutions of higher education in the South are 
G28 102 nominally integrated. Minority students remain under 
G28 103 represented<&|>sic! in the collegiate population at large and at 
G28 104 major public and private institutions in the region.<p/>
G28 105 <p_>Enrollments in South Carolina's colleges and universities are 
G28 106 indicative of enrollment patterns throughout the South. Although 
G28 107 African-Americans comprise 18.5 percent of students in all South 
G28 108 Carolina institutions of higher education, they represent only 12.1 
G28 109 percent of the students at the University of South Carolina and 
G28 110 only 6.2 percent at Clemson University. South Carolina State 
G28 111 College, on the other hand, is 92.3 percent black. Discrepancies at 
G28 112 four-year private institutions in the state are even greater. Bob 
G28 113 Jones University has no black students, while Morris College has 
G28 114 only one white student. The editors of the <tf_>Chronicle of Higher 
G28 115 Education<tf/> note significantly that South Carolina's educators 
G28 116 <quote_>"are still struggling with ways to improve the 
G28 117 college-going rate of black citizens, which substantially trails 
G28 118 that of whites. The issue is viewed as crucial to the state's 
G28 119 economic health in the future because about one-third of the South 
G28 120 Carolina population is black."<quote/><p/>
G28 121 <p_>Historically black colleges remain an important component of 
G28 122 the Southern educational scene. All but two of the historically 
G28 123 black institutions are located in the South, and they enroll over 
G28 124 eighty-eight percent of the students who attend black colleges. The 
G28 125 graduation rates of black Southerners are consistently higher at 
G28 126 black institutions. Although approximately sixty-six percent of 
G28 127 African-Americans in the region attend predominantly white 
G28 128 institutions, fifty-one percent of all bachelor's degrees awarded 
G28 129 to Southern blacks are from predominantly or historically black 
G28 130 institutions.<p/>
G28 131 <p_>A 1992 report for <tf_>Black Issues in Higher Education<tf/> 
G28 132 found that <quote_>"black colleges are still producing and carrying 
G28 133 a disproportionate share of the load"<quote/> of educating black 
G28 134 students. The twelve schools in the nation which awarded the 
G28 135 largest number of bachelor's degrees to African-American students 
G28 136 in 1988-89 were all historically black, Southern colleges. Howard 
G28 137 University in Washington, D.C., led the list with 744 graduates, 
G28 138 followed by Southern University and Agricultural and Mechanical 
G28 139 College in Louisiana with 575, Hampton University in Virginia with 
G28 140 539, North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University 
G28 141 with 509, and Jackson State University in Mississippi with 463.<p/>
G28 142 <p_>Gender restraints continue to circumscribe the academic 
G28 143 horizons of white and black women alike. Faculty often take the 
G28 144 comments and concerns of women students less seriously than those 
G28 145 of men. Men are still more likely than women to hold campus 
G28 146 leadership positions, to dominate classroom discussions, and to 
G28 147 major in mathematics and science at coeducational institutions. 
G28 148 Women have fewer opportunities to work as lab or field assistants 
G28 149 or as interns. Social activities continue to reinforce traditional 
G28 150 gender roles and to separate students along racial and sexual 
G28 151 lines.<p/>
G28 152 <p_>Southern women, as women elsewhere in the nation, choose 
G28 153 institutions with programs which they consider appropriate for 
G28 154 their sex. Technical and military colleges and public universities 
G28 155 with strong engineering programs attract far fewer women than men. 
G28 156 Fewer than a quarter of the students at Florida Institute of 
G28 157 Technology and Georgia Institute of Technology, for instance, are 
G28 158 women. Men also outnumber women at technically oriented state 
G28 159 universities such as Auburn, Clemson, Louisiana Tech, Mississippi 
G28 160 State, North Carolina State, Oklahoma, Tennessee Tech, Texas A & M, 
G28 161 Arkansas, and Virginia Polytechnic Institute.<p/>
G28 162 <p_>Gender stereotypes also influence women's choices of majors. 
G28 163 Business is the most common major among students at coeducational 
G28 164 institutions in the South, but women dominate in traditional 
G28 165 'female' fields such as education, health care, and home economics. 
G28 166 Although the number of women in such 'male' fields as engineering, 
G28 167 mathematics, and the physical sciences has increased significantly 
G28 168 in the last decade, most black women prefer concentrations in the 
G28 169 humanities and the social sciences.<p/>
G28 170 <p_>Higher education in the South is still perceived as 'different' 
G28 171 by many Americans. Guides to the nation's colleges and 
G28 172 universities, such as that written by Edward B. Fiske of the 
G28 173 <tf_>New York Times<tf/>, characterize institutions in the region 
G28 174 as <quote_>"distinctly Southern"<quote/> or <quote_>"steeped in 
G28 175 Southern traditionalism"<quote/> but have no category of 
G28 176 'distinctly Northern' or reference to 'Northern traditionalism.'<p/>
G28 177 <p_>The connotation of 'Southern' in such educational commentaries 
G28 178 is even more revealing. Fiske describes Davidson College as 
G28 179 <quote_>"a top-notch regional college for Southern WASPs ... [It] 
G28 180 is distinctly Southern and socially traditional."<quote/> He thinks 
G28 181 that Duke University's unique blend of North and South explains how 
G28 182 the institution <quote_>"can be laid-back and high-powered at the 
G28 183 same time."<quote/> Georgia Tech, he notes, <quote_>"isn't your 
G28 184 typical laid-back Southern State U."<quote/> On the other hand, he 
G28 185 claims that the University of Virginia's <quote_>"Southern, 
G28 186 slightly aristocratic ambiance gives it a homey charm, but also a 
G28 187 streak of anti-intellectualism and apathy."<quote/> He finds 
G28 188 students at Wofford College <quote_>"conventional South Carolina 
G28 189 types with conventional aspirations,"<quote/> while students at 
G28 190 Millsaps College in Jackson, Mississippi, <quote_>"can take on the 
G28 191 best of any Yankee student body."<quote/> For Fiske - and other 
G28 192 educational commentators like him - most Southern students and most 
G28 193 Southern colleges are narrowly provincial, academically inferior, 
G28 194 and politically and socially conservative.<p/>
G28 195 <p_>Many of the students Fiske interviewed for his guide also 
G28 196 employed regional terminology in describing their institutions, 
G28 197 albeit more positively. One student who labeled the University of 
G28 198 Arkansas <quote_>"truly a Southern school"<quote/> referred to the 
G28 199 fact that <quote_>"People smile and speak to other people whether 
G28 200 they know them or not."<quote/> Students at Furman University 
G28 201 perceived their classmates as <quote_>"an enlarged, close Southern 
G28 202 family."<quote/> To these individuals, 'Southern' meant a student 
G28 203 body which was friendly, a faculty which was approachable, and a 
G28 204 campus that was hospitable.<p/>
G28 205 <p_>African-American students and traditionally black colleges are 
G28 206 noticeably absent from descriptions of typically 'Southern' schools 
G28 207 in Fiske's guide, even though all but two of the historically black 
G28 208 institutions are South of the Mason-Dixon Line. Promotional 
G28 209 materials from predominantly black colleges use many of the same 
G28 210 'Southern' descriptors as predominantly white colleges in the 
G28 211 region, proudly pointing to the <quote_>"warm, friendly 
G28 212 atmosphere"<quote/> of their campuses.<p/>
G28 213 <p_>The Southern woman student still tends to be characterized as 
G28 214 white and rich. Images of the 'lady' remain strong: Fiske notes 
G28 215 that Randolph-Macon Woman's College always has <quote_>"enough 
G28 216 Southern prep school graduates to give the college what some call a 
G28 217 'Southern-bellish' tone."<quote/> He describes the 
G28 218 <quote|>"typical" Hollins College student as <quote_>"white, 
G28 219 traditional, Southern, preppie."<quote/> Southern women at Duke, 
G28 220 according to Fiske, are <quote_>"very  conscious of clothes and 
G28 221 looks,"<quote/> while <quote_>"relations between the sexes are 
G28 222 still somewhat formal."<quote/><p/>
G28 223 <p_>Other remnants of the 'Old South' are even less attractive. 
G28 224 Beauty contests and other activities which treat women students as 
G28 225 sex objects have not disappeared from the Southern college scene. 
G28 226 The 'Miss T.U. Pageant' at Tulane University in New Orleans, for 
G28 227 example, asks contestants to provide their bust, waist, and hip 
G28 228 measurements and to appear in swimsuit and evening gown 
G28 229 competitions.
G28 230 
G28 231 
G28 232 
G29   1 <#FROWN:G29\>Discussions of David Lynch's films or those of Brian 
G29   2 de Palma, for example, often depend on intricate aesthetic 
G29   3 descriptions of the way each director foregrounds the devices and 
G29   4 strategems of representation. The films themselves eerily mirror 
G29   5 representations that are much too familiar from their regular 
G29   6 occurrence in far less experimental films and life, generally 
G29   7 depending on violence against women. But there is a presumption 
G29   8 that pointing out constructedness by repeating the constructions at 
G29   9 an ironic remove is somehow enough. The response to criticism of 
G29  10 that irony, however, is that representation, like gender, is 
G29  11 constructed. Strangely, once we've all stopped believing in the 
G29  12 biological truth of gender, its effects in terms of constructing 
G29  13 the site of knowledge production are presumed to have gone away. It 
G29  14 is here that a curious 'blurring,' a strange effacement of the 
G29  15 theorist's subject-position, links back up with Bourdieu's 
G29  16 description of the main characteristics of the aesthetic 
G29  17 disposition, its <quote_>"privilege of indifference"<quote/> to 
G29  18 legitimacy (95).<p/>
G29  19 <p_>Adrienne Kennedy disrupts this legitimacy by her insistence on 
G29  20 the female specificity of birth, but in order to situate her play, 
G29  21 <tf_>A Movie Star Has to Star in Black and White<tf/>, in relation 
G29  22 to a cultural refusal of female specificity, I first want to make a 
G29  23 provisional horizontal comparison among several cultural discourses 
G29  24 where that specificity is, at the moment, being refused, as we find 
G29  25 ourselves in a continuation of what Susan Jeffords calls 
G29  26 <quote_>"the remasculinization of America."<quote/> This comparison 
G29  27 might help foreground a broad structural feature that still 
G29  28 constrains the poststructuralist study of differences. The elements 
G29  29 of these discourses include: 1) the fact that on cable tv, there is 
G29  30 a channel called the Family Channel, where the shows one can watch 
G29  31 on weekends are those old 'family' standbys: 'Bonanza,' 'Wagon 
G29  32 Train,' 'The Rifleman,' 'Gunsmoke,' and the 'Big Valley.' The most 
G29  33 striking thing about the Family Channel is that these families, for 
G29  34 the most part, have been cleaned up of women. These are basically 
G29  35 families made up of white men who are busy taming the West - 
G29  36 cleaning it up in the interests of the middle-class white, 
G29  37 Christian, decent Body; 2) the fact that the Gulf War, the supposed 
G29  38 origin of a New World Order planned and executed by men, was billed 
G29  39 as the Mother of all Wars, and the spectacular celebration of it, 
G29  40 the Mother of all parades; and 3) the way deconstructive or 
G29  41 Foucauldian arguments show how the constructedness of masculine 
G29  42 identity is destabilized by a reliance on a form of femininity that 
G29  43 generally does not require women, a structure which in many ways 
G29  44 appropriates femininity for its own project.<p/>
G29  45 <p_>I will return to the first two of these issues later, but it 
G29  46 seems especially important to address feminism's allies in 
G29  47 poststructuralism in order to make more obvious some of the dangers 
G29  48 of overlooking the specificity of the female body. There seems to 
G29  49 be a troubling risk of remasculinization in an increasingly overt 
G29  50 but paradoxically invisible reliance on the specificity of the 
G29  51 <tf|>masculine body. As one example, the latest star on the 
G29  52 poststructuralist horizon, Slavoj 
G29  53 <*_>Z-hacek<*/>i<*_>z-hacek<*/>ek, offers as his figurative model 
G29  54 of interpretation a 'phallus' experience in which the radical 
G29  55 exteriority of the body is figured by a phallus, the transcendental 
G29  56 signifier with its <quote_>"pulsation between 'all' and 
G29  57 'nothing'..."<quote/> To explain the paradox of interpretation, 
G29  58 <*_>Z-hacek<*/>i<*_>z-hacek<*/>ek gives two examples. One has to do 
G29  59 with the impossibility of control. That is, he says, referring to 
G29  60 Saint Augustine, <quote_>"Someone with a strong enough will can 
G29  61 starve to death in the middle of a room full of delicious food, but 
G29  62 if a naked virgin passes his way, the erection of his phallus is in 
G29  63 no way dependent on the strength of his will ..."<quote/> And to 
G29  64 show the opposite side of this riddle, he tells this joke: 
G29  65 <quote_>"What is the lightest object on earth? - The phallus, 
G29  66 because it is the only one that can be elevated by mere 
G29  67 thought."<quote/> There is here a striking instance of theoretical 
G29  68 amnesia. No longer is any attempt made to distinguish between organ 
G29  69 and figuration, even though, in the earlier days of Lacanian 
G29  70 theory, much ink was spilled attempting to do just that, to show 
G29  71 that men really don't have 'it' either. Now it looks like they do. 
G29  72 This overtly masculine figuration whose partiality founds the 
G29  73 oxymoronic irony of poststructuralism (the point of coincidence 
G29  74 between omnipotence and total impotence) serves, as did the earlier 
G29  75 aesthetic model, as a universal model for interpretation and 
G29  76 guarantees an indifference to legitimacy. But its partiality can be 
G29  77 foregrounded by looking at the figuration of birth, for it is in 
G29  78 and around discussions of birth and the maternal body, those places 
G29  79 where the label of essentialism is most often pinned, that the most 
G29  80 intense resistance to female specificity can be found.<p/>
G29  81 <p_>Though this study of Kennedy and birth will depend, in part, on 
G29  82 a revisionary reading of psychoanalysis, Wayne Koestenbaum warns in 
G29  83 <tf_>Double Talk: The Erotics of Male Literary Collaboration<tf/> 
G29  84 that the origins of psychoanalysis, the discourse within which the 
G29  85 paradoxical invisible but obvious relationship between phallus and 
G29  86 penis gets organized, circle around an appropriation of femininity, 
G29  87 and in particular, of birth by men: <quote_>"[B]y collaborating 
G29  88 with Breuer, Freud sought to fuse male bonding and scientific 
G29  89 labor, and to appropriate the power of female reproduction"<quote/> 
G29  90 by way of a woman's hysterical birth-giving, that of Anna O., or 
G29  91 Bertha Pappenheim, who was to become a feminist activist. In that 
G29  92 collaboration, argues Koestenbaum, the fantasized, or hysterical 
G29  93 childbirth experienced by Anna O. and interpreted by Freud 
G29  94 <quote_>"loses texture as a woman's experience, and becomes, within 
G29  95 the history of psychoanalysis, a possession prized by a chain of 
G29  96 male mentors and their disciples."<quote/> Thus Anna O.'s uterus 
G29  97 figuratively becomes and anus, as Freud <quote_>"erases the 
G29  98 maternal and feminine origin of his science at the same moment he 
G29  99 stresses it."<quote/> Anna O. is thus passed on as <quote_>"male 
G29 100 property, a representation of male intercourse"<quote/> and of the 
G29 101 <quote_>"pleasure-giving, child-delivering hole in men."<quote/><p/>
G29 102 <p_>The abstraction and circulation of metaphors of birth here 
G29 103 organizes a crucial intersection between symbolicity and bodies, 
G29 104 and it is in the textualization and appropriations of birth where 
G29 105 aesthetics and politics meet. <quote|>"For," says Julia Kristeva, 
G29 106 <quote_>"where life and discourse come together, that is where the 
G29 107 destiny of subjectivity is caught up in the claims of civilization. 
G29 108 Today the pill and the Pope know that indeed."<quote/> The risks 
G29 109 for feminism of talking about birth may, at this historical moment, 
G29 110 have to be taken, in order to dissect the masculinist 
G29 111 appropriations of birth which accompany what is too often 
G29 112 unambiguously called femininity.<p/>
G29 113 <p_>These 'femininities,' like these 'births,' are still to be 
G29 114 disentangled.<p/>
G29 115 
G29 116 <h_><p_>The Political Economy of Spectacle: Hiding the Mess from 
G29 117 View<p/><h/>
G29 118 <p_>Life and discourse, or the density of subjectivity caught up in 
G29 119 the claims of civilization, are at the moment intensely focused on 
G29 120 race and the intimate control of women's sexuality. Adrienne 
G29 121 Kennedy commented almost twenty years ago on these intersections in 
G29 122 <tf_> A Movie Star in Black and White<tf/>, first performed at the 
G29 123 New York Shakespeare Festival in 1976, directed by Joseph Chaikin. 
G29 124 Like the plays of Lorraine Hansberry, it long ago raised the kinds 
G29 125 of questions about middle-class African Americans that Spike Lee's 
G29 126 movies are only now addressing twenty years later. Kennedy was 
G29 127 raised in a middle-class family in Cleveland at a time when the 
G29 128 schools were racially and ethnically mixed; she encountered a more 
G29 129 overt and damaging racism when she went to Ohio State University, 
G29 130 then dropped out. Her parents were prominent members of the 
G29 131 African-American community; their friends were civic workers, 
G29 132 teachers, social workers, doctors, and lawyers active in the NAACP 
G29 133 and the Urban League. But the questions she raises, unlike Lee's, 
G29 134 come from the perspective of a woman who must deal not only with 
G29 135 racism but with pregnancy, miscarriage, and the experience of being 
G29 136 an intellectual whose academic husband was able to do the things 
G29 137 her pregnancies prevented her from doing. A feminist in a period of 
G29 138 masculinist Black nationalism, she was also a postmodern 
G29 139 experimentalist in a period of realistic political drama and a 
G29 140 woman writing very specifically about the consequences of the 
G29 141 physicality of blackness and the bleeding, pregnant female body 
G29 142 when theoretical discourse could not account for those differences; 
G29 143 it still cannot. In this play, what is available is, on the other 
G29 144 hand, bloody miscarriage and the complete responsibility for 
G29 145 pregnancy and blood on the part of the woman, even if she is a 
G29 146 middle-class, African-American intellectual who possesses some 
G29 147 measure of cultural capital; and, on the other hand, brain-damaged, 
G29 148 military-related paralysis for her brother in a white supremacist 
G29 149 cultural logic.<p/>
G29 150 <p_>The play stages the way photography and film insist on 
G29 151 constructing a Family, within a site organized and coded by public 
G29 152 culture within what might now be described as the mode of 
G29 153 information. That is, as Ian Angus and Sut Jhally argue, we are 
G29 154 currently within a third stage of capitalist formation in which the 
G29 155 economic and the cultural are indistinguishable, the result of two 
G29 156 earlier stages: 1) <tf|>class culture, from the beginning of 
G29 157 industrial capitalist society in the seventeenth century, divided 
G29 158 into high culture and popular culture; 2) from the turn of the 
G29 159 century to the 1960s, <tf|>mass culture, with homogeneous cultural 
G29 160 products for mass consumption; and 3) since the 1960s 
G29 161 <tf|>mass-mediated culture of the mode of information, accompanying 
G29 162 <quote_>"the explosion of electronic media, the shift from print 
G29 163 literacy to images, and the penetration of the commodity from 
G29 164 throughout all cultural production."<quote/> In this latest period 
G29 165 of postmodernity, they argue, the construction of social identity 
G29 166 is centered on a politics of images which produces <quote_>"staged 
G29 167 differences,"<quote/> differences that are overlaid on the 
G29 168 homogenized culture produced in the earlier cultural formation. 
G29 169 These <quote_>"staged differences"<quote/> are, in some measure, 
G29 170 differences without much difference as their real inequalities lie 
G29 171 hidden behind a screen of consumer goods. It is the implications of 
G29 172 these differences without much difference, the way they show up in 
G29 173 discourses which would ostensibly seem to be quite different, that 
G29 174 need to be considered.<p/>
G29 175 <p_>Within this mode of information, spectacle determines 
G29 176 possibilities for representation and performs the move of 
G29 177 abstraction away from materiality, where, as Guy Debord argues:<p/>
G29 178 <p_><quote_>the tangible world is replaced by a selection of images 
G29 179 which exist above it, and which simultaneously impose themselves as 
G29 180 the tangible [itself] ... The spectacle consists in taking up all 
G29 181 that existed in human activity [in order to] possess it in a 
G29 182 congealed state as things which have become the exclusive value by 
G29 183 their formulation in negative of lived value ... [Here] we 
G29 184 recognize our old enemy, the commodity, who knows so well how to 
G29 185 seem at first glance something trivial and obvious, while on the 
G29 186 contrary it is so complex and so full of metaphysical 
G29 187 subtleties.<quote/><p/>
G29 188 <p_>As political economy circles back around to postmodern 
G29 189 possibilities of representation, we find that this abstract 
G29 190 spectacle, with its differences without much difference that unite 
G29 191 the economic and the cultural to produce what Frederic Jameson 
G29 192 calls the <quote_>"omnipresence of culture,"<quote/> increasingly 
G29 193 rests on a global opposition between an active, masculinized North, 
G29 194 and a feminized South, whose resource often is the cheap labor of 
G29 195 non-white, female workers. The majority of female workers who work 
G29 196 to produce the chips for the mode of information are young women 
G29 197 who must retire by the time they are twenty-five, after their 
G29 198 eyesight has been ruined by the close work. They leave the work 
G29 199 force, according to what Jennifer Wicke calls the employers' 
G29 200 <quote_>"beneficient fiction"<quote/> that they will marry, a 
G29 201 fiction which provides a justification for using them up and 
G29 202 discarding them.<p/>
G29 203 <p_>The mode of information makes possible a new elite, not of 
G29 204 manufacturers or those who invest in production as much as those 
G29 205 who invest in and work with information, what Robert Reich calls 
G29 206 <tf_>symbolic analysts<tf/>: management consultants, lawyers, 
G29 207 software and design engineers, research scientists, corporate 
G29 208 executives, financial advisers, advertising executives, television 
G29 209 and movie producers -and academics, poststructuralist critics as 
G29 210 well as nuclear physicists or professors of finance. Within this 
G29 211 cultural formation, the mode of information's symbolic common 
G29 212 denominator is its feminized debris.<p/>
G29 213 
G29 214 <h_><p_>Interrupting the Sanitized Spectacle/Disgusting 
G29 215 Bodies<p_><h/>
G29 216 
G30   1 <#FROWN:G30\><h_><p_>The Idea of Teleology<p/>
G30   2 <p_>Ernst Mayr<p/>
G30   3 <p_>1. Philosophical Background<p/><h/>
G30   4 <p_>Perhaps no other ideology has influenced biology more 
G30   5 profoundly than teleological thinking. In one form or another it 
G30   6 was the prevailing world view prior to Darwin. (Indeed it is one of 
G30   7 the relatively few world views seriously considered by western 
G30   8 man.) Appropriately, the discussion of teleology occupies 
G30   9 considerable space (10-14%) in several recent philosophies of 
G30  10 biology. Such a finalistic world view had many roots. It is 
G30  11 reflected by the millenarian beliefs of many Christians, by the 
G30  12 enthusiasm for progress promoted by the Enlightenment, by 
G30  13 transformationist evolutionism, and by everybody's hope for a 
G30  14 better future. However, such a finalistic world view was only one 
G30  15 of several widely adopted Weltanschauungen.<p/>
G30  16 <p_>Grossly simplifying a far more complex picture, one can perhaps 
G30  17 distinguish, in the period prior to Darwin, three ways of looking 
G30  18 at the world:<p/>
G30  19 <p_>1. A recently created and constant world. This was the orthodox 
G30  20 Christian dogma, which, however, by 1859 had largely lost its 
G30  21 credibility, at least among philosophers and scientists.<p/>
G30  22 <p_>2. An eternal and either constant or cycling world, exhibiting 
G30  23 no constant direction or goal. Everything in such a world, as 
G30  24 asserted by Democritus and his followers, is due to chance or 
G30  25 necessity, with chance by far the more important factor. There is 
G30  26 no room for teleology in this world view, everything being due to 
G30  27 chance or causal mechanisms. It allows for change, but such change 
G30  28 is not directional; it is not an evolution. This view gained some 
G30  29 support during the Scientific Revolution and the Enlightenment, but 
G30  30 remained very much a minority view until the nineteenth century. A 
G30  31 rather pronounced polarization developed from the seventeenth to 
G30  32 the nineteenth centuries, between the strict mechanists, who 
G30  33 explained everything purely in terms of movements and forces and 
G30  34 who denied any validity whatsoever of the use of teleological 
G30  35 language; and their opponents - deists, natural theologians, and 
G30  36 vitalists - who all believed in teleology to a lesser or greater 
G30  37 extent.<p/>
G30  38 <p_>3. The third view of the world was that of a world of long 
G30  39 duration (or being eternal) but with a tendency toward improvement 
G30  40 or perfection. Such a view existed in many religions, it was 
G30  41 widespread in the beliefs of primitive people (e.g., the Valhalla 
G30  42 of the old Germans), and it was represented in Christianity by 
G30  43 ideas of a millennium or resurrection. During the rise of deism, 
G30  44 after the Scientific Revolution and during the era of 
G30  45 Enlightenment, there was a widespread belief in the development of 
G30  46 ever greater perfection in the world through the exercise of God's 
G30  47 laws. There was a trust in an intrinsic tendency of Nature toward 
G30  48 progress or an ultimate goal. Such beliefs were shared even by 
G30  49 those who did not believe in the hand of God but who nevertheless 
G30  50 believed in a progressive tendency of the world toward ever-greater 
G30  51 perfection.<p/>
G30  52 <p_>Although Christianity was its major source of support, 
G30  53 teleological thinking gained increasing strength also in 
G30  54 philosophy, from its beginning with the Greeks and Cicero up to the 
G30  55 eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The concept of the <tf_>Scala 
G30  56 Naturae<tf/>, the scale of perfection, reflected a belief in upward 
G30  57 or forward progression in the arrangement of natural objects. Few 
G30  58 were the philosophers who did not express a belief in progress and 
G30  59 improvement. It also fitted quite well with Lamarck's 
G30  60 transformationist theory of evolution, and it is probably correct 
G30  61 to say that most Lamarckians were also teleologists. The concept of 
G30  62 progress was particularly strong in the philosophies of Leibniz, 
G30  63 Herder, their followers and of course among the French 
G30  64 <}_><-|>philosophes<+|>philosophers<}/> of the Enlightenment.<p/>
G30  65 <p_>What struck T.H. Huxley <quote_>"most forcibly on his first 
G30  66 perusal of the <tf_>Origin of Species<tf/> was the conviction that 
G30  67 teleology, as commonly understood, had received its deathblow at 
G30  68 Mr. Darwin's hands."<quote/> However, Huxley's prophecy did not 
G30  69 come true. Perhaps the most popular among the anti-Darwinian 
G30  70 evolutionary theories was that of orthogenesis, which postulated 
G30  71 that evolutionary trends, even nonadaptive ones, were due to an 
G30  72 intrinsic drive. Even though the arguments of the orthogenesists 
G30  73 were effectively refuted by Weismann, orthogenesis continued to be 
G30  74 highly popular not only in Germany but also in France, the United 
G30  75 States, and Russia. The reason was that even though Darwin's 
G30  76 demonstration of the non-constancy of species and of the common 
G30  77 descent of all organisms made the acceptance of evolution 
G30  78 inevitable, natural selection, the mechanism proposed by Darwin, 
G30  79 was so unpalatable to his opponents that they grasped at any other 
G30  80 conceivable mechanism as an anti-Darwinian strategy. One of these 
G30  81 was orthogenesis, a strictly finalistic principle, which did not 
G30  82 really collapse until the Evolutionary Synthesis. Simpson, Rensch, 
G30  83 and J. Huxley, in particular, showed that perfect orthogenetic 
G30  84 series as claimed by the orthogenesists, simply did not exist when 
G30  85 the fossil record was studied more carefully, that allometric 
G30  86 growth could explain certain seemingly excessive structures, and 
G30  87 finally, that the assertion of deleteriousness of certain 
G30  88 characters, supposedly due to some orthogenetic force, was not 
G30  89 valid. These authors showed, furthermore, that there was no genetic 
G30  90 mechanism that could account for orthogenesis.<p/>
G30  91 <p_>Both friends and opponents of Darwin occasionally classified 
G30  92 him as a teleologist. It is true that this is what he was early in 
G30  93 his career, but he gave up teleology soon after he had adopted 
G30  94 natural selection as the mechanism of evolutionary change. Whether 
G30  95 this was as late as the 1850s, as claimed by some authors, or 
G30  96 already in the early 1840s, as indicated by the researches of R. 
G30  97 Eisert, is unimportant. There is certainly no support for teleology 
G30  98 in the <tf_>Origin of Species<tf/>, even though, particularly in 
G30  99 his later years and in correspondence, Darwin was sometimes 
G30 100 somewhat careless in his language. I have previously presented a 
G30 101 rather full history of the rise and fall of teleology in 
G30 102 evolutionary biology, particularly in Darwin's writings.<p/>
G30 103 <p_>All endeavors to find evidence for a mechanism that would 
G30 104 explain a general finalism in nature were unsuccessful or, where it 
G30 105 occurs in organisms, it was explained strictly casually (see 
G30 106 below). As a result, by the time of the Evolutionary Synthesis of 
G30 107 the 1940s, no competent biologist was left who still believed in 
G30 108 any final causation of evolution or of the world as a whole.<p/>
G30 109 <p_>Final causes, however, are far more plausible and pleasing to a 
G30 110 layperson than the haphazard and opportunistic process of natural 
G30 111 selection. For this reason, a belief in final causes had a far 
G30 112 greater hold outside of biology than within. Almost all 
G30 113 philosophers, for instance, who wrote on evolutionary change in the 
G30 114 one hundred years after 1859, were confirmed finalists. All three 
G30 115 philosophers closest to Darwin - Whewell, Herschel, and Mill - 
G30 116 believed in final causes. The German philosopher E. von Hartmann 
G30 117 was a strong defender of finalism, stimulating Weismann to a 
G30 118 spirited reply. In France, Bergson postulated a metaphysical force, 
G30 119 <foreign_><*_>e-acute<*/>lan vital<foreign/>, which, even though 
G30 120 Bergson disclaimed its finalistic nature, could not have been 
G30 121 anything else, considering its effects. There is room for a good 
G30 122 history of finalism in the post-Darwinian philosophy, although 
G30 123 Collingwood has made a beginning. Whitehead, Polanyi, and many 
G30 124 lesser philosophers, were also finalistic.<p/>
G30 125 <p_>Refutation of a finalistic interpretation of evolution or of 
G30 126 nature as a whole, however, did not eliminate teleology as a 
G30 127 problem of philosophy. For the Cartesians any invoking of 
G30 128 teleological processes was utterly unthinkable. Coming from 
G30 129 mathematics and physics, they had nothing in their conceptual 
G30 130 repertory that would permit them to distinguish between seemingly 
G30 131 end-directed processes in inorganic nature, and seemingly 
G30 132 goal<?_>-<?/>directed processes in living nature. They feared, as 
G30 133 shown particularly clearly by Nagel, that making such a distinction 
G30 134 would open the door to metaphysical, nonempirical considerations. 
G30 135 All their arguments, based on the study of inanimate objects, 
G30 136 ignored the common view, derived from Aristotle and strongly 
G30 137 confirmed by Kant, that truly goal-directed and seemingly purposive 
G30 138 processes occur only in living nature. Yet the (physicalist) 
G30 139 philosophers ignored the study of living nature and the findings of 
G30 140 the biologists. Instead they used teleology in order to exercise 
G30 141 their logical prowess. Why this was so has been explained by Ruse: 
G30 142 <quote_>"What draws philosophers toward teleology is that one has 
G30 143 to know, or at least it is generally thought that one has to know, 
G30 144 absolutely no biology at all! ... philosophers want no empirical 
G30 145 factors deflecting them in their neo-Scholastic pursuits."<quote/> 
G30 146 The irony of this jibe against his fellow philosophers is that, 
G30 147 having said this, Ruse himself promptly ignored the literature on 
G30 148 teleology written by biologists and concentrated on reviewing the 
G30 149 books of three philosophers known for their neglect of biology. Yet 
G30 150 Ruse is not alone. One paper or book after the other dealing with 
G30 151 teleology continues to be published in the philosophical literature 
G30 152 in which the author attempts to solve the problem of teleology with 
G30 153 the sharpest weapons of logic, while utterly ignoring the diversity 
G30 154 of the phenomena to which the word teleology has been attached, and 
G30 155 of course ignoring the literature in which biologists have pointed 
G30 156 this out.<p/>
G30 157 <p_>Some of the difficulties of the philosophers are due to their 
G30 158 misinterpretation of the writings of the great philosophers of the 
G30 159 past. Aristotle, for instance, has often been recorded as a 
G30 160 finalist, and cosmic teleology had been called an Aristotelian 
G30 161 view. Grene is entirely correct when pointing out that Aristotle's 
G30 162 <foreign|>telos has nothing to do with purpose <quote_>"either 
G30 163 Man's or God's. It was the Judaeo-Christian God who (with the help 
G30 164 of neo-Platonism) imposed the dominance of a cosmic teleology upon 
G30 165 Aristotelian nature. Such sweeping purpose is the very opposite of 
G30 166 Aristotelian [philosophy]."<quote/> Modern Aristotle specialists 
G30 167 (Balme, Gotthelf, Lennox, and Nussbaum) are unanimous in showing 
G30 168 that Aristotle's seeming teleology deals with problems of ontogeny 
G30 169 and adaptation in living organisms, where his views are remarkably 
G30 170 modern. Kant was a strict mechanist as far as the inanimate 
G30 171 universe is concerned, but provisionally adopted teleology for 
G30 172 certain phenomena of living nature, which (in the 1790s) were 
G30 173 inexplicable owing to the primitive condition of contemporary 
G30 174 biology. It would be absurd, however, to use Kant's tentative 
G30 175 comments two hundred years later as evidence for the validity of 
G30 176 finalism.<p/>
G30 177 <p_>The reasons for the unsatisfactory state of teleology analyses 
G30 178 in the philosophical literature are now evident. Indeed, one can go 
G30 179 so far as to say that the treatment of the problems of teleology in 
G30 180 this literature shows how not to do the philosophy of science. For 
G30 181 at least fifty years a considerable number of philosophers have 
G30 182 written on teleology basing their analyses on the methods of logic 
G30 183 and physicalism, <quote_>"known to be the best"<quote/> or at least 
G30 184 the only reliable methods for such analyses. These philosophers 
G30 185 have ignored the findings of the biologists, even though teleology 
G30 186 concerns mostly or entirely the world of life.<p/>
G30 187 <p_>They ignored that the word <tf|>function refers to two very 
G30 188 different sets of phenomena; and that the concept of <tf|>program 
G30 189 gives a new complexion to the problem of goal-directedness; they 
G30 190 confounded the distinction between proximate and evolutionary 
G30 191 causations, and between static (adapted) systems and goal-directed 
G30 192 activities. Even though there is an enormous philosophical 
G30 193 literature on the problems of teleology, those recent books and 
G30 194 papers are quite useless which still treat teleology as a unitary 
G30 195 phenomenon. No author who had not tried to articulate the 
G30 196 differences between the significance of cosmic teleology, 
G30 197 adaptedness, programmed goal<?_>-<?/>directedness, and 
G30 198 deterministic natural laws, has made any worthwhile contribution to 
G30 199 the solution of the problems of teleology.<p/>
G30 200 <p_>The principal endeavor of the traditional philosopher was to 
G30 201 eliminate teleological language from all descriptions and analyses. 
G30 202 They objected to such sentences as <quote_>"the turtle swims to the 
G30 203 shore in order to lay her eggs,"<quote/> or <quote_>"the wood 
G30 204 thrush migrates to warmer climates in order to escape the 
G30 205 winter."<quote/> To be sure, questions that begin with 
G30 206 <quote|>"what?" and <quote|>"how?" are sufficient for explanation 
G30 207 in the physical sciences. However, since 1859 no explanation in the 
G30 208 biological sciences has been complete until a third kind of 
G30 209 question was asked and answered: <quote|>"why?" It is the 
G30 210 evolutionary causation and its explanation that is asked for in 
G30 211 this question. Anyone who eliminates evolutionary <quote|>"why?" 
G30 212 questions, closes the door on a large area of biological research. 
G30 213 It is therefore important for the evolutionary biologist to 
G30 214 demonstrate that <quote|>"why?" questions do not introduce a 
G30 215 meta<?_>-<?/>physical element into the analysis, and that there is 
G30 216 no conflict between causal and teleological analysis, provided it 
G30 217 is precisely specified what is meant by 'teleological.'
G30 218 
G30 219 
G31   1 <#FROWN:G31\><h_><p_>CHAPTER 3<p/>
G31   2 <p_>Schoolmaster: Manchester, Guernsey, and Elgin<p/><h/>
G31   3 <p_>Saintsbury spent March 2, 1868, visiting his fiancee, Emily 
G31   4 King, at Southampton. He came back to Oxford to find the offer of a 
G31   5 teaching appointment in the upper forms of the Manchester Grammar 
G31   6 School, then headed by Frederick William Walker. He left Oxford the 
G31   7 next day for this his first six months' experience of teaching and 
G31   8 his first acquaintance with Manchester, a history of which he was 
G31   9 to write two decades later. He found lodgings somewhat out of the 
G31  10 city and a few days later joined the Manchester Athenaeum where, as 
G31  11 the ticket (made out erroneously to a <quote_>"Mr. 
G31  12 Santzburg"<quote/>) promised, one could <quote_>"'advance and 
G31  13 instruct in knowledge' ... read the papers, smoke, play billiards, 
G31  14 and ... lunch lightly."<quote/> At this time, the school's quarters 
G31  15 were so severely crammed as to make some such refuge necessary. 
G31  16 There were no Common Rooms and <quote_>"the very classes were held 
G31  17 in soon-to-be-pulled-down tenement houses."<quote/><p/>
G31  18 <p_>The spring saw Saintsbury settled into teaching while planning 
G31  19 and preparing for his marriage, which took place on June 2d - 
G31  20 presumably at Southampton. By the summer solstice, the couple had 
G31  21 set up housekeeping in the rooms <quote_>"somewhat out of the 
G31  22 centre"<quote/> where he had already settled. His account book 
G31  23 tells of moving and household expenses and of a silk dress and a 
G31  24 chain and cross for Emily. With characteristic reticence, 
G31  25 Saintsbury tells us nothing more of the wedding or about his bride 
G31  26 or those early days of marriage.<p/>
G31  27 <p_>In Manchester, the young scholar was trying his hand at 
G31  28 school<?_>-<?/>mastering where he was soon to feel a glimmer of the 
G31  29 distaste that made him later confess, <quote_>"I never <tf|>liked 
G31  30 schoolmastering."<quote/> Yet he must have felt the challenge of 
G31  31 the new situation, in a good school where English and the classical 
G31  32 languages were his lot. He had begun in debt and on a low salary 
G31  33 with <quote_>"neither time nor means to invest in the gifts of 
G31  34 Bacchus."<quote/> But he and Emily were in love and eager for 
G31  35 marriage. There was leisure for each other and for reading, and for 
G31  36 Saintsbury's favorite physical pastime - solitary walking and 
G31  37 exploring the countryside. A map of Lancashire was one of the first 
G31  38 of his purchases. Here, he first saw some of Rossetti's writing 
G31  39 while he continued his interest in French literature.<p/>
G31  40 <p_>A cryptic credit entry in Saintsbury's accounts for July 26, 
G31  41 1868 - <quote_>"Cub (M.G.) 12.12"<quote/> - suggests that he made 
G31  42 his first contact with the <tf_>Manchester Guardian<tf/> in his 
G31  43 early months in Manchester. Though C.P. Scott was not editor until 
G31  44 1872, Saintsbury mentions only that, in 1877, Scott gave him his 
G31  45 <quote_>"valuable apprenticeship to journalism"<quote/> and 
G31  46 <quote_>"much hospitality to boot."<quote/> Scott, who had been a 
G31  47 contemporary of his at Oxford, was a good friend of the Creightons 
G31  48 and was frequently their guest in the 1870s. The <tf|>Guardian 
G31  49 obituary of Saintsbury assumed the earlier date, but since 
G31  50 <tf|>Guardian records for those years have vanished, the mystery 
G31  51 remains.<p/>
G31  52 <p_>Of the city itself as he knew it at firsthand, Saintsbury says 
G31  53 little except in the brief popular history of it he wrote in 1887. 
G31  54 Written for the series Historic Towns, edited by E.A. Freeman and 
G31  55 William Hunt, it was published independently. Saintsbury tried to 
G31  56 view the city's history from a less provincial vantage point than 
G31  57 earlier writers had done. It is no local glorification, but the 
G31  58 <tf|>Academy reviewer thought it vindicated the City from the 
G31  59 <quote_>"gross caricature"<quote/> it suffered in Dickens's 
G31  60 <tf_>Hard Times<tf/>. Its origins and its four centuries of 
G31  61 <quote_>"barren history"<quote/> are given with a touch of irony, 
G31  62 but the rise of the cotton trade gets a straightforward account. 
G31  63 Saintsbury warns the reader against the <quote_>"element of the 
G31  64 fantastic"<quote/> in Disrael's <tf|>Sybil, but finds <quote_>"the 
G31  65 reality and power of his drawing"<quote/> superior to that of Mrs. 
G31  66 Gaskell in <tf_>Mary Barton<tf/>. He recalls walks in the city's 
G31  67 <quote_>"sober streets"<quote/> but inexplicably omits mention of 
G31  68 the Grammar School and the <tf|>Guardian, the two institutions he 
G31  69 worked for and of which the city could be most rightly proud. 
G31  70 Members of the Manchester School of Economics he saw as 
G31  71 <quote_>"totally cramped by education and inherited 
G31  72 sympathies."<quote/> He later recalled the city as <quote_>"the 
G31  73 foggiest and rainiest of all our industrial hells, except Sheffield 
G31  74 ... a half Rembrandt, half Caillot picture."<quote/> He had found 
G31  75 it sociable, and he enjoyed the Rossettis, Turners, and Coxes in 
G31  76 the museum. The book was the honest, competent product of the 
G31  77 discipline journalism gave its author, and no more.<p/>
G31  78 <p_>Whatever those few crowded months in Manchester offered the 
G31  79 newlyweds, by September, 1868, the Saintsburys were settled in 
G31  80 Guernsey where he was to serve as senior classical master at 
G31  81 Elizabeth College for six years. This <quote_>"Charmed 
G31  82 Isle,"<quote/> one of the <quote_>"<foreign_>Isles 
G31  83 Fortun<*_>e-acute<*/>es<foreign/>,"<quote/> he knew from his 1867 
G31  84 tour. The islanders, he tells us, "included an unusually large 
G31  85 proportion of persons of fair income, ancestral houses, and gentle 
G31  86 blood; hospitality was abundant and the means of exercising it 
G31  87 excellent. Liquor was cheap and <quote_>"... for a miniature and 
G31  88 manageable assemblage of amenities I do not think you can easily 
G31  89 beat Guernsey."<quote/> So he saw his life:<p/>
G31  90 <p_><quote_>... teaching the classics and other things to decently 
G31  91 bred youth for hours at which even a trade union leader could 
G31  92 hardly grumble; enjoying the bounties of King Bacchus and my Lady 
G31  93 Venus ... walking, whisting, waltzing; reading immense quantities 
G31  94 of French and other literature; writing my first reviews for the 
G31  95 <tf|>Academy ... 'regarding the ocean' like my august neighbor and 
G31  96 fellow <foreign|>incola M. Victor Hugo - in short, possessing 
G31  97 almost all desirable possessions save one - to wit, money. And it 
G31  98 was rather a comfort not to have that lest one should be in 
G31  99 hopeless danger of Nemesis again.<quote/><p/>
G31 100 <p_>Given this happy capsule memoir, the picture can be filled out. 
G31 101 Paul Stapfer, the French master at Elizabeth College during 
G31 102 Saintsbury's first years (1866-68), in his <foreign_>Victor Hugo 
G31 103 <*_>a-grave<*/> Guernsey<foreign/> defines the society - from a 
G31 104 French vantage point - as four very distinct classes, 
G31 105 <quote_>"<foreign|>les <tf|>sixty, <foreign|>les <tf|>forty, 
G31 106 <foreign|>les <tf|>twenty, <foreign_>et les ... rien du 
G31 107 tout.<foreign/>"<quote/> The first of these, the nobility and the 
G31 108 gentry, the officers of Fort George, and the 
G31 109 <quote_><foreign_>"hauts fonctionnaires,<foreign/>"<quote/> 
G31 110 admitted to their number the college masters who were Oxford to 
G31 111 Cambridge men and foreigners of distinction. No class, Stapfer 
G31 112 notes with amusement, acknowledged acquaintance with those below 
G31 113 it, though even the lowest found someone to look down upon. For the 
G31 114 college masters, acceptance afforded a pleasant social life at the 
G31 115 top level, including that of the barracks, which Saintsbury 
G31 116 recalled as <quote_>"distinctly good"<quote/> - perhaps because, to 
G31 117 him, it seemed <quote_>"college life over again"<quote/> with some 
G31 118 gambling (shillling whist and shilling loo), <quote_>"plenty of fun 
G31 119 and good fellowship."<quote/> Guernsey, somewhat a world apart 
G31 120 during the period of great social and political changes in England 
G31 121 following on the Second Reform Bill, gave a detachment that 
G31 122 Saintsbury, in later years, regarded as both good and bad: 
G31 123 <quote_>"The looker-on sees the drift of the game more clearly, but 
G31 124 he appreciates the motives and aims of those who take part in its 
G31 125 less fully than the players."<quote/><p/>
G31 126 <p_>Saintsbury did not have the good luck to know Guernsey's most 
G31 127 distinguished resident of this period, Victor Hugo, though on one 
G31 128 occasion he <quote_>"saw him plain"<quote/> at a shop in 
G31 129 French-speaking Saint Pierre when that eminent self-exile 
G31 130 ejaculated to a shopkeeper who spoke French as well as he did, 
G31 131 <quote_>"<foreign_>Ah, Monsieur, je vien chercher des<foreign/> 
G31 132 <tf|>books, <foreign_>des vieux<foreign/> <tf|>books."<quote/> 
G31 133 Saintsbury's great admiration for the poet Hugo, which had come 
G31 134 earlier and was permanent, he shared with Stapfer for whom Hugo was 
G31 135 always first among French writers. Stapfer took many walks with 
G31 136 Hugo. During the few months that his career on Guernsey overlapped 
G31 137 that of Saintsbury, this strong bond and their talk about things 
G31 138 French must have given fresh impetus to the young Englishman's 
G31 139 already developed French literary interest. He was reading 
G31 140 <quote_>"more French than any other literature and more novels than 
G31 141 anything else in French."<quote/> By the end of the 1860s he was 
G31 142 accustomed to read for style in French as in other languages, 
G31 143 though he never spoke French to his own satisfaction.<p/>
G31 144 <p_>Stapfer, a good French scholar who was also interested in 
G31 145 English literature, had taken his post to learn English, to be near 
G31 146 Hugo, and to devote most of his time to his own writing. He was 
G31 147 later professor at Grenoble and Bordeaux. At Guernsey, he relieved 
G31 148 the boredom of teaching French grammar by producing <tf|>Hernani 
G31 149 with his older students in January, 1868, and by offering a series 
G31 150 of outside literary lectures for young ladies. Although these met 
G31 151 with minimal success, Saintsbury followed Stapfer's lead and the 
G31 152 recommendation of John Oates, the headmaster, and in succeeding 
G31 153 years at Guernsey was kept very busy (he notes eleven hours' work 
G31 154 in one day) <quote_>"with outside lectures and private coaching, 
G31 155 not to mention reviewing."<quote/> Saintsbury's lectures to a Young 
G31 156 Ladies' Educational Association were on history and logic. Some 
G31 157 time also had to be given by a confessed nonathlete to assisting 
G31 158 with the college sports program.<p/>
G31 159 <p_>Elizabeth College, founded in 1563, had been rechartered and 
G31 160 reopened in 1824. Its course of study stipulated <quote_>"Latin and 
G31 161 Greek in all classes ... and English Classics in all classes ... to 
G31 162 include history (general and scriptural), rhetoric, elocution and 
G31 163 the belles lettres. All other subjects optional ...."<quote/> The 
G31 164 absence of science is shocking to a modern reader.<p/>
G31 165 <p_>The Reverend John Oates, who had been vice principal for eight 
G31 166 years, became principal in 1868. A scholar of Lincoln College and 
G31 167 an intimate friend of Mark Pattison, Oates was genial and very 
G31 168 hospitable. Saintsbury noted his <quote_>"unscholarly indolence of 
G31 169 temper, Pattisonian flour made up into dough with milk instead of 
G31 170 gall, its yeast unsoured by any religious conversion and soft 
G31 171 instead of hard baked."<quote/> Oates presided over a relaxed and 
G31 172 casual world, <quote_>"<foreign_>une anarchie aimable, celle de 
G31 173 l'age d'or ... un beau d<*_>e-acute<*/>sordre et une confusion 
G31 174 pleine de vie<foreign/>,"<quote/> according to Stapfer. Some of the 
G31 175 confusion was due to thin walls through which the noises of all 
G31 176 classes mingled as one, a confusion enhanced by the boys' trick of 
G31 177 releasing live crabs into the classrooms, thus producing a merry 
G31 178 chase and a resultant caning. Despite such disorder, the school's 
G31 179 work was of a quality that won it three scholarships in 1870, on of 
G31 180 these at Oxford. The student group then numbered more than a 
G31 181 hundred.<p/>
G31 182 <p_>Stapfer remarks in some surprise that these boys, unlike French 
G31 183 boys, made a <quote_>"<foreign_>progres en 
G31 184 sagesse<foreign/>"<quote/>; their growth in wisdom and 
G31 185 <quote_>"<foreign_>la raison<foreign/>"<quote/> corresponded to 
G31 186 their development from children into responsible young men. He 
G31 187 deplores the use of the cane as peculiarly English - acceptable to 
G31 188 parents and largely a matter of indifference to the victims. 
G31 189 Saintsbury, less responsive to growing boys and more inured to the 
G31 190 practice, says of his local military exemption (for which he paid 
G31 191 12<tf|>s. 6<tf|>d.): <quote_>"One could not serve that State by 
G31 192 caning small boys and loading and firing guns with blank cartridges 
G31 193 at the same time."<quote/><p/>
G31 194 <p_>Appointed on the recommendation of a native of Guernsey, Dr. 
G31 195 McGrath, then Fellow and later President of Magdalen College, 
G31 196 Oxford, Saintsbury found his teaching experience there more 
G31 197 agreeable than that later at Elgin. Always strongly in favor of the 
G31 198 discipline of classical languages, he once offered his own scheme 
G31 199 for that ideal <quote_>"State Education in Humane Letters"<quote/> 
G31 200 which Arnold sighed for: <quote_>"... the classical languages, 
G31 201 elementary mathematics, history and geography taught in the older 
G31 202 fashion, and modern languages within reason, but all thoroughly 
G31 203 drummed and rubbed in from the formal point of view."<quote/><p/>
G31 204 <p_>As senior classical master, Saintsbury had his first 
G31 205 opportunity to develop methods and see results. The fruit of these 
G31 206 he presented to the Classical Association of Scotland in 1905. 
G31 207 Giving high praise to his own Kings College School training, he 
G31 208 specified that schoolboys should memorize large quantities of 
G31 209 classical poetry, translate classical verse into English verse, and 
G31 210 translate English and indeed all modern languages into Latin or 
G31 211 Greek as well. That all such language teaching should be thoroughly 
G31 212 'literary' was his main theme - with a placing of the authors in 
G31 213 the history of their own literature, and with literary comparisons. 
G31 214 Elsewhere he cites specific methods, comparisons most 
G31 215 specifically.<p/>
G31 216 
G31 217 
G32   1 <#FROWN:G32\><h_><p_>Men Do, Women Are<p/><h/>
G32   2 <p_><tf_>The characteristics Gaskell designates<tf/> as especially 
G32   3 male or female are for her not necessarily embodied in a man or a 
G32   4 woman. There is a prima facie connection between a person's sex and 
G32   5 gender -and I use this latter term, although it is strictly a term 
G32   6 in grammar, simply because it serves to distinguish between 
G32   7 psychological and physical sex and has recently gained some 
G32   8 currency -but the connection is not invariable or insoluble in 
G32   9 Gaskell. It can be loosened. It often is. In many of her 
G32  10 characters, therefore, sex and gender are dissociated, and we have 
G32  11 to examine the circumstances in the individual instance before we 
G32  12 can be sure who is which. The point, however, is not androgyny. 
G32  13 Male and female are, for Gaskell, entirely different from one 
G32  14 another. In her stereotypical way, Gaskell always assigns her 
G32  15 characters, of whatever sex they are, characteristics that belong 
G32  16 to one or to the other gender. And her distinctions are not limited 
G32  17 by any means to people alone. Places, feelings, ideas, conditions, 
G32  18 and a good many other things also have genders in her fiction. To 
G32  19 an extent this is not unusual. Most societies, making divisions 
G32  20 between what men and women do, distinguish their activities also, 
G32  21 and many of Gaskell's associations are those common in her day. 
G32  22 Courage, for example, is male. Charity, however, is female. Men 
G32  23 have the right to express their feelings; women, by implication, do 
G32  24 not (4:253).<p/>
G32  25 <p_>Most of the metaphors Gaskell uses have genders in a similar 
G32  26 manner. The demon is unequivocally male. Made of the passions she 
G32  27 denied in creating 'Mrs. Gaskell,' the demon is 'Mrs. Gaskell's' 
G32  28 antithesis. As she is the ideal woman, the demon is the unideal 
G32  29 man. It is significant that Gaskell -clustering metaphors, as she 
G32  30 does -thinks of France, the land of passion and in consequence of 
G32  31 the demon, always as a male domain just as she thinks of England as 
G32  32 female. It is common in her fiction for male characters to be 
G32  33 French and for female to be English. The narrator's parents in 'My 
G32  34 French Master' are divided in this way. In 'the Grey Woman,' there 
G32  35 is again a man who, being daemonic, is French and a woman who is 
G32  36 German, Germany being another country that is for Gaskell female 
G32  37 like England.<p/>
G32  38 <p_>The most important distinction for Gaskell between the female 
G32  39 and the male is to be found in her description, in <tf_>The Life of 
G32  40 Charlotte Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/><tf/>, of the different lots 
G32  41 awaiting Branwell and the Bront<*_>e-umlaut<*/> girls. 
G32  42 <quote_>"There are always,"<quote/> Gaskell writes, 
G32  43 <quote_>"peculiar trials in the life of an only boy in a family of 
G32  44 girls. He is expected to act a part in life; to do, while they are 
G32  45 only to be"<quote/> (<tf|>LCB, p. 153). Gaskell had used these very 
G32  46 words, also italicized, years earlier, in her conclusion to 'The 
G32  47 Moorland Cottage,' in which she had eulogized Mrs. Buxton, a woman 
G32  48 who would be, she wrote, remembered as one <quote_>"who could 
G32  49 <tf|>do but little during her lifetime; who was doomed only to 
G32  50 'stand and wait'; who was meekly content to <tf|>be gentle, holy, 
G32  51 patient, and undefiled"<quote/> (2:383). Men do, women are.<p/>
G32  52 <p_>'The Moorland Cottage' develops this notion further when Mrs. 
G32  53 Buxton attempts, being herself ideally feminine, to teach Maggie to 
G32  54 become heroic in a female way. Maggie, like most of Gaskell's 
G32  55 girls, begins with daemonic characteristics. She wants to play a 
G32  56 heroic part, but she envisions herself in the role of someone who 
G32  57 acts like Joan of Arc. Joan of Arc was, of course, a woman, but not 
G32  58 to Gaskell a female type. Mrs. Buxton tries, instead, to teach 
G32  59 Maggie what she calls 'noiseless' heroism by reminding her of women 
G32  60 who have gone <quote_>"through life quietly, with holy purposes in 
G32  61 their hearts, to which they gave up pleasure and ease, in a soft, 
G32  62 still succession of resolute days"<quote/> (2:296). <quote_>"Mrs. 
G32  63 Gaskell<quote/> suggests that Maggie, nagged and mistreated by her 
G32  64 mother, <quote_>"showed no little heroism"<quote/> herself 
G32  65 <quote_>"in bearing meekly what she did every day"<quote/> (2:296). 
G32  66 A woman, thus, it is implied here, should not seek to act 
G32  67 heroically. She must teach herself to endure, to invest her heroism 
G32  68 in being.<p/>
G32  69 <p_>Even a man, if he is female, must learn to realize his heroism, 
G32  70 not in <tf|>doing, but in <tf|>being. This is the lesson Gaskell 
G32  71 seeks to teach in her story 'The Sexton's Hero,' a tale she 
G32  72 published in <tf_>Howitt's Journal<tf/> in September of 1847. The 
G32  73 story concerns a man named Dawson who, being extremely religious, 
G32  74 refuses to fight for the woman he loves when he is challenged by 
G32  75 the sexton. The woman marries the sexton instead, and Dawson is 
G32  76 branded a coward by everyone. He proves, however, he is not when, 
G32  77 at the cost of his own life, he saves the sexton and his wife, who 
G32  78 are about to drown in a flood. Leaping into the water, of course, 
G32  79 Dawson is engaged in <tf|>doing, but this is not his heroic moment. 
G32  80 It is the moment only in which the sexton suddenly comes to realize 
G32  81 that what was really heroic in Dawson was his initial refusal to 
G32  82 fight and, even more, his quiet endurance of the contempt in which 
G32  83 he was held all those years he was thought a coward. Having been 
G32  84 feminized by religion, Dawson must for Gaskell become heroic in a 
G32  85 female way. The sexton who, on Dawson's death, acquires his copy of 
G32  86 the Bible and is converted to its ways, is feminized himself in 
G32  87 turn. It is to preach this female heroism that he writes the story, 
G32  88 in fact.<p/>
G32  89 <p_>Nowhere in all of Gaskell's fiction is the idea that women 
G32  90 <tf|>are embodied as fully as in <tf|>Cranford, a work that began 
G32  91 as a single short story entitled 'The Last Generation in England' 
G32  92 and appearing in <tf_>Sartain's Union Magazine<tf/> in July of 
G32  93 1849, but that, growing by installments published irregularly in 
G32  94 <tf_>Household Words<tf/> between December of 1851 and May of 1853, 
G32  95 reached the length of a short novel. The work is unusual in many 
G32  96 ways, not in the pattern it reveals, but in the forms the patterns 
G32  97 take. Generally, Gaskell does not, for instance, physically isolate 
G32  98 what she sees as the male and female worlds. Most of her settings 
G32  99 mix the two. But in <tf|>Cranford she creates a place that is 
G32 100 entirely female. There is, as well, a male place in the neighboring 
G32 101 town of Drumble, but neither she nor we go there. We only hear of 
G32 102 it now and then. To the extent that events in Drumble have an 
G32 103 effect on events in Cranford, Drumble is important in the 
G32 104 narrative. It is important too as a guide to the genders Gaskell 
G32 105 assigns to a variety of <tf|>doings, since she considers 
G32 106 exclusively male all the activities of Drumble. Drumble is a large 
G32 107 manufacturing town, concerned with business and with money, both of 
G32 108 which are here defined as exclusively male domains. We know that 
G32 109 money in Gaskell's mind is associated with love. Here we learn that 
G32 110 men and women have different relationships to the image. Women need 
G32 111 love. Men have it to give. And since the possession of love is 
G32 112 male, so is the possession of money. The Cranford ladies know 
G32 113 nothing of money. They never mention it, in fact (2:3). They know 
G32 114 nothing of business either. The <quote_>"most earnest and serious 
G32 115 business"<quote/> for the ladies of Cranford are card games, of 
G32 116 which they are, in fact, very fond (2:80). Whenever a woman 
G32 117 attempts to deal with money or business in Cranford, she fails. 
G32 118 Thus, the heroine, Miss Matty, loses her money because her sister, 
G32 119 rejecting advice from a Drumble businessman, invested their 
G32 120 inheritance herself. Inevitably, the bank she chose for their 
G32 121 investment goes bankrupt.<p/>
G32 122 <p_>The man whose advice Miss Matty's sister would not take is the 
G32 123 narrator's father. Gaskell must have begun the story not intending 
G32 124 to make the narrator more than a formal figure through whom she 
G32 125 would be able to tell her tale. At the beginning she is peripheral, 
G32 126 mostly a witness to the events and only minimally a participant. 
G32 127 She does not even acquire a name until we are halfway through the 
G32 128 book, at which time she is called Mary Smith (2:164). But, as she 
G32 129 kept on adding installments, Gaskell must have come to see her as 
G32 130 an individual character. Little by little she gains a voice, then 
G32 131 an actual personality, and eventually even a history. And it is 
G32 132 obvious, as she develops, that Gaskell projects in Mary Smith her 
G32 133 recollection of herself when she was about eighteen. The focus is 
G32 134 on the usual details. Her mother is dead, her father is living, as 
G32 135 Gaskell's was when she was eighteen. And her manner, which is 
G32 136 kindly, gentle, funny, charming, sweet, yet incisive, shrewd, and 
G32 137 impish, is exactly Gaskell's own.<p/>
G32 138 <p_>Mary is a Drumble resident. Every so often, however, she feels 
G32 139 the need to get away to Cranford. And this is the very need that 
G32 140 drives Gaskell herself to write the tale. Since Drumble is male, it 
G32 141 is the place in which, for Gaskell, the demon lives. There, she 
G32 142 must always face confrontation, an endless struggle against her 
G32 143 self. Therefore, like Mary Smith, she needs every so often to 
G32 144 escape. She needs to get away from her demon to a completely female 
G32 145 world, a world that does not threaten, that is, the composure of 
G32 146 'Mrs. Gaskell.' Gaskell created such a world for herself in her 
G32 147 actual life. As Haldane has rightly pointed out, within her large 
G32 148 circle of friends there was a very special group -Eliza Fox, the 
G32 149 Winkworth sisters, Parthenope Nightingale, Mary Mohl, and a number 
G32 150 of others as well -that consisted wholly of women. A similar circle 
G32 151 exists in <tf|>Cranford, some of the characters being modeled 
G32 152 perhaps on people she knew in Manchester, others undoubtedly 
G32 153 recreated out of the elderly ladies of Knutsford.<p/>
G32 154 <p_>The town itself, whatever the source of the individual 
G32 155 characters, is, as a fictional setting, a metaphor for the female 
G32 156 place in the mind. That is why it is literally female. As Mary 
G32 157 observes in her opening sentence, <quote_>"In the first place, 
G32 158 Cranford is in possession of the Amazons; all the holders of houses 
G32 159 above a certain rent are women. If a married couple come to settle 
G32 160 in the town, somehow the gentleman disappears; he is either fairly 
G32 161 frightened to death by being the only man in the Cranford evening 
G32 162 parties, or he is accounted for by being with his regiment, his 
G32 163 ship, or closely engaged in business all the week in the great 
G32 164 neighbouring commercial town of Drumble"<quote/> (2:1). Nothing 
G32 165 seems less Amazonian than the little old ladies of Cranford, but 
G32 166 Gaskell knows what she wants to say. The ladies of Cranford are 
G32 167 Amazonian, not because they are large or powerful, but because they 
G32 168 have banished men, because they have exiled the male principle.<p/>
G32 169 <p_>The making of this female place is the central point of the 
G32 170 story. If the incremental installments have a unifying theme, it is 
G32 171 the freeing of Miss Matty, who embodies the female spirit, from the 
G32 172 domination of men. Miss Matty is Gaskell's ideal woman. She has a 
G32 173 fairly limited intellect. <quote_>"'I never,'"<quote/> she says, 
G32 174 <quote_>"'feel as if my mind was what people call very 
G32 175 strong'"<quote/> (2:151). But she has <quote|>"patience," 
G32 176 <quote|>"humility," <quote|>"sweetness" (2:158). She is the stuff 
G32 177 of which, in Gaskell, is made the angel in the house. Her sister, 
G32 178 Deborah, a different type, to whom I shall return in a moment, had 
G32 179 dreamed as a girl of marrying an archdeacon so that she could write 
G32 180 his charges, but Matty had had a different wish. <quote_>"'I was 
G32 181 never ambitious,'"<quote/> she says, <quote_>"'nor could I have 
G32 182 written charges, but I thought I could manage a house (my mother 
G32 183 used to call me her right hand), and I was always so fond of little 
G32 184 children'"<quote/> (2:128-29). In time she does in fact become 
G32 185 -although she does not ever marry -an angel to those who live in 
G32 186 her house: her servant, her servant's husband, and their child. 
G32 187 And, like Ruth, she even extends her role as an angel to the 
G32 188 community.
G32 189 
G32 190 
G33   1 <#FROWN:G33\><h_><p_>SIX<p/>
G33   2 <p_>For a World <quote_>"Minute and vast and clear"<quote/><p/><h/>
G33   3 <p_>ELIZABETH BISHOP'S work demands that we look at how 
G33   4 representation of the people and places of her life were part of 
G33   5 her intense concern with representation itself: with drawing 
G33   6 correspondences between word and experience, with the curious 
G33   7 thingness of language, and with the question of accurate 
G33   8 likeness-taking. Bishop's pragmatism, her gifts as an anatomist of 
G33   9 appearance and sensation, as well as her treatment of her life as 
G33  10 subject, should be firmly linked to the characterization of her 
G33  11 work by Jarrell and others as a pursuit of the exact and the 
G33  12 descriptive. Such a pursuit led Bishop to a special relation to the 
G33  13 visual arts, manifested first as an intense curiosity about 
G33  14 surrealism, and then, that interest fading, as an enduring concern 
G33  15 with paintings and art objects as paradigmatic of her own relation 
G33  16 to poetry.<p/>
G33  17 <p_>Quite apart from any role that any single painter can be said 
G33  18 to have played in her poetry, her connection to picture-making was 
G33  19 direct, intense, and prolonged; she was both a maker and collector 
G33  20 of pictures and objects throughout the whole of her life. We can 
G33  21 catch glimpses of this involvement through her letters, from the 
G33  22 frottages in the manner of Max Ernst that she reports sending to 
G33  23 Marianne Moore, to the comic descriptions of herself as a painter 
G33  24 in competition with her Brazilian cook, on down to the older self 
G33  25 that made a box in homage to Joseph Cornell. Various examples of 
G33  26 her painting also survive in possession of her heirs, and as covers 
G33  27 for her books. Interviews early and late also stress the pleasure 
G33  28 she took in finding and acquiring pieces of folk art. Miss Bishop 
G33  29 in the world of her hand-worked birdcages, heirloom paintings, 
G33  30 antique Bahian gilt mirrors, and beside the carved wood of large 
G33  31 ship's figurehead, was clearly a find for those who believe in the 
G33  32 extension of the mental through the material and visible.<p/>
G33  33 <p_>The poems are full of movement. Still, there are moments, when 
G33  34 through the art of her description, the poems themselves function 
G33  35 almost as objects. Set firmly in their spaces, with very few poems 
G33  36 attempting to use flashback or sharp breaks in time, they unroll 
G33  37 across the unified surface of a map, follow the trajectory of a 
G33  38 storm, or curve around a seashore, their canvas of expression 
G33  39 unfolding with a strong directional sense, across a landscape or 
G33  40 the surface of an object or animal from top to bottom by means of 
G33  41 long, steady tracking shots. Bishop relies on enumeration, on 
G33  42 stationing her redbud beside her dogwood, her deer beside a fence, 
G33  43 or on counting and turning over her successive tropical leaves; she 
G33  44 paints with color, indicates size and scale, illumination, and 
G33  45 shadow, and depends on a strongly developed sense of the tactile. 
G33  46 All of her observations appear in a logical and usually unbroken 
G33  47 traverse of the poem's field. While the speakers of poems form 'The 
G33  48 Man-Moth' on through to 'In the Waiting Room' may pause in vertigo, 
G33  49 their dizzying homelessness is always at variance with the 
G33  50 relatively stable spatial envelope of the poem.<p/>
G33  51 <p_>Why this should be so seems a consequence of Bishop's 
G33  52 determination to build substance from within the perpetually 
G33  53 elusive and insubstantial sign. The ultimate realist, she aims to 
G33  54 load and counterweight the always unsatisfactory immateriality of 
G33  55 the poem and its inevitably symbolic nature with a vigorous spread 
G33  56 of the sensory and immediate: with the goods of observation. Like 
G33  57 the painter she occasionally became, Bishop as poet dealt with the 
G33  58 problem of illusionism created by the act of reading common to both 
G33  59 poetry and painting. The page is a way station, a port. Reading, 
G33  60 one wants to fall through the print on the paper, to penetrate its 
G33  61 light scrim, behind whose features through some peculiar method of 
G33  62 evocation are suddenly located an interior body state, which is 
G33  63 literally neither here nor there, but in some spaceless energy of 
G33  64 mind, created by mind, off page. Bishop's fascination with objects, 
G33  65 with the visual look and feel of existence, again and again calls 
G33  66 up this questionable relation between internal and external, 
G33  67 between depth and surface authenticity.<p/>
G33  68 <p_>A poet generally compelled by mutability, by changing weathers, 
G33  69 dissolving landscapes, and flooding memory, her skills are most 
G33  70 often revealed in the difficult marriage of physically 
G33  71 dimensionless language to a shifting, dimensional world. Like the 
G33  72 Man-Moth seeking the moon in Bishop's poem of the same name, 
G33  73 writing is a broad investigation of surface to which the poet is 
G33  74 helplessly but quite heroically committed:<O_>poem<O/><p/>
G33  75 <p_>The Man-Moth fails, but the black scrolls of the poet are the 
G33  76 record of his partial success. As Bishop saw it in 'Objects & 
G33  77 Apparitions,' her translation of Octavio Paz's tribute to Joseph 
G33  78 Cornell, both language and object meet in a glancing state of 
G33  79 equality in their reflection of the enduring inner 
G33  80 world:<O_>poem<O/><p/>
G33  81 <p_>Symbol-making, for Bishop, was always both verbal and 
G33  82 pictorial.<p/>
G33  83 <p_>The firm connection to the visual arts engages more than a 
G33  84 single question of influence, a question, for instance, of how she 
G33  85 may have dealt at the outset of her career with the surrealist Max 
G33  86 Ernst or later with the box-maker Joseph Cornell. Rather, we need 
G33  87 to ask first how Bishop treated vision itself. In her work, against 
G33  88 what her sharp eyes see, she holds in disturbing and provocative 
G33  89 tension what the body feels and what the mind knows and remembers. 
G33  90 Two interrelated concerns, the problematic shifts between external 
G33  91 and internal realities, and the problem of illusionism, of the 
G33  92 relevance of representations of space in the largely nonspatial, 
G33  93 nonphysical medium of the lyric poem, haunt her. In her strange 
G33  94 man-moths, pulsating weeds, and in the feral activity of her maps, 
G33  95 lighthouses, monuments, snails, sandpipers, and paper balloons, she 
G33  96 makes stubbornly visible the elusive and strange richness in much 
G33  97 of what we blindly label the ordinary and the plainly domestic. In 
G33  98 that estrangement of the familiar she invites comparison with the 
G33  99 surrealists.<p/>
G33 100 <p_>In 'Elizabeth Bishop's Surrealist Inheritance,' Richard Mullen 
G33 101 offered the first, and to date most extensive, treatment of Bishop 
G33 102 and the visual arts. Mullen focuses at least as much on Bishop's 
G33 103 divergence from surrealist practice as on her apparent submissions 
G33 104 to its directives. The most important difference he identifies as 
G33 105 Bishop's focus on objects; for Breton and other surrealists, 
G33 106 <quote_>"there were no objects, only subjects. They had no interest 
G33 107 in the natural world per se."<quote/> For Bishop, says Mullen, the 
G33 108 <quote_>"strangeness of our subjective selves, the queer struggle 
G33 109 between conscious and unconscious, is projected outward into a 
G33 110 world where the 'thingness of things' dominates."<quote/><p/>
G33 111 <p_>In persuasive detail Mullen shows how Bishop shared with the 
G33 112 surrealists a conviction about the importance of the disjunctive 
G33 113 relations between our sleeping and waking minds, and a copious use 
G33 114 of techniques of dissociation and displacement in description. 
G33 115 Inversions and enlargements of scale, sudden and surprising shifts 
G33 116 in point of view through personification, and an always subtle, but 
G33 117 pervasive emphasis on dreamscape, mark her work from first to last. 
G33 118 <quote_>"I use dream material whenever I am lucky enough to have 
G33 119 any,"<quote/> she wrote to Anne Stevenson in March 1963.<p/>
G33 120 <p_>Mullen demonstrates at length how two poems drew directly and 
G33 121 substantially from surrealist sources. In his correspondence with 
G33 122 Bishop, she acknowledged, if a little dismissively, her wide 
G33 123 reading of surrealist poetry and prose, including Francis Ponge. In 
G33 124 comparing her prose poem, 'Giant Snail' with Ponge's 'Snails' from 
G33 125 <tf_>Le Parti Pris des Choses<tf/>, Mullen flags some striking 
G33 126 parallels in language and imagery between the two texts. Of her 
G33 127 acquaintance with surrealist graphic art, Bishop writes: <quote_>"I 
G33 128 didn't know any of the surrealist writers or painters - I just 
G33 129 <tf|>met 2 or 3 painters, that's all."<quote/> Mullen points out 
G33 130 that she owned an early edition of Max Ernst's <tf_>Histoire 
G33 131 Naturelle<tf/>; Bishop also acknowledges that the technique of 
G33 132 frottage that Ernst illustrates therein produced her poem, 'The 
G33 133 Monument.'<p/>
G33 134 <p_>In the process of frottage, or rubbing, which Ernst described 
G33 135 as an <quote_>"optical excitant of somnolent vision,"<quote/> the 
G33 136 artist placed paper across wood or other surfaces and objects, and 
G33 137 then rubbed away at the paper with blacklead. The subsequent 
G33 138 drawing produced the <quote_>"optical excitant,"<quote/> or object 
G33 139 of meditation, which produced further drawings: <quote_>"the 
G33 140 drawings thus obtained steadily lose, thanks to a series of 
G33 141 suggestions and transmutations occurring to one spontaneously - the 
G33 142 character of the material being studied - wood - and assume the 
G33 143 aspect of unbelievably clear images of a nature probably able to 
G33 144 reveal the first cause of the obsession or to produce a simulacrum 
G33 145 thereof."<quote/> Ernst invented frottage after a revery into the 
G33 146 hours of childhood, when he remembered staring at an imitation 
G33 147 mahogany panel across from his bed at naptime.<p/>
G33 148 <p_>Bishop, who may have been sympathetically drawn not only by the 
G33 149 technique but by the childhood source of it, was soon manufacturing 
G33 150 <tf|>frottages at a great rate, and as she wrote to Marianne Moore 
G33 151 rather mockingly, <quote_>"I can turn them out by the dozen now and 
G33 152 shall send you one."<quote/> But her poem 'The Monument' offers 
G33 153 more direct evidence of this new pastime. Like Ernst's 
G33 154 <tf|>frottages, Bishop's verbal exercise uses its wooden 
G33 155 sea-surface as springboard into a meditation on the strange space 
G33 156 of art's reality, both within and without, penetrable and 
G33 157 impenetrable, curiously living and dead, material and immaterial. 
G33 158 The poem describes an allegorized object standing in for the 
G33 159 artist's relation to the world:<O_>poem<O/><p/>
G33 160 <p_>In the play of its altering pronouns, moving freely between 
G33 161 singular and plural, and in working out the drama of its dialectal 
G33 162 voices, the poem exploits the work of art's peek-a-boo vantages 
G33 163 vis-<*_>a-grave<*/>-vis perceiver, perceived, and the idea of 
G33 164 perception itself. Past her twenties, Bishop never did anything 
G33 165 quite so programmatically allegorical again.<p/>
G33 166 <p_>Mullen puts his finger decisively on the growing causes for 
G33 167 Bishop's dissatisfaction with surrealism. There are generally four 
G33 168 reasons: first, the surrealist lack of interest in the natural 
G33 169 object; second, the surrealist privileging of the realm of the 
G33 170 unconscious over the conscious (Bishop records them as fluctuating 
G33 171 in dominance but equal in importance); third, their emphasis on the 
G33 172 revolutionary impact of disintegrating orders of perception (Bishop 
G33 173 concerned herself with a balanced dialectic between associative and 
G33 174 dissociative powers of perception); and fourth, the surrealist lack 
G33 175 of faith in conventional language and logic.<p/>
G33 176 <p_>But we ought not overlook the generally youthful character of 
G33 177 Bishop's experiments with surrealism. While her preoccupation with 
G33 178 oneiric imagery only deepened throughout a working life in poetry, 
G33 179 her eventual resistance to surrealist practice came openly to the 
G33 180 surface in several ways. In 1946, in a letter to Ferris Greenslet, 
G33 181 her editor at Houghton Mifflin, she rushes in to avert a public 
G33 182 association with Max Ernst by way of jacket copy. In some obvious 
G33 183 distress she writes: <quote_>"In the letter that Marianne Moore 
G33 184 wrote for me she commented on some likeness to the painter Max 
G33 185 Ernst. Although many years ago I once admired one of Ernst's albums 
G33 186 I believe that Miss Moore is mistaken about his ever having been an 
G33 187 influence, and since I have disliked all of his painting intensely 
G33 188 and am not a surrealist I think it would be misleading to mention 
G33 189 my name in connection with his."<quote/><p/>
G33 190 <p_>By the early 1960s, after acknowledging Ernst's role in the 
G33 191 composition of 'The Monument,' Bishop was still busy trying to 
G33 192 stamp out all talk of influence. In January 1964 she writes to Anne 
G33 193 Stevenson: <quote_>"You mention Ernst again. Oh dear - I wish I'd 
G33 194 never mentioned him at all, because I think he's a dreadful 
G33 195 painter."<quote/> But her general antagonism was already visible in 
G33 196 unpublished notebooks of the thirties and forties. In one jotting 
G33 197 she writes: <quote_>"Semi-surrealist poetry terrifies me because of 
G33 198 the sense of irresponsibility & [indecipherable] [wild?] 
G33 199 <tf|>danger it gives of the mind being 'broken down' - I want to 
G33 200 produce the opposite effect."<quote/> Somewhat later, in notes 
G33 201 about her reading of an episode from Crevecoeur, she says, under 
G33 202 the heading of 'Tact & Embarrassment': <quote_>"Why in 'Letters 
G33 203 From an American Farmer' does it <tf|>embarrass one when he speaks 
G33 204 of the wasp on the child's eyelid, etc.? The whole story of the 
G33 205 wasp-nest is fantastic, surrealistic, we'd say now. Is surrealism 
G33 206 just a new method of dealing bold-facedly with what is embarrassing?
G33 207 
G33 208 
G33 209 
G34   1 <#FROWN:G34\><h_><p_>CHAPTER 5<p/>
G34   2 <p_>Pathfinding<p/><h/>
G34   3 <p_><quote_>It must have been in the spring of 1920. The end of the 
G34   4 First World War had thrown Germany's youth into great turmoil. The 
G34   5 reins of power had fallen from the hands of a deeply disillusioned 
G34   6 older generation, and the younger one drew together in larger and 
G34   7 smaller groups in an attempt to blaze new paths, or at least to 
G34   8 discover a new star to steer by."<quote/><p/>
G34   9 <p_>With these opening words Heisenberg set the stage for his 1969 
G34  10 reminiscences, <foreign_>Der Teil und das Ganze<foreign/> (English 
G34  11 title: <tf_>Physics and Beyond<tf/>). He began not with childhood 
G34  12 or adolescence but with the period that most profoundly influenced 
G34  13 him as both scientist and citizen - the chaotic years immediately 
G34  14 following World War I. And he focused neither on family nor on 
G34  15 formal education but rather on his participation in the postwar 
G34  16 German youth movement, the experience that most directly affected 
G34  17 the formation of his adult values.<p/>
G34  18 <p_>The first chapter of <tf_>Physics and Beyond<tf/> refers to 
G34  19 Werner's diverse, often difficult and confusing experiences during 
G34  20 the early postwar years. Between neo-Socratic dialogues on the 
G34  21 nature of atoms, Heisenberg discusses his assistance in suppressing 
G34  22 the Bavarian soviet republic, his remembered reading of Plato, and 
G34  23 his study of textbook atoms. He also recalls debates with his 
G34  24 comrades about the lost war, the meaning of social order, the 
G34  25 search for order within their own lives, and their developing 
G34  26 notions of nature and homeland. One theme emerges clearly from this 
G34  27 rather muddled account: the desire for order in all aspects of 
G34  28 thought and life. Heisenberg and his friends longed to regain a 
G34  29 sense of purpose and belonging - and they found it with each other 
G34  30 in the youth movement.<p/>
G34  31 <p_>For Heisenberg himself, there were added benefits. The youth 
G34  32 movement became a vehicle for his adolescent rebellion, adventurous 
G34  33 impulses, and budding leadership qualities. It spurred his 
G34  34 intellectual independence, taught him how his primary interests - 
G34  35 science and music - could transcend the chaos of daily life, and 
G34  36 gave him close and secure friendships with his comrades, with whom 
G34  37 he formed valuable lifelong relationships.<p/>
G34  38 <p_>As Heisenberg wrote in the opening lines of <tf_>Physics and 
G34  39 Beyond<tf/>, the postwar youth movement grew out of a profound 
G34  40 sense of crisis that engendered a spirit of rebellion among 
G34  41 bourgeois German youth after the collapse of the old order at the 
G34  42 close of the world war. But the roots of rebellion reached back 
G34  43 into the prewar decades. Young people increasingly detested the 
G34  44 charades of bourgeois propriety and nationalistic sabre rattling 
G34  45 and felt no desire to pattern their lives on them. By the same 
G34  46 token, middle-class society throughout Europe provided little place 
G34  47 at that time for adolescence, the crucial transition from childhood 
G34  48 to adult roles. Bourgeois youth, like the children seen in 
G34  49 Renaissance paintings, were expected to behave like miniature 
G34  50 adults, to prepare for their adult careers and future station in 
G34  51 life, and to accept without question the values and ideals handed 
G34  52 to them.<p/>
G34  53 <p_>The rapid urbanization of Germany at the end of the nineteenth 
G34  54 century brought with it the problem of what to do with young people 
G34  55 in large cities. Where could they come together outside school? 
G34  56 Where could they find the adventure, romance, and excitement of 
G34  57 youth? Before the war, some urban youngsters literally headed for 
G34  58 the hills, seeking to rediscover basic values in the romance of 
G34  59 nature, music, dance, and Germanic ritual. Groups like the 
G34  60 <foreign|>Wanderv<*_>o-umlaut<*/>gel (Migratory Birds) and the 
G34  61 <foreign_>Freideutsche Jugend<foreign/> (Free German Youth) 
G34  62 embodied the spirit of prewar youthful rebellion in northern 
G34  63 Germany, but neither survived the war intact. Of the 11,000 members 
G34  64 of the <foreign|>Wanderv<*_>o-umlaut<*/>gel, 7000 perished in the 
G34  65 war; the <foreign_>Freideutsche Jugend<foreign/> fragmented into 
G34  66 factions.<p/>
G34  67 <p_>For those too young to fight, the state provided youth 
G34  68 organizations, paramilitary training, and agricultural assistance 
G34  69 work. Youngsters were aggressively indoctrinated with nationalistic 
G34  70 values to prepare them for the task their elders set them: to fight 
G34  71 and die in a brutal war. Those not battling at the front struggled 
G34  72 at home with bitter cold, desperate privations, and near 
G34  73 starvation. How carefree can a teenager be when he grows so weak 
G34  74 from hunger that he falls off his bicycle into a ditch?<p/>
G34  75 <p_>The sudden, humiliating defeat of Germany, the loss of friends 
G34  76 and relatives, the collapse of the old regime, the political chaos 
G34  77 that ensued, and the forced democratization of their schools 
G34  78 traumatized middle<?_>-<?/>class youngsters, leaving them angry and 
G34  79 mistrustful. <quote_>"A gaping hole opened up for us young 
G34  80 people,"<quote/> recalls Wolfgang R<*_>u-umlaut<*/>del, one of 
G34  81 Heisenberg's comrades. Their response: <quote_>"We're going to make 
G34  82 something for ourselves instead, without an organization from 
G34  83 above."<quote/><p/>
G34  84 <p_>The situation was particularly acute for bourgeois Bavarian 
G34  85 youngsters, many of whom belonged to the only existing youth 
G34  86 organization, the gymnasium's Military Preparedness Association. 
G34  87 Few had any use for the North German, 'Prussian' youth groups, 
G34  88 including the tradition-minded Boy Scouts. The Boy Scouts had 
G34  89 originated in England and had spread to Germany in 1909, where they 
G34  90 were called <foreign|>Pfadfinder (Pathfinders). Like their English 
G34  91 counterparts, German Pathfinders were paramilitary and puritanical, 
G34  92 but unlike the English Scouts they focused less on international 
G34  93 ideals and more on preparing their young members to fit into 
G34  94 existing German adult social structure. Two years after the First 
G34  95 Munich Pathfinder Troop was founded in 1909, it joined the 
G34  96 state-supported Military Preparedness Association.<p/>
G34  97 <p_>At war's end, the adult-led Preparedness Association lost any 
G34  98 raison d'<*_>e-circ<*/>tre, and Pathfinder units began dropping 
G34  99 out. In January 1919, a Pathfinder troop in Regensburg rebelled 
G34 100 against the 'decadent' adult values that, in their view, had failed 
G34 101 to preserve the monarchy. At the same time, they rejected socialist 
G34 102 attempts to dilute the cultural elite by democratizing their 
G34 103 schools. The Regensburg troop quit the state's Preparedness 
G34 104 Association and pushed for a renewal of all German Pathfinders, and 
G34 105 ultimately society itself, through the ideals of the 
G34 106 Wanderv<*_>o-umlaut<*/>gel - a genuine <foreign|>Jugendbewegung 
G34 107 (youth movement) that would replace adult <foreign|>Jugendpflege 
G34 108 (youth care).<p/>
G34 109 <p_>On Easter Sunday 1919, at the height of the soviet republic's 
G34 110 power, the equally traumatized Munich troop followed Regensburg's 
G34 111 example. A month later, during Hoffman's socialist restoration, the 
G34 112 Preparedness Association changed its name to the more 
G34 113 youthful-sounding <foreign|>Jungbayernbund (Young Bavaria League), 
G34 114 and in the last months of the school year, during the bloody 
G34 115 mopping-up operations in Munich, a group of Preparedness boys at 
G34 116 the Max-Gymnasium debated their future.<p/>
G34 117 <p_>Wolfgang (Wolfi) R<*_>u-umlaut<*/>del, then 13 years old, had 
G34 118 belonged only briefly to the Max-Gymnasium's Preparedness unit 
G34 119 before it changed its name and some of its activities. Under 
G34 120 intense pressure from their elders to support the socialist 
G34 121 restoration, he and his friends now resisted 'youth care' under any 
G34 122 name. Wolfi, his older brother Eberhard, and several other boys 
G34 123 from their Preparedness unit gathered one day during recess at the 
G34 124 old fountain in the courtyard of the Max-Gymnasium. They agreed to 
G34 125 reject adult youth care but still wanted the guidance of an elder. 
G34 126 They decided to seek an older boy of suitable character to replace 
G34 127 teachers and adults as their leader. At Wolfi's suggestion they 
G34 128 turned to a well-respected older group leader in the Young Bavaria 
G34 129 League - Werner Heisenberg.<p/>
G34 130 <p_>Werner satisfied every prerequisite: he was an older student, 
G34 131 disillusioned with youth care, well liked and well regarded at the 
G34 132 school for his mathematical and musical talents, and endowed with 
G34 133 intellectual self<?_>-<?/>confidence, good looks, and leadership 
G34 134 qualities. He was also known as <quote_>"a very great friend of 
G34 135 nature,"<quote/> familiar with the mountains and countryside - a 
G34 136 perfect choice. Werner, then 17, in the eighth gymnasium grade, and 
G34 137 just finishing his military duties following the suppression of the 
G34 138 soviet republic, readily accepted the boys' invitation. By the 
G34 139 summer of 1919 he was guiding Wolfi and eight or nine of Wolfi's 
G34 140 friends into the postwar world.<p/>
G34 141 <p_>Gruppe Heisenberg, as it was known, belonged at first to the 
G34 142 Regensburg reform movement within the Young Bavaria League, then 
G34 143 became independent in 1921. It remained closely associated with the 
G34 144 independent Regensburg faction and officially rejoined it in 1922. 
G34 145 According to Gottfried Simmerding, one of Wolfi 
G34 146 R<*_>u-umlaut<*/>del's classmates who joined Gruppe Heisenberg in 
G34 147 the fall of 1919, the group was then part of Troop B18 of the Young 
G34 148 Bavaria League, then headed by Dr. Kemmer, the gymnasium's former 
G34 149 Preparedness commander and one of Werner's former teachers. The 
G34 150 troop consisted at the time of six or seven groups led by Hans 
G34 151 Schlenk, Heisenberg's friend in grade 9B and a war veteran who 
G34 152 later became a well-known actor. Most of the troop members had 
G34 153 previously served in the agricultural assistance service and in 
G34 154 Major Pfl<*_>u-umlaut<*/>gel's schoolboy unit during the 
G34 155 suppression of the soviet republic.<p/>
G34 156 <p_>Besides Werner, the group leaders in Troop B18 included 
G34 157 Heisenberg's comrades Kurt Pfl<*_>u-umlaut<*/>gel and Werner 
G34 158 Marwede. Marwede's younger brother Heini (Heinrich) helped found 
G34 159 Gruppe Heisenberg. Werner's group met regularly with the other boys 
G34 160 in Troop B18 in several basement rooms provided by the 
G34 161 Max-Gymnasium; after breaking with the Young Bavaria League, they 
G34 162 met in the Heisenberg home.<p/>
G34 163 <p_>Just days after the formation of Gruppe Heisenberg, the 
G34 164 Regensburg reformers, led by Franz Ludwig Habbel, a wounded war 
G34 165 veteran, and Ludwig Voggenreiter, a publisher's son, called a 
G34 166 meeting of all Pathfinder leaders interested in reform. Held on the 
G34 167 weekend of August 1-3, 1919, the meeting took place in a medieval 
G34 168 castle, Schloss Prunn, in the Altm<*_>u-umlaut<*/>hl River valley 
G34 169 near Regensburg. Group leader Heisenberg was still in the throes of 
G34 170 his own postwar and postsoviet confusion when he encountered a 
G34 171 young man his age on Leopoldstrasse near the university who, as he 
G34 172 recalled it, told him of the Schloss Prunn meeting in the 
G34 173 passionate words of an inspired youth: <quote_>"'All of us intend 
G34 174 to be there, and we want you to come. Everyone should come. We want 
G34 175 to find out for ourselves what sort of future we should build.' His 
G34 176 voice had the kind of edge I had not heard before. So I decided to 
G34 177 go to Schloss Prunn, and Kurt wanted to join me."<quote/><p/>
G34 178 <p_>On Friday, August 1, young Werner, with his knapsack and a 
G34 179 guitar, took the train with Kurt to Kelheim at the end of the 
G34 180 Altm<*_>u-umlaut<*/>hl Valley. There they joined a stream of boys 
G34 181 hiking the remaining several kilometers to the castle. The valley 
G34 182 and castle made an ideal romantic setting for the adolescent 
G34 183 adventure. The narrow valley, a prehistoric Danube River bed, is 
G34 184 lined by steep cliffs and jutting rocks. The castle, still in 
G34 185 existence, perches precariously at the top of one of the cliffs, 
G34 186 and above it lies a large wood where the boys pitched their 
G34 187 tents.<p/>
G34 188 <p_>About 250 Pathfinders found their way from all over Germany and 
G34 189 from Vienna, Austria, to the meeting. Gathered in their castle in 
G34 190 the sky, the boys were alone at last to debate the questions of the 
G34 191 day that concerned them most: Had the German soldiers fallen in 
G34 192 vain, now that the war was lost? How should young people respond to 
G34 193 the new political situation? How should they interpret Boy Scout 
G34 194 ideals of internationalism, self-sacrifice, and tradition? But the 
G34 195 crucial questions were those of any reform movement: How was the 
G34 196 movement to define itself, and how was it to address the decadent 
G34 197 mass society in which it existed? The answers were vital to Werner, 
G34 198 who had hoped to discover his own order at the castle - a 
G34 199 philosophical, social, even personal harmony. <quote_>"I myself was 
G34 200 much too unsure,"<quote/> he recalled, <quote_>"to join in the 
G34 201 debates, but I listened to them and thought about the concept of 
G34 202 order myself."<quote/><p/>
G34 203 <p_>Incredibly, their discussions were recorded and a transcript 
G34 204 later published in <foreign_>Der Weisse Ritter<foreign/> (<tf_>The 
G34 205 White Knight<tf/>), the periodical of reform-movement leaders. The 
G34 206 meeting was intended to be of lasting significance. The transcript 
G34 207 and related writings vividly display the German youth rebellion - 
G34 208 indeed, the rebellion of German society at large - against the 
G34 209 modernity of urban, industrial 'civilization' and the bitter sense 
G34 210 of loss of common purpose, of meaningful traditions, of 
G34 211 well-grounded values with the passing of a seemingly simpler age. 
G34 212 According to the transcript, the young men agreed that their 
G34 213 society had declined into lifeless mechanism, capitalistic greed, 
G34 214 urban anonymity, and personal hypocrisy. Young people had to cut 
G34 215 the chains of material and moral decadence. A year earlier, 
G34 216 Regensburg reformer Franz Ludwig Habbel had declared: <quote_>"The 
G34 217 first demand of our conviction is for <tf|>truth and 
G34 218 <tf|>uprightness.
G34 219 
G34 220 
G35   1 <#FROWN:G35\><h_><p_>CHAPTER 5<p/>
G35   2 <p_>Boston<p/><h/>
G35   3 <p_>LOOKING BACK over his own literary apprenticeship, Robert 
G35   4 Lowell dated a turning point from the day in the spring of 1937 
G35   5 when he drove into the <quote_>"frail agrarian mailbox 
G35   6 post"<quote/> of Allen Tate and Caroline Gordon's house in 
G35   7 Tennessee. <quote_>"I had crashed the civilization of the 
G35   8 South,"<quote/> was the droll, supercilious way he put it two 
G35   9 decades later. He got out of his car to disguise the damage to the 
G35  10 rickety post and was promptly welcomed by the southern literary 
G35  11 elite as a valuable rebel from New England: a renegade from the 
G35  12 Lowell clan was a real coup for the Fugitives. The mythic status 
G35  13 they conferred upon him - <quote_>"I too was part of a legend. I 
G35  14 was Northern, disembodied, a Platonist, a Puritan, an 
G35  15 abolitionist"<quote/> - gave him one of the literary themes that 
G35  16 dominated his early writing and underlay all his work.<p/>
G35  17 <p_>Jean Stafford's own story of arrival was a nightmarishly 
G35  18 distorted echo. A year and a half later, home from Kenyon on 
G35  19 Christmas vacation in 1938, Lowell smashed his parents' car, with 
G35  20 Stafford in the passenger seat, into a wall in a dead-end Cambridge 
G35  21 street. She was rushed to the hospital with <quote_>"massive head 
G35  22 injuries,"<quote/> as a friend described it, <quote_>"everything 
G35  23 fractured, skull, nose, jaw, everything."<quote/> The damage would 
G35  24 never be entirely disguised, and Stafford was soon made to feel she 
G35  25 had 'crashed' the civilization of Boston - rudely, not heroically. 
G35  26 Lowell's parents adopted an attitude of chilling detachment from 
G35  27 the unpedigreed interloper. Yet for Stafford the collision took on 
G35  28 symbolic dimensions that helped give her the themes around which 
G35  29 her emerging style matured. Inspiration did not come immediately; 
G35  30 her head needed mending, and the symbols required time to take 
G35  31 shape. In fact, Stafford had another unsuccessful novel to go 
G35  32 before she found the frame and images, and the distance, to sustain 
G35  33 a narrative.<p/>
G35  34 <p_>The disastrous car ride with Lowell, a notoriously bad driver 
G35  35 who had probably been drinking that evening, was the climax of the 
G35  36 high drama that had begun two months earlier when Stafford escaped 
G35  37 from Iowa in the middle of the night. Soon after she finally 
G35  38 surfaced in Cambridge in November, she had confessed to Hightower 
G35  39 the cause of her delay in arriving - the 
G35  40 <}_><-|>rendevous<+|>rendezvous<}/> with Lowell in Cleveland. 
G35  41 Having rearranged his life and rented more spacious rooms to 
G35  42 welcome Stafford, Hightower understandably felt betrayed. But he 
G35  43 trusted her claim that she was afraid of Cal, and made clear that 
G35  44 he was still ready to try living with her.<p/>
G35  45 <p_>Lowell certainly was far from the low-key suitor she was used 
G35  46 to from her years with Hightower. Cal's romantic history before 
G35  47 Stafford had consisted of a swift, fierce, finally aborted campaign 
G35  48 two years earlier to marry a twenty-four-year-old Boston debutante, 
G35  49 Anne Dick, an unlikely match opposed by his parents - which had 
G35  50 only spurred Lowell on. His father had been the victim of his 
G35  51 violent zeal on that occasion: protesting his parents' meddling 
G35  52 disapproval, Cal appeared on their doorstep and knocked his father 
G35  53 down in the front hallway while his mother watched.<p/>
G35  54 <p_>Stafford had a taste of Lowell's wild determination during a 
G35  55 visit from him in Cambridge over Thanksgiving when, she wrote to 
G35  56 her friend Mock, <quote_>"he got savage and I got scared."<quote/> 
G35  57 The issue was marriage, she said, which he insisted on and she 
G35  58 resisted. <quote_>"A friend of his, a young man from Harvard 
G35  59 College,"<quote/> she went on, <quote_>"told me in a private 
G35  60 interview that Mr. L. wanted me more than anything else in his life 
G35  61 and that I wd. never be free of him, that he will continue to track 
G35  62 me down as long as I live, a very pleasant thought. It makes me 
G35  63 perfectly sick because he is an uncouth, neurotic, psychopathic 
G35  64 murderer-poet."<quote/><p/>
G35  65 <p_>How much of the account reflected her typical dramatizing is 
G35  66 hard to say, but she was evidently unnerved. Hightower's apartment 
G35  67 was not a workable haven, and she soon told him that she had better 
G35  68 move out to Concord to be safe. Stafford clearly wanted distance 
G35  69 from Hightower too, or at least couldn't manage in the flesh the 
G35  70 intimacy she had described in her letters from Iowa. <quote_>"The 
G35  71 full articulation of passionate love"<quote/> didn't happen with 
G35  72 the fevered eagerness she had conjured in words; living together 
G35  73 faltered from the start, when Stafford told Hightower she was 
G35  74 frigid. Whatever she meant by it, and whether or not it was true, 
G35  75 he understood the message. It was one more stunning reversal, but 
G35  76 the friendship didn't collapse.<p/>
G35  77 <p_>They continued to see each other after she moved to Concord, 
G35  78 and Hightower planned a modest Christmas celebration. But on 
G35  79 December 21 he received an urgent message to call Mount Auburn 
G35  80 Hospital. He found Stafford swaddled in bandages and, learning of 
G35  81 the accident, discovered that she hadn't kept Lowell at a safe 
G35  82 distance after all. A loyal bedside visitor for several weeks, 
G35  83 Hightower finally sent a letter announcing the end of their 
G35  84 relationship, to which Stafford replied with an atypically 
G35  85 unadorned indictment of herself: <quote_>"I will say nothing, only 
G35  86 this: I love you, but my selfishness is so all consuming that I 
G35  87 can't help hurting you."<quote/> Two weeks alter, she adorned it 
G35  88 somewhat: <quote_>"I want children, I want a house. I want to be a 
G35  89 faithful woman. I want those things more than I want my present 
G35  90 life of a writer, but I shall have none because my fear will make 
G35  91 me unfaithful and desire cannot now be hoped for, it is too late 
G35  92 and I have been too much revolted."<quote/> It was an echo of her 
G35  93 declarations of frigidity and of the journal entry about her 
G35  94 profound loneliness that she had sent him over the summer: here too 
G35  95 she viewed herself tragically, as both victim and victimizer, 
G35  96 maintaining that her <quote_>"life of a writer"<quote/> was no 
G35  97 compensation for the emotional commitment and sexual fulfillment 
G35  98 that eluded her.<p/>
G35  99 <p_>Once Hightower had retreated, Stafford had few other places to 
G35 100 turn during a very painful convalescence. Neither Lowell nor the 
G35 101 Atlantic Monthly Press - the other Boston attractions that had 
G35 102 drawn her - proved a source of much support. Lowell was not even at 
G35 103 hand. He returned to Kenyon for the spring term of his junior year, 
G35 104 leaving Blair Clark, a friend from his prep school days at St. 
G35 105 Mark's, to help Stafford deal with the lawsuit it had been agreed 
G35 106 she would file against Lowell to pay for her hospitalization. Clark 
G35 107 was also supposed to protect her from Lowell's parents, which was a 
G35 108 full-time job, if the rumors that reached Cal in Ohio about the 
G35 109 Lowell's bullying conduct toward her were to be believed. 
G35 110 <quote_>"About Boston,"<quote/> Lowell chided his parents in the 
G35 111 summer, <quote_>"I gather many people think you have behaved 
G35 112 shabbily about Jean's accident. Such opinion is not my concern yet 
G35 113 I cannot feel the action of my family has in all cases been 
G35 114 ethicilly [sic] ideal."<quote/><p/>
G35 115 <p_>Stafford hadn't managed to establish a literary life in Boston 
G35 116 that offered much relief or gratification either, though she had 
G35 117 been busy making herself known at the Atlantic Monthly Press from 
G35 118 the moment she arrived. Her Neville manuscript, based on her 
G35 119 Stephens experience, earned her praise from the editors there, 
G35 120 whose report judged that <quote_>"she can handle the English 
G35 121 language as a skilled carpenter handles a chisel - with ease, 
G35 122 deftness, accuracy, and rhythm,"<quote/> but they indicated that 
G35 123 she would have to rework it completely before they would consider a 
G35 124 contract. In fact, Edward Weeks, the editor in chief, went so far 
G35 125 as to suggest a rough outline for a fundamental overhaul of her 
G35 126 <quote_>"ironic, heartless story of a small college 
G35 127 community"<quote/> in a memo to another editor:<p/>
G35 128 <p_><quote_>It seems to me that if the girl can link together the 
G35 129 three points of interest now visible in her work (1) Gretchen's 
G35 130 affection for her German professor father and her revolt form the 
G35 131 ranch (2) college life with its stimulus and dissatisfaction (3) 
G35 132 and her experiences in Germany where presumably she finds that 
G35 133 there are worse things than the life she has run away from in the 
G35 134 United States, she would have a good book. I should presume that if 
G35 135 parts 2 and 3 were bound together with a love story, the book would 
G35 136 have a rising interest which it at present seems to 
G35 137 lack.<quote/><p/>
G35 138 <p_>Stafford was prepared to be a docile, and speedy, student. 
G35 139 Eight days later, on December 9, Archie Ogden sent her a check for 
G35 140 two hundred and fifty dollars as an option on the book and said 
G35 141 they looked forward to a <quote_>"sizable portion"<quote/> of the 
G35 142 manuscript six months later, on June 1, 1939.<p/>
G35 143 <p_>The guidance Stafford received didn't sound very promising. 
G35 144 What Weeks had extracted from Stafford's ungainly Neville 
G35 145 undertaking - a jumbled gallery of satiric portraits hung on a plot 
G35 146 line too arbitrary and ludicrous to be compelling - was a broad 
G35 147 (and banal) outline of her autobiography. That was exactly what she 
G35 148 had been trying to bury beneath the more objective enterprise of a 
G35 149 larger social satire, at the advice of the readers of her first 
G35 150 solipsistic venture, <tf_>Which No Vicissitude<tf/>. Not that Weeks 
G35 151 had any reason to know the creative history of this fledgling 
G35 152 writer, but even by his own standards, which were apparently mainly 
G35 153 commercial, his advice was dubious. After all, he and his staff had 
G35 154 just told her that the college theme was rather narrow and 
G35 155 overdone, and a year earlier she had sent sections of her Germany 
G35 156 diary to the <tf_>Atlantic Monthly<tf/> at the suggestion of Howard 
G35 157 Mumford Jones, only to meet the objection that <quote_>"there is 
G35 158 too much about Germany on the market at present."<quote/><p/>
G35 159 <p_>The prospects for the book looked even less promising two weeks 
G35 160 later, when Stafford found herself in the hospital, with a crushed 
G35 161 nose, a broken cheekbone, and a skull fractured in several places. 
G35 162 Ogden urged her to give <quote_>"no further thought to that novel 
G35 163 of yours until relaxation has taken every last kink out of your 
G35 164 cranium,"<quote/> but relaxation didn't seem to be what Stafford 
G35 165 wanted - and it certainly wasn't what she got. After spending 
G35 166 roughly a month in the hospital, she had to return twice in the 
G35 167 spring for harrowing surgery on her nose. Her <}_><-|> convalesence 
G35 168 <+|> convalescence <}/> was extremely uncomfortable (along with 
G35 169 nose troubles and difficulty breathing, she was plagued by 
G35 170 headaches). And it was lonely, though she didn't go straight back 
G35 171 to her Concord room. She was welcomed first by the Ogdens, with 
G35 172 whom she had become friendly; then an acquaintance put her in touch 
G35 173 with a wealthy Milton, Massachusetts, family, who took her in. 
G35 174 Still, she felt bereft of close companions and was apparently 
G35 175 finding solace in solitary drinking. By the summer, she admitted, 
G35 176 however jokingly, to some concern: <quote_>"I have taken the veil 
G35 177 and at the moment do not think I will become alchoholic 
G35 178 [sic],"<quote/> she wrote to Hightower.<p/>
G35 179 <p_>Meanwhile, the negotiations with Lowell, not to speak of those 
G35 180 with his parents, were far from smooth. Once again, Stafford's 
G35 181 relationship with a man was radically unstable. His pursuit 
G35 182 apparently continued to be unnervingly intense; he tracked her down 
G35 183 at a friend's apartment near dawn during a visit she made to New 
G35 184 York that spring. She in turn continued to be thoroughly 
G35 185 unpredictable, now eager to see him, now ready to denounce him. 
G35 186 After welcoming Lowell's company in New York, she anticipated his 
G35 187 return to Boston for Easter vacation with trepidation. It seems 
G35 188 that another trip to New York, during which she had seen Ford Madox 
G35 189 Ford and his wife, had revived her fears. In a note to the Ogdens, 
G35 190 she reported only half facetiously that the Fords, 
G35 191 <quote_>"convinced that Cal Lowell is really pathological and 
G35 192 capable of murder, told me such horrible things about him that I am 
G35 193 thinking of pressing Stitch [Evarts, her lawyer] into service to 
G35 194 get out an injunction against him. He is due to arrive next week. I 
G35 195 may have to find a hiding place."<quote/> but she didn't, and when 
G35 196 he arrived Lowell seemed <quote_>"completely 
G35 197 metamorphosed,"<quote/> she said later. They enjoyed a genteel time 
G35 198 visiting his elegant relatives, and by the time Lowell returned to 
G35 199 Kenyon to finish the spring term, they were engaged, though 
G35 200 Stafford kept the betrothal a secret.<p/>
G35 201 
G35 202 
G36   1 <#FROWN:G36\><h_><p_>MIDDLE OF THE JOURNEY<p/>
G36   2 <p_>On Trial with Ernest<p/><h/>
G36   3 <p_>THROUGHOUT THE MID-1930s, Archibald MacLeish continued to 
G36   4 produce quantities of copy for the columns of <tf|>Fortune. As a 
G36   5 result of his eminence and his sympathy with the New Deal, he 
G36   6 covered the government beat in Washington, turning out stories on 
G36   7 inflation, taxation, the NRA (National Recovery Act), and social 
G36   8 security. But he was also dispatched on special assignment to 
G36   9 destinations far more distant than Washington, D.C. He did farming 
G36  10 stories in Iowa and Montana, and he journeyed to three different 
G36  11 continents - Europe, Asia, and South America - for Luce's magazine. 
G36  12 Despite these frequent trips, during this period MacLeish 
G36  13 solidified his family relationships and reached new, and sometimes 
G36  14 bitter, levels of understanding about his friendships.<p/>
G36  15 <p_>On a trip to England and France in the spring of 1933, he 
G36  16 combined his journalistic duties for <tf|>Fortune with a voyage 
G36  17 around the Mediterranean on the Murphys' new hundred-foot schooner, 
G36  18 <tf|>Weatherbird. In England he was doing research for a story on 
G36  19 Harry Selfridge, the American-born <quote_>"merchant prince of 
G36  20 Oxford Street."<quote/> One Sunday he saw much of the English isle 
G36  21 when <quote_>"young bucko Selfridge"<quote/> hoisted him into the 
G36  22 sky in the rumble seat of his Puss Moth for a morning trip to 
G36  23 Cambridge, a teatime visit in the west counties, and back to London 
G36  24 for the evening. <quote_>"Imagine any other country calling a 
G36  25 [flying] machine a Puss Moth,"<quote/> he wrote Hemingway. He 
G36  26 escaped to Paris on the day before Good Friday, accompanied by a 
G36  27 mob of English tourists munching on buns <quote_>"so as not to have 
G36  28 to eat that horrible French food."<quote/> Aboard the 
G36  29 <tf|>Weatherbird there wasn't much to do, but the company and the 
G36  30 food were fine, and he and Ada came back rested.<p/>
G36  31 <p_>No sooner had they returned to the States than a wire arrived 
G36  32 from Hemingway, who was outraged by Max Eastman's <tf_>New 
G36  33 Republic<tf/> review of his book on bullfighting, <tf_>Death in the 
G36  34 Afternoon<tf/>. <quote_>"Bull in the Afternoon,"<quote/> the review 
G36  35 was called, and that was bad enough. What most troubled Hemingway, 
G36  36 though, were Eastman's slurs against his manhood. Hemingway wore 
G36  37 <quote_>"false hair"<quote/> on his literary chest, Eastman wrote. 
G36  38 <quote_>"It is of course a commonplace that Hemingway lacks the 
G36  39 serene confidence that he <tf|>is a full-sized man,"<quote/> he 
G36  40 added. Delighted to serve as his friend's paladin, Archie 
G36  41 immediately wrote Bruce Bliven, editor of the <tf_>New 
G36  42 Republic<tf/>, objecting to the scurrilous remarks. In fact it 
G36  43 <tf|>was <quote_>"a commonplace"<quote/> among <quote_>"the young 
G36  44 sensitives"<quote/> who envied Hemingway his accomplishment to 
G36  45 impugn his masculinity, MacLeish pointed out. His letter set out to 
G36  46 correct this slander. He had thrice seen Hemingway in danger, 
G36  47 Archie wrote, <quote_>"once at sea, once in the mountains and once 
G36  48 on a Spanish street."<quote/> He had also seen others in similar 
G36  49 positions during the war. But no one had ever impressed him 
G36  50 <quote_>"as strongly as has Mr. Hemingway with his complete 
G36  51 confidence in his own courage, nor has any other man more 
G36  52 completely justified that confidence in the event."<quote/> As for 
G36  53 the issue of virility, he could only refer Mr. Eastman to the birth 
G36  54 records of Paris and Kansas City.<p/>
G36  55 <p_>Bliven declined to print the letter. Instead he showed it to 
G36  56 Eastman, who wrote Archie in return that he had intended nothing of 
G36  57 the sort, please believe him. Nor would Bliven publish a 
G36  58 three-sentence counter<?_>-<?/>attack from Hemingway himself. He 
G36  59 was <quote_>"through with politeness in letters,"<quote/> a 
G36  60 frustrated Archie wrote John Bishop. <quote_>"Hereafter I am going 
G36  61 to hit where and when I can and take whatever they have to send 
G36  62 back."<quote/> At the same time, he assured Hemingway that no one 
G36  63 but Ada knew of Ernest's cable and no one ever would as far as he 
G36  64 was concerned. Besides, he would have written to object to 
G36  65 Eastman's foul, filthy article without Hemingway's wire. There the 
G36  66 matter rested until, four years later, Hemingway and Eastman met 
G36  67 unexpectedly in Max Perkin's office at Scribners and engaged in a 
G36  68 brief, inconsequential wrestling match.<p/>
G36  69 <p_>Although his attempt at championing Ernest's cause hadn't 
G36  70 worked out, Hemingway was moved to remember Archie's kindness to 
G36  71 him over the years: coming out to Billings to visit him after he'd 
G36  72 broken his arm, for example, and keeping his <quote_>"god damned 
G36  73 head working"<quote/> during the Paris winter of 1926-27, when he 
G36  74 was leaving Hadley for Pauline. <tf_>Winner Take Nothing<tf/>, his 
G36  75 next book of stories, published in October, was dedicated to 
G36  76 <quote_>"A. MacLeish."<quote/> The ambiguity was deliberate. When 
G36  77 Archie thanked him for the dedication, Ernest said, <quote_>"What 
G36  78 makes you think you're A. MacLeish?"<quote/> By not spelling it 
G36  79 out, Hemingway managed to acknowledge a debt to Ada as well as to 
G36  80 Archie.<p/>
G36  81 <p_>Besides inviting a response to the Eastman 'false hair' review, 
G36  82 Ernest asked another favor of Archie in the summer of 1933. Jane 
G36  83 Mason, the beautiful and sexually adventurous young wife of Grant 
G36  84 Mason, Pan Am's man in Havana, landed in Doctors Hospital, New 
G36  85 York, and Ernest - who was almost certainly her lover - asked 
G36  86 MacLeish to visit her there. Jane's hospitalization was a 
G36  87 consequence of not one but two accidents. In the first of these, 
G36  88 she drove her Packard down a forty-foot embankment to avoid an 
G36  89 oncoming bus. A few days later, she jumped off the second-story 
G36  90 balcony of her home in Cuba and broke her back. Her husband chose 
G36  91 to regard this as a grandstand play for sympathy, and shipped her 
G36  92 off alone for recuperation and psychiatric treatment in New York. 
G36  93 Hemingway, who regarded Grant Mason as <quote_>"Husbandus 
G36  94 Americanus Yalemaniensus Twirpi Ciego,"<quote/> was more 
G36  95 sympathetic to Jane's plight. She had had the bad luck to marry the 
G36  96 wrong husband, he wrote Archie, and it was <quote_>"no fun to break 
G36  97 your bloody back at 25."<quote/> At the same time, 
G36  98 characteristically, Ernest could be cruel about her situation. He'd 
G36  99 tried to write a story, he said, that began, <quote_>"Every spring 
G36 100 Mrs. M. wanted to marry someone else but in the spring of 1933 she 
G36 101 broke her back."<quote/> She had done herself this injury, it was 
G36 102 widely thought in Havana, out of her despairing love for Ernest. 
G36 103 How much of this Archie knew is unclear, but he had already visited 
G36 104 Jane in the hospital at Ernest's request once before, when she came 
G36 105 to New York for a minor operation in May 1932. So he of course went 
G36 106 to see her again in 1933, and this time stayed long enough to 
G36 107 become friends. Or at least they were on good enough terms so that 
G36 108 when they met in London two years later, she tried to arrange a 
G36 109 private interview for Archie, who was writing a <tf|>Fortune 
G36 110 article on King George V, with the Prince of Wales. She was by this 
G36 111 time something of a celebrated international beauty, one who had 
G36 112 just been on safari in Africa <quote_>"with 14 men"<quote/> and in 
G36 113 England was bidden to dine with the prince (who would before long 
G36 114 give up his claim to the throne by marrying another previously wed 
G36 115 American woman).<p/>
G36 116 <p_>Apparently, when she got back to Cuba from these adventures, 
G36 117 Jane told Hemingway that his friend MacLeish had made a pass at 
G36 118 her, though she had only <quote_>"sisterly feelings"<quote/> toward 
G36 119 him. Those were the only kind of feelings she was invited to have, 
G36 120 Archie wrote Ernest early in 1936. Her remark had <quote_>"a damned 
G36 121 unpleasant connotation,"<quote/> and Archie <quote_>"resented the 
G36 122 hell out of it."<quote/> Jane Mason, he said by way of summing up, 
G36 123 <quote_>"was the only person that I can think of offhand who does 
G36 124 what she does, and the only one who has done what is to date the 
G36 125 most considerable injury anyone has done me: the effective 
G36 126 destruction of one of the few human relationships I ever gave a 
G36 127 deep damn about."<quote/> Hemingway was now disillusioned about 
G36 128 Jane also. <quote_>"As for your sisterhood pal she is a bitch say 
G36 129 i<&|>sic! and am documented,"<quote/> he replied. It seems clear 
G36 130 that Jane Mason's physical attractions and fickle ways helped to 
G36 131 break down the Hemingway-MacLeish friendship.<p/>
G36 132 <p_>This relationship followed a pattern in the 1930s. Ernest would 
G36 133 eagerly encourage Archie to join him at Key West. Usually Archie 
G36 134 could not take the time, and when he did, he wished he hadn't. This 
G36 135 was the case during their Dry Tortugas journey in 1932, and again 
G36 136 in May 1934. On the latter occasion they were fishing on the Gulf 
G36 137 Stream, and MacLeish hooked a sailfish. Hemingway had warned him in 
G36 138 advance to give the sailfish plenty of slack, since striking too 
G36 139 soon might jerk the bait out of his jaws. But Archie, seasick in 
G36 140 the rough weather and excited at the sight of the sailfish leaping, 
G36 141 could not resist the temptation to strike. According to Arnold 
G36 142 Samuelson, a young would-be writer who went along on that trip, 
G36 143 Ernest shouted a series of commands to accompany this episode. 
G36 144 <quote_>"Don't strike until I tell you. There! He hit it! Slack to 
G36 145 him! <tf_>Slack to him!!!<tf/> Shit! Why the hell didn't you slack 
G36 146 to him?"<quote/> Once again, as during the episode of the fire in 
G36 147 1932, Archie had not lived up to Ernest's expectations under the 
G36 148 pressure of action. In the aftermath of this visit, Hemingway wrote 
G36 149 Waldo Peirce that from this point on he was only going to like the 
G36 150 people he liked, not the bastards who liked him.<p/>
G36 151 <p_>Archie went away stung by Ernest's criticism, yet soon was 
G36 152 prepared, <quote_>"sullen resentful Scot"<quote/> though he was, to 
G36 153 forget the insult and resume the friendship. In July 1934 he wrote 
G36 154 Ernest that he'd been asked to do an article on him by Henry Seidel 
G36 155 Canby at the <tf_>Saturday Review<tf/>. Go ahead, Ernest wrote 
G36 156 back. <quote_>"If you don't he will get somebody that no likum 
G36 157 dog."<quote/> But stick to the work and lay off his person, 
G36 158 Hemingway advised. He wasn't interested in reading about his family 
G36 159 or his religion, his war experiences or his high school sports 
G36 160 career. In the end MacLeish decided not to do the article. 
G36 161 <quote_>"I knew Ernest well enough to know that anything I wrote 
G36 162 about him would be wrong."<quote/> The aborted connection with the 
G36 163 <tf_>Saturday Review<tf/> proved to be fortunate, however. In June 
G36 164 1935 the magazine was considering an article on Hemingway by the 
G36 165 psychiatrist who had treated Jane Mason. MacLeish heard about this, 
G36 166 got hold of a copy, found it to be <quote_>"just shit,"<quote/> and 
G36 167 persuaded the editors not to run it. Alerting Hemingway to these 
G36 168 events, Archie added that he hoped Ernest wouldn't think he'd been 
G36 169 <quote_>"interfering again,"<quote/> as in the <tf_>New 
G36 170 Republic<tf/> fiasco. By now Hemingway was again urging MacLeish to 
G36 171 join him on the Gulf Stream, this time at Bimini, where beautiful 
G36 172 women, exotic food and drink, and gigantic fish awaited him. Then 
G36 173 he inserted a jocular dig at Archie's recent contacts with the 
G36 174 left. <quote_>"Shit Mac you must come down and get to know the 
G36 175 individual as well as the Masses and the Classes."<quote/><p/>
G36 176 <p_>In the course of their friendship, Hemingway repeatedly found 
G36 177 MacLeish unworthy in one way or another, and lashed out at him as a 
G36 178 consequence. Wounded by these outbursts, Archie was still inclined 
G36 179 to forgive them, especially since Ernest himself usually felt 
G36 180 contrite before long. But it was an uncomfortable role Archie was 
G36 181 asked to play - that of a man seven years Hemingway's senior 
G36 182 constantly in the dock as the younger man passed judgment - and 
G36 183 eventually he declined the part. Another complication was that the 
G36 184 two were forever engaged in a competitive contest of one sort or 
G36 185 another, physical or mental or artistic. On one of Ernest's visits 
G36 186 to New York, Bob and Adele Lovett took him and Archie to the 
G36 187 recently opened Radio City Music Hall. Before the show, Ernest 
G36 188 pulled up his shirt, displayed his stomach muscles, and dared 
G36 189 Archie to punch him in the stomach. Archie did so, not terribly 
G36 190 hard. Then MacLeish said, <quote_>"Well, that's not so good. Look 
G36 191 at my stomach,"<quote/> which was always very flat and hard. There 
G36 192 they were, two of the prominent American writers of the century, 
G36 193 competitively displaying their abdominal musculature in the lobby 
G36 194 of Radio City Music Hall.<p/>
G36 195 <p_>Adele Lovett's interest in literature led her to a close 
G36 196 friendship with yet another American writer.
G36 197 
G37   1 <#FROWN:G37\>Morrison may well have struck her as the ultimate 
G37   2 catch. Writers of the sixties outdid themselves attempting to 
G37   3 capture his sensuality. Biographers noted that in black leather he 
G37   4 <quote_>"looked like a naked body dipped in India ink."<quote/> 
G37   5 Journalists referred to him as a <quote_>"surf-born 
G37   6 Dionysus"<quote/> and a <quote_>"hippie Adonis."<quote/> Rock 
G37   7 critic Lillian Roxon wrote adulatingly, <quote_>"The Doors are 
G37   8 unendurable pleasure prolonged."<quote/> Richard Goldstein lionized 
G37   9 him as <quote_>"a sexual shaman"<quote/> and a <quote_>"street punk 
G37  10 gone to heaven and reincarnated as a choir boy."<quote/><p/>
G37  11 <p_>Describing a typical Jim Morrison sexual encounter - this one 
G37  12 at the Alta Cienega Motel in West Hollywood - his biographers Jerry 
G37  13 Hopkins and Danny Sugerman revealed that he first elicited the 
G37  14 girl's life story and then <quote|>"butt-fucked" her. If Morrison 
G37  15 got as far as Janis's life story that night in her bedroom, he 
G37  16 learned that they had much in common. Jim wanted to be a writer, 
G37  17 and Janis, too, intended to write a book, according to Sam. They 
G37  18 were both avid readers and both had been Venice, California, 
G37  19 beatniks because of <tf_>On the Road<tf/>. Both read Nietzsche, 
G37  20 Ferlinghetti, McClure, and Corso, and if Janis wasn't an expert on 
G37  21 Plutarch, Baudelaire, and Norman O. Brown that Jim was, she could 
G37  22 readily discuss Gurdjieff, Wilfried Owen, and F. Scott Fitzgerald, 
G37  23 not to mention <tf_>The Sensuous Woman<tf/>.<p/>
G37  24 <p_>Jim and Janis remained cloistered in her room for hours, while 
G37  25 Sam, Dave Richards, and Pam waited just outside the door. Says 
G37  26 Dave, <quote_>"Finally, I said to Pam, 'You know, if you're waiting 
G37  27 for him to come out of there, he's probably not going to be out of 
G37  28 there until tomorrow. He's not coming out.'<p/>
G37  29 <p_>"'Oh, yes he will!' she said.<p/>
G37  30 <p_>"She was pretty young. 'No,' I said. 'He's not coming out.' Sam 
G37  31 and I had ulterior motives, anyway. Finally, she got really mad, 
G37  32 and she said, 'Call a cab.' I called a cab and later, as I was 
G37  33 walking her down to the street, I opened the door of the cab for 
G37  34 her and she got in and Sam went in right past me, pulled the door 
G37  35 shut, and the cab went off with both of them in it. I told Sam 
G37  36 later, 'You son of a bitch!' He said, 'You got to be quick.' Sam 
G37  37 slithered right in there. Sam had this myth in his mind about the 
G37  38 equipment men: 'Goddamn, you guys get all the women because you 
G37  39 always get to town first.' Since he was a star and making more 
G37  40 money than us, he'd invested the oppressed workers with great 
G37  41 sexual prowess. That's what was in his head."<quote/><p/>
G37  42 <p_>Sam confirms Dave's account, saying, <quote_>"Yes, it's true. 
G37  43 The equipment men arrive first at a gig and get all the girls. At 
G37  44 last, with Pam, I could challenge the typical proletarian myth 
G37  45 about the potency of the working class."<quote/><p/>
G37  46 <p_>Sometime after Janis's night with Morrison, she told her friend 
G37  47 Henry Carr, <quote_>"I don't like Jim Morrison. He was okay in bed, 
G37  48 but when we got up the next morning, he asked for a shot of sloe 
G37  49 gin."<quote/> By Janis's standards, sloe gin was a sissy drink.<p/>
G37  50 <p_>Pamela Courson, though hurt when Jim slept around, went along 
G37  51 with the Lizard King's peccadillos. Given her choice, Pam would 
G37  52 have preferred a 'more traditional' relationship. She was living 
G37  53 with Jim at this time at 1812 Rothdell Trail in LA's Laurel Canyon 
G37  54 and they were already playing the dangerous games that would 
G37  55 eventually kill them both, drugging, scaring each other with 
G37  56 spiders and black magic, getting high on acid, and driving down 
G37  57 Mulholland with their eyes closed.<p/>
G37  58 <p_>Around the time that Jim was sleeping with Janis, Pamela got 
G37  59 even by making it with handsome young actors such as John Phillip 
G37  60 Law and Tom Baker. Later, Tom Baker fell in with Andy Warhol's 
G37  61 crowd in New York and starred in <tf_>I, a Man<tf/>, one of 
G37  62 Warhol's pornographic epics. Ironically, when Pam broke off with 
G37  63 Baker and went back to Morrison, the two men became close friends 
G37  64 and drinking buddies, and Baker became one of Janis's lovers. He 
G37  65 lived at the Casa Real near the Chateau Marmont with two other 
G37  66 young men, and the three of them became known as <quote_>"the boys 
G37  67 who fuck famous women."<quote/><p/>
G37  68 <p_>Baker, who'd appeared nude in the Warhol film, told Morrison he 
G37  69 was nothing but a <quote_>"prick tease"<quote/> and challenged him 
G37  70 to <quote_>"let it all hand out"<quote/> at a rock concert. 
G37  71 Eventually, Morrison did exactly that, in Miami, and the resultant 
G37  72 legal complications drove him to a nervous breakdown. Baker perhaps 
G37  73 also goaded Janis to some of the extremes, including exposure, that 
G37  74 came to typify her later concerts.<p/>
G37  75 <p_>One day in late June, shortly after Monterey Pop, Janis was 
G37  76 scheduled to sing in Golden Gate Park as part of the summer 
G37  77 solstice be-in. It was a perfect San Francisco day, mild and sunny, 
G37  78 and she decided to take her dog George out walking before the 
G37  79 concert. Janis and Sunshine were very close at this time, so she 
G37  80 picked up Sunshine and '<tf|>sashayed' through Haight-Ashbury, 
G37  81 stopping at a liquor store to buy some Ripple. They ran into 
G37  82 Freewheelin' Frank and he joined them on their stroll to the 
G37  83 park.<p/>
G37  84 <p_>At the end of Haight, they crossed Stanyan and entered the 
G37  85 cavernous, shadowy park. At Hippie Hill, they came out into the 
G37  86 sunshine again and then headed on into the deeper recesses of the 
G37  87 park. Janis and Big Brother performed that day from the back of a 
G37  88 flatbed truck, and Quicksilver Messenger Service and the Grateful 
G37  89 Dead also played, using equipment that had been borrowed from 
G37  90 Monterey Pop. Nimble as a panther, Jimi Hendrix scrambled up on the 
G37  91 back of Big Brother's sound truck and started snapping pictures 
G37  92 with his Instamatic camera. As Janis sang from the flatbed, someone 
G37  93 leaned over the edge of the platform and passed out 
G37  94 <}_><-|>marijauna<+|>marijuana<}/> joints to everybody present.<p/>
G37  95 <p_>At these great 1960s celebrations of life and love, she was as 
G37  96 close as she'd ever be to perfect happiness. After the performance, 
G37  97 she was too elated to go home and spent the rest of the day 
G37  98 loitering in front of a big 1940s car, smoking a fat cigar and 
G37  99 taking swigs of booze straight from the bottle. The next day, she 
G37 100 was exhausted, confused, and drinking more than ever. Her friends 
G37 101 feared the excitement of her career breakthrough at Monterey would 
G37 102 prove to be more than she could handle. When Peggy offered her the 
G37 103 use of her house in Stinson Beach, Janis left for a few days' 
G37 104 rest.<p/>
G37 105 <p_>She went barhopping around Marin County the first day of her 
G37 106 vacation and well into the evening. Coming home drunk that night, 
G37 107 she nearly crashed her car through the front gate. The next day, 
G37 108 she was sunbathing nude on the deck when Peggy arrived 
G37 109 unexpectedly. Undressing, Peggy joined her, and soon they were 
G37 110 massaging each other's breasts with suntan oil. Janis commented on 
G37 111 the stupendous proportions of Peggy's breasts, revealing an 
G37 112 insecurity about the size of her own. She very likely found the 
G37 113 reassurance she needed in the passionate love they made that day in 
G37 114 the open air, completely indifferent to gawking neighbors. Kim 
G37 115 somehow learned of their escapade and, on the following weekend, 
G37 116 she confronted Peggy, asking her point-blank whether she was 
G37 117 sleeping with Janis. Peggy admitted she was.<p/>
G37 118 <p_>Although Kim denies being jealous, she says that she assaulted 
G37 119 Peggy, breaking her nose. <quote_>"Peggy and I used to fight like 
G37 120 cats and dogs,"<quote/> she says. <quote_>"I took the aerial off 
G37 121 the Shelby on Van Ness Street one time and ran after her with it, 
G37 122 beating on her car. She made me mad many times. I put my fist 
G37 123 through many windows. I threw stereo stuff out of second-story 
G37 124 apartment windows."<quote/><p/>
G37 125 <p_><quote_>"Was it over her running around with Janis?"<quote/> I 
G37 126 ask.<p/>
G37 127 <p_><quote_>"No, no. I was never jealous of Janis. I was tired of 
G37 128 Peggy's obsessive ways, but there wasn't much I could do about it. 
G37 129 I was strung out and we had everything together and I didn't know 
G37 130 any other life or business. We had our home, our business, our 
G37 131 dogs, our people, everything.<p/>
G37 132 <p_>"We were out at Stinson one night, and I guess we didn't have 
G37 133 enough dope, or she wouldn't have been on the rag. We had a little 
G37 134 bit, but she started nagging one afternoon."<quote/> Tired of 
G37 135 fighting with Peggy, Kim tried to make peace by keeping the 
G37 136 conversation positive and pleasant. She was determined that nothing 
G37 137 Peggy said would <quote_>"push her buttons"<quote/> and make her 
G37 138 react. Peggy <quote_>"ranted and raved, picked, and bitched for 
G37 139 fourteen hours,"<quote/> Kim says, but Kim maintained total 
G37 140 silence, refraining even from facial expressions. They fell asleep 
G37 141 for a while and when they woke up, Kim said it was time to return 
G37 142 to the city. On the way back in the Porsche, they took the winding, 
G37 143 narrow road over Mt. Tamalpais. Kim admits, <quote_>"I'm not a slow 
G37 144 driver,"<quote/> and when they got to a curve and Peggy told her to 
G37 145 slow down, Kim <quote_>"Just kind of snapped."<quote/><p/>
G37 146 <p_><quote_>"I had my right hand on the wheel,"<quote/> she 
G37 147 recalls, <quote_>"and I reached over with my left and went 
G37 148 <tf_>Thunk! Pow!<tf/> right into her cheek and it broke her nose. 
G37 149 She was so mad. I didn't say anything. I drove her directly fifteen 
G37 150 minutes from there to the Marin General Hospital and waited for 
G37 151 her, and she was still ranting and raving to the doctor. She was 
G37 152 just on a trip, but she really had a case now because she had to 
G37 153 wear this great big <tf|>X on her face, a big adhesive white <tf|>X 
G37 154 right across her nose up to her forehead and down her cheek, and if 
G37 155 she didn't look a sight!<quote/><p/>
G37 156 <p_>Peggy took revenge by carrying on her affair with Janis more 
G37 157 brazenly than ever. Lying to Kim, Peggy would tell her she was 
G37 158 going on a buying trip for the boutique, but she and Janis would 
G37 159 meet at a hotel or Janis's apartment. They made love so feverishly 
G37 160 that they forgot to take breaks for meals or sleep and became 
G37 161 dizzy. Some of these sessions took place in dirty hotel rooms they 
G37 162 rented for as little as ten dollars a night.<p/>
G37 163 <p_>Peggy stated in her book that when she and Kim made love, the 
G37 164 experience was somehow more definite - akin to a man-woman 
G37 165 relationship. With Janis, it was more like the secret lesbian 
G37 166 garden that Joan Baez described, something only two women could 
G37 167 know. Though there was more physical attraction with Kim, Janis was 
G37 168 just as essential in Peggy's emotional life.<p/>
G37 169 <p_>Though Janis put considerable pressure on Peggy to leave Kim 
G37 170 and move in with her, Peggy declined, fearing that she'd become 
G37 171 another sycophant in Janis's entourage.<p/>
G37 172 <p_>One result of Janis's growing national fame was the reversal of 
G37 173 the Fillmore auditorium's long-standing policy against her. 
G37 174 Suddenly, after Monterey Pop, she was welcome in Bill Graham's 
G37 175 legendary rock palace. As a rule, Chet Helms discovered the talent 
G37 176 and Bill Graham exploited it, or, as Janis herself put it, Graham 
G37 177 sucked up to anyone who'd <quote_>"made it."<quote/> Her 
G37 178 relationship with Graham, a hotheaded ego<?_>-<?/>maniac, had 
G37 179 always been tempestuous. From the start, Graham had resented her 
G37 180 association with Chet, his archrival at the Avalon Ballroom. Chet 
G37 181 and Bill had started out together, producing dances at the Fillmore 
G37 182 on alternate weekends. The partnership flourished, giving San 
G37 183 Francisco good live entertainment for the first time since the 
G37 184 fifties heyday of the jazz and folk clubs.<p/>
G37 185 <p_>Graham had never heard of the Paul Butterfield Blues Band, who 
G37 186 were playing to empty clubs in Southern California when Chet and 
G37 187 his partner, John Carpenter, discovered them. They had to fight 
G37 188 with Bill to get Butterfield into the Fillmore, finally issuing an 
G37 189 ultimatum: <quote_>"It's our show. Let us do it."<quote/> Chet and 
G37 190 John then got on the phone to everyone they knew and hounded them 
G37 191 into coming to the Fillmore that weekend. Butterfield was a 
G37 192 smashing success, playing to some 7,500 people. When Graham saw the 
G37 193 record crowd, he woke up early the next morning and called Albert 
G37 194 Grossman in New York, buying all the potential bookings for the 
G37 195 next two years for the Butterfield Blues Band in California and 
G37 196 paying Albert a large lump sum.<p/>
G37 197 
G37 198 
G37 199 
G38   1 <#FROWN:G38\><h_><p_>GSTAAD: LATE JANUARY 1927<p/><h/>
G38   2 <p_>It was the year of the avalanches in the Arlberg and Voralberg, 
G38   3 but not at Gstaad where the slopes were more gentle and the 
G38   4 clientele more genteel. At Gstaad, Count Rupert and Princess 
G38   5 Estelle could enjoy the curling matches or cheer the slalom racers. 
G38   6 At Schruns there were no Counts or Princesses that year or before, 
G38   7 no tea dances, no horse shows on ice. In previous winters Schruns 
G38   8 was never news in the Paris papers. Now the reports were about 
G38   9 nameless Englishmen, dying under tons of loose snow. <quote_>"The 
G38  10 features of the victims are not distorted and therefore it is 
G38  11 supposed that they were soon suffocated without pain."<quote/> No 
G38  12 one was suffocating at Gstaad except from being overly polite to 
G38  13 strangers.<p/>
G38  14 <p_>First at the Alpine with Archie and Ada, now at the Hotel 
G38  15 Rossli with Pauline and Jinny, he was trying to make it work as it 
G38  16 did before. In winter they always went to the mountains, skiing by 
G38  17 day and reading books at night under goose-down comforters. In the 
G38  18 mountains of 1922, '25, and '26 he did not need to shave, and his 
G38  19 hair was long, almost down to his unstarched collar. This year his 
G38  20 hair was trimmed; his winter beard reduced to a stylish mustache. 
G38  21 In newly tailored trousers with a white sweater that matched 
G38  22 Pauline's, he looked lean and handsome among the winter trade. The 
G38  23 hundred days of erratic meals and insomniac nights had trimmed his 
G38  24 weight and deepened his eye sockets. No longer did he have that 
G38  25 <quote_>"fat, married look"<quote/> he once wrote about. In all the 
G38  26 pictures he is smiling broadly, sometimes with Pauline, sometimes 
G38  27 with Jinny. They are all smiling.<p/>
G38  28 <p_>During the separation, he was frequently with Jinny at her 
G38  29 Paris apartment or in a night caf<*_>e-acute<*/> where no one knew 
G38  30 them or dining with close friends who did. It was Jinny who sent 
G38  31 Pauline his telegrams in French, and Jinny who interpreted 
G38  32 Pauline's replies. Younger than Pauline, Jinny was attractive 
G38  33 without being beautiful, quick-witted, sensitive in her 
G38  34 observations, and drawn by preference to women. Ernest, for whom 
G38  35 lesbians were a dark attraction, felt comfortable with Jinny's 
G38  36 presence and appreciated her wry humor. Living with two women and 
G38  37 sleeping with one was like old times in the mountains. At the same 
G38  38 time, less than 300 kilometers away in the snows of Savoie, Hadley 
G38  39 was sharing Paul Mowrer with his wife, Winifred. Her New Year's 
G38  40 greetings enclosed an ancient, uncashed five-dollar check sent by 
G38  41 Ernest's parents at Bumby's birth, which Hadley discovered in the 
G38  42 back of her trust account book. Now that the divorce mill was 
G38  43 grinding out their severance, Hadley in her letters was once again 
G38  44 his Cat, his Catherine, who did not let him forget their once 
G38  45 shared life.<p/>
G38  46 <p_>But Gstaad was not Schruns, and the old life was disappearing 
G38  47 quickly. Ernest and Pauline were no longer conspirators hiding 
G38  48 their passion. Now they were merely two lovers with a sister on 
G38  49 their way to a marriage as soon as his divorce was final. It was 
G38  50 also clear that Pauline was a good deal more organized and less 
G38  51 dependent than Hadley on Ernest's lead. Whereas Ernest tended 
G38  52 towards tactics, Pauline relied on strategy. He was at his best in 
G38  53 an emergency, quick to read the situation and respond; she was 
G38  54 better at anticipating the crisis and at long-range planning. With 
G38  55 no way to know it in advance, Ernest Hemingway had found, among all 
G38  56 the available women in Paris, not the prettiest nor the richest, 
G38  57 but the one best suited to his situation. With his career about to 
G38  58 burgeon, he no longer needed a devoted Hadley leaning heavily upon 
G38  59 his lead. What he needed now was a wife to help manage his career, 
G38  60 a woman who could make decisions and take care of herself; a woman 
G38  61 like Pauline Pfeiffer, who was already thinking about where they 
G38  62 would live in Paris and how they would get married. At 
G38  63 twenty-seven, Hemingway was about to wed a woman with an adequate 
G38  64 trust fund and access to more money when needed, an independent, 
G38  65 older woman who, after living eleven years on her own, was willing 
G38  66 to quit her career to be his wife.<p/>
G38  67 <p_>Pauline, better schooled than Hadley and a more critical 
G38  68 reader, was to become a silent partner in Hemingway's literary 
G38  69 career, the possibilities for which were multiplying daily. He had 
G38  70 three stories soon to appear in <tf_>Scribner's Magazine<tf/> and 
G38  71 what was quickly becoming a best-selling novel in the bookstores. 
G38  72 The publicity generated by <tf_>The Sun Also Rises<tf/> was 
G38  73 bringing him new offers with almost every mail delivery. There were 
G38  74 foreign rights to be negotiated and translators to be selected. 
G38  75 James Joyce recommended Hemingway to his German publishers and two 
G38  76 French firms were also interested. Eug<*_>e-acute<*/>ne Jolas 
G38  77 wanted him to do an essay on Gertrude Stein for the first issue of 
G38  78 <tf|>Transition, and Ezra was still harassing him to revise 'An 
G38  79 Alpine Idyll' for <tf|>Exile. The <tf_>New Yorker<tf/> accepted his 
G38  80 humorous 'How I Broke With John Wilkes Booth,' and wanted more 
G38  81 material. Even <tf_>Vanity Fair<tf/>, after turning down one of his 
G38  82 early stories, was now asking for his work. Sure that Hemingway 
G38  83 would <quote_>"get so rich in a year or two that you will look like 
G38  84 Henry Mencken,"<quote/> the magazine wanted to help him reach that 
G38  85 pinnacle if he would only send them two or three stories about 
G38  86 anything <quote_>"except abortion and allied subjects."<quote/> 
G38  87 Hemingway wrote his next three stories about alcoholism, 
G38  88 homosexuality, and abortion.<p/>
G38  89 <p_>In New York, sales of <tf_>The Sun Also Rises<tf/> were 
G38  90 exceeding Scribner's expectations for a first novel and making Max 
G38  91 Perkins look very good around the office. Already he was asking 
G38  92 Hemingway about his next book of stories, a book that Pound 
G38  93 strongly advised against. <quote_>"You will do no such GOD DAMND 
G38  94 thing. You will publish ANOTHER NOVEL next, and <tf|>after, and NOT 
G38  95 UNTIL THAT you will make them pub. sht. stories. Wotter yer think 
G38  96 yer are, a bloomink DILLYtanty?"<quote/> Whatever currency Ezra's 
G38  97 advice once held for Hemingway it had lost through distance and 
G38  98 lack of perspective. Having marked and remarked on almost every 
G38  99 writer in Hemingway's generation, Ezra was growing gradually out of 
G38 100 touch in fascist Italy. Hemingway, who grew up respecting 
G38 101 middle-American hard-earned money and who never in his life 
G38 102 intended to be poor, was trying to perfect a style that satisfied 
G38 103 both his artistry and the general public.<p/>
G38 104 <p_>He still enjoyed Ezra's strange letters filled with curious 
G38 105 diction, but he no longer took his literary advice seriously or 
G38 106 made any concessions to Pound's new magazine. The more Ezra advised 
G38 107 him on the revision of 'An Alpine Idyll,' the more Hemingway tried 
G38 108 to sell it unrevised to another American magazine. In late January, 
G38 109 he instructed Max Perkins to send the much-traveled story to Alfred 
G38 110 Kreymbourg for his <tf_>American Caravan<tf/>. When Ezra asked for 
G38 111 a story that would not sell in America, Hemingway, who could have 
G38 112 given him the much-rejected 'Fifty Grand,' put him off, for Ezra 
G38 113 was his past, not his future. Pound thought that 'Alpine Idyll' was 
G38 114 wasted on <tf|>Caravan, <quote_>"but yr manipulation of the 
G38 115 external woild is so much superior to mine, that I hezzytate to 
G38 116 comment,"<quote/> he added. <quote_>"I trust yr contract dont 
G38 117 include turning over proceeds of ALL best sellers to your late 
G38 118 consort."<quote/><p/>
G38 119 <p_>Hadley, who was back in Paris tending to their divorce, was 
G38 120 about to become a modestly affluent woman from <tf_>The Sun Also 
G38 121 Rises<tf/>, which by the end of January was in its fourth printing, 
G38 122 having sold almost eleven thousand copies. <quote_>"It's perfectly 
G38 123 great...how that book of yours is going,"<quote/> Hadley told him, 
G38 124 <quote_>"and yours truly is prostrate with joy at the prospect of 
G38 125 such grand riches. Paul says he will let me know at what moment to 
G38 126 invest, which will <tf|>not be the present sez he."<quote/> In 
G38 127 Hadley's world, Ernest had clearly been replaced by Paul Mowrer, 
G38 128 which relieved some of Pauline's guilt while secretly galling him. 
G38 129 He was now dependent upon Pauline's money, while his own earned 
G38 130 royalties would be invested by the man who was apparently in love 
G38 131 with his not yet ex-wife.<p/>
G38 132 <p_>But, as Hadley made clear to Ernest, future royalties were not 
G38 133 going to pay for their present divorce. Upon her return from Savoie 
G38 134 with the Mowrers, she wrote Ernest that her lawyer, Burkhardt, 
G38 135 wanted the rest of his fee up front before the first stage of the 
G38 136 divorce was reached. Because the wife's lawyer should not receive 
G38 137 money directly from her husband, Hadley asked Ernest to send the 
G38 138 check to her to make the payment. She enclosed triplicate copies of 
G38 139 official papers for Hemingway to sign and return, which he promptly 
G38 140 did, enclosing a draft on his Paris account for 5,100 francs. On 27 
G38 141 January, Hadley received her official judgment for divorce giving 
G38 142 her custody of Bumby. The final decree, having still several final 
G38 143 steps to go through in the French court system, would not come 
G38 144 until sometime in March.<p/>
G38 145 <p_>Hadley enclosed several Christmas cards that had arrived for 
G38 146 them as a couple, and plenty of mail was being forwarded by 
G38 147 Hemingway's Paris bank. Some came from almost forgotten friends 
G38 148 like Frances Coates in Oak Park, who found the novel 
G38 149 heart-breaking. Lincoln Steffen's wife, Ella Winter, wrote that 
G38 150 after reading <tf_>The Sun Also Rises<tf/> she now understood what 
G38 151 Gertrude Stein was trying to say in <tf_>Composition as 
G38 152 Explanation<tf/>. <quote_>"You must have worked like hell at it, 
G38 153 and when one reads it, one feels you just stuck it down between 
G38 154 putting on your pants and your coat."<quote/> Even John Dos Passos 
G38 155 was having second thoughts about his negative review of the novel. 
G38 156 <quote_>"I've sworn off book reviewing,"<quote/> he joked. 
G38 157 <quote_>"It's a dirty habit....the funny thing about The Sun Also 
G38 158 is that in sections it isn't shitty. It's only in conjuncto that it 
G38 159 begins to smell. Of course it's perfectly conceivable that it's 
G38 160 really a swell book and that we're all of us balmy."<quote/> The 
G38 161 part that galled Dos most was Hemingway's <quote|>"rotten" tendency 
G38 162 to use his friends full-face in his fiction. <quote|>"Writers," he 
G38 163 said, <quote_>"are per se damn lousy bourgeois parasitic upperclass 
G38 164 shits and not to be written about unless they are your 
G38 165 enemies."<quote/> And out of the blue came a letter from Sinclair 
G38 166 Lewis, then the hottest literary property in America. <tf_>The Sun 
G38 167 Also Rises<tf/>, Lewis wrote, <quote_>"was one of the best books I 
G38 168 have ever read, and I want to have the privilege of sending my 
G38 169 great congratulations about it. I know of no other youngster...who 
G38 170 has a more superb chance to dominate Anglo-American letters. Jesus 
G38 171 you done a good book!"<quote/> In February, Lewis hoped to meet 
G38 172 Ernest in Paris.<p/>
G38 173 <p_>Guy Hickok, his old drinking and journalist buddy, wrote from 
G38 174 Paris that <tf_>The Sun Also Rises<tf/> was <quote_>"a swell 
G38 175 book.... Quite a feat to make drunks' talk sound as good to undrunk 
G38 176 readers as this does."<quote/> <quote_>"I hear,"<quote/> he said in 
G38 177 his next letter, <quote_>"there are one or two guys looking for you 
G38 178 with gats [guns]."<quote/> Hickok and two men Hemingway did not 
G38 179 know had been out to dinner with Hadley, whose <quote_>"maternal 
G38 180 duties"<quote/> began to prey upon her late in the evening. 
G38 181 <quote_>"I got all four of us into my two place Henriette and we 
G38 182 trembled off down the rue de Fleurus while Hadley, perched away up 
G38 183 near the roof on a couple of laps, sang little French songs which 
G38 184 she said the 'boys' brought back, but which I know were nicer than 
G38 185 anybody in the A.E.F. ever learned."<quote/> Hemingway read it 
G38 186 slowly, and knew exactly which songs they were and when she had 
G38 187 sung them to him. He did not blame Guy for feeling upset about 
G38 188 their divorce. <quote_>"Somebody looking for a degree,"<quote/> Guy 
G38 189 said, <quote_>"ought to trace the influence of whooping cough in 
G38 190 history."<quote/><p/>
G38 191 <p_>Not all the incoming mail was quite so friendly. In Paris, 
G38 192 Chard Powers Smith, a sometime acquaintance of Hemingway's during 
G38 193 his 1923 Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> du D<*_>o-circ<*/>me period, had 
G38 194 finally read <tf_>In Our Time<tf/>, in which parts of 'Mr. and Mrs. 
G38 195 Elliot' bore an uncanny resemblance to parts of his own marriage to 
G38 196 Olive MacDonald.
G38 197 
G38 198 
G39   1 <#FROWN:G39\>We respect the people who want to honor us and 
G39   2 certainly we respect the causes they support. If we were younger, 
G39   3 had more time, and were trying to make our way in the world, we 
G39   4 would go out more frequently and even joyously. I will let Cronkite 
G39   5 speak for us. I told him I was about to sail on an extended trip 
G39   6 around South America to gather material for a book and was afraid I 
G39   7 was going to be pestered. <quote_>"I know just how you feel, 
G39   8 Jim,"<quote/> Cronkite said. <quote_>"Four years ago I took that 
G39   9 trip and was scared to death I'd be pestered by everyone on board, 
G39  10 but Cunard officials assured me: 'We're accustomed to having 
G39  11 passengers sail with us who want to be left alone. We know how to 
G39  12 protect your privacy.' On the third night after our departure from 
G39  13 Miami, Betsy and I were sitting in a corner of the nearly empty 
G39  14 bar, and I suddenly asked: 'Betsy! When are they going to start 
G39  15 pestering me?'"<quote/> In that <foreign_>cri de coeur<foreign/> he 
G39  16 spoke for all of us.<p/>
G39  17 
G39  18 <h_><p_>VI<p/>
G39  19 <p_>Politics<p/><h/>
G39  20 <p_>MY INTRODUCTION to politics was so shameful that I bore the 
G39  21 scars for decades, but from it I learned a lesson of brotherhood 
G39  22 that would dominate my adult life. In the autumn of 1917, when I 
G39  23 was ten and in the grip of wartime hysteria focused against Germany 
G39  24 and the Kaiser, I took a pair of old shoes to the elderly cobbler 
G39  25 who had his shop a few doors from our home on North Main Street. 
G39  26 This area had always been called Germany because many of the 
G39  27 original settlers there had come from that country and their 
G39  28 descendants still spoke that language at home rather than English. 
G39  29 My shoemaker, of course, was German.<p/>
G39  30 <p_>When I handed him my shoes I saw to my astonishment something I 
G39  31 had not noticed before. On his wall, behind his lasts and knee-held 
G39  32 anvils hung a large chromolithograph of the Kaiser. As 
G39  33 <}_><-|>as<+|><}/> I stared at it over the old man's shoulder the 
G39  34 glare from the hooded eyes was so menacing, the set of the jaw so 
G39  35 cruel, that I was speechless, and fled the shop. I had seen the 
G39  36 enemy about whom the orators ranted and he was lurking in my 
G39  37 backyard.<p/>
G39  38 <p_>Hurrying home, I brooded over the menace I had seen, and that 
G39  39 night my worst fears were intensified, for our family went to the 
G39  40 park before the courthouse where a fine-looking young officer from 
G39  41 some British regiment spoke eloquently about the horrors of 
G39  42 fighting the Boche in Flanders and striving, with American aid, to 
G39  43 keep the Kaiser out of Paris.<p/>
G39  44 <p_>I did not sleep much that night, which I spent struggling 
G39  45 against the Kaiser, dodging his submarines and holding him back in 
G39  46 the trenches lest he storm Paris. I left my bed the next morning in 
G39  47 such a blaze of patriotic fervor that I marched to the cobbler's, 
G39  48 slammed my way into his workshop, and, ripping the traitorous 
G39  49 portrait from the wall, carried it out into the street and tore it 
G39  50 to bits before a small crowd that had gathered.<p/>
G39  51 <p_>I heard for the first time the heady sound of applause, and 
G39  52 there were admiring cries: <quote_>"He's a little hero, that 
G39  53 one!"<quote/> At the height of the celebration I looked past my 
G39  54 applauding neighbors to the doorway of the cobbler's shop, where 
G39  55 the old man who had so often befriended me looked on in confusion 
G39  56 and dismay.<p/>
G39  57 <p_>Someone in the crowd reported my patriotic deed to the local 
G39  58 newspaper, and I believe that the first time my name appeared in 
G39  59 print was as the local hero, ten years old, who had struck a blow 
G39  60 for the cause of the Allies and against the tyranny of the Hun. But 
G39  61 the praise I received was dampened by the look I had seen on the 
G39  62 old man's face as the poor cobbler watched his little world being 
G39  63 torn apart by a child.<p/>
G39  64 <p_>I was inducted into local politics in a manner almost as 
G39  65 dramatic. Our elegant rural county of Bucks, tucked in between 
G39  66 Philadelphia and New York, and one of the few counties in the 
G39  67 nation known widely by name, was staunchly Republican and was ruled 
G39  68 by a benevolent tyrant named Joe Grundy. He owned a profitable 
G39  69 manufacturing plant at the lower end of the county and had but one 
G39  70 ambition, to keep Bucks County totally Republican and the nation 
G39  71 safely in the hands of the G.O.P. In later years he became 
G39  72 president of the National Association of Manufacturers and a United 
G39  73 States senator, and he fused the two positions so completely that 
G39  74 no observer could discern whether he was acting as a senator or as 
G39  75 a manufacturer.<p/>
G39  76 <p_>He used to come up from his bastion in Bristol in a chauffeured 
G39  77 car wearing high-buttoned shoes and a grim smile to dictate the 
G39  78 governing of Doylestown, our county seat. He owned the local 
G39  79 newspaper, the <tf|>Intelligencer, and controlled its policies with 
G39  80 an inflexible conservatism which ensured that not even a whisper of 
G39  81 liberalism or pro-labor sentiment or salaciousness raise its ugly 
G39  82 head. One issue of his paper has gone down in history as a notable 
G39  83 example of his arch-Republicanism, for on the morning after a 
G39  84 crucial national election in 1940 the front page consisted of a 
G39  85 banner headline proclaiming that Bucks County had once more voted 
G39  86 Republican, while in an obscure bottom right box appeared a small 
G39  87 notice to the effect that some Democrat had won the presidency. Joe 
G39  88 Grundy played hardball and was so able that he kept our town and 
G39  89 county completely under his control.<p/>
G39  90 <p_>I first became aware of his power in the fall of 1916, when I 
G39  91 was nine years old and he was laboring desperately to keep 
G39  92 Pennsylvania in the Republican column in the great presidential 
G39  93 fight between the flabby Democratic incumbent, Woodrow Wilson, and 
G39  94 the stalwart Republican challenger, Charles Evans Hughes. My 
G39  95 family, obedient as always to the urgings of Joe Grundy, was 
G39  96 ardently Republican on the solid grounds voiced by my mother: 
G39  97 <quote_>"You can see that with that dignified beard Mr. Hughes 
G39  98 <tf|>looks like a president."<quote/> (In the next election she 
G39  99 would tell me: <quote_>"James, you can see that Warren Harding with 
G39 100 that handsome face and reserved manner <tf|>looks like a 
G39 101 president"<quote/> but in the election after that she made no 
G39 102 comment about her man Coolidge.)<p/>
G39 103 <p_>The election was hard fought and Grundy marshaled his forces 
G39 104 with wonderful skill so that on Tuesday night after heated 
G39 105 balloting we were overjoyed to hear that Hughes had won and, 
G39 106 following orders from Mr. Grundy's local henchmen, we traipsed into 
G39 107 the middle of town to cheer an impoverished Republican victory 
G39 108 parade, and I went to bed that night satisfied that with Charles 
G39 109 Evan Hughes in charge of the nation as a whole and Joe Grundy in 
G39 110 command locally, the republic was on an even keel.<p/>
G39 111 <p_>Of course, by midmorning on Wednesday we learned that a 
G39 112 disgracefully wrong vote in California had delivered the presidency 
G39 113 back into the hands of that pitiful man, Woodrow Wilson, and black 
G39 114 despair settled over Bucks County. But the entire affair culminated 
G39 115 for me on Friday night in a distasteful way, because a ragtag 
G39 116 handful of Democrats gathered from various unsavory corners of the 
G39 117 county convened in our town for a victory parade, and as my mother 
G39 118 and I stood in the shadows in the alley beside the 
G39 119 <tf|>Intelligencer office, she delivered her contemptuous summary 
G39 120 of the Democrats, a phrase that still rings in my ears: 
G39 121 <quote_>"Look at them, James, not a Buick in the lot."<quote/><p/>
G39 122 <p_>My next incursion into politics was in the presidential 
G39 123 election of 1928. I was then in college, and was so distressed by 
G39 124 the virulent anti-Catholicism of the period that in a public rally 
G39 125 attended by townspeople, I gave extemporaneously a rousing defense 
G39 126 of freedom of religion. After the meeting the community's leading 
G39 127 Republican, Frank Scheibley, was so impressed by my speech and its 
G39 128 manner of delivery that he collared me, offered me a job, and later 
G39 129 wanted to adopt me as his son. I was thus at an early age 
G39 130 co-opted.<p/>
G39 131 <p_>In rapid order, as I shall explain in more detail later, I was 
G39 132 invited to sample socialism, fascism and communism, and learned a 
G39 133 great deal about each. But I was not impressed with any of them and 
G39 134 remained essentially one of Joe Grundy's boys, although the Great 
G39 135 Depression did cause me to wonder why, if he and his buddies were 
G39 136 so everlastingly smart, they had allowed this financial disaster to 
G39 137 happen not only to me but also to themselves. But I remained a 
G39 138 Republican.<p/>
G39 139 <p_>At a critical point in my life I moved to Colorado, which was 
G39 140 one of the best things I ever did, for the grand spaciousness of 
G39 141 that setting and the freedom of political expression that was not 
G39 142 only allowed but encouraged converted me from being a somewhat 
G39 143 hidebound Eastern conservative into a free spirit. Colorado was an 
G39 144 unusual state in that its voters rarely, and never in my time, 
G39 145 awarded all three of its top political positions -governor and two 
G39 146 senators -to the same party; the citizens preferred to have the 
G39 147 power split among various factions, which meant that the political 
G39 148 life there was wildly different from what I had known in Bucks 
G39 149 County, where Joe Grundy told us how to vote and we obeyed. In 
G39 150 Colorado a man or woman could be a member of any party or any 
G39 151 faction within a party and still enjoy a serious chance of being 
G39 152 elected to high office. In Pennsylvania I had learned to respect 
G39 153 politics; in Colorado I learned to love it.<p/>
G39 154 <p_>But most important was something there that helped me develop 
G39 155 an intellectual strength I had not had before. There was in the 
G39 156 town an informal but most congenial small restaurant named after 
G39 157 the widow who ran it, a Mrs. Angell, and there in 1936 a group of 
G39 158 like-minded men, two-thirds Republican, one-third Democrat, but all 
G39 159 imbued with a love of argument and exploration of ideas, met twice 
G39 160 a month for protracted debate on whatever problem was hottest at 
G39 161 the moment. We had two clergymen -one liberal, one conservative -an 
G39 162 admirable lawyer who had pleaded major cases before the U.S. 
G39 163 Supreme Court, two scientists, one of the cantankerous leaders of 
G39 164 the Colorado Senate, a wonderful school administrator, a fiery 
G39 165 newspaper editor and a healthy scattering of businessmen, mostly on 
G39 166 the conservative side. Because I had access to a gelatin 
G39 167 duplicating pad, I was designated executive secretary in charge of 
G39 168 finding speakers and convening the meetings. We paid, I remember, 
G39 169 fifty-five cents a meeting in depression currency, and that covered 
G39 170 a free meal for the invited guest. The meetings became so precious 
G39 171 to all of us that we would go far out of our way to attend. 
G39 172 Discussion was rigorous, informed and relevant, with ideas from the 
G39 173 nation's frontier whipping about in grand style.<p/>
G39 174 <p_>I think that any young person in his or her thirties who wants 
G39 175 to build both character and a grasp of social reality would be well 
G39 176 advised to either form or join a club like our Angell's, where hard 
G39 177 ideas are discussed by hardheaded members, where ideas that the 
G39 178 general public is not yet ready to embrace are dissected, and where 
G39 179 decisions are hammered out for the welfare of the community. 
G39 180 Sensible men have participated in such discussions from the 
G39 181 beginning of time: in the wineshops of antiquity, the baths of 
G39 182 ancient Rome, the coffeeshops of England, and town meetings of New 
G39 183 England, the Friday-night meeting of the kibbutzim in Israel, the 
G39 184 informal clubs of California and Texas and Vermont. Thoughtful 
G39 185 people seek these meetings because they need them, and had I not 
G39 186 stumbled into mine in Colorado I would have been a lesser man.<p/>
G39 187 <p_>One summer a fiery evangelist, Harvey Springer, came into town 
G39 188 and pitched his big tent near the college where I taught. There in 
G39 189 nightly sessions of the most compelling nature, with frenzied 
G39 190 speeches, haunting choral music and wild-eyed young women screaming 
G39 191 while coming down the aisles to be saved, Reverend Springer 
G39 192 launched a virulent attack on the two clergymen in our group and on 
G39 193 me as a disruptive, liberal, atheistic professor.
G39 194 
G39 195 
G40   1 <#FROWN:G40\><h_><p_>ONE<p/>
G40   2 <p_>THE IVESES OF DANBURY<p/><h/>
G40   3 <p_>April 27, 1854, was one of the great days in the history of 
G40   4 Danbury, Connecticut. On that day a monument was dedicated to a 
G40   5 hero of the Revolution, General David Wooster, long beloved by the 
G40   6 town that had been the scene of his finest hours and of his death 
G40   7 seventy-five years earlier. In its account of the event, the 
G40   8 Danbury <tf|>Times aptly called it <quote_>"The Monumental 
G40   9 Celebration."<quote/><p/>
G40  10 <p_>The citizens of Danbury met the day with a sense of solemnity 
G40  11 mixed with restlessness and optimism, for the occasion was not only 
G40  12 patriotic and historical but funereal as well. The recently 
G40  13 completed Wooster Cemetery, where the monument to the fallen 
G40  14 champion had been erected near his grave, was already a showplace 
G40  15 of the town; however, if some of the five thousand or so Danbury 
G40  16 residents were pondering whether this would be their own final 
G40  17 resting place, there seemed little evidence of such melancholy. The 
G40  18 town was secure and growing, and the future seemed as bright as the 
G40  19 Thursday morning sunshine. The turnout was far greater than that 
G40  20 for the militia training days of a decade earlier or even the 
G40  21 Fourth of July festivals. The newly completed Danbury and Norwalk 
G40  22 Railroad made it possible for people to travel to the celebration 
G40  23 from every part of the state. The train pulling into the depot at 
G40  24 the north end of Main Street brought many dignitaries: the governor 
G40  25 and former governor of Connecticut, several generals, the editors 
G40  26 of the state's leading newspapers (the <tf|>Palladium and 
G40  27 <tf|>Gazette of Hartford), and the noted poet Mrs. Lydia Sigourney 
G40  28 (1791-1865), who distinguished the occasion with a commemorative 
G40  29 poem. It was estimated that the swell of people who attended the 
G40  30 event had effectively doubled the population of Danbury. It would 
G40  31 long be remembered in the town as one of the finest and most 
G40  32 important spectacles of the century.<p/>
G40  33 <p_>Danbury, of course, made its own contribution to the color and 
G40  34 dignity of the occasion. The growing American appetite for local 
G40  35 organizations of every variety was in evidence throughout. The 
G40  36 exercises of the day were organized and conducted principally by 
G40  37 the masonic fraternity. Its exotic ritual commingled curiously with 
G40  38 the patriotic fervor of the other participants, the simple 
G40  39 Protestant ceremonial of the Congregational Church, where some of 
G40  40 the speeches were heard, and the obligatory military exercises and 
G40  41 parades. It was American eclecticism at its most vivid, yet on a 
G40  42 scale appropriate to the small town.<p/>
G40  43 <p_>It was a day for oratory and music. Danbury provided its own 
G40  44 indoor variety of music in the Congregational Church, where 
G40  45 following the procession and dedication of the monument those who 
G40  46 were fortunate enough to find a place could hear an inspiring 
G40  47 oration. However, the resources for outdoor band music were not yet 
G40  48 developed on a scale for such an occasion and had to be bolstered 
G40  49 by visiting groups.<p/>
G40  50 <p_>The procession was dominated by officials and members of the 
G40  51 numerous Danbury fraternal organizations. There were also, of 
G40  52 course, clergymen, whose function was to anchor the occasion within 
G40  53 a long New England tradition of linking the secular with the sacred 
G40  54 and to remind the participants that there was, after all, a God. 
G40  55 The handful of Revolutionary soldiers who attended, now in their 
G40  56 seventies, were accorded an honorary position, marching immediately 
G40  57 behind the highest officials. Pacing the parade were military 
G40  58 organizations from every part of the state - the Hartford Light 
G40  59 Guards, the New Haven Blues, and the German Rifle Company of 
G40  60 Bridgeport - and from New York, with five marching bands 
G40  61 interspersed among them. The new immigrants from Europe were also 
G40  62 well represented, for the most part in the form of church and 
G40  63 fraternal groups. The firemen of Danbury, including many Irish, 
G40  64 marched along with those of Bridgeport and Norwalk. Danbury Fire 
G40  65 Company Number 2 had thrown an ornate arch of evergreens and 
G40  66 flowers across White Street in front of their engine house, under 
G40  67 which the procession passed on its way to the cemetery. The rich 
G40  68 regalia of the Odd Fellows competed with that of the Masons and the 
G40  69 military while contrasting with the modest garb of the Sons of 
G40  70 Temperance. In democracy made manifest, no group visible in town 
G40  71 was omitted and even unaffiliated individuals could form ranks at 
G40  72 the end of the parade to march with the <quote_>"Citizens of 
G40  73 Danbury, the Citizens of Fairfield County and Citizens of this and 
G40  74 other States who desire to join in the Procession."<quote/><p/>
G40  75 <p_>The lengthy procession assembled at Wooster House, an inn in 
G40  76 the north part of Main Street, and wound through the town to 
G40  77 Wooster Cemetery, where a thirty-foot platform had been erected. 
G40  78 Following a prayer, Masonic ritual prevailed as the <quote_>"chief 
G40  79 stone"<quote/> of the monument was laid by the Grand Master and the 
G40  80 Master Architect under the honorary direction of Governor Pond. 
G40  81 Before the sealing of the stone, a box was enclosed within the 
G40  82 monument to preserve certain articles for future generations. These 
G40  83 included copies of the Bible, the U.S. Constitution, and the 
G40  84 Connecticut state constitution, American gold and silver coins, 
G40  85 Continental bills, and a daguerreotype of General Wooster. Copies 
G40  86 of the day's editions of the New York <tf|>Tribune,<tf|> Herald, 
G40  87 and <tf|>Times were included as well as of the Danbury 
G40  88 <tf|>Times.<p/>
G40  89 <p_>Looking toward the future, the people of Danbury still keenly 
G40  90 felt the past and revered it. At the same time, they hoped that 
G40  91 future generations would come to respect them and their efforts of 
G40  92 this day. The Revolutionary War had generated a musical legacy 
G40  93 consisting largely of patriotic tunes, some of which were played on 
G40  94 this day by the bands of the grand procession. But the Revolution 
G40  95 had also produced heroes who had by now become an important part of 
G40  96 American life. The unquestioned leader in national popularity was 
G40  97 George Washington, but first in the hearts of his Danbury 
G40  98 countrymen was General David Wooster, whose historical presence was 
G40  99 nearly palpable to the boys and girls of Danbury in the first half 
G40 100 of the century. The final object inserted into the memorial stone 
G40 101 was the bullet that had been the cause of Wooster's death.<p/>
G40 102 <p_>General David Wooster, a Yale graduate and a distinguished 
G40 103 soldier, was sixty-eight when he was summoned to Danbury in April, 
G40 104 1777. The preceding year, the village had had the misfortune of 
G40 105 being designated a depository for Continental army supplies. 
G40 106 Inevitably, it was attacked, sacked, and burned, but Wooster and 
G40 107 his troops drove the British out. Wooster pursued them to nearby 
G40 108 Ridgefield, where he was mortally wounded on April 27, 1779. In the 
G40 109 late morning, as Wooster led the attack on the retreating British, 
G40 110 he drew heavy fire. Rallying his troops, who were frightened by the 
G40 111 grapeshot whistling through the air, Wooster turned in his saddle 
G40 112 shouting, <quote_>"Come on, my boys! Never mind such random 
G40 113 shots!"<quote/> At that moment, a musket ball, said to have been 
G40 114 fired by a Tory, struck him obliquely in the back, splintering his 
G40 115 spine and lodging in his stomach. He was brought back by carriage 
G40 116 to Danbury, where he lay for several days in a House on South 
G40 117 Street before he died. This house, at the foot of Main Street, was 
G40 118 only a short distance from the point where the memorial procession 
G40 119 began.<p/>
G40 120 <p_>After the chief stone was laid at Wooster Cemetery, the 
G40 121 procession continued to the Congregational church for the oration, 
G40 122 a lengthy eulogy delivered by the Honorable Brother Henry C. 
G40 123 Deming. Those who failed to participate in the church program, 
G40 124 whether by choice or circumstance (it was quite crowded), might 
G40 125 have found some solace at the Wooster House: on the green in front 
G40 126 of the inn, a sumptuous banquet had been spread for all who wished 
G40 127 to partake.<p/>
G40 128 <p_>A prominent participant in Danbury's great day was George White 
G40 129 Ives (1798-1862), father of George Edward Ives (1845-1894) and 
G40 130 grandfather of Charles Edwin Ives (1874-1954). This occasion would 
G40 131 not have been possible - at least not in this grand manner - were 
G40 132 it not for Ives and several others of his generation who were 
G40 133 developing, indeed transforming, the town. For these few and their 
G40 134 families - Ives, Tweedy, White, Hoyt - public spirit and private 
G40 135 benefit appeared to be inextricably entwined. Even in civic 
G40 136 endeavors such as the advancement of the railroad line or the 
G40 137 introduction of gas lighting, where motives of private profit might 
G40 138 seem to predominate, there could be no question as to their 
G40 139 salutary effect on the growth of Danbury in the 1850s. Other 
G40 140 projects, like the organization and development of Wooster 
G40 141 Cemetery, of which George White Ives was treasurer, were more 
G40 142 traditionally in the line of community welfare. Romanticizing 
G40 143 economics, this small cohort of contemporaries and neighbors saw 
G40 144 themselves as a second wave of pioneers. The first wave, a group of 
G40 145 eight men, had made their way from Norwalk along a Paquioque Indian 
G40 146 path in 1684 and founded Danbury. Returning shortly thereafter with 
G40 147 their families, they formed the rudiments of a settlement - homes, 
G40 148 farms, a meeting place, a blacksmith's. The homesteads of the 
G40 149 'original eight' occupied little more than a few hundred yards 
G40 150 along Main Street (the old Indian trail) starting at what would 
G40 151 become South Street and extending north.<p/>
G40 152 <p_>A century and a half later, a new thrust was taking place, this 
G40 153 time economic, not geographic. On the one hand, it reflected the 
G40 154 times, the post-Jackson era of laissez-faire business expansion; on 
G40 155 the other, Danbury's very survival depended on it. Although Danbury 
G40 156 was a small town in the days of George White and George Edward Ives 
G40 157 - and even, to a lesser degree, during Charles Ives's boyhood - it 
G40 158 could not remain static. For industry had come to Danbury and 
G40 159 committed it to progress, like it or not. A small inland town could 
G40 160 not survive otherwise, and there was no going back. Despite the 
G40 161 amenities of small-town life, the changes that would at length 
G40 162 transform it were taking place even in its heyday. As was the case 
G40 163 in smaller communities, it was a handful of men who spearheaded 
G40 164 change. Occasionally they made fortunes and great names for 
G40 165 themselves, but more often the result was a degree of 'being 
G40 166 comfortable' and a respected name in town.<p/>
G40 167 <p_>Ives had been such a name in Danbury since the days of Isaac 
G40 168 Ives, George White Ives's father, who came to the town in the 
G40 169 1790s. His sojourn there was characteristic in some ways of many 
G40 170 ambitious New Englanders of the time: the striving, the economic 
G40 171 fits and starts, the ultimate success, and the comfortable 
G40 172 establishment of self and family in tranquil retirement. Typical 
G40 173 too were the social and family networks in which all this took 
G40 174 place and the resultant family tradition. Isaac was the strong, 
G40 175 singular root of the Danbury Iveses. Born in 1764, he was an 
G40 176 adolescent at the time of the Revolution. He went to Yale College, 
G40 177 the first of the Iveses to be associated with Yale, studied law 
G40 178 there, and received the degree of bachelor of arts. According to 
G40 179 one account, he came to Danbury via Morristown, New Jersey, where 
G40 180 he may have tried his hand at teaching. Another suggests that he 
G40 181 had rather limited success practicing law in Litchfield before 
G40 182 moving to Danbury.<p/>
G40 183 <p_>Perhaps his best fortune there was to board with a member of an 
G40 184 already prominent family, the Benedicts, who not only could claim 
G40 185 both heroes and villains in the recently fought Revolutionary War 
G40 186 but could trace their own Danbury origins to the original eight of 
G40 187 1685. Isaac married their daughter, whose death within two years 
G40 188 climaxed a series of misfortunes: by then Isaac had failed in 
G40 189 several business ventures. Left with a daughter, Jerusha, and again 
G40 190 unsuccessful (this time in the tanning business), Isaac married 
G40 191 again. His second wife was Sarah Amelia White, of another 
G40 192 well-known Danbury family. Their son, George White Ives, was born 
G40 193 in New York City in 1798.<p/>
G40 194 <p_>Pressed by the need to support a growing family, Isaac 
G40 195 attempted to set up business in New York, this time as a wholesale 
G40 196 grocer in Pearl Street. The job eventually required travel to New 
G40 197 England and the South. On one such trip Isaac wrote to Amelia, 
G40 198 <quote_>"How unpleasant, indeed how painful, to be absent and to 
G40 199 not know conditions."<quote/>
G40 200 
G41   1 <#FROWN:G41\><h_><p_>6<p/>
G41   2 <p_>The Coming of Age<p/><h/>
G41   3 <p_>Pym's struggle with cancer in 1971 made her realize that she 
G41   4 was growing older and needed to reassess her prospects for the 
G41   5 future. Needless to say, forging a novel out of illness and the 
G41   6 threat of approaching death was not easy. To do so involved an 
G41   7 emotional as well as literary effort, and her plot mirrors the 
G41   8 painful steps of her journey. The central theme of <tf_>Quartet in 
G41   9 Autumn<tf/> is retirement, which is viewed quite differently by 
G41  10 retirees and observers. In the novel, observers would like to 
G41  11 believe that stopping work represents a liberation, but retirees, 
G41  12 like Letty, experience it as an abandonment. As the novel 
G41  13 progresses, however, Letty discovers that the truth lies somewhere 
G41  14 in between. Although never fully confident, at the end, she 
G41  15 believes that she has a future.<p/>
G41  16 <p_>Letty's experiences test three current theories about 
G41  17 retirement: abandonment, liberation, and what sociologists call 
G41  18 <quote_>"diachronic solidarity."<quote/> The last one is based on 
G41  19 the idea that each generation in turn will help their predecessors, 
G41  20 the underlying principle of social security legislation. Letty, 
G41  21 however, has no one to rely on, and developing trust in herself is 
G41  22 no easy matter. Along the way, she suffers, and even more 
G41  23 important, Marcia, her coworker in the office, dies. Marcia's death 
G41  24 represents Pym's recognition of the dangers of aging.<p/>
G41  25 <p_>Ultimately, the novel becomes a coherent and controlled elegy 
G41  26 to the city and to office life, but before Pym began taking notes 
G41  27 for it, her thoughts were sorely troubled. She saw death and decay 
G41  28 everywhere she turned, partly because such signs existed to be 
G41  29 observed. For example, for some time she had been aware of 
G41  30 declining membership in the Anglican church. Although she skirted 
G41  31 that problem in <tf_>An Academic Question<tf/>, as early as 
G41  32 September 19, 1969, she wrote Philip Larkin that she would write 
G41  33 about these matters in her next novel (<tf|>VPE, 251). In 1970, 
G41  34 when Pym's I.A.I. office was rearranged, she wondered if all the 
G41  35 attendant unpleasant emotions might contribute to the plot.<p/>
G41  36 <p_>But at that point, she had no time to begin anything new. Also 
G41  37 she was preoccupied with the possibility of radically altering her 
G41  38 characteristic style. Realizing that gothic novels were immensely 
G41  39 popular, on August 31, 1970, she considered writing an update of 
G41  40 <tf_>Jane Eyre<tf/>, which might express the protagonist's sense of 
G41  41 being an outsider (<tf|>VPE, 258-59). (Four years later, after the 
G41  42 second hospitalization for a stroke, Pym started a romantic novel 
G41  43 about a young woman recuperating from illness and unrequited love 
G41  44 but quickly abandoned the effort.) As it turned out, <tf_>Quartet 
G41  45 in Autumn<tf/> is neither gothic nor romantic. Ironically, all 
G41  46 Pym's attempts to alter her style merely led her back to her old 
G41  47 habit of vicarious observations of the lives of others, and to her 
G41  48 life-long preoccupation with spinsters. When completed, the novel 
G41  49 provided a new synthesis of all the ideas and themes that had 
G41  50 enthralled her for a long time.<p/>
G41  51 <p_>Meanwhile the mastectomy made Pym feel completely alone in the 
G41  52 world for the first time in her life. On May 1, 1971, she wrote 
G41  53 Robert Smith that even her sister, Hilary, was out of the country 
G41  54 when she was hospitalized (<tf|>VPE, 261). Although many friends 
G41  55 rallied around, the event forced Pym to accept her inner solitude. 
G41  56 Then the plight of lonely spinsters, companions, and governesses 
G41  57 ceased to be the subject of anxious fantasy but an important new 
G41  58 literary topic.<p/>
G41  59 <p_>The bleak observations found in <tf_>Quartet in Autumn<tf/> are 
G41  60 not surprising when one considers the problems that Pym faced. The 
G41  61 threat of cancer was the most important. But that discovery was 
G41  62 reinforced by signs of aging among her friends and acquaintances. 
G41  63 The years brought news of the deaths of many old friends and raised 
G41  64 the specter of a lonely demise. Pym was well aware that reading 
G41  65 obituary notices of her friends heralded her own mortality, whereas 
G41  66 in youth she had assumed that seeing death notices of friends would 
G41  67 make the old feel triumphant. November 15, 1970, about six months 
G41  68 before the surgery, Robert Smith wrote that his friend Joan Wales, 
G41  69 of the furniture depository episode, had been found in a diabetic 
G41  70 coma. Although she survived, in a later literary notebook entry on 
G41  71 December 8, 1972, Pym started wondering if a solitary character 
G41  72 could die of starvation in her novel (<tf|>VPE, 272). In 1977 
G41  73 Richard Roberts recognized that Marcia was very like Joan Wales. In 
G41  74 that letter he wrote that Wales was dying, but later reported her 
G41  75 to be alive.<p/>
G41  76 <p_>Not only was the health of some of Pym's contemporaries 
G41  77 beginning to deteriorate, but London was as well. Between 1970 and 
G41  78 1972, several places that were part of Pym's private landscape 
G41  79 closed or were torn down. July 3, 1970, the Kardomah was shut where 
G41  80 Hazel Holt and she had shared so many companionable lunches 
G41  81 (<tf|>VPE, 256). Pym wrote Philip Larkin on November 7, 1971, that 
G41  82 St. Lawrence's, her church home, had become a victim of redundancy 
G41  83 (<tf|>VPE, 266). The disappearance of personal landmarks aroused 
G41  84 mixed feelings. Pym was inclined to mourn their loss, but her sharp 
G41  85 eyes also recorded the ensuing conflict, which she felt would make 
G41  86 good material for her novel. February 4, 1972, she wrote gloomily 
G41  87 in the notebook that Gamage's, a store she patronized, was about to 
G41  88 close, and her old haunts near her office were being torn down, 
G41  89 <quote_>"Oh unimaginable horror!"<quote/> March 6, a month later, 
G41  90 she noted <quote_>"change and decay,"<quote/> while predicting that 
G41  91 old buildings would be supplanted by characterless replacements 
G41  92 (<tf|>VPE, 266). Even her office building was to be eliminated.<p/>
G41  93 <p_>In fact, the period of Pym's discontent was quite short. 
G41  94 Although her notebook complaints sound similar to E.M. Forster's in 
G41  95 <tf_>Howards End<tf/>, her grief for lost places did not last long. 
G41  96 By March 20, 1972, she had found new places to eat and the 
G41  97 impending office move had enriched her ideas for a novel (<tf|>VPE, 
G41  98 267). At the same time she became increasingly preoccupied by a 
G41  99 much greater problem, that of her own approaching retirement.<p/>
G41 100 <p_>Pym had resisted the idea of retirement for many years. Even 
G41 101 before completing <tf_>An Unsuitable Attachment<tf/>, on February 
G41 102 6, 1961, Robert Smith had urged her to leave her job. After the 
G41 103 novel's failure, September 4, 1964, Richard Roberts encouraged her 
G41 104 to work part time and devote herself to her novels. On March 8, 
G41 105 1965, Smith reiterated his plea. Pym appreciated the concern of 
G41 106 both men, but her job represented independence to her, and she was 
G41 107 loath to give it up. After all, it had taken her years to become 
G41 108 truly independent. Moreover, like many women, her meager salary 
G41 109 made her feel insecure about her earning power. Throughout most of 
G41 110 their lives, Hilary Walton's larger salary had provided most of 
G41 111 their financial resources. For all these reasons, Pym wanted to 
G41 112 continue to work, and never did entirely give up her connections 
G41 113 with the I.A.I. She finished her last index for them in October 
G41 114 1979, three months before her death.<p/>
G41 115 <p_>Thus in 1971, when breast cancer made retirement an obvious 
G41 116 step, she was still fearful. Hilary Walton, who was more 
G41 117 independent by nature, decided the time had come to mover to the 
G41 118 country, an idea the two sisters had long planned. Pym agreed in 
G41 119 principle, but when Mrs. Walton sold their London house, she wrote 
G41 120 Philip Larkin on May 29, 1972, that she planned to work for another 
G41 121 year (<tf|>VPE, 268). Of course, the decision to remain at the 
G41 122 I.A.I. meant that she had to find a room to rent in someone else's 
G41 123 house, a necessity that aroused the same feelings she had described 
G41 124 years before in <tf_>Something to Remember<tf/>.<p/>
G41 125 <p_>The irony did not escape Pym's notice. In the same letter to 
G41 126 Larkin, Pym facetiously suggested that she might advertise herself 
G41 127 in the <tf_>Church Times<tf/>, as the ideal renter, nonsmoking, 
G41 128 genteel, and quiet (<tf|>VPE, 268). The humor covered up real 
G41 129 distress at her unaccustomed situation. Traveling to Finstock on 
G41 130 weekends was exhausting for her, even a year after her surgery. On 
G41 131 July 6, 1972, she reported feeling very ill and alone. As it 
G41 132 happened, things worked out much better than she had feared. By 
G41 133 October 24 of that year, Pym had written Larkin that she was 
G41 134 lodging comfortably in a house where she had kitchen privileges. 
G41 135 She declared that the office move had created <quote_>"great staff 
G41 136 dramas,"<quote/> which she considered to be <quote_>"fruitful novel 
G41 137 material"<quote/> (<tf|>VPE, 271). Pym's new rental provided 
G41 138 another opportunity to collect material for her novel. Her status 
G41 139 was that of a paying guest. She paid rent for the room but referred 
G41 140 to her landlady as <quote_>"my hostess"<quote/> (<tf|>VPE, 270-71). 
G41 141 Although her situation was pleasant, Pym was quite aware that such 
G41 142 arrangements could be most ambiguous socially. She understood 
G41 143 exactly what a woman in Letty's position would feel, having shared 
G41 144 Letty's anxiety about finding a room and her social discomfort in 
G41 145 adjusting (<tf|>QA, 77).<p/>
G41 146 <p_>Charles Burkhart has commented on the prevalence of death in 
G41 147 the published version of <tf_>Quartet in Autumn<tf/>. Death plays 
G41 148 an even larger role in the manuscripts. For several years Pym 
G41 149 thought of her female characters as victims and imagined that one 
G41 150 of them would die. Marcia's death seems to have been planned by the 
G41 151 end of 1972, and at two points in the manuscripts Pym contemplated 
G41 152 having Letty die. Hints that she desires to give up the struggle 
G41 153 appeared in Pym's notebook as early as November 5, 1972 (<tf|>VPE, 
G41 154 272).<p/>
G41 155 <p_>Making a decision to move had always been much harder for Pym 
G41 156 than for Hilary Walton. At every stage in life, the writer invested 
G41 157 a great deal of herself in her immediate environment and often 
G41 158 appropriated her surroundings for the landscape of her novels. As a 
G41 159 result, she felt more intensely rooted than did her more practical 
G41 160 sister. For a time, even the idea of leaving London for the country 
G41 161 seemed a kind of death. February 4, 1972, Pym recorded in her 
G41 162 notebook that <quote_>"now that the possibility of being 'buried' 
G41 163 in the country looms,"<quote/> she was trying to absorb as many 
G41 164 impressions as possible. At the same time she observed regretfully 
G41 165 that London no longer provided the necessary stability she craved 
G41 166 (<tf|>VPE, 266). Indeed, for a time the divided venue merely gave 
G41 167 her two places in which to notice signs of death and decay. When 
G41 168 she walked in London, December 8, 1972, Pym worried about the 
G41 169 plight of street people (<tf|>VPE, 272). When the previous July she 
G41 170 had walked in the country or nearby towns, she had lamented that 
G41 171 she alone seemed to find the dead animals (<tf|>VPE, 269-70). Even 
G41 172 a pleasant stroll in old haunts of Oxford on November 5, 1972, 
G41 173 elicited the observation that Addison's Walk seemed <quote_>"a good 
G41 174 place to lie down waiting for death covered in leaves by the still 
G41 175 streams"<quote/> (<tf|>VPE, 272).<p/>
G41 176 <p_>On the whole, however, Pym was aware that her sister's decision 
G41 177 was sensible, and she wanted to cooperate as much as possible. 
G41 178 Instead of grumbling, she used her notebooks to confront her 
G41 179 worries at some remove. Also she could justify the entries to 
G41 180 herself on the grounds that they provided material for her novel. 
G41 181 Indeed, most of these thoughts were attributed to Letty. They also 
G41 182 captured Pym's melancholy mood as she approached her sixtieth 
G41 183 birthday. March 13, 1973, she wrote Philip that sixty was 
G41 184 <quote_>"the age."<quote/> Of course, the feeling of obsolescence 
G41 185 that Pym noted was not altogether personal. In the same letter she 
G41 186 added that the I.A.I. might have already outlived its function. On 
G41 187 the other hand she mused, its decay could make <quote_>"a rich 
G41 188 subject for fiction"<quote/> provided that one brought to it 
G41 189 <quote_>"a novelist's cruelly dispassionate eye, as I fear I 
G41 190 sometimes can"<quote/> (<tf|>VPE, 273).<p/>
G41 191 <p_>Through this period Pym observed that breast cancer had made 
G41 192 her feel powerless. In the first draft of <tf_>Quartet in 
G41 193 Autumn<tf/> she commented that when she saw eccentric people, they 
G41 194 reminded her of herself or of long-ago friends. She did not attempt 
G41 195 to review her own past to discover why she felt so vulnerable. 
G41 196 According to Robert Butler, a psychiatrist who specializes in 
G41 197 treating older patients, many elders begin reviewing their lives at 
G41 198 just such moments.
G41 199 
G41 200 
G42   1 <#FROWN:G42\><h_><p_>ONE<p/>
G42   2 <p_>F<*_>U-umlaut<*/>RTH<p/>
G42   3 <p_>Coming of Age<p/>
G42   4 <p_>in Nazi Germany, 1923-38<p/>
G42   5 <p_><quote_>"The point of departure is order, which alone can 
G42   6 produce freedom."<quote/> - METTERNICH<p/>
G42   7 <p_>THE KISSINGERS OF BAVARIA<p/><h/>
G42   8 <p_>Among the Jews of Rodelsee, a small Bavarian village near 
G42   9 W<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rzburg, Abraham Kissinger was known for his piety 
G42  10 and profound religious knowledge. Because he was successful as a 
G42  11 merchant, he was able to honor the Sabbath by closing before sunset 
G42  12 on Fridays. But he feared that his four sons might not have that 
G42  13 luxury if they, too, went into trade. So he decreed that they 
G42  14 should all become teachers, as his own father had been, and thus 
G42  15 always be able to keep the Sabbath.<p/>
G42  16 <p_>And so it was that Joseph, Maier, Simon, and David Kissinger 
G42  17 each went forth from Rodelsee and founded distinguished Jewish 
G42  18 schools in the nearby German villages. Of their children, at least 
G42  19 five, including David's eldest son, Louis, would also become 
G42  20 teachers. And years later, at a famous college in a faraway 
G42  21 country, so would Louis's elder son, a studious and introverted 
G42  22 young man who, until his family fled to America, was known as 
G42  23 Heinz.<p/>
G42  24 <p_>The Jews of Bavaria had suffered recurring onslaughts of 
G42  25 repression since they first settled in the region in the tenth 
G42  26 century. As merchants and moneylenders, they were protected in many 
G42  27 Bavarian towns because of the contribution they made to the 
G42  28 economy, only to find themselves brutally banished when the mood of 
G42  29 princes and populace changed. They were expelled from upper Bavaria 
G42  30 in 1276, beginning a wave of oppression that culminated with the 
G42  31 persecutions following the Black Death in 1349. By the sixteenth 
G42  32 century, few significant Jewish communities remained in the 
G42  33 region.<p/>
G42  34 <p_>Jews began returning to Bavaria, mainly from Austria, at the 
G42  35 beginning of the eighteenth century. Some were bankers brought in 
G42  36 to help finance the War of Spanish Succession; others came as 
G42  37 traders and cattle dealers. Despite occasional outbreaks of 
G42  38 anti-Semitism, they gradually regained a secure place in Bavarian 
G42  39 society, or so it seemed. A series of laws between 1804 and 1813, 
G42  40 during Napoleon's reign, allowed Jews to attend state schools, join 
G42  41 the militia, and enjoy full citizenship. In addition, they were 
G42  42 accorded the right to be known by family surnames.<p/>
G42  43 <p_>The first member of the family to take the name Kissinger was 
G42  44 Abraham's father, Meyer, who was born in Kleinebstadt in 1767. As a 
G42  45 young man, Meyer went to live in the resort town of Bad Kissingen, 
G42  46 a popular spa north of W<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rzburg. At the time, 
G42  47 Kissingen was home to approximately 180 Jews out of a population of 
G42  48 just over 1,000. Later he moved to Rodelsee, where Meyer of 
G42  49 Kissingen legally adopted the name Meyer Kissinger in 1817. Abraham 
G42  50 was born the following year.<p/>
G42  51 <p_>Abraham was the only one of Meyer's ten offspring to survive 
G42  52 childhood. He lived until he was eighty-one and became the 
G42  53 patriarch of a family that included the four sons who followed his 
G42  54 wishes and became teachers, four daughters, and thirty-two 
G42  55 grandchildren. Although they were all Orthodox Jews they were a 
G42  56 solidly middle-class German family, one that felt deep loyalty to a 
G42  57 nation that treated them well.<p/>
G42  58 <p_>David Kissinger, the youngest of Abraham's sons, was born in 
G42  59 Rodelsee in 1860 and moved to Ermershausen where he founded a small 
G42  60 school and served as the cantor in the local synagogue. Later, he 
G42  61 taught in the Jewish seminary in W<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rzburg. Always 
G42  62 somberly dressed, he was referred to by friends as the 
G42  63 <quote_>"Sunday Kissinger,"<quote/> to distinguish him from his 
G42  64 brother Simon, a more casual dresser, who was known as the 
G42  65 <quote_>"weekday Kissinger."<quote/><p/>
G42  66 <p_>David and his wife, Linchen, known as Lina, were sophisticated 
G42  67 and well read, the type of Germans who would give their first son, 
G42  68 born in 1887, a French name, Louis. Louis was the only one of their 
G42  69 seven children to take up teaching, but unlike his father, he 
G42  70 decided to do so in secular rather than religious schools. After 
G42  71 studying at Heidelberg University, he enrolled in the teachers' 
G42  72 academy in F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth, a town on the outskirts of 
G42  73 Nuremberg.<p/>
G42  74 <p_>Because Germany needed teachers, Louis was exempted from 
G42  75 service during World War I. He took a job at the Heckmannschule, a 
G42  76 bourgeois private school. Directed by gentiles, but with half of 
G42  77 its students Jews, it typified the extent of Jewish assimilation in 
G42  78 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth, a city with a history of religious 
G42  79 tolerance.<p/>
G42  80 <p_>F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth had flourished in the fourteenth century, 
G42  81 when Jews were denied entry into Nuremberg and settled instead in 
G42  82 the riverbank village just outside the walls of the fortified city. 
G42  83 Traders, craftsmen, and metalworkers, they turned 
G42  84 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth into a vibrant commercial center and one of 
G42  85 Bavaria's few undisrupted seats of Jewish culture. By 1860, 
G42  86 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth had a population of 14,000, about half 
G42  87 Jewish.<p/>
G42  88 <p_>During the industrial revolution, many of the Jewish 
G42  89 business<?_>-<?/>men built textile and toy factories. The most 
G42  90 prosperous formed a Jewish aristocracy, led by such families as the 
G42  91 Nathans and the Frankels. Their large sandstone villas overlooked 
G42  92 the town, and they endowed a wide array of philanthropies, 
G42  93 including an orphanage, hospital, school, and orchestra. The town's 
G42  94 seven synagogues were crowded around a large square, which was 
G42  95 dominated by that of the most liberal congregation, patronized - at 
G42  96 least on the High Holy days - by the more socially prominent 
G42  97 Jews.<p/>
G42  98 <p_>Louis Kissinger, who joined the most Orthodox of the town's 
G42  99 synagogues, the Neuschul, was not part of the world of the Frankels 
G42 100 and Nathans. But teaching was a proud and honorable calling in 
G42 101 Germany, and Herr Kissinger was a proud and honorable member of the 
G42 102 German middle class. In his politics, he was a conservative who 
G42 103 liked the kaiser and yearned for him after his abdication. Despite 
G42 104 his religious faith, Zionism held no appeal for him; he was a 
G42 105 German, patriotic and loyal.<p/>
G42 106 <p_>When the kaiser's government shut down most private schools, 
G42 107 the Heckmannshule<&|>sic! was dissolved. But Louis was able to find 
G42 108 a new job as a <foreign|>'Studienrat' - a combination of 
G42 109 schoolmaster, teacher, and counselor - in the state-run system. 
G42 110 First, he worked at a girl's junior high school. Then, he taught 
G42 111 geography and accounting at a secondary school, the 
G42 112 <foreign|>M<*_>a-umlaut<*/>dchenlyzeum, which soon merged with a 
G42 113 trade school, the <foreign|>Handelsschule.<p/>
G42 114 <p_>Louis Kissinger took great pride in his status as a 
G42 115 <foreign|>Studienrat, an eminent position in German society. Years 
G42 116 later, after he had lost his job at the hands of another German 
G42 117 government and fled his home<?_>-<?/>land, he would write to old 
G42 118 acquaintances, signing himself, in his neat handwriting, 
G42 119 <quote_>"<foreign_>studienrat ausser dienst<foreign/>,"<quote/> 
G42 120 retired schoolmaster. He was strict but popular. 
G42 121 <quote|>"Goldilocks," the girls called him, sometimes to his face, 
G42 122 and also <quote|>"Kissus," which amused him even more. He had a 
G42 123 slight paunch, a faint mustache, a prominent jaw, and a deferential 
G42 124 manner. <quote_>"He was a typical German schoolteacher,"<quote/> 
G42 125 according to Jerry Bechhofer, a family friend from 
G42 126 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth and later New York City. <quote_>"He was 
G42 127 professonial and stern, but wouldn't hurt a fly."<quote/><p/>
G42 128 <p_>When Louis first came to the 
G42 129 <foreign|>M<*_>a-umlaut<*/>dchenlyzeum, the school's headmaster 
G42 130 told him about a girl named Paula Stern who had graduated the 
G42 131 previous year. The headmaster knew how to entice the sober new 
G42 132 teacher: he showed him Paula's grades. There were enough A's to 
G42 133 kindle Louis's interest. But those marks were a bit misleading. 
G42 134 Instead of having the same scholarly demeanor as Louis, Paula was 
G42 135 sharp, witty, earthy, and practical. It was a fine pairing: Louis 
G42 136 was the wise and somewhat aloof teacher, Paula the energetic and 
G42 137 sensible decision-maker.<p/>
G42 138 <p_>The Sterns lived in Leutershausen, a village thirty miles east 
G42 139 of Nuremberg. Paula's great-grandfather had gone into the cattle 
G42 140 trade in the early nineteenth century. Her grandfather, named 
G42 141 Bernhardt, and her father, named Falk, built the business into a 
G42 142 healthy enterprise.<p/>
G42 143 <p_>Falk Stern, a prominent figure among both the Jewish and 
G42 144 gentile communities in the area, was far more assimilated than the 
G42 145 Kissingers were. His imposing stone house, with its large courtyard 
G42 146 and carefully tended garden, was in the center of the village. Yet 
G42 147 he remained a simple man: he went to bed every evening shortly 
G42 148 after nine P.M. and took little interest in politics or scholarly 
G42 149 subjects. His first wife, Beppi Behr, also from a cattle-dealing 
G42 150 family, died young. They had one child, Paula, born in 1901. Though 
G42 151 her father remarried, Paula remained his only child.<p/>
G42 152 <p_>When Paula was sent to F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth for school, she 
G42 153 stayed with her aunt, Berta Fleischmann, wife of one of the town's 
G42 154 kosher butchers. Berta helped encourage the match with Louis 
G42 155 Kissinger, even though he was thirty-five and Paula only 
G42 156 twenty-one. The Sterns also approved. When the couple married in 
G42 157 1922, the Sterns bestowed upon them a dowry large enough to buy a 
G42 158 five-room, second-floor corner apartment in a gabled sandstone 
G42 159 building on Mathildenstrasse, a cobbled street in a Jewish 
G42 160 neighborhood of F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth. Nine months later, on May 27, 
G42 161 1923, their first child was born there.<p/>
G42 162 <p_>Heinz Alfred Kissinger. His first name was chosen because it 
G42 163 appealed to Paula. His middle name was, like that of his father's 
G42 164 brother Arno, a Germanicized updating of Abraham. From his father, 
G42 165 Heinz inherited the nickname Kissus. When he moved to America 
G42 166 fifteen years later, he would become known as Henry.<p/>
G42 167 <h_><p_>YOUNG HEINZ<p/><h/>
G42 168 <p_>By the time Heinz Kissinger was born, the Jewish population of 
G42 169 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth had shrunk to three thousand. A new period of 
G42 170 repression was under way: in reaction to the emasculation Germany 
G42 171 suffered in World War I, a nationalism arose that celebrated the 
G42 172 purity of the Teutonic, Aryan roots of German culture. Jews were 
G42 173 increasingly treated as aliens. Among other things, they were 
G42 174 barred from attending public gatherings - including league soccer 
G42 175 matches.<p/>
G42 176 <p_>Nonetheless, Heinz became an ardent fan of the Kleeblatt 
G42 177 Eleven, the F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth team that had last won the German 
G42 178 championships in 1914. He refused to stay away from their games, 
G42 179 even though his parents ordered him to obey the law. He would sneak 
G42 180 off to the stadium, sometimes with his younger brother, Walter, or 
G42 181 a friend, and pretend not to be Jewish. <quote_>"All we risked was 
G42 182 a beating,"<quote/> he later recalled.<p/>
G42 183 <p_>That was not an uncommon occurrence. On one occasion, he and 
G42 184 Walter were caught at a match and roughed up by a gang of kids. 
G42 185 Unwilling to tell their parents, they confided in their family 
G42 186 maid, who cleaned them up without revealing their secret.<p/>
G42 187 <p_>Kissinger's love of soccer surpassed his ability to play it, 
G42 188 though not his enthusiasm for trying. In an unsettled world, it was 
G42 189 his favorite outlet. <quote_>"He was one of the smallest and 
G42 190 skinniest in our group,"<quote/> said Paul Stiefel, a friend from 
G42 191 F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth who later immigrated to Chicago. What 
G42 192 Kissinger lacked in strength he made up in finesse. One year he was 
G42 193 even captain of his class team, selected more for his leadership 
G42 194 ability than his agility.<p/>
G42 195 <p_>The Jews in F<*_>u-umlaut<*/>rth had their own sports club. 
G42 196 <quote_>"My father once played for the city team,"<quote/> said 
G42 197 Henry Gitterman, a classmate of Kissinger's. <quote_>"When the Jews 
G42 198 were thrown off, they formed their own teams at a Jewish sports 
G42 199 club."<quote/> The field was merely a plot of dirt with goalposts, 
G42 200 and the gym was an old warehouse with a corrugated roof. But it 
G42 201 served as a haven from roving Nazi youth gangs and an increasingly 
G42 202 threatening world.<p/>
G42 203 <p_>Young Kissinger could be very competitive. In the cobblestone 
G42 204 yard behind their house, he would play games of one-on-one soccer 
G42 205 with John Heiman, a cousin who boarded with his family for five 
G42 206 years. <quote_>"When it was time to go in,"<quote/> Heiman 
G42 207 recalled, <quote_>"if he was ahead, we could go. But if he was 
G42 208 losing, I'd have to keep playing until he had a chance to catch 
G42 209 up."<quote/><p/>
G42 210 <p_>Kissinger was better at <tf|>Vlkerball, a simple pickup game, 
G42 211 usually played with five on a side, in which the object was to hit 
G42 212 members of the opposite team with a ball. Kissinger liked being the 
G42 213 player who stood behind the enemy lines to catch the balls that his 
G42 214 teammates threw. <quote_>"It was one of the few games I was good 
G42 215 at,"<quote/> he would later say.<p/>
G42 216 <p_>It was as a student rather than as an athlete that Kissinger 
G42 217 excelled. 
G42 218 
G43   1 <#FROWN:G43\><h_><p_>Seeking Mother, Marrying 
G43   2 Daddy:<tf|>Summer<p/><h/>
G43   3 <p_>Wharton's ultimate paternal interventionist is, of course, the 
G43   4 Levantine Palmato who had coopted his daughter's sensual nature so 
G43   5 effectively as to eliminate future competitors. If we use Wolff's 
G43   6 date, 1919-20, for the incestuous fragment, Palmato's precursor 
G43   7 among Wharton's published works is Lawyer Royall, the adoptive 
G43   8 father of Charity Royall in <tf|>Summer (1917), who not only 
G43   9 displaces his daughter's lover but succeeds in marrying her as 
G43  10 well. Unlike the enraptured Beatrice, this daughter tries to resist 
G43  11 the incestuous pull, to put emotional and physical distance between 
G43  12 herself and her father, but finds herself caught in his almost 
G43  13 ubiquitous web. Fighting to break away but unable to formulate a 
G43  14 realistic strategy, she becomes entrapped by her very act of 
G43  15 separation - taking a lover and becoming pregnant. Needing to be 
G43  16 cared for in this condition and wanting a home for her baby, she 
G43  17 submits to marriage with her father. This joyless union represents 
G43  18 the final defeat in her struggle for autonomy.<p/>
G43  19 <p_>Charity had been informally adopted in childhood by Lawyer 
G43  20 Royall and his wife. Following his wife's death, the lonely and 
G43  21 somewhat seedy Royall reared the child alone. She grew up haunted 
G43  22 by her shadowy, indeed shady, origins. She knows that she had been 
G43  23 born of an unknown woman on The Mountain, a place thought to be 
G43  24 inhabited by primitive folk of savage and promiscuous habits. 
G43  25 According to Royall's story, the girl had been offered to him by 
G43  26 her father, a man whom Royall had helped convict of manslaughter. 
G43  27 Charity believes herself to be the child <quote_>"of a drunken 
G43  28 convict and a mother who wasn't 'half human,' and was glad to have 
G43  29 her go"<quote/> (73). Although she was taught to be grateful to 
G43  30 Lawyer Royall for bringing her down from the mountain and saving 
G43  31 her from her shameful origins, she hates their constrained life in 
G43  32 North Dormer. Seen through the eyes of this sensuous but untutored 
G43  33 and restless adolescent, North Dormer is a trap, a place she must 
G43  34 flee if she is to have a full life.<p/>
G43  35 <p_> As Charity blossoms into lusty adolescence, neighbors who 
G43  36 sense a potential problem in her living alone with her bachelor 
G43  37 father urge him to send her away to school. First Royall and then 
G43  38 Charity decline this option even though the girl feels hemmed in by 
G43  39 the physical and cultural limitations of the town. Charity 
G43  40 especially resents her aging surrogate father, who had 
G43  41 propositioned her when she was seventeen (Wharton's age at her 
G43  42 debut) and subsequently asked to marry her. She fights off her 
G43  43 feelings of affinity to him by cultivating disgust, but her insults 
G43  44 and rebuffs fail to destroy his possessive love for her. Wishing to 
G43  45 earn money so she can escape from him and from North Dormer, the 
G43  46 scarcely literate Charity maneuvers to get herself a job as town 
G43  47 librarian.<p/>
G43  48 <p_>In the library she finds love in the form of a handsome young 
G43  49 stranger, an architect named Lucius Harney. He represents the outer 
G43  50 world of which this valley-bred girl has had only rare glimpses - a 
G43  51 world of grace, manners, and culture. In the sensuous summer of her 
G43  52 young life, Charity's love quickly flowers into passion, which 
G43  53 Wharton renders in fiery language. Very quickly, Charity becomes 
G43  54 pregnant, but her social inferiority makes marriage to Lucius 
G43  55 unlikely. In her heedless and inarticulate relationship to vital 
G43  56 forces, Charity is reminiscent of Sophy Viner, who also seizes love 
G43  57 without asking the price or the consequences.<p/>
G43  58 <p_>Lawyer Royall sniffs out the growing passion between Charity 
G43  59 and Lucius Harney even before they themselves recognize it. Despite 
G43  60 his fondness for Lucius, Royall is determined to intercept this 
G43  61 love. At a high point of entrancement, when Lucius and Charity have 
G43  62 just witnessed a thrilling display of Fourth of July fireworks in 
G43  63 Nettleton and hope to slip home undetected, they are spotted by 
G43  64 Lawyer Royall, drunk and disheveled in the company of a 
G43  65 prostitute.<p/>
G43  66 <p_><quote_>He stood staring at them, and trying to master the 
G43  67 senile quiver of his lips; then he drew himself up with the 
G43  68 tremulous majesty of drunkenness, and stretched out his arm.<p/>
G43  69 <p_>'You whore - you damn - bare-headed whore, you!' he enunciated 
G43  70 slowly.<quote/><p/>
G43  71 <p_>Such sexual insults are designed to alienate Charity's genteel 
G43  72 young lover, so that he will not want to marry her. They also serve 
G43  73 to establish the girl's connections to the whole realm of primitive 
G43  74 lusts lurking behind this father-daughter relationship. Royall's 
G43  75 appearance in the company of a prostitute suggests that he may have 
G43  76 had a similar connection to Charity's mother, that Charity may be 
G43  77 his daughter, and that he regards the child of such a union as 
G43  78 innately corrupted and therefore fair game.<p/>
G43  79 <p_>Throughout the novel, Lawyer Royall's image falls between the 
G43  80 lovers - in doorways, at moments of embrace - always he is aware of 
G43  81 her sexual activities and contaminates them. He looms over 
G43  82 thresholds and outside windows, haunting the girl with his 
G43  83 unceasing vigilance. Hoping to evade this surveillance, the lovers 
G43  84 meet secretly at a deserted cabin outside of town. There Charity is 
G43  85 sensuously watching a fiery sunset over The Mountain and 
G43  86 anticipating the arrival of Lucius, when she becomes <quote_>"aware 
G43  87 that a shadow had flitted across the glory-flooded room. ... The 
G43  88 door opened, and [in] Mr. Royall walked."<quote/> He declares that 
G43  89 he has come to prevent Charity from getting into trouble, or to 
G43  90 help her evoke a marriage proposal from Lucius, but he concludes 
G43  91 the episode by saying in front of Lucius that Charity is a 
G43  92 promiscuous <quote_>"woman of the town"<quote/> just like her 
G43  93 mother. <quote_>"I went to save her from the kind of life her 
G43  94 mother was leading - but I'd better have left her in the kennel she 
G43  95 came from" <quote/>(203-4).<p/>
G43  96 <*_>three-black-diamonds<*/>
G43  97 <p_>The action of <tf|>Summer takes place within a symbolic 
G43  98 moralized landscape. Charity is poised between the Mountain, a 
G43  99 primitive realm of unbounded impulse (though scarcely a gratifying 
G43 100 place), and the Town, the rigidly proper and fully encircled 
G43 101 village of North Dormer. Charity's only knowledge of the normal 
G43 102 world is through brief visits to the nearby town of Nettleton, a 
G43 103 place where there are shops, circuses, even an abortionist. Had 
G43 104 Charity been capable of escaping to Nettleton she could have moved 
G43 105 outside the realm of extreme choices and found alternatives to both 
G43 106 her claustrophobic world of inexorable laws and the primitive, 
G43 107 promiscuous world of unrule. Lying outside the symbolic landscape, 
G43 108 Nettleton represents a more flexible sort of human life, in which 
G43 109 compromises and accommodations are possible. Like other Wharton 
G43 110 protagonists such as Lily Bart and Newland Archer, Charity Royall 
G43 111 seems caught between lawlessness and rigid superego demands, unable 
G43 112 to move into the middle world of accommodation.<p/>
G43 113 <p_>When we map the affective lines of force within this 
G43 114 dream<?_>-<?/>like novel, we find all the major characters 
G43 115 radiating out from the central figure of Charity. Her motherless 
G43 116 state calls forth the nurturant father Lawyer Royall, along with 
G43 117 his incestuous impulses. Her libido, overstimulated by having her 
G43 118 father entirely to herself, seems to have generated The Mountain, a 
G43 119 place of origin that would explain or justify her sense of innate 
G43 120 pollution. Believing herself born of a degenerate mother into the 
G43 121 morally unbounded world of The Mountain, she quite naturally 
G43 122 accepts her instinctual nature and feels free to satisfy it. But 
G43 123 having also been reared in prudish North Dormer, she can be 
G43 124 persuaded that such actions are whorish.<p/>
G43 125 <p_>Brought up under the Law, she is too ethical to choose abortion 
G43 126 to solve her pregnancy crisis or to use the pregnancy to coerce 
G43 127 Lucius into marriage. Like Sophy Viner, she is faithful to her love 
G43 128 and refuses to corrupt it by pragmatic considerations. Torn between 
G43 129 such polarities as the unbounded and the overly circumscribed, 
G43 130 Charity cannot make a worldly adjustment to her situation, such as 
G43 131 moving out of North Dormer and working to support her child. She 
G43 132 drifts into a very bizarre solution indeed.<p/>
G43 133 <p_>Charity had often felt a strange affinity to Royall, 
G43 134 <quote_>"as if she had his blood in her veins"<quote/> (118). Thus 
G43 135 Wharton deliberately inserts a hint that the adopted father may 
G43 136 have been the biological one. By introducing this ambiguity, she 
G43 137 fudges the incest issue, allowing readers to entertain the more 
G43 138 piquant possibility of real incest while neutralizing it through 
G43 139 the technicality of adoption. But either way the story is 
G43 140 incestuous; an adoptive father is perceived as a father 
G43 141 psychologically.<p/>
G43 142 <p_>Charity's hostility toward Royall recalls Lily's toward 
G43 143 Rosedale, a way of fending off dangerous desires. Furthermore, the 
G43 144 author draws another line of affinity, one connecting the formerly 
G43 145 gifted lawyer to his daughter's cultured lover, so that Lucius 
G43 146 seems to represent Royall's spiritual son or his youthful self, the 
G43 147 potential that has been thwarted by life in North Dormer. The 
G43 148 relationships among characters in <tf|>Summer are unrealistically 
G43 149 close, all spawned by the same central imagination, which seems to 
G43 150 have been an incestuous one.<p/>
G43 151 <p_>Longing for her unknown mother begins with Charity's sexual 
G43 152 maturation. When she first discovers her love for Lucius, she 
G43 153 begins to yearn for her mother, no matter how disreputable this 
G43 154 woman may turn out to be. When she finds herself pregnant and 
G43 155 abandoned by Lucius, she fights her way through storm and weariness 
G43 156 up to The Mountain to find her. She arrives just moments after her 
G43 157 mother's death on a borrowed bed in a wretched hovel heated by a 
G43 158 borrowed stove, covered in a borrowed coat. That night she sees her 
G43 159 mother buried without even a coffin. The longed-for mother, when 
G43 160 found, was dead, disreputable, a revolting sight - of no possible 
G43 161 help to any daughter, much less to a pregnant one. Nonetheless, 
G43 162 Charity had to touch the maternal base before assuming motherhood 
G43 163 herself.<p/>
G43 164 <p_>With the mother dead and Lucius engaged to someone else and 
G43 165 unaware of her pregnancy, Charity is without resources or support. 
G43 166 She is alone in a dangerous place, cold and hungry. Knowing all 
G43 167 this, Royall follows her to The Mountain in a carriage, protects 
G43 168 her from the cold, and secures food for her. He behaves tenderly 
G43 169 enough but immediately lures her into marriage. In her shocked and 
G43 170 vulnerable state she lacks the strength to resist him. Submitting 
G43 171 passively, this once-fiery girl is set up to fulfill the oedipal 
G43 172 fantasy of bringing her father a child, the child born of her 
G43 173 youthful passion, so that her child's step-parent will be her own 
G43 174 adoptive father. With grim fatality she surrenders for the sake of 
G43 175 security her youth, her passion, her hopes for a fuller life. The 
G43 176 morning after the wedding, she realizes what she has sacrificed; 
G43 177 <quote_>"for an instant the old impulse of flight swept through 
G43 178 her; but it was only the lift of a broken wing"<quote/> (280).<p/> 
G43 179 <h_><p_>Social Conformity as Refuge: <tf_>The Age of 
G43 180 Innocence<tf/><p/><h/>
G43 181 <p_>Like <tf_>The House of Mirth<tf/>, <tf_>The Age of 
G43 182 Innocence<tf/> is a novel of sexual inhibition that has long been 
G43 183 read as a novel of manners. It was published in 1920, about a 
G43 184 decade after the Fullerton affair. In it Wharton depicts a New York 
G43 185 society of inflexible rules and rituals, an inhibitor of the 
G43 186 instinctive life, yet a source of civilizing decencies. Like a good 
G43 187 operatic overture, the opening scene introduces the novel's motifs, 
G43 188 which emanate from the central question of the ambivalence of love, 
G43 189 memorably proclaimed by Marguerite's aria, <foreign_>'M'ama ... non 
G43 190 m'ama ... M'ama.'<foreign/> Within Newland Archer's range of vision 
G43 191 at this moment are representatives of his entire world - completely 
G43 192 conventional people like the Wellands, the power networks of 
G43 193 cousinship, social arbiters, successful challengers of the rules, 
G43 194 arrivistes, spotless maidens, men frankly enjoying the double 
G43 195 standard, and, above all, indicators of imminent change. The scene 
G43 196 plunges us into a critical moment in old New York society, which 
G43 197 was cresting just before its downward turn, a moment that is also 
G43 198 the turning point of Archer's life.<p/>
G43 199 <p_>Archer, about to end a comfortable bachelorhood in which he had 
G43 200 never questioned the values of his class, contemplates his artfully 
G43 201 innocent fianc<*_>e-acute<*/>e and his erotic hopes for a marriage 
G43 202 that will miraculously reconcile <quote_>"fire and ice."<quote/> 
G43 203 Almost simultaneously he receives his first impression of wider 
G43 204 possibilities as embodied in the europeanized person of Ellen 
G43 205 Olenska.<p/>
G43 206 <p_>All this wonderfully compact exposition falls within the realm 
G43 207 of Edith Wharton's recognized gift for social observation and 
G43 208 satire.
G43 209 
G44   1 <#FROWN:G44\><h_><p_>Epilogue: Science and Subjectivity<p/><h/>
G44   2 <p_>My 'story' of Virginia Woolf's manic-depressive illness ends 
G44   3 here, but its implications do not. Her most profound insight into 
G44   4 her disorder - that the unity of consciousness is a tidy fiction 
G44   5 with which to build our <quote_>"comfortable cocoons"<quote/> of 
G44   6 consistent identity - continues to challenge how we write histories 
G44   7 of the mind, because it has been reinforced by recent advances in 
G44   8 neuroscience. This intersection between literary and scientific 
G44   9 inquiries may eventually lead us to a new model of the human 
G44  10 psyche, one that integrates the valuable insights of psychoanalysis 
G44  11 and neuroscience, mind and brain, Freud and Woolf. Indeed, some 
G44  12 convergence of the 'hard' and 'soft' sciences must be an inevitable 
G44  13 step if psychoanalysis is to survive through the next century. And 
G44  14 it would be a fitting sequel to a neurobiography of Virginia Woolf 
G44  15 (certainly more rewarding than lingering over her suicide), for she 
G44  16 left us a legacy that extends beyond her personal tragedy. She can 
G44  17 be more than a Freudian lesson on how <tf|>not to cope with trauma. 
G44  18 She stands at the crossroads where art, science, biography, and 
G44  19 biology meet.<p/>
G44  20 <p_>Woolf's <quote_>"ensemble psyche"<quote/> in <tf_>The 
G44  21 Waves<tf/> lives on in Michael S. Gazzaniga's theory of the brain's 
G44  22 <quote_>"modular-type organization."<quote/> Gazzaniga's famous 
G44  23 experiments with split-brain patients have led him to conclude that 
G44  24 the human brain is organized into <quote_>"relatively independent 
G44  25 functioning units that work in parallel. The mind is not an 
G44  26 indivisible whole, operating in a single way to solve all 
G44  27 problems,"<quote/> but a confederation. Most of these modules, 
G44  28 which are capable of their own actions, moods, and responses, 
G44  29 remembering events and storing affective reactions to those events, 
G44  30 operate in nonverbal ways apart from the conscious verbal self and 
G44  31 so are unavailable for introspection. A sudden impulse to act, a 
G44  32 shift in emotion or mood, may arise in one module. The 'ego' of the 
G44  33 dominant hemisphere will then evaluate that impulse and mediate it 
G44  34 (a hallucinating patient may even 'hear' this module's intent as a 
G44  35 'voice'). If one part functions in isolation and displaces the 
G44  36 ego's program to integrate other, counterbalancing modules, the 
G44  37 resulting 'impulsive' behavior can be catastrophic and/or 
G44  38 psychotic.<p/>
G44  39 <p_>Gazzaniga's modules are not necessarily <quote|>"unconscious" 
G44  40 in the Freudian sense (although some probably are); most are 
G44  41 <quote_>"co-conscious but nonverbal."<quote/> We are unaware of our 
G44  42 multiple selves because our brain has a special program in the 
G44  43 dominant hemisphere that Gazzaniga calls the <quote|>"interpreter", 
G44  44 a Bernard-like spokesperson who instantly makes inferences and 
G44  45 constructs a theory, or narrative, to explain why a behavior or 
G44  46 thought or emotion has occurred. But too often the left hemisphere 
G44  47 strives for subjective consistency (like old Professor Sopwith 
G44  48 twining <quote|>"chaos" into a neat thread) at the expense of right 
G44  49 hemisphere sensitivity to inconsistent data; consequently, ignored 
G44  50 modules may act independently. Perhaps, then, manic-depressive mood 
G44  51 shifts produce misbehaviors and chaotic self structure because they 
G44  52 impair the usually seamless integration of these modules. They 
G44  53 certainly heightened Woolf's sense of the mind's innate program to 
G44  54 fight chaos with narrative order as opposed to its potential for 
G44  55 perceptual plasticity, out of which she created a 'modern' view of 
G44  56 subjectivity. In this sense, postmodern science has finally caught 
G44  57 up with her.<p/>
G44  58 <p_>What can biology offer psychoanalytic theory besides blank 
G44  59 opposition? Intriguing possibilities. In Chapter 8 I spoke of how 
G44  60 each hemisphere mediates perceptions and thinking differently, 
G44  61 contributing various styles and insights that successful 
G44  62 interhemispheric processing integrates, and how events in the 
G44  63 nondominant (usually right) hemisphere often go unnoticed or 
G44  64 unacknowledged by the dominant (usually left) hemisphere, which 
G44  65 presumes that it is the only seat of authority and knowledge. 
G44  66 Inadequate integration may thus constitute a functional 'invisible 
G44  67 deficit.' I borrow this term from neurology, where it is used to 
G44  68 describe the inability of a patient to be aware that, due to brain 
G44  69 injury, he is lacking a prominent feature of consciousness. If, for 
G44  70 instance, certain visual areas of the right hemisphere are damaged 
G44  71 by a stroke, patients will not see or attend to any object situated 
G44  72 on their left, and they will be unaware that they are so blinded. 
G44  73 When asked to draw the face of a clock, they will accurately 
G44  74 recreate only the right side, with numbers 12 through 6 dutifully 
G44  75 noted, but 7 through 11 will be missing. Oliver Sacks reports on a 
G44  76 patient, Mrs. S., who had suffered a massive stroke in her right 
G44  77 cerebral hemisphere and lost her ability to perceive objects on her 
G44  78 left: when served dinner, she ate only from the right half of the 
G44  79 plate; when applying lipstick, she covered only the right side of 
G44  80 her mouth. She could not look left, or turn left, so she learned to 
G44  81 turn right, in a circle, until she found what she was looking for. 
G44  82 The object on the left (indeed, the direction 'left') did not exist 
G44  83 unless her 'right looking' left hemisphere perceived it. Another 
G44  84 patient's right-hemisphere stroke damage extended into visual 
G44  85 imagination and memory: when asked to imagine himself walking 
G44  86 through his town square, Dr. P. listed only those buildings that 
G44  87 would have appeared on his right side, none on his left. When asked 
G44  88 to imagine himself walking in the opposite direction, he listed 
G44  89 only the previously missing buildings, those that would have 
G44  90 appeared on his right, which he had failed to remember moments 
G44  91 before. His subjective world was exclusively right-handed.<p/>
G44  92 <p_>The nervous system is arranged to build a spatial map of the 
G44  93 body and its environment. Disturbances within the system can have 
G44  94 profound effects on the individual's sense of what constitutes his 
G44  95 body and his mind - in effect, his identity. If a stroke impairs 
G44  96 afferent and motor neurons, the patient may become unaware that he 
G44  97 has an arm or leg; when it is pointed out to him, he will report 
G44  98 that he <quote|>"feels" or <quote|>"believes" that it belongs to 
G44  99 someone else, not him. One of Sack's patients threw himself out of 
G44 100 his hospital bed trying to rid himself of what looked like someone 
G44 101 else's leg, <quote_>"<tf_>a severed human leg,<tf/>a horrible 
G44 102 thing"<quote/> that he could only assume a prankster had 
G44 103 surreptitiously attached to his body. He called it a 
G44 104 <quote|>"counterfeit" because it did not feel <quote|>"real" - at 
G44 105 least, <tf_>not really his.<tf/> When asked to locate his own left 
G44 106 leg, the patient became pale and claimed that it had 
G44 107 <quote|>"disappeared." His identity no longer included a left 
G44 108 leg.<p/>
G44 109 <p_>Dr. P., Mrs. S., and the young man without a leg all suffer 
G44 110 from a psychic dissociation because of their neurological deficit. 
G44 111 They do not know about the dead limb or the blind or numb side; 
G44 112 indeed, they do not desire to know. It is as if the circuits that 
G44 113 mediate particular perceptions also generate or process the 
G44 114 specific desire to perceive them, what a Freudian would call an 
G44 115 object-cathexis. They literally do not know what they are missing, 
G44 116 that they are missing it, or that they might have wanted not to 
G44 117 miss it. The desire has disappeared along with the cognitive 
G44 118 capacity. The implications of the 'invisible deficit' present 
G44 119 psychoanalytic theorists with intriguing challenges. Is the origin 
G44 120 of desire limited (like Freud's id) to certain areas of the mind, 
G44 121 or is it spread across all neural networks? In what ways are desire 
G44 122 and cognition the same thing differently perceived? Will it be 
G44 123 possible to chart a <quote_>"map of desire"<quote/> in the same way 
G44 124 we now map areas of the brain that handle sensory data from the 
G44 125 arms or legs? Can interhemispheric integration be affected by a 
G44 126 functional invisible deficit, a structural dissociation that does 
G44 127 not involve a physical injury or the censorship of forbidden 
G44 128 content responsive to introspection and psychoanalytic insight? In 
G44 129 what way do we all suffer from invisible deficits? Brain damage is 
G44 130 apparent to us because we compare the patient's disability to our 
G44 131 abilities, but even we who enjoy intact brains cannot perceive or 
G44 132 desire to perceive that we are missing something lying beyond what 
G44 133 our brain structure allows us to think about.<p/>
G44 134 <p_>In other words, the French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan's 
G44 135 linguistic model may not be the only way to describe the 
G44 136 limitations of thought. Future interdisciplinary research may shift 
G44 137 the burden of postmodern psychoanalysis from a Saussurean 
G44 138 linguistic base of self-referential signs and signifiers to a 
G44 139 neurological one. For cognitive science and neuroscience also 
G44 140 suggest that we do not perceive, interpret, or 'know' reality 
G44 141 referentially but, rather, in terms of thousands of feedback loops 
G44 142 supporting internal theoretical models that occur on both conscious 
G44 143 and unconscious levels, and that operate binomially, amassing and 
G44 144 organizing differentiated units (hot/cold, rough/soft, love/hate). 
G44 145 Just as postmodern psychoanalytic theory depicts the underpinnings 
G44 146 of thought as a chain of signifiers whose meaning exists only in 
G44 147 relation of each other, epitomized by opposition of polar 
G44 148 opposites, so too neural circuitry and brain structure seem to be 
G44 149 arranged to deal with sensory information and behavior by opposing 
G44 150 pathways - paired hemispheres, modular processing (discrete areas 
G44 151 of the brain handling specialized tasks which must be sorted out at 
G44 152 higher levels of functioning), feedback circuits, paired/opposed 
G44 153 neurotransmitter systems, the splitting off of linguistic skills 
G44 154 from visual skills.<p/>
G44 155 <p_>The import of brain research throws up a kind of Lacanian bar 
G44 156 between the left and the right hemisphere, making self-insight, or 
G44 157 even self-awareness, a matter of interpretation, a guess or 
G44 158 approximation based on inadequate data fed from one hemisphere to 
G44 159 the other. The dominant hemisphere, a specialist in linguistic 
G44 160 signifiers, may be barred from direct knowledge of the nondominant 
G44 161 hemisphere, the signified, where a separate self - equally 
G44 162 developed and reality-oriented - processes many important 
G44 163 perceptions and feelings. Perhaps the Other we most struggle to 
G44 164 know (or whose mute gaze haunts our every look) is not the 
G44 165 unconscious part of one self but another conscious self, 
G44 166 co-existing in our shared body, mute and unavailable to language, 
G44 167 yet responsible for processing the visual and emotional cues which 
G44 168 the dominant hemisphere may misunderstand, for mistranslations are 
G44 169 inevitable between two minds that do not speak the same 
G44 170 language.<p/>
G44 171 <p_>Can inadequate interhemispheric relations be the physical basis 
G44 172 for Lacan's observation that patients' utterances and writers' 
G44 173 texts undercut their own ostensible meaning? Does the right 
G44 174 hemisphere make itself known by surreptitiously sliding signifiers 
G44 175 through metonymy (a useful procedure for a hemisphere good at 
G44 176 recognizing widely scattered details and individual words but not 
G44 177 at generating sustained, intentional sentences of its own) and 
G44 178 metaphor (the right hemisphere is skilled at nonlinear modes of 
G44 179 association and converging multiple determinants rather than at 
G44 180 forming a causal or logical chain)? What would emerge, then, is not 
G44 181 a composed structure of meaningful elements but Lacan's discomposed 
G44 182 discourse in which elements are substituted and recombined, leaving 
G44 183 seemingly mute traces or absences to litter our 
G44 184 left-hemisphere-dominated narratives. If that is the case, then the 
G44 185 robust left hemisphere, unaware that it is speaking the 
G44 186 unrecognized and unrecognizable 'truth' of the repressed right 
G44 187 hemisphere, might also be one source of the Imaginary Subject 
G44 188 created in the misreading of the infantile mirror-stage, and the 
G44 189 Subject would be a misreading not only of the Other who is its 
G44 190 mother but of the Other who is its hemispheric psychic partner, 
G44 191 against which it has defined itself. Doubled selves, one of whom is 
G44 192 a mute voyeur gazing upon the other, may create the uncanny duality 
G44 193 of all Lacanian looking (every recognition at once a finding and a 
G44 194 failure to find, every gaze a being gazed at), in which we are 
G44 195 perpetually caught. Does transference originate here in the 
G44 196 relationship between these two selves, with the right hemisphere 
G44 197 playing the Lacanian dummy, the smoothly mirroring and mute Other 
G44 198 (like Tansley, Lily Briscoe's whipping boy), who reveals nothing 
G44 199 but what we project upon him? Is the left hemisphere thus burdened, 
G44 200 defeated, and frustrated by its own mastery, its too-successful 
G44 201 subordination of the right hemisphere, because silencing Otherness 
G44 202 only increases the power of its haunting and inscrutable gaze? If 
G44 203 the Lacanian unconscious includes this other thinking, witnessing, 
G44 204 and responding self, then the old phrase about being <quote_>"of 
G44 205 two minds"<quote/> will someday seem ironically profound and 
G44 206 profoundly inadequate. Biological science now offers psychoanalytic 
G44 207 and literary scholars promising evidence that a brain/mind 
G44 208 integration will have enormously important theoretical implications 
G44 209 - if we open ourselves up to them.<p/>
G44 210 
G45   1 <#FROWN:G45\><h_><p_>CHAPTER FIFTEEN<p/>
G45   2 <p_>Top Soviet Spy<p/><h/>
G45   3 <p_>Until 1950 Owen Lattimore was a typically inner-directed, 
G45   4 iconoclastic scholar. The constraints on his independence were 
G45   5 self-chosen and only mildly inhibiting. No organizational 
G45   6 bureaucracy stifled his creative thought, neither the Institute of 
G45   7 Pacific Relations, nor John Hopkins, nor even the Chinese 
G45   8 Nationalist government. He said what he thought, and it was often 
G45   9 unconventional.<p/>
G45  10 <p_>In 1950 all this changed. He found his life taken charge of by 
G45  11 lawyers, his privacy invaded by reporters and government sleuths, 
G45  12 and his formerly freewheeling discourse forced to conform to the 
G45  13 end of proving that he was not a tool of the Kremlin. For five and 
G45  14 a half years the inquisition ran his life. The Lattimore story 
G45  15 became a part of America's anti-Communist pathology.<p/>
G45  16 <p_>The year began happily enough when President Truman announced 
G45  17 disengagement form the struggle in China on January 5. The 
G45  18 <tf_>White Paper<tf/> had exacerbated Republican dissatisfaction 
G45  19 with China policy; Asia-first senators were pressing for a 
G45  20 commitment to the remnant Nationalist regime on Taiwan. Truman 
G45  21 wanted to put a stop to this talk. Disregarding the advice of his 
G45  22 staff and of Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson (but agreeing with 
G45  23 Secretary of State Dean Acheson), Truman read a statement at his 
G45  24 morning press conference January 5: the United States had no 
G45  25 predatory designs on Taiwan and would not establish military bases 
G45  26 there, nor would it interfere in the Chinese civil war.<p/>
G45  27 <p_>Lattimore was pleased. He knew that American policy in Asia had 
G45  28 to be built on the reality of nationalism and that continued 
G45  29 support of a discredited regime could only increase Asian 
G45  30 resentment at American meddling.<p/>
G45  31 <p_>A week later, in Acheson's famous 'defense perimeter' speech, 
G45  32 the administration clarified its Asian policy further. Military 
G45  33 authorities, including MacArthur, had drawn a defense line in the 
G45  34 Pacific that included Japan, Okinawa, and the Philippines, but 
G45  35 excluded Taiwan and Korea. This defense line had been reported in 
G45  36 the world's press; the Russians already knew well what American 
G45  37 plans were. Acheson merely restated them on January 12 in a speech 
G45  38 to the National Press Club; but in the heightened tension of 1950 
G45  39 his speech attracted a great deal of attention.<p/>
G45  40 <p_>Lattimore also approved of the defense perimeter. He thought 
G45  41 South Korea was a loser under Syngman Rhee, who was as out of touch 
G45  42 with his people as Chiang had been. He believed, as did the 
G45  43 Department of State and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, that South Korea 
G45  44 was not a viable government and could not defend itself against a 
G45  45 Soviet-supported attack from the north. And, like official 
G45  46 Washington, he felt that American defense dollars were better spent 
G45  47 elsewhere.<p/>
G45  48 <p_>Republican pique at Truman's hands-off stance toward China was 
G45  49 intense. The China bloc in Congress, egged on by General Chennault, 
G45  50 William Bullitt, the right-wing press, and Chiang's various 
G45  51 representatives in the United States, began a long and powerful 
G45  52 campaign to support Chiang for an effort to retake the mainland. 
G45  53 This campaign was reinforced on January 21, when Alger Hiss was 
G45  54 convicted of perjury.<p/>
G45  55 <p_>The Hiss case had been dragged through the courts all during 
G45  56 1949. A first trial, ending in July with a hung jury, was followed 
G45  57 by a second. In both trials Whittaker Chambers was the crucial 
G45  58 witness against Hiss. The second jury believed Chambers; and the 
G45  59 conspiracy theories of Alfred Kohlberg, up to then generally 
G45  60 ignored, received powerful reinforcement. There <tf|>were traitors 
G45  61 in the government conspiring to promote Soviet plans for world 
G45  62 conquest. Hiss had been at Yalta, where China was <quote_>"sold 
G45  63 down the river."<quote/> Hiss had been the assistant to Stanley 
G45  64 Hornbeck, head of the Far Eastern desk at the State Department. 
G45  65 Hiss had been general secretary of the United Nations Founding 
G45  66 Conference at San Francisco. Now it was proved to the satisfaction 
G45  67 of a jury that Hiss had been a Communist, working all along to 
G45  68 deliver China into the hands of the enemy.<p/>
G45  69 <p_>It is hardly possible to exaggerate the importance of the Hiss 
G45  70 conviction to the developing witch-hunt. If this pillar of the 
G45  71 foreign policy establishment could be a traitor, treason could be 
G45  72 anywhere. Worse still, Secretary Acheson, who presided over the 
G45  73 whole conspiratorial apparatus, refused now to disown Hiss. At a 
G45  74 press conference January 25 Acheson was asked if he had any comment 
G45  75 on the Hiss case. He refused to discuss legal aspects of the case 
G45  76 but said friends of Hiss had to make a personal decision. His own 
G45  77 decision had been made: <quote_>"I do not intend to turn my back on 
G45  78 Alger Hiss."<quote/> The standards that impelled him to this 
G45  79 position <quote_>"were stated on the Mount of Olives and if you are 
G45  80 interested in seeing them you will find them in the 25th Chapter of 
G45  81 the Gospel according to St. Matthew beginning with verse 
G45  82 34."<quote/> Congress, according to Acheson, flew into a tantrum. 
G45  83 However motivated Acheson was by Christian charity, his words 
G45  84 served as gasoline to the fires of Asia-first resentment.<p/>
G45  85 <p_>All writers on the McCarthy years acknowledge that the Hiss 
G45  86 verdict convinced a vast constituency that treason in the New Deal 
G45  87 of Franklin Roosevelt was widespread. It also showed that 
G45  88 ex-Communists such as Whittaker Chambers were perceived as 
G45  89 credible, and it demonstrated that politicians pursuing subversives 
G45  90 could achieve national status, as Nixon did. All of these outcomes 
G45  91 were salient for Owen Lattimore.<p/>
G45  92 <p_>The tempo of traumatic events early in 1950 continued unabated. 
G45  93 It was front-page news for every paper in the country when 
G45  94 President Truman announced on January 30 that the United States 
G45  95 would develop a hydrogen bomb. And on February 3 Klaus Fuchs, who 
G45  96 had worked on the American atomic bomb project during the war but 
G45  97 was now in England, confessed that he had passed atomic information 
G45  98 to the Russians. Three days later the Republican National Committee 
G45  99 announced 'Liberty against Socialism' as the major issue of the 
G45 100 1950 congressional elections. The party statement declared: 
G45 101 <quote_>"We advocate a strong policy against the spread of 
G45 102 communism or fascism at home and abroad, and we insist that 
G45 103 America's efforts toward this end be directed by those who have no 
G45 104 sympathy either with communism or fascism."<quote/> No one 
G45 105 realized, that early in the campaign, how many thousands of people 
G45 106 would be charged with sympathy for communism.<p/>
G45 107 <p_>Lattimore's attention to these events was distracted by a 
G45 108 request from the United Nations that he head a technical assistance 
G45 109 mission to Afghanistan, exploring the kinds of economic aid 
G45 110 appropriate for that country. The timing of this request was 
G45 111 awkward. His lecture schedule in 1949 had kept him away from 
G45 112 Baltimore more than normal, he had just returned from a three-week 
G45 113 trip to India, and the Johns Hopkins Mongol project needed his 
G45 114 attention. On the positive side, he strongly supported the UN, and 
G45 115 Afghanistan was a part of the Sino-Soviet border he had never 
G45 116 visited.<p/>
G45 117 <p_>The Afghan mission would require that he be gone the month of 
G45 118 March on an exploratory trip and then for the period from June to 
G45 119 September to negotiate final agreements with the Afghan government. 
G45 120 This was a big chunk of time. He was uneasy about accepting this 
G45 121 assignment and wrote John W. Gardner of the Carnegie Corporation, 
G45 122 which supplied the major funding for his Mongol project, that he 
G45 123 would not go if Carnegie thought he would be slighting the Mongols. 
G45 124 Gardner replied that he thought the Mongol project well enough 
G45 125 organized that it could safely be left in the hands of Lattimore's 
G45 126 associates while he went to Afghanistan. Lattimore therefore 
G45 127 accepted and prepared for this new venture. He was to leave March 
G45 128 6.<p/>
G45 129 <p_>There was another project to be attended to before he left. The 
G45 130 rapid advances of the Chinese Communists into Tibet suggested that 
G45 131 that area would be under their control in a year or two. Lattimore 
G45 132 believed this overthrow would mean loss to the scholarly world, 
G45 133 perhaps permanently, of the priceless manuscripts in Tibetan 
G45 134 monasteries. Lattimore talked about prospects for rescuing these 
G45 135 manuscripts with Dr. Arthur Hummel of the Library of Congress. 
G45 136 Hummel, an orientalist, was convinced that Lattimore was right and 
G45 137 suggested that the matter be put to Luther Evans, the Librarian. 
G45 138 Lattimore wrote Evans on February 26, 1950: <quote_>"As country 
G45 139 after country comes under communist control it is cut off from the 
G45 140 scholarship of the world, as well as from other contacts. There 
G45 141 usually follows a scramble in which a few refugee scholars are 
G45 142 brought to the United States or other countries and a few books, 
G45 143 manuscripts, and other materials are salvaged. Such salvage is, 
G45 144 however, just that - unplanned salvage. Tibet is clearly doomed to 
G45 145 come under control of the Chinese Communists. There is, however, 
G45 146 time for a planned salvage operation...a wealth of material never 
G45 147 yet worked on by Western scholars could be brought out during the 
G45 148 next few months."<quote/><p/>
G45 149 <p_>Lattimore then described to Evans the major sources of 
G45 150 manuscripts and what might be found; recommended that the Dilowa 
G45 151 Hutukhtu be used to negotiate with Tibetan authorities; explained 
G45 152 how Indian cooperation could be obtained; and urged prompt action 
G45 153 before the curtain was rung down on Tibet. It was a prescient 
G45 154 effort. Perhaps, had the United States not contracted inquisition 
G45 155 fever, Luther Evans and the Library of Congress might have acquired 
G45 156 the treasure trove of Lama Buddhist lore later destroyed in Mao's 
G45 157 Cultural Revolution. As it happened, doctrinal purity took 
G45 158 precedence over any kind of scholarship, especially esoteric 
G45 159 orientalia.<p/>
G45 160 <p_>While Lattimore was wrestling with a decision on Afghanistan, 
G45 161 the FBI was wrestling with the problem of keeping up with 
G45 162 Lattimore. Lacking a wiretap, the Baltimore office had trouble 
G45 163 knowing where and when he was traveling. His home in Ruxton was 
G45 164 like the farm in Bethel, Vermont: poor cover for spies. As SAC 
G45 165 McFarlin complained to Hoover on February 16, <quote_>"The peculiar 
G45 166 location of the <tf|>Lattimore home eliminates any possibility of 
G45 167 successful physical surveillance without the aid of a technical 
G45 168 surveillance."<quote/><p/>
G45 169 <p_>The Baltimore office had other troubles. McFarlin was worried 
G45 170 about the local vigilantes. After the American Legion put Lattimore 
G45 171 on its black<?_>-<?/>list, ultrarightists in Baltimore began their 
G45 172 own 'investigations'. Two of them were serious threats to the 
G45 173 bureau.<p/>
G45 174 <p_>One of the vigilantes was a woman whose name the FBI will not 
G45 175 divulge. She had been to the Baltimore FBI office several times, 
G45 176 alerting them to Lattimore's subversive influence on impressionable 
G45 177 Hopkins students and protesting his alleged role in formulating 
G45 178 American China policy. McFarlin told headquarters in his February 
G45 179 16 letter that there was <quote_>"the ever-present possibility that 
G45 180 she will present the matter to the House Committee on Un-American 
G45 181 Activities or other persons placed in high political positions in 
G45 182 Washington, D.C., in which event there might be undesirable 
G45 183 repercussions on the Bureau."<quote/><p/>
G45 184 <p_>Subsequent serials in the Lattimore file show that the bureau 
G45 185 had trouble deciding how to handle the female informant. The matter 
G45 186 was serious enough to wind up in the hands of Assistant Director D. 
G45 187 M. Ladd. Writing to Hoover on February 17, Ladd recommended that 
G45 188 the woman not be contacted again; her charges against Lattimore 
G45 189 were trivial. But Hoover reversed Ladd; he did not want HUAC to get 
G45 190 potentially important information from an informant directly. His 
G45 191 embarrassment at Nixon's getting information from Chambers still 
G45 192 rankled. Baltimore was therefore instructed to contact the woman, 
G45 193 make sure that she had no new information, and convince her that 
G45 194 the bureau was on top of the case. Baltimore found nothing new, and 
G45 195 the woman apparently did not go to HUAC.<p/>
G45 196 <p_>A more serious private crusade against Lattimore was conducted 
G45 197 by Kenneth Hammer, Maryland American Legion commander and chair of 
G45 198 its Americanism Commission. According to Daniel H. Burkhardt, who 
G45 199 was closely associated with Hammer as adjutant of the Maryland 
G45 200 department of the Legion, Hammer was an attorney-investigator who 
G45 201 had learned the trade as a military intelligence agent during the 
G45 202 war. Burkhardt thought Hammer brilliant; the bureau thought him 
G45 203 dangerous. Hammer's activities included efforts to get the 
G45 204 Baltimore police to tap Lattimore's telephone, amateur surveillance 
G45 205 of Lattimore and the Mongols, and frequent calls to SAC McFarlin. 
G45 206 The bureau wanted none of this freelancing. Headquarters Security 
G45 207 Division dispatched Lee Pennington, a midlevel bureau official, to 
G45 208 dampen Hammer's vendetta against Lattimore.<p/>
G45 209 <p_>Pennington and McFarlin called on Hammer at Baltimore 
G45 210 headquarters of the Legion February 23, 1950.
G45 211 
G46   1 <#FROWN:G46\><h_><p_>SEVEN<p/>
G46   2 <p_>Beyond Hitchcock<p/><h/>
G46   3 <p_>I have explored how reputations emerge and change in the art 
G46   4 world of film using Hitchcock and the thriller genre to illuminate 
G46   5 the process. In this, the final chapter, I will assess the broader 
G46   6 significance of the reputational patterns reported in the book. 
G46   7 Using the method of controlled comparison (see Smelser 1976), I 
G46   8 will extend the discussion beyond Hitchcock and the thriller case 
G46   9 to other film directors whose reputations have also fluctuated 
G46  10 dramatically over the years. As described by sociologist Neil 
G46  11 Smelser, the technique of controlled comparison is an analytical 
G46  12 strategy in which the selection of additional 'case histories' is 
G46  13 guided by the logic of experimental design. <quote_>"[P]otential 
G46  14 sources of variation are converted into parameters by selecting 
G46  15 cases that resemble one another in significant respects. The 
G46  16 resemblances can then be regarded as 'ruled out' as explanatory 
G46  17 factors, and explanations based on other variables can be generated 
G46  18 within the framework provided by the resemblances"<quote/>(Smelser 
G46  19 1976, 215). By comparing the reputational careers of directors who 
G46  20 resemble one another in significant ways, I can both further check 
G46  21 on the reasonableness of my interpretation of Hitchcock's 
G46  22 reputational trajectory and gain further insight into the process 
G46  23 of reputation building.<p/>
G46  24 <p_>The sixties and early seventies marked a watershed for 
G46  25 Hitchcock as well as for other directors of his generation. It was 
G46  26 during the early sixties that Fran<*_>c-cedille<*/>ois Truffaut, 
G46  27 Andrew Sarris, Peter Bogdanovich, Robin Wood, and other auteur 
G46  28 critics actively sought to elevate Hitchcock's stature as a serious 
G46  29 artist. While their efforts eventually succeeded, the 
G46  30 transformation of his reputation from 'master of suspense' to 
G46  31 serious auteur proceeded slowly. The campaign to improve 
G46  32 Hitchcock's reputation was part of a general movement to promote 
G46  33 directors who fit the new criteria for filmmaking. In advancing 
G46  34 their views, the auteur critics constructed a new pantheon of 
G46  35 directors wherein certain directors were singled out for special 
G46  36 praise while the rest were demoted or ignored (see Sarris 1986a; 
G46  37 cf. Wollen 1969, 166-67).<p/>
G46  38 <p_>For the old-guard intellectual critics (e.g., Bosley Crowther 
G46  39 [1967], Dwight Macdonald [1969], Arthur Knight [1957], Hollis 
G46  40 Alpert [1962a], and Richard Griffith [1950]), the major dividing 
G46  41 line for directors was American versus European or, more precisely, 
G46  42 Hollywood directors versus the Europeans they favored - Ingmar 
G46  43 Bergman, Michelangelo Antonioni, Jean Renoir, and others. Among the 
G46  44 relatively few American directors singled out as significant by the 
G46  45 critical establishment were John Huston, George Stevens, Billy 
G46  46 Wilder, William Wyler, and Fred Zinnemann (see, e.g., Alpert 1962a, 
G46  47 130; Knight 1957, 188-88; and Griffith 1950). <quote_>"In January 
G46  48 1956,"<quote/> reports film historian Robert Ray, 
G46  49 <quote_>"<tf|>Newsweek offered a mid-decade appraisal of the 
G46  50 American popular film occasioned by John Huston's 
G46  51 about-to-be-released <tf_>Moby Dick<tf/>. Including Huston, the 
G46  52 article named 'the top five directors in the industry' as William 
G46  53 Wyler, George Stevens, Fred Zinnemann, and Billy Wilder"<quote/> 
G46  54 (Ray 1985, 141-42).<p/>
G46  55 <p_>The young American auteurists of the sixties, as we have seen, 
G46  56 countered the established pantheon with one of their own choosing, 
G46  57 reflecting their belief that there were directors such as 
G46  58 Hitchcock, Hawks, Ford, Lang, and Welles who, despite having worked 
G46  59 within the old Hollywood studio system, had somehow managed to 
G46  60 maintain in their work a personal vision not entirely limited by 
G46  61 space and time. On the other hand, Huston, Wyler, Stevens, 
G46  62 Zinnemann, and Wilder were all dismissed as second- or third-rate 
G46  63 by the auteurists, and, as Ray has pointed out, <quote_>"all but 
G46  64 Stevens [were] eventually included in American auteurist Andrew 
G46  65 Sarris's most damning category, 'Less Than Meets the Eye'"<quote/> 
G46  66 (1985, 142). In contrast to these directors, Hitchcock was an ideal 
G46  67 showcase for the American practitioners of auteur theory. Not only 
G46  68 did his work span forty years, it also traversed two continents - 
G46  69 Europe and North America. As we have seen, according to the 
G46  70 critical establishment circa 1955, Hitchcock's British films were 
G46  71 superior to those he made in Hollywood. To many veteran critics, 
G46  72 Hitchcock had sold out to Hollywood - selling his artistic soul for 
G46  73 the commercial dollar. By contrast, the auteur critics, believing 
G46  74 that they could demonstrate that his Hollywood films actually 
G46  75 surpassed those he made in England, saw Hitchcock's career as a 
G46  76 perfect vehicle for illustrating their conviction that great 
G46  77 cinematic art could flourish within the Hollywood studio system.<p/>
G46  78 <p_>In spite of support from the auteur critics and Hitchcock's own 
G46  79 massive efforts at self-promotion, the campaign to elevate his 
G46  80 artistic reputation required over ten years to achieve success. The 
G46  81 evidence reported in this book strongly indicates that it was the 
G46  82 prevalence through much of the fifties and sixties of a critical 
G46  83 discourse favoring 'realism' over the artificiality of Hollywood 
G46  84 genre films that was principally responsible for delaying his 
G46  85 reception as an artist. In addition, I would suggest that 
G46  86 Hitchcock's deeply entrenched celebrity status as master of 
G46  87 suspense also worked against him. That is, the very success of 
G46  88 Hitchcock's self<?_>-<?/>promotional activities during the fifties 
G46  89 may have actually hurt the later campaign initiated by the French 
G46  90 auteur critics to enhance his reputation. Perhaps, had Hitchcock 
G46  91 not cultivated a public reputation <tf|>and not been perceived by 
G46  92 critics as a master of self-promotion - in other words, had he 
G46  93 maintained a relatively low profile - his reputation as an 
G46  94 important artist probably would have advanced more quickly. As a 
G46  95 check on this interpretation, I turn to the filmmaking career of 
G46  96 Howard Hawks.<p/>
G46  97 <p_>Virtually unknown outside the film industry before 1960, Hawks 
G46  98 came to be regarded by the late 1960s and early 1970s as one of 
G46  99 Hollywood's greatest directors. In fact, my strong impression is 
G46 100 that by the late 1960s, the critical consensus on Hawks' stature as 
G46 101 a significant artist even surpassed Hitchcock's (see, for example, 
G46 102 the clippings file on Howard Hawks and the reviews of what proved 
G46 103 to be his last film, <tf_>Rio Lobo<tf/> [1971], MOMA). Today, while 
G46 104 critics might still debate the elements of Hawks' artistry, few 
G46 105 would question applying the artistic label to his work. Why did 
G46 106 Hawks' reputation advance more smoothly and quickly than 
G46 107 Hitchcock's during the early sixties? Before answering this, I will 
G46 108 establish the extent to which Hawks' filmmaking career is 
G46 109 comparable to Hitchcock's.<p/>
G46 110 <p_>Like Hitchcock's, Howard Hawks' career spanned over forty 
G46 111 years. One of Hollywood's most successful directors, he had worked, 
G46 112 unlike Hitchcock, in a variety of popular genres - gangster films 
G46 113 such as <tf|>Scarface, crime stories such as <tf_>The Big 
G46 114 Sleep<tf/>, comedies such as <tf_>Bringing up Baby<tf/>, musicals 
G46 115 such as <tf_>Gentlemen Prefer Blondes<tf/>, and westerns such as 
G46 116 <tf_>Rio Bravo<tf/>. Like Hitchcock, Hawks presented himself 
G46 117 publicly as a popular director, never as a serious or significant 
G46 118 artist. However, unlike Hitchcock, Hawks maintained a low profile 
G46 119 through most of his career; rarely did he publicly discuss his 
G46 120 views on filmmaking. Indeed, before 1960, no one had asked him to 
G46 121 do so. Nor did he have the audience recognition that Hitchcock had 
G46 122 enjoyed throughout his career. For established critics, Hawks went 
G46 123 practically unnoticed. Rarely did they mention his name when 
G46 124 reviewing one of his films. As Sarris put it in 1962, 
G46 125 <quote_>"Howard Hawks is the least known and least appreciated 
G46 126 giant in the American cinema"<quote/> (Sarris 1962b, 20).<p/>
G46 127 <p_>Many of the early French, English, and American auteur critics 
G46 128 who embraced the view of Hitchcock as a serious artist also 
G46 129 crusaded on behalf of Hawks. The French auteurs who sponsored both 
G46 130 directors came to be known as the 'Hitchcock-Hawksiens.' Jacques 
G46 131 Rivette wrote a ground-breaking essay on Hawks for <tf_>Cahiers du 
G46 132 Cin<*_>e-acute<*/>ma<tf/> which appeared in 1953. Three years later 
G46 133 <tf_>Cahiers du Cin<*_>e-acute<*/>ma<tf/> published an extended 
G46 134 interview with Hawks conducted by Truffaut, Rivette, and Jacques 
G46 135 Becker. While Hawks' films were frequently reviewed and discussed 
G46 136 in French newspapers and periodicals from the early 1950s on, it 
G46 137 was not until the early sixties that American critics started to 
G46 138 write seriously about his work. In the summer of 1962, roughly a 
G46 139 year before Bogdanovich organized the Hitchcock retrospective for 
G46 140 the Museum of Modern Art, he put together a similar one on behalf 
G46 141 of Hawks for which he also prepared a monograph consisting of an 
G46 142 introductory essay and a lengthy interview touching on many on 
G46 143 Hawks' films. Later that summer, Andrew Sarris published a two-part 
G46 144 essay on Hawks for the British film journal <tf_>Films and 
G46 145 Filming<tf/>. At the end of the year, another British journal, 
G46 146 <tf|>Movie, devoted an entire issue to Hawks with articles by 
G46 147 several critics including Robin Wood and V.F. Perkins. And in early 
G46 148 1963, <tf_>Cahiers du Cin<*_>e-acute<*/>ma<tf/> put out a special 
G46 149 issue on Hawks which included abridged versions of Rivette's 
G46 150 original essay and Bogdanovich's monograph along with essays by 
G46 151 other critics. Robin Wood also published a book-length study of 
G46 152 Hawks in 1968 (see also Poague 1982 and McBride 1972).<p/>
G46 153 <p_>Much of the early scholarship on Hawks resembled the critical 
G46 154 scholarship on Hitchcock's work during the sixties. Champions of 
G46 155 Hawks raised the question: why was Hawks invisible to the public 
G46 156 and why did he receive so little attention from the media? As 
G46 157 Gerald Mast pointed out, Hawks had a tremendous reputation within 
G46 158 the film industry, enjoying great freedom from the power of the 
G46 159 individual studios (and he worked for all the major ones). Says 
G46 160 Mast, <quote_>"no other Hollywood director - not Ford, not Capra, 
G46 161 not Hitchcock, not Lubitsch (the directors with whom Hawks liked to 
G46 162 be compared) - enjoyed greater freedom from the power of an 
G46 163 individual Fox, Paramount, or MGM than Hawks"<quote/> (1982, 
G46 164 116).<p/>
G46 165 <p_>While honoring Hawks with favorable contracts, the film 
G46 166 industry withheld from him any artistic awards, at least until late 
G46 167 in his career. Hawks was not even listed on <tf_>Who's Who<tf/> 
G46 168 until 1971. Why was a film<?_>-<?/>maker who today is acknowledged 
G46 169 as one of the great masters of the cinema so neglected throughout 
G46 170 most of his career? One reason, according to the Hawksians, was 
G46 171 that he worked in so-called minor genres such as adventure films, 
G46 172 gangster films, private-eye melodramas, westerns, musicals, and 
G46 173 screwball comedies, <quote_>"the sort of things,"<quote/> said 
G46 174 Sarris, that <quote_>"Hollywood has done best and honored 
G46 175 least"<quote/> (Sarris 1962b, 20). While it may have been true that 
G46 176 Hawks had made possibly the best film in each of the genres he had 
G46 177 worked in, wasn't it also true that these films were simply 
G46 178 vehicles for entertaining audiences rather than for edifying them 
G46 179 as serious art might? (See plate 36.)<p/>
G46 180 <p_>As Wood, Sarris, and other <}_><-|>auterists<+|>auteurists<}/> 
G46 181 have pointed out, earlier film critics tended to view art and 
G46 182 entertainment as distinct and unbridgeable provinces, analogous to 
G46 183 those assigned to high art and popular culture. Rejecting this 
G46 184 critical bias, Wood argued in the introduction to his book on Hawks 
G46 185 that <quote_>"A work is 'entertaining' in so far as we 
G46 186 spontaneously enjoy it and 'art' in so far as it makes intellectual 
G46 187 and emotional demands on us"<quote/> (Wood 1986, 7). Applying this 
G46 188 distinction between entertainment and art to music, Wood argues 
G46 189 that many of Mozart's works, for example, a number of his 
G46 190 divertimenti and serenades, <quote_>" were composed for social 
G46 191 gatherings at which the listeners wandered about and conversed 
G46 192 during the music: 'art' or 'entertainment'?"<quote/> (1968, 7). 
G46 193 When Mozart's operas were first performed, most notably <tf_>The 
G46 194 Marriage of Figaro<tf/> and <tf_>The Magic Flute<tf/>, audiences 
G46 195 were entertained right from the beginning. Arias became popular 
G46 196 hits of the day. Turning to Elizabethan theater, Wood maintains 
G46 197 that Shakespeare enjoyed the same kind of rapport with audiences 
G46 198 that Mozart enjoyed. According to Wood, the works of both 
G46 199 Shakespeare and Mozart represent <quote|>"conservative" as distinct 
G46 200 from <quote|>"revolutionary" art. Revolutionary art, such as works 
G46 201 by Joyce and Beckett, says Wood, <quote_>"deliberately breaks with 
G46 202 the immediate past, inventing entirely new forms and new methods of 
G46 203 expression,"<quote/> while conservative art <quote_>"develops out 
G46 204 of the immediate past, using forms and language already 
G46 205 evolved"<quote/> (1968, 8). For Wood, Hollywood genre films belong 
G46 206 to this latter category and Hitchcock and Hawks are two notable 
G46 207 examples of genre filmmakers. While Hitchcock concentrated on 
G46 208 thriller films, Hawks worked in a variety of genres. Though not 
G46 209 originating any of them, Hawks did produce, says Wood, 
G46 210 <quote_>"probably the best work within each genre he ... 
G46 211 tackled"<quote/> (1968, 12). Hawks, like Hitchcock, in Wood's view, 
G46 212 lacked the excruciating self-consciousness of most modern artists. 
G46 213 Two years earlier, in <tf_>Hitchcock's Films<tf/>, Wood had made 
G46 214 much the same point about both directors, <quote_>"It seems clear 
G46 215 that the relationship of a Hitchcock or a Hawks to his art is much 
G46 216 more like Shakespeare's than is that of a Bergman or an Antonioni; 
G46 217 the sense of communication on many levels precludes the 
G46 218 self-consciousness of the artist that besets the arts today and 
G46 219 fosters true artistic impersonality"<quote/> (Wood [1965] 1977, 
G46 220 32).<p/>
G46 221 
G46 222 
G47   1 <#FROWN:G47\><p_>Soon after Sara and Charles Eldredge moved to 
G47   2 Brighton, Charles's parents moved there also. Hezekiah Eldredge had 
G47   3 begun buying property in Brighton in 1833 and by 1838 had acquired 
G47   4 a number of parcels of land. In 1839, he, like his son, was no 
G47   5 longer listed in the Boston City Directory. As in <tf_>Ruth 
G47   6 Hall<tf/>, the old couple moved to a house in the country to be 
G47   7 near their son and his wife.<p/>
G47   8 <p_>In <tf_>Ruth Hall<tf/> the life of Ruth and Harry in their home 
G47   9 in the country before the death of their daughter is idyllic except 
G47  10 for only one factor: the interfering in-laws. In real life, 
G47  11 however, there was another blight upon the young couple's happy 
G47  12 existence: the unsuccessful financial dealings of Charles Eldredge. 
G47  13 In the novel this is a subtext that does not surface until Harry's 
G47  14 death, when Ruth finds herself penniless. And it seems that in real 
G47  15 life, too, Sara Eldredge was not aware of the true state of her 
G47  16 family's financial affairs until her husband's death. In her 
G47  17 marriage, as was the accepted custom in her class and period, money 
G47  18 was the man's business; women signed papers if necessary, but left 
G47  19 decisions to their husbands and fathers. In fact, the handling of 
G47  20 money was thought to be so abhorrent for women that professional 
G47  21 women were often paid by checks made out to their husband or father 
G47  22 rather than to themselves. A consequence of this convention was 
G47  23 that a man was often in a position to invest his own and his wife's 
G47  24 money without the knowledge or consent of his wife, and in many 
G47  25 cases, to invest it unwisely to the extent of losing it.<p/>
G47  26 <p_>Six months after Sara and Charles bought the house in Brighton, 
G47  27 Charles obtained a mortgage from a Richard Fay for $4,000. Sarah P. 
G47  28 Eldredge signed the agreement to repay the money in five years at 
G47  29 six percent interest. Three months later Charles Eldredge obtained 
G47  30 an additional mortgage of $3,000 from the Merchants' Bank to be 
G47  31 repaid in one year. This agreement was also signed by Sarah P. 
G47  32 Eldredge. One wonders why Eldredge needed the money so soon after 
G47  33 the purchase of the house. Had he borrowed the money privately to 
G47  34 pay for the house, from his father perhaps? Or did he need the 
G47  35 money for additional expenses? Another possibility is that he 
G47  36 wanted the money to make other investments. His father was 
G47  37 continuing to make real estate investments in Brighton, and Charles 
G47  38 may have felt this was a good way to make money. On October 10, 
G47  39 1840, Charles purchased approximately twelve acres of land which 
G47  40 adjoined his own land. He paid $750 initially, but over the period 
G47  41 of the next year he paid an additional $1,000 to six other 
G47  42 claimants - which suggests that Charles, who must not have had the 
G47  43 title searched adequately to determine that it was clear before 
G47  44 making the purchase, was not as careful or astute in his 
G47  45 investments as he should have been. Within eight months of the 
G47  46 initial purchase, he had sold his land to his father in two parcels 
G47  47 for a total of $2,250. That this may have been a transaction 
G47  48 necessitated by Charles's lack of funds is suggested by the fact 
G47  49 that in August 1841 the Merchants' Bank assigned the $3,000 
G47  50 mortgage on his home (which was to have been paid by July 1840) to 
G47  51 his father, Hezekiah Eldredge. The other mortgage, for $4,000, was 
G47  52 still outstanding.<p/>
G47  53 <p_>At the same time that Sara and Charles were living their 
G47  54 blissful - though financially shaky - existence at Swissdale, 
G47  55 Charles became involved in another real estate transaction that 
G47  56 intensified his financial need. In April 1839 Joseph Jenkins, the 
G47  57 father of Sara's brother-in-law Joseph Jenkins, Jr., who was 
G47  58 married to her sister Mary, had begun building a large brick 
G47  59 structure on property on Tremont Street in Boston, which was to 
G47  60 become the Boston Fine Arts Museum. Jenkins ran out of money and 
G47  61 credit, and, unable to pay the owner of the land, Elizabeth 
G47  62 Deblois, he was threatened with the loss of his investment. After 
G47  63 Jenkins had made a number of unsuccessful attempts to obtain the 
G47  64 money, he approached Charles Eldredge, who agreed that he would 
G47  65 raise the money to purchase the property and complete the 
G47  66 edifice.<p/>
G47  67 <p_>On August 25, 1840, Eldredge purchased the property from 
G47  68 Elizabeth Deblois, paying her almost $6,000 and agreeing to pay her 
G47  69 the balance of approximately $15,000 within a year. Sarah P. 
G47  70 Eldredge signed her name to the documents. On February 12, 1841, 
G47  71 Eldredge paid $1,000 for a triangular piece of property adjoining 
G47  72 the larger property. The construction of the building continued, 
G47  73 and in April 1841 he took out two $10,000 loans and over the period 
G47  74 of the next few years borrowed money from various sources to pay 
G47  75 for the property and the construction costs. In the spring of 1841, 
G47  76 when the building was completed, Eldredge offered to sell the 
G47  77 property to Joseph Jenkins for what it had cost him, retaining a 
G47  78 small profit for himself: the agreed-upon profit was $3,500. When 
G47  79 Jenkins was unable to raise the money by September 1, 1841, the 
G47  80 date agreed upon, Eldredge, for whom the liability had become much 
G47  81 greater than Jenkins had originally led him to believe it would, 
G47  82 advertised the property for public sale. Jenkins took out an 
G47  83 injunction to prevent the sale.<p/>
G47  84 <p_>On March 1, 1842, Eldredge, pressed by his creditors and under 
G47  85 pressure from the officials at the Merchants' Bank where his 
G47  86 involvement with Jenkins's speculation was causing his business 
G47  87 reputation to suffer, sold the now-completed museum and surrounding 
G47  88 property to David Kimball, treasurer of the Corporation of the New 
G47  89 England Museum and Gallery of Fine Arts, for $55,000. Of that sum 
G47  90 over $40,000 were in outstanding mortgages in Eldredge's name; the 
G47  91 purchaser signed an agreement that he would pay the mortgages and 
G47  92 other debts and then pay Charles Eldredge $10,000. Jenkins, crying 
G47  93 fraud, filed a bill preventing the sale of the property and brought 
G47  94 Eldredge and Kimball to court, maintaining that Eldredge was only 
G47  95 acting as his trustee and had no right to sell the property. 
G47  96 Eldredge claimed that he was in fact the owner of the property and 
G47  97 denied that he had ever been simply a trustee. He said that he 
G47  98 originally took over the property with the hope that he could help 
G47  99 Jenkins's family, particularly his wife's sister, Mary Jenkins, and 
G47 100 that he also sought to make a small profit for himself. But he 
G47 101 maintained that it had always been his intention to give any 
G47 102 surplus money to Jenkins and his family, not because of any prior 
G47 103 agreement but at his own discretion.<p/>
G47 104 <p_>The court case lasted from 1842 to 1846, and Justice Joseph 
G47 105 Story found in favor of Jenkins and against the defendants, 
G47 106 Eldredge and Kimball, concluding that it was not reasonable to 
G47 107 suppose that Jenkins would ever have agreed to sign over the 
G47 108 property to Eldredge unless it was clear that Eldredge was acting 
G47 109 only as his trustee. Eldredge petitioned for a rehearing, 
G47 110 maintaining that at the time of the agreement Jenkins's right of 
G47 111 ownership had already expired. Eldredge cited contradictory 
G47 112 evidence given by Jenkins's witnesses at the Master's hearing 
G47 113 regarding the date at which the original agreement was reached, and 
G47 114 pointed to evidence that proved that those witnesses, including his 
G47 115 brother-in-law, Joseph Jenkins, Jr., who had died in November of 
G47 116 1843, had made false statements about the date. Eldredge's petition 
G47 117 was denied. The judge ruled that since the testimony before the 
G47 118 Master was without a special order of the court, it could not be 
G47 119 admitted, and he also said he did not wish to malign a dead man 
G47 120 (Jenkins, Jr.).<p/>
G47 121 <p_>In his petition Eldredge claimed that the decision was unfair 
G47 122 and based on perjured evidence and that he would <quote_>"suffer 
G47 123 ruinous loss both of property and reputation."<quote/> The decision 
G47 124 was allowed to stand. Eldredge was ordered to pay court costs and 
G47 125 to repay, with interest, all the money he had received from Kimball 
G47 126 for rents in addition to the purchase money. In addition, he had 
G47 127 contracted other debts and had maintained in his petition that he 
G47 128 was in danger of bankruptcy and that the sum he had been awarded 
G47 129 would not cover all of his debts and payments. When he died four 
G47 130 months later, he was insolvent, leaving Sara an impoverished widow 
G47 131 with two children.<p/>
G47 132 <p_>What must have been the effect of this long litigation and 
G47 133 financial night<?_>-<?/>mare for Sara and Charles Eldredge? For one 
G47 134 thing, family relationships must have been strained. Eldredge had 
G47 135 entered into the business originally, he said, because he wanted to 
G47 136 help Jenkins's family, particularly his wife's sister. He had come 
G47 137 to the aid of Jenkins, Sr., when Jenkins was threatened with 
G47 138 foreclosure, and he had assumed a debt of $2,000 that Jenkins, Jr., 
G47 139 could not repay. He had taken over the Fine Arts building to help 
G47 140 Jenkins when no one else would do so, and he had ultimately gotten 
G47 141 into a financial muddle because of it, assuming more than $50,000 
G47 142 dollars in debts and jeopardizing his financial reputation and his 
G47 143 position at the Merchants' Bank. Yet Jenkins had done everything to 
G47 144 force him to retain the building when he could not do so without 
G47 145 declaring bankruptcy, and Jenkins, Jr., he believed, had lied about 
G47 146 him in court in order to strengthen his father's claim to the 
G47 147 property. Eldredge in his petition claimed that Jenkins was guilty 
G47 148 of <quote_>"unjust and ungrateful conduct."<quote/> What was the 
G47 149 relationship between Sara and her sister Mary while their husbands 
G47 150 were involved in this financial name-calling? In later years Sara 
G47 151 and Mary and their children were on friendly terms, but for many 
G47 152 years the relationship between the two families must have been 
G47 153 uncomfortable at the very least.<p/>
G47 154 <p_>What of the rest of the Willis family? Did they take sides? One 
G47 155 wonders if the family's attitude toward Sara after her first 
G47 156 husband died and then toward her when she left her second husband 
G47 157 resulted in part from the strain caused by Charles Eldredge's feud 
G47 158 with Jenkins. When Eldredge died and left his wife with debts, 
G47 159 Nathaniel Willis blamed him, telling the young widow that she 
G47 160 wouldn't be in such dire straits if her husband had been a better 
G47 161 businessman.<p/>
G47 162 <p_>It was unkind and insensitive of her father to criticize 
G47 163 Eldredge to his grieving widow, but the evidence suggests that 
G47 164 Nathaniel Willis - who, according to his son, was himself a careful 
G47 165 businessman - was right. Eldredge took on the museum property when 
G47 166 all other speculators regarded it as a very poor risk: Jenkins had 
G47 167 approached a number of other businessmen, and they all, upon 
G47 168 <quote_>"mature consideration,"<quote/> had refused to become 
G47 169 involved. As the Master of Chancery said in his report, 
G47 170 <quote_>"The nature and hazard of the under<?_>-<?/>taking were 
G47 171 such that the said Eldridge [sic] was the only person in the City 
G47 172 of Boston who, with reasonable probability of being successful in 
G47 173 the under<?_>-<?/>taking, could be induced by the Complainant 
G47 174 [Jenkins] to render the services required."<quote/> Eldredge may 
G47 175 have been somewhat naive, or perhaps too eager to help his in-laws 
G47 176 - or he may have mistakenly thought the venture would provide an 
G47 177 easy profit for himself. Whatever his motivations, they were 
G47 178 ill<?_>-<?/>guided, and, as he commented in his petition to the 
G47 179 court in 1845, he never would have undertaken the speculation had 
G47 180 he <quote_>"foreseen the difficulties and embarrassments"<quote/> 
G47 181 that it would involve.<p/>
G47 182 <p_>What did Sara Eldredge think of the way in which her husband 
G47 183 had conducted his affairs? She apparently never criticized him to 
G47 184 her relatives, and she seems to have loved and supported him 
G47 185 through all of the long ordeal. Although <tf_>Ruth Hall<tf/> was 
G47 186 merciless in its criticism of Fern's father-in-law, brother, 
G47 187 brother-in-law, and the newspaper editors who had exploited her, 
G47 188 there is no suggestion of criticism of her first husband in her 
G47 189 positive portrayal of Harry Hall, who was based on Eldredge, the 
G47 190 beloved husband who died in financial ruin, leaving his wife and 
G47 191 children without resources. When Hall dies, the author tells us 
G47 192 that his hands are folded <quote_>"over as noble a heart as ever 
G47 193 lay cold and still"<quote/> (RH,58).
G47 194 
G48   1 <#FROWN:G48\><p_>By the time I got home that summer, I hadn't had 
G48   2 my period in about six months. In a rare moment of sanity, I 
G48   3 decided it might be a good idea to find out why. Of course, it 
G48   4 never occurred to me that it could have something to do with the 
G48   5 fact that I looked like a skeleton with my skin stretched over the 
G48   6 bones.<p/>
G48   7 <p_><quote_>"I think maybe I need to go for a checkup,"<quote/> I 
G48   8 told my mother.<p/>
G48   9 <p_><quote_>"Why? What's wrong?"<quote/><p/>
G48  10 <p_><quote_>"Well, I - uh - haven't gotten my period for a long 
G48  11 time."<quote/><p/>
G48  12 <p_>I read the thoughts that raced through her mind. Or rather, one 
G48  13 thought - pregnancy. I was still a virgin, but I knew she probably 
G48  14 doubted that.<p/>
G48  15 <p_><quote_>"For how long?"<quote/> she asked.<p/>
G48  16 <p_><quote_>"Six months."<quote/> Which ended the pregnancy 
G48  17 concern, because nothing could have been growing in my emaciated 
G48  18 body for six months.<p/>
G48  19 <p_>There was something unusual about that summer - my mother and I 
G48  20 had this nice sort of easiness between us. At the time, I thought 
G48  21 it was because I had removed myself as a threat, at least in the 
G48  22 realm of sexual rivalry, by starving and drugging myself into a 
G48  23 completely unsexual-looking person. I'd starved away my breasts, my 
G48  24 hips; from the back, I could have been a boy. But I think there was 
G48  25 something else going on in this warm summer air that seemed to hang 
G48  26 over my mother and me - no storms, no hard winds, just the lull of 
G48  27 smiles and kind words. I think that because I was rail-thin, I no 
G48  28 longer stirred up memories of a time when my mother was unhappy 
G48  29 with her own appearance. The year before, when she called me fat, 
G48  30 her anger wasn't aimed at only me. Memories came back up for her, 
G48  31 old insecurities. Anger was her first response to this unwelcome 
G48  32 tide.<p/>
G48  33 <p_>By that summer, I was thin as she was, and perhaps that was 
G48  34 easier for her to take.<p/>
G48  35 <p_>But I think there was something else, too. In our use of pills, 
G48  36 we had converged. Even though we chose opposite drugs, even though 
G48  37 we didn't admit to addiction, we shared a common secret.<p/>
G48  38 <p_>One evening, I was watching television with my mother. We were 
G48  39 in Pacific Palisades and my father was in Sacramento. The news 
G48  40 program we were watching had a segment about withdrawal from 
G48  41 Valium. It showed someone having convulsions and seizures. If you 
G48  42 didn't know, you'd think you were watching someone in the throes of 
G48  43 an epileptic seizure. I turned to my mother and said, <quote_>"You 
G48  44 should pay attention to this."<quote/> She glanced at me and didn't 
G48  45 answer. Of course, I should have paid attention, too, but neither 
G48  46 of us thought we had a problem. Even if the program had shown 
G48  47 someone withdrawing from diet pills - zombie-like, disoriented, 
G48  48 desperately depressed - I wouldn't have seen it - not with any 
G48  49 clarity of vision.<p/>
G48  50 <p_>I noticed that Miltown hadn't been entirely discarded. We flew 
G48  51 back and forth between Los Angeles and Sacramento a few times that 
G48  52 summer. On one plane trip, my mother shook two Miltown into her 
G48  53 hand and asked the stewardess for a glass of water.<p/>
G48  54 <p_><quote_>"Do you have a headache?"<quote/> the stewardess asked, 
G48  55 thinking they were aspirin.<p/>
G48  56 <p_><quote|>"Yes," my mother lied.<p/>
G48  57 <p_>I thought about the pills hidden in my suitcase in an empty 
G48  58 shampoo bottle, and wished they were white and could be mistaken 
G48  59 for aspirin.<p/>
G48  60 <p_>On another plane trip, my mother complained of indigestion, so 
G48  61 she pulled out two Miltown.<p/>
G48  62 <p_><quote_>"That helps indigestion?"<quote/> I asked.<p/>
G48  63 <p_><quote|>"Yes."<p/>
G48  64 <p_>To determine why I hadn't had my period in so long, my mother 
G48  65 said she was going to make an appointment for me with her doctor, 
G48  66 since I didn't really have one of my own. But it was said 
G48  67 matter-of-factly, with no hint of judgment or suspicion.<p/>
G48  68 <p_>She drove me to the doctor for an examination. I remember lying 
G48  69 on the table, my feet in the stirrups, thinking, <quote_>"Oh God, 
G48  70 all these years I've been riding horses ...what if the stories are 
G48  71 right? What if riding horses can break things and make it look like 
G48  72 you're not a virgin?"<quote/><p/>
G48  73 <p_>But the doctor completed his examination, turned to my mother, 
G48  74 who had stayed in the room, and said, <quote_>"Well, everything 
G48  75 seems to be fine."<quote/> We all knew what that meant.<p/>
G48  76 <p_>The next day, mysteriously, I started my period.<p/>
G48  77 <p_><*_>three-bullets<*/><p/>
G48  78 <p_>We flew up to Sacramento, planning to stay there for the 
G48  79 remainder of the summer, but as soon as we arrived at the leased 
G48  80 house which had become the official governor's mansion, we were 
G48  81 told that Robert Taylor had died. It wasn't wholly unexpected; his 
G48  82 body was ravaged by lung cancer from years of smoking, and he'd 
G48  83 been hospitalized for months. We turned around and flew back to Los 
G48  84 Angeles.<p/>
G48  85 <p_>I remember that week like a dream - Ursula Taylor's face 
G48  86 transformed by grief, my mother trying to comfort her, unable to 
G48  87 hold back her own tears, my father's eulogy for a man who had been 
G48  88 one of his best friends. I remember Barbara Stanwyck, Robert 
G48  89 Taylor's first wife, so shaken by sobs she had to sit down in the 
G48  90 entryway and gather her strength. I remember the confusion of 
G48  91 children who didn't quite know how to fit death into their lives. 
G48  92 We moved through the hours with bewildered faces and questions we 
G48  93 didn't dare ask because we knew no one had the answers.<p/>
G48  94 <p_>A few days after the service, we flew back to Sacramento. My 
G48  95 father came home from the Capitol every day at around five, but he 
G48  96 didn't seem part of those months. What I recall most clearly of 
G48  97 that summer is spending time with my mother, sunbathing, sitting by 
G48  98 the pool, exchanging books, laughing. Emotionally and physically, 
G48  99 my mother and I have been at war for a very long time, but 
G48 100 spiritually, we've understood each other in ways that we wouldn't 
G48 101 admit, even to ourselves. Both of us have used drugs, anger, and 
G48 102 defensiveness as a buffer against pain. And both of us have been 
G48 103 capable of truces, of reaching out to one another for periods of 
G48 104 time until some event, some source of pain, would again wrench us 
G48 105 apart. That summer was one of our rare cease-fires.<p/>
G48 106 <p_>When I went back to school that fall, I'd put on a little 
G48 107 weight. I still looked like I'd been in a prison camp, but I looked 
G48 108 as if some kindly guard had been giving me extra rations.<p/>
G48 109 <p_>When my grandparents picked me up at the airport, my 
G48 110 grandmother was the one who finally noticed my weight loss.<p/>
G48 111 <p_><quote_>"You must have to run around in the shower just to get 
G48 112 wet,"<quote/> she said.<p/>
G48 113 <p_>But my grandfather didn't seem to notice, which was a bit 
G48 114 unusual because his surgeon's eye generally recorded everything.<p/>
G48 115 <p_>The first night back at school, after dinner, I helped clear 
G48 116 the dishes from my table and on my way through the kitchen I 
G48 117 noticed a new addition. A young man in his twenties, lean, with 
G48 118 sandy hair and blue eyes, looked up from the stove where he was 
G48 119 cooking; he smiled at me. I dropped a plate and had a vision of the 
G48 120 rest of the year as one long obsession, which turned out to be 
G48 121 pretty accurate.<p/>
G48 122 <p_>A couple of months later, I had an opportunity to put myself 
G48 123 right in his path. I and four other girls were crowded into the 
G48 124 bathroom one night, smoking with the shower on hot so the steam 
G48 125 would mask the smoke, and the window open so both the steam and the 
G48 126 smoke would pour out. We also had a can of Right Guard in case a 
G48 127 teacher came by.<p/>
G48 128 <p_>A teacher did come. I had just left the bathroom, so according 
G48 129 to what she saw, I was innocent. But I was guilty and more 
G48 130 important, I wanted to be found guilty because punishment would 
G48 131 mean working off 'hours' in the kitchen. So, the next day, I turned 
G48 132 myself in, confessed, and got exactly what I wanted: one hundred 
G48 133 hours of kitchen duty.<p/>
G48 134 <p_>Because I knew the school would notify my parents about my 
G48 135 crime, I decided to write my father myself and tell him that I had 
G48 136 turned myself in (although I omitted my ulterior motive). It was 
G48 137 also part of my continuing effort to get my father's attention.<p/>
G48 138 <p_>He wrote back and told me that turning myself in was the right 
G48 139 thing to do, but that punishment was necessary because I'd broken 
G48 140 the rules. He then went on to describe how important honesty was, 
G48 141 how there would be chaos and anarchy in society if dishonesty were 
G48 142 tolerated. He said that I would undoubtedly be disturbed if I felt 
G48 143 that he wasn't honest in his job as governor, and if the news 
G48 144 reported that he had broken the laws and lied.<p/>
G48 145 <p_>My father and I exchanged very few letters; they always had to 
G48 146 do with a specific subject, never casual news or inconsequential 
G48 147 updates. One subject I was informed of, through letters, about this 
G48 148 same time, was the sale of our ranch. The ranch was the sweetest 
G48 149 memory of my childhood and I was heartbroken to see it go. I was 
G48 150 made to feel a bit better, though, by the fact that my father had 
G48 151 sold it to Twentieth Century-Fox, which owned a large piece of land 
G48 152 next door and promised not to develop the property.<p/>
G48 153 <p_>My mother's letters came more often and just gave me news of 
G48 154 our dog, descriptions of the weather, and assorted bulletins. It 
G48 155 was through one of her letters that I learned that Ron, who was 
G48 156 then going to school in Sacramento, had been beaten up by three 
G48 157 boys because he was <quote_>"the governor's son"<quote/> and rode 
G48 158 to school in a state car.<p/>
G48 159 <p_>I wasn't sure that the car really was the reason, but I didn't 
G48 160 argue. These were volatile times. There was a war in Vietnam, a war 
G48 161 in everyone's living room - right there on television. And there 
G48 162 was a war on college campuses, like Berkeley; my father wasn't 
G48 163 holding back on his rhetoric. He said that if Berkeley students 
G48 164 wanted a bloodbath, they'd have one. I'm sure that not everyone at 
G48 165 Ron's Sacramento school came from a Republican family, and that 
G48 166 more than a few people were opposed to my father's disdain for 
G48 167 anti-war protesters. Much later, Ron told me about the incident and 
G48 168 said the boys were saying things like <quote|>"warmonger" as they 
G48 169 were punching his face and giving him a black eye.<p/>
G48 170 <p_>I was definitely far from the fray, being out in the middle of 
G48 171 the Arizona desert. My political feelings were still fairly 
G48 172 undeveloped. I fantasized about being in Haight-Ashbury, plaiting 
G48 173 flowers in my hair, or at Berkeley, protesting the war. Instead, I 
G48 174 was sneaking poetry books into geometry class, riding horses, and 
G48 175 getting up at five every morning to work off 'hours' in the 
G48 176 kitchen.<p/>
G48 177 
G48 178 <h_><p_>Chapter 13<p/><h/>
G48 179 <p_>Diet pills came in handy on my new schedule. The night watchman 
G48 180 would rap on the window to wake me up at five so I could start 
G48 181 working in the kitchen at five-thirty. The kitchen man's name was 
G48 182 Don and it didn't take long before we were making out on the 
G48 183 stairway in back of the kitchen, in the walk-in freezer, the trash 
G48 184 can area, and eventually his room. The room part got a little 
G48 185 tricky; I had to get a nurse's excuse to get out of the evening 
G48 186 study hall. The I would sneak across campus. That's where I finally 
G48 187 got careless.<p/>
G48 188 <p_>It was probably starting to look suspicious that I was coming 
G48 189 down with illnesses at night, but would be racing between classes 
G48 190 the next day and galloping around on my horse in the afternoons. 
G48 191 One night, when the nurse decided to check on me in my room, I 
G48 192 wasn't there. I was in Don's room, and it was the night I'd decided 
G48 193 that we'd taken foreplay about as far as we could. I wanted to lose 
G48 194 my virginity. I thought: <quote_>"I'm sixteen, I'm old 
G48 195 enough."<quote/>
G48 196 
G49   1 <#FROWN:G49\>In recent years there had been little opportunity for 
G49   2 games or the competitions that the Shawnees so much enjoyed and 
G49   3 very quickly all the males of the village fell into the spirit of 
G49   4 it and encouraged Tecumseh to participate, which he finally, with 
G49   5 some reluctance, agreed to do. The competition was to be a 
G49   6 three-day deer hunt, using only bow and arrows, with each hunter 
G49   7 dressing, skinning, and hanging his take at the close of each day, 
G49   8 the meat to be picked up by the women after the hunt and brought 
G49   9 back to the village for a feast and for curing into jerky. Word of 
G49  10 the projected hunting competition spread and soon men from other 
G49  11 villages were coming to take part in it and a sense of happy 
G49  12 excitement filled them all at the prospect of at last having a good 
G49  13 hunt where they needn't fear running afoul of hostile whites.<p/>
G49  14 <p_>At the end of the three-day hunt, the men brought in the proofs 
G49  15 of their skill - the hides of the animals they had killed. Many of 
G49  16 the warriors brought in three or four skins apiece and a fair 
G49  17 number had killed five or six. Perhaps a dozen had taken ten each 
G49  18 and three men had each downed twelve. Tecumseh returned pulling a 
G49  19 makeshift sledge of bark behind him, on which were tied the hides 
G49  20 of the deer he had killed - a total of thirty of them.<p/>
G49  21 <p_>It was the custom at the feast following the hunt for each man 
G49  22 to tell of his own experiences and there was much laughter and 
G49  23 admiration as one after another they told their tales. When it came 
G49  24 to be Tecumseh's turn, a respectful silence fell over them all and 
G49  25 they clung to his every word. Unlike the boastful way in which 
G49  26 those who had preceded him told of their exploits, Tecumseh spoke 
G49  27 softly, simply and with an appealing eloquence that captured his 
G49  28 audience completely and left them marveling at his oratorical 
G49  29 abilities as much as over his hunting skill. Once again the news of 
G49  30 the great prowess of Tecumseh filtered throughout the Indian 
G49  31 nations. And a glow of pride and expectation filled Lowawluwaysica. 
G49  32 One day, he was sure, the time would come for his older brother to 
G49  33 take up the reins of leadership and when that time came, he was 
G49  34 certain to have many followers. And, thought his one-eyed brother, 
G49  35 at his right hand would be Lowawluwaysica.<p/>
G49  36 <p_>However, despite the therapeutic benefit of the hunting 
G49  37 competition and the pleasure in the accolades that followed, 
G49  38 Tecumseh remained depressed and pessimistic about what lay ahead 
G49  39 for all the Indians.<p/>
G49  40 
G49  41 <h_><p_>[May 1, 1795 - Friday]<p/><h/>
G49  42 <p_>If there lingered any trace of hope among the Indians with 
G49  43 Tecumseh or elsewhere that the British would finally rise and 
G49  44 thrust the Americans out of the Northwest, it was dashed when word 
G49  45 swept through the tribes of the new treaty of peace with the United 
G49  46 States that the American special envoy, John Jay, had negotiated 
G49  47 with the British in London. That treaty had been signed last 
G49  48 November 19, and though it covered many aspects of international 
G49  49 trade and other matters, the provision that struck home with the 
G49  50 Northwestern Indians most directly dealt with the strong British 
G49  51 posts at Mackinac, Detroit, and Niagara.<p/>
G49  52 <p_>The grave nebulosity in the Treaty of Paris over eleven years 
G49  53 ago that had enabled the British to so disruptively retain their 
G49  54 hold on these vital western posts in American territory had finally 
G49  55 been resolved by the astute Mr. Jay. By the new terms to which the 
G49  56 British had agreed, <tf|>all British posts anywhere in the 
G49  57 territory of the United States would be evacuated by the first day 
G49  58 of June next year. At councils held with the Indians in the Detroit 
G49  59 area, assurances were quickly given by the British that this did 
G49  60 not mean they were actually leaving. In point of fact, they said, 
G49  61 they were only moving across the Detroit River to Canada where, at 
G49  62 Amherstburg, hardly fifteen miles from Detroit, they were building 
G49  63 a very large fort, much bigger and better than the Detroit fort, 
G49  64 and calling it Fort Malden. From here, they promised, they would 
G49  65 continue to provide the Indians with the gifts and annuities and 
G49  66 supplies they were accustomed to receiving. The explanations and 
G49  67 plans did little to instill any rejuvenation of confidence in the 
G49  68 Indians for the British.<p/>
G49  69 <p_>In the Deer Creek Village, Lowawluwaysica, utilizing the Indian 
G49  70 medicine training he had been receiving from the old Shawnee 
G49  71 medicine man, Penegashega - Change of Feathers - now carried with 
G49  72 him wherever he went a pouch filled with herbs, bits of bone, 
G49  73 symbolic and mystical objects, and other paraphernalia and passed 
G49  74 himself off as the village doctor. He had even learned a number of 
G49  75 the healing chants from old Penegashega and used them now in 
G49  76 treating those afflicted with illness. In the majority of cases the 
G49  77 patients got better, though they no doubt would have done the same 
G49  78 without any treatment. For payment of his services, the one-eyed 
G49  79 youngest brother of Tecumseh most often, when it was available, 
G49  80 would take liquor in lieu of anything else. As always, in 
G49  81 everything he did, Lowawluwaysica constantly looked for 
G49  82 short<?_>-<?/>cuts to success. Most often he did not find them and 
G49  83 relied then on his inherent weasellike craftiness to carry him 
G49  84 through and remaining, as in the majority of his undertakings, 
G49  85 abysmally average and taking refuge in his close blood relationship 
G49  86 to Tecumseh. Where Tecumseh declined to boast very much of his own 
G49  87 accomplishments, Lowawluwaysica would boast all the louder on his 
G49  88 behalf and there was certainly much to boast about.<p/>
G49  89 <p_>At twenty-seven Tecumseh was a most formidable warrior, an 
G49  90 unparalleled hunter and tracker, a remarkable tactician and 
G49  91 logician, a gifted linguist in English as well as in a number of 
G49  92 Indian dialects, and most definitely an accomplished leader of men. 
G49  93 He continued to be temperate, never again having tasted alcohol in 
G49  94 any form following his pledge to Chicsika eleven years earlier. He 
G49  95 had become even more strongly handsome with the character lines 
G49  96 that time and experience had etched on his features and he 
G49  97 remained, in most circumstances, very gentle and good-natured. The 
G49  98 only avenue in which he seemed to do less than excel was in his 
G49  99 choice of a mate.<p/>
G49 100 <p_>Shortly after the Deer Creek Village was established, an 
G49 101 attractive, slender and strong young woman of twenty-three summers 
G49 102 decided that Tecumseh needed a wife. Named Mohnetohse, she was the 
G49 103 daughter of one of the older Peckuwe warriors among them. With her 
G49 104 naturally aggressive way she impinged herself upon his life and it 
G49 105 came as a surprise to no one when she and Tecumseh were soon 
G49 106 married. As a married woman, however, her character changed 
G49 107 considerably - or, more likely, revealed its true nature - and she 
G49 108 became domineering, accusatory, berative, and demanding, constantly 
G49 109 railing at Tecumseh and finding fault in all he did. Were it not 
G49 110 that she was pregnant, no one in the village had any doubt he would 
G49 111 have sent her away long before now.<p/>
G49 112 <p_>News had come to the Deer Creek Village over the past few 
G49 113 months that General Wayne, still quartered at Fort Greenville, was 
G49 114 continually being visited by chiefs declaring for peace. Most 
G49 115 disheartening was the fact that two such chiefs were Blue Jacket 
G49 116 and Michikiniqua, who visited with Wayne before the winter was 
G49 117 quite over. After that visit, Wayne had magnanimously sent word to 
G49 118 the displaced Shawnees under Catahecassa, as well as to other 
G49 119 Indians, that if they wished to do so, they could resettle, at 
G49 120 least temporarily, at their old village sites, provided they 
G49 121 remained peaceful and quiet. As a result, Catahecassa had returned 
G49 122 to the site of Wapakoneta and had reestablished the principal 
G49 123 village of the Shawnees there, reinstituting the name Wapakoneta. 
G49 124 Blue Jacket's Town had also been reestablished when the war chief 
G49 125 returned there, and Wapatomica was being rebuilt with a good 
G49 126 <foreign|>msi-kah-mi-qui, but the nearby ruins of Mackachack, 
G49 127 McKee's Town, and others remained uninhabited. Numerous other small 
G49 128 new villages of both Shawnee and Miami Indians similarly were 
G49 129 springing up again in the valleys of the Maumee, Auglaize, 
G49 130 Blanchard, Ottawa, and little Auglaize. Another surprise came with 
G49 131 news that Michikiniqua, accepting the commanding general's 
G49 132 invitation, had reestablished a moderate-sized village at the 
G49 133 Kekionga site quite close to Fort Wayne. Also, though Chief Five 
G49 134 Medals of the St. Joseph River Potawatomies had made an armistice 
G49 135 with Wayne and had agreed to attend the Greenville council, the 
G49 136 Milwackie and Illinois River Potawatomies under young Siggenauk and 
G49 137 Chaubenee were following Tecumseh's lead and not committing 
G49 138 themselves to anything.<p/>
G49 139 
G49 140 <h_><p_>[September 22, 1795 - Tuesday]<p/><h/>
G49 141 <p_>That the war chief of the Shawnees should specifically pay a 
G49 142 visit to Tecumseh at his Deer Creek Village and spend long hours 
G49 143 explaining to him all details of the Greenville Treaty, so recently 
G49 144 concluded, was a real honor. It underlined the level of prestige 
G49 145 Tecumseh now had among the Indians even though he was himself, in 
G49 146 the eyes of Shawnee chiefs, still merely a warrior.<p/>
G49 147 <p_>Blue Jacket had arrived this morning with a contingent of 
G49 148 chiefs and warriors that included Chiuxca, Chaubenee, Spemica 
G49 149 Lawba, and a bright, seventeen-year-old half-breed Potowatomi named 
G49 150 Sauganash, whom the English called Billy Caldwell.<p/>
G49 151 <p_>Tecumseh had been overjoyed to see his old friends once again, 
G49 152 warmly shaking hands with Blue Jacket and Chiuxca, embracing his 
G49 153 nephew, Spemica Lawba, enfolding his huge friend Chaubenee in a 
G49 154 great bear hug, and cordially greeting young Sauganash. The latter 
G49 155 gazed at him with something almost akin to reverence and it was 
G49 156 clear that he was as smitten by Tecumseh in this first meeting as 
G49 157 Chaubenee had been those years ago.<p/>
G49 158 <p_>Laden with pots and dishes heaped with good food, Wasegoboah 
G49 159 and Tecumapese had joined them, along with Kumskaka and 
G49 160 Lowawluwaysica, and all had eaten heartily at Tecumseh's table, 
G49 161 smoked their pipes and spent the first hour or so in pleasant 
G49 162 reminiscences and in the sharing or news of less than monumental 
G49 163 significance, saving the most important matter of discussion - the 
G49 164 Greenville Treaty - for last.<p/>
G49 165 <p_>Because he was a stranger in their midst and more than a little 
G49 166 over-awed at being included in this august company at the 
G49 167 insistence of Chaubenee, Sauganash was invited to speak first and 
G49 168 tell them something of his background. A sinewy but well-built 
G49 169 young man of erect posture and animated expression, he was 
G49 170 embarrassed at first but quickly warmed to the matter and spoke 
G49 171 swiftly, succinctly, and very intelligently. His father, he said, 
G49 172 was an Irishman who was a great admirer of both Blue Jacket and 
G49 173 Tecumseh and was the officer who had brought the fifty-three 
G49 174 Canadians from Detroit who, dressed and painted as Indians, had 
G49 175 fought under Blue Jacket at the Battle of Fallen Timbers.<p/>
G49 176 <p_>As he continued with his narration, it was apparent to everyone 
G49 177 present that Sauganash was an extremely nimble-minded and 
G49 178 accomplished young man with a keen memory, a well-developed sense 
G49 179 of humor and considerable education. He had been born in Canada in 
G49 180 1778 just across the river from Detroit and at an early age had 
G49 181 been presented by his father to the Jesuits in Detroit to be 
G49 182 educated. Possessed of a pronounced flair for languages, he spoke 
G49 183 English and French fluently and could read and write in both 
G49 184 languages equally well. In addition to his own native Potawatomi, 
G49 185 he spoke seven other Indian languages and many dialects within 
G49 186 those languages. He was skilled in mathematics and geography and 
G49 187 had begun learning cartography when he left the Jesuits to be on 
G49 188 his own, not in full accord with the Catholic beliefs of his 
G49 189 mentors, which were so in variance with his tribal religious 
G49 190 beliefs. His Potawatomi name was Tequitoh - Straight Tree - but 
G49 191 practically everyone addressed or referred to him by his nickname, 
G49 192 Sauganash - The Englishman. From Chaubenee he had heard a great 
G49 193 deal about Blue Jacket and Tecumseh and both, along with Chaubenee, 
G49 194 had more or less become his personal heroes.<p/>
G49 195 <p_>They welcomed him with genuine warmth to their inner circle, if 
G49 196 such it could be called, and then went on to other matters. Spemica 
G49 197 Lawba was next to speak and the twenty-year-old proudly announced 
G49 198 that he had just gotten married.
G49 199 
G49 200 
G49 201 
G50   1 <#FROWN:G50\><h_><p_>8<p/>
G50   2 <p_>PURLOINING GERMANY'S ATOMIC SECRETS<p/><h/>
G50   3 <p_>The early twentieth century was a revolutionary epoch for 
G50   4 physics. And no nation dominated scientific advance in this field 
G50   5 as did Germany. For there it was, in 1900, that Max Planck laid the 
G50   6 groundwork for all of modern physics by formulating his quantum 
G50   7 theory of energy transfer. It was there, too, that Albert Einstein 
G50   8 was born and first schooled, and where, at the height of his 
G50   9 international fame, he returned, at Planck's urging, to assume a 
G50  10 prestigious post at the University of Berlin. And it was the 
G50  11 scientifically progressive Weimar Republic that spawned, or 
G50  12 nurtured, most of the century's most illustrious physicists: Max 
G50  13 von Laue, who devised a way of measuring X-ray wave lengths; 
G50  14 Wolfgang Pauli, 'father' of the neutrino; Werner Heisenberg, 
G50  15 formulator of the 'uncertainty principle'; Max Born; Lise Meitner; 
G50  16 Edward Teller; and, as a graduate student, J. Robert Oppenheimer. 
G50  17 With its peerless Kaiser Wilhelm Gesellschaft (boasting 15 Nobel 
G50  18 prize winners), Prussian Academy of Sciences, and illustrious 
G50  19 university, Berlin occupied center stage in German physics.<p/>
G50  20 <p_>To these elite scientific bastions Erwin Respondek enjoyed a 
G50  21 privileged access. Through a variety of personal connections, he 
G50  22 was able to keep abreast of German experimental progress - 
G50  23 knowledge shared with few persons outside the scientific community. 
G50  24 After 1939, this knowledge would extend to war-related projects. 
G50  25 Those would include research relating to an atomic bomb. From 
G50  26 Respondek, the Americans would receive news about German progress 
G50  27 in the race to produce the most devastating explosive device the 
G50  28 world had ever seen.<p/>
G50  29 <p_>Respondek's oldest and principal scientific tie was to Max 
G50  30 Planck. His brother, Georg, was one of the few students selected to 
G50  31 study and earn a Ph.D. under the bald-headed, reserved classical 
G50  32 physicist at the University of Berlin. He introduced Erwin as a 
G50  33 young schoolboy to the famous scientist and his family. When 
G50  34 Respondek was working for the Finance Ministry immediately after 
G50  35 the First World War, he lived for nearly two years in Planck's 
G50  36 spacious Grunewald villa. He also served as a surrogate son during 
G50  37 a time of tragic personal loss for Planck. (One of the physicist's 
G50  38 sons was also named Erwin.) Their friendship would endure until 
G50  39 Planck's death in 1947. Through the world-famous physicist, 
G50  40 Respondek came to know other eminent German scientists, including 
G50  41 Otto Hahn and Werner Heisenberg, who were deeply involved in atomic 
G50  42 research. But it was from Planck himself that he first heard about 
G50  43 German advances in this area.<p/>
G50  44 <p_>Hermann Muckermann was a second valuable source. From his years 
G50  45 at the Kaiser Wilhelm Society prior to 1933, the onetime Jesuit 
G50  46 knew numerous scientists all over Germany. Many of these colleagues 
G50  47 he may well have introduced to Respondek before the Nazis came to 
G50  48 power. Now semiretired, Muckermann participated in the resistance 
G50  49 activities of Respondek's circle. (Once the Gestapo nearly caught 
G50  50 him with some highly sensitive papers. Muckermann had received a 
G50  51 list of the persons slated to take over ministerial posts after a 
G50  52 successful coup against Hitler. That same day secret police came 
G50  53 calling at his home in Frohnau. Luckily, Muckermann's Scotch 
G50  54 terrier began barking at the approaching Gestapo agents, and his 
G50  55 housekeeper was able to toss the papers into the furnace just in 
G50  56 the nick of time.)<p/>
G50  57 <p_>But Respondek's most valuable confederate in purloining German 
G50  58 atomic secrets was Herbert (Rainer) M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller, one of 
G50  59 his few close friends. To this day M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller remains a 
G50  60 mysterious, shadowy figure. Little is known about his life and 
G50  61 career, other than that he was born, a Protestant, on August 29, 
G50  62 1907, studied law at the University of Berlin, and then married and 
G50  63 established a home in Charlottenburg. He was an easy-going, quiet, 
G50  64 intelligent man with a love for literature and music and something 
G50  65 of a romantic temperament. He was also crafty and duplicitous, a 
G50  66 person who could easily blur his loyalties, both personal and 
G50  67 political. (During the war he and Charlotte Respondek carried on an 
G50  68 affair, more or less under their spouses' noses. Many years later 
G50  69 his secretary would remember M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller as a person who 
G50  70 could easily have worked <quote_>"for both sides."<quote/>) In June 
G50  71 1934, at the age of twenty-six, M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller joined the 
G50  72 Institute for Foreign and International Civil Law, a center for 
G50  73 legal research affiliated with the Kaiser Wilhelm Society. 
G50  74 Subsequently, M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller served as temporary director of 
G50  75 this institute while advising the central administration on legal 
G50  76 matters. He published papers on such topics as German 
G50  77 administration of justice in the context of international civil law 
G50  78 and reform of guarantor law in Switzerland. In his administrative 
G50  79 role M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller was well positioned to stay in touch 
G50  80 with scientific progress in many fields, including atomic physics. 
G50  81 After 1938 he also took advantage of his Kaiser Wilhelm Society 
G50  82 posts to shield politically suspect scientists from attacks and 
G50  83 dismissal. In addition, M<*_>u-umlaut<*/>ller endeavored to erect 
G50  84 obstacles for those German scientists working on an atomic bomb, 
G50  85 while he passed on details about their research to Erwin 
G50  86 Respondek.<p/>
G50  87 <p_>On top of these sources, Respondek could count on his 
G50  88 long-standing professional ties to such scientist-industrialists as 
G50  89 Carl Duisberg, Hermann B<*_>u-umlaut<*/>cher, Wilhelm Kalle, and 
G50  90 Carl Bosch for privileged information concerning German weaponry. 
G50  91 And as was noted earlier, his anti-Nazi son-in-law, Friedrich 
G50  92 Hoffmann, was fully informed about German experiments involving 
G50  93 poison gas.<p/>
G50  94 <p_>Earlier Respondek had made use of these ties to prepare for Sam 
G50  95 Woods a synopsis of scientific work inside the Reich, which touched 
G50  96 upon ongoing experiments in nuclear fission. But there was one 
G50  97 sensational piece of news he kept from his American friends. It 
G50  98 concerned two of the largest and most powerful industrial firms in 
G50  99 the world - one German, the other American - and their secret pact 
G50 100 to exchange scientific findings. It was an agreement that would 
G50 101 stay in force until the final months of the war and remain 
G50 102 concealed long thereafter.<p/>
G50 103 <p_>The Delaware-based chemical giant Du Pont had long sought a 
G50 104 co<?_>-<?/>operative arrangement with German companies. As early as 
G50 105 1919 Du Pont executives had broached such a proposal on dyestuffs 
G50 106 with Carl Bosch, the inventor of synthetic ammonia, future founder 
G50 107 of IG Farben, and then chairman of the board of Badische Anilin und 
G50 108 Soda Fabrik. But the wily Bosch, who saw little advantage in 
G50 109 sharing German expertise with the Americans, rebuffed this bid. 
G50 110 Undaunted, Du Pont persisted in its attempts to acquire German 
G50 111 technical know-how after IG Farben was created in 1925. The 
G50 112 following year, in Hamburg, Du Pont officials signed a secret 
G50 113 <quote_>"gentlemen's agreement"<quote/> with two Farben 
G50 114 subsidiaries, Dynamit Aktien Gesellschaft and K<*_>o-umlaut<*/>ln 
G50 115 Rottweiler - both major explosives manufacturers - granting each 
G50 116 party a first option on new processes and products, such as black 
G50 117 powder and safety and powder fuses.<p/>
G50 118 <p_>Although unable to achieve the same kind of comprehensive 
G50 119 cartel arrangement it had already signed with the British Imperial 
G50 120 Chemical company, Du Pont did invest some $3 million in the German 
G50 121 armaments industry in the 1920s, thereby gaining a large lead over 
G50 122 its U.S. competitors. In 1929, quite possibly as the result of a 
G50 123 hush-hush Mediterranean cruise its top executives took with 
G50 124 counterparts from IG Farben and Imperial Chemical, Du Pont signed 
G50 125 another pact with the German conglomerate. In 1933, with Hitler now 
G50 126 in power, officers of the American company went so far as to agree 
G50 127 to sell the Germans <quote_>"military propellants and military 
G50 128 explosives"<quote/> - in clear violation of both the Versailles 
G50 129 Treaty and the peace treaty between the United States and Germany. 
G50 130 This happened despite a warning from a Du Pont executive in Germany 
G50 131 that it was <quote_>"common knowledge"<quote/> that IG Farben was 
G50 132 bankrolling the Nazis. Lammot Du Pont, the company's president, 
G50 133 wisely scrapped this agreement before it was formally signed, even 
G50 134 though he continued to hope he could circumvent these legal 
G50 135 restrictions.<p/>
G50 136 <p_>Reports of Du Pont's secret cartel pacts with IG Farben and 
G50 137 other European firms were aired at the Senate's munitions hearings 
G50 138 in 1934. A solemn and dignified parade of Du Pont family executives 
G50 139 - Lammot, Felix, Pierre, and Ir<*_>e-acute<*/>n<*_>e-acute<*/>e - 
G50 140 flatly denied the existence of any such arrangements until 
G50 141 documents were introduced in evidence that described a cartel pact 
G50 142 on explosives with Imperial and several German firms. These 
G50 143 embarrassing revelations notwithstanding, Du Pont cultivated 
G50 144 further ties with IG Farben during the Nazi years, making available 
G50 145 licenses in acrylates and nitrogenous products, and then, in 1938, 
G50 146 giving the German chemical manufacturer important processes 
G50 147 necessary for the manufacture of buna rubber - an important, newly 
G50 148 developed synthetic substance for making tires. These exchanges of 
G50 149 strategically important industrial know-how continued even though 
G50 150 they violated U.S. neutrality laws and even though President 
G50 151 Roosevelt was warned about them by his ambassador in Berlin, 
G50 152 William Dodd. Despite the outbreak of war, Du Pont went on 
G50 153 negotiating trade agreements with Farben until 1941, when its board 
G50 154 finally voted to sell its stock in the German firm and 
G50 155 <quote|>"suspend" patent exchanges until <quote_>"the present 
G50 156 emergency has passed."<quote/><p/>
G50 157 <p_>But it was soon revealed that IG Farben had kept a toehold in 
G50 158 the lucrative U.S. market through its 90 percent ownership of the 
G50 159 New York-based firm General Aniline and Film Corporation. This 
G50 160 <quote|>"dummy" front controlled $11.5 million of assets in 
G50 161 American firms, including Du Pont. This news caused quite a stir in 
G50 162 the press and in Washington and led to both seizure of General 
G50 163 Aniline's assets, under the Trading with the Enemy Act, and to a 
G50 164 1943 indictment of Du Pont, along with two other American 
G50 165 companies, for engaging in a worldwide conspiracy to control 
G50 166 strategically important metals. (Du Pont was eventually convicted.) 
G50 167 The Delaware firm was brought back into court in January 1944 
G50 168 charged as a co-conspirator in cartel agreements governing 
G50 169 explosives. (All told, 15 separate legal actions were brought 
G50 170 against Du Pont for its cartel ties. The company lost eight cases 
G50 171 and was fined a total of $323,000, out of a possible $4 
G50 172 million.)<p/>
G50 173 <p_>According to Respondek, it was in this context that Du Pont's 
G50 174 best<?_>-<?/>concealed pact with IG Farben was forged. At some 
G50 175 point shortly before Hitler came to power, the leadership of Du 
G50 176 Pont worked out an agreement with their peers at IG Farben whereby 
G50 177 the two firms would regularly exchange the results of experiments 
G50 178 conducted in their laboratories <quote_>"so that in this regard no 
G50 179 secrets would exist between the United States and Germany."<quote/> 
G50 180 In Germany this pact was known only to Carl Duisberg, chairman of 
G50 181 IG's Aufsichtsrat; Carl Bosch, then chairman of the board; 
G50 182 Geheimrat Hermann Schmitz, Bosch's chief financial advisor and the 
G50 183 person who set up Farben's 'camouflaged' control of companies in 
G50 184 the United States and elsewhere; Dr. Wilhelm Kalle; three or four 
G50 185 other top IG directors; and the trusted financial advisor who had 
G50 186 helped draw up the agreement, Erwin Respondek.<p/>
G50 187 <p_>The outbreak of hostilities between Germany and the United 
G50 188 States in December 1941 did not affect this pact. As Respondek 
G50 189 explained after the war, IG Farben <quote_>"supplied Du Pont with 
G50 190 information, in the greatest detail, before the war and during the 
G50 191 German-American conflict up until January/February 1945, by means 
G50 192 of a secure route through Basel."<quote/>
G50 193 (In all likelihood the Basel connection was IG Chemie, a Farben 
G50 194 'cloak' for its worldwide interests, established in Switzerland in 
G50 195 1929 and headed by Hermann Schmitz.) The highly confidential papers 
G50 196 IG Farben sent to Du Pont - and received from it - were kept 
G50 197 <quote_>"locked in a special safe, to which no one in the company 
G50 198 had access other than three or four special directors."<quote/><p/>
G50 199 <p_>This purported industrial alliance raises some disturbing 
G50 200 questions about German knowledge of U.S. military secrets. For Du 
G50 201 Pont and IG Farben were heavily involved in extremely sensitive 
G50 202 war-related research and development. During the First World War, a 
G50 203 German chemist by the name of Walter Heldt had perfected a poison 
G50 204 gas known as Zyklon B for use as a delousing agent. Production of 
G50 205 this gas was now in the hands of the <foreign_>Deutsche 
G50 206 Gesellschaft f<*_>u-umlaut<*/>r Schaedlungsbekaempfung<&|>sic! 
G50 207 (DEGESCH, or the German Society for Pest Control), which was 42.5 
G50 208 percent controlled by IG Farben. When the Nazis began to carry out 
G50 209 their 'Final Solution' by setting up gas chambers in 1942, it was 
G50 210 to DEGESCH they turned for the deadly Zyklon B.<p/>
G50 211 <p_>For this, Farben executives were indicted by a Nuremberg war 
G50 212 crimes tribunal. Ultimately they were exonerated on the grounds 
G50 213 that it was impossible to prove the German directors had known how 
G50 214 the gas was being used.<p/>
G50 215 
G50 216 
G51   1 <#FROWN:G51\>I was shocked to hear Louis Kronenberger, who wrote 
G51   2 for <tf_>The Nation<tf/>, say angrily that she was a charlatan. 
G51   3 <quote_>"Kronenberger is a fop,"<quote/> declared Farrell, without 
G51   4 pronouncing on Gertrude Stein.<p/>
G51   5 <p_>John and I read Malraux's <tf_>Man's Fate<tf/>, in English, 
G51   6 without noticing that it had a Trotskyite slant on the Chinese 
G51   7 revolution. We read C<*_>e-acute<*/>line (I never liked him), and 
G51   8 one Sunday afternoon the two of us read <tf_>The Communist 
G51   9 Manifesto<tf/> aloud - I thought it was very well written. On 
G51  10 another Sunday we went to a debate on Freud and/or Marx - surely a 
G51  11 Communist affair. More hazily I remember another debate, on the 
G51  12 execution of the 'White Guards' in Leningrad in 1935; this may have 
G51  13 been a Socialist initiative, for the discussion was rancorous. 
G51  14 Actually, that mass execution was a foreshadowing of the first 
G51  15 Moscow trials in the summer of 1936, which ended with the execution 
G51  16 of Zinoviev and Kamenev.<p/>
G51  17 <p_>The eternal fellow traveler Corliss Lamont, son of a J. P. 
G51  18 Morgan partner, persistently tried to seduce me when John was 
G51  19 working or away. This pawky freckled swain sought to suborn me by 
G51  20 invitations to dance at the new Rainbow Room, at Ben Marden's 
G51  21 Riviera on the Palisades, and at a place in the West 50s that 
G51  22 featured a naked girl in a bottle. But, as we danced, while I 
G51  23 reminded him that I was married, he tried to gain his end by 
G51  24 reasoned argument: <quote_>"You wouldn't want to have just one 
G51  25 picture, would you?"<quote/> Fifty years later, he was taking my 
G51  26 friend Elizabeth Hardwick to the Rainbow Room, still up to his old 
G51  27 tricks. <quote_>"Transitory phenomena,"<quote/> he said of the 
G51  28 Moscow trials.<p/>
G51  29 <p_>Besides going to the Savoy Ballroom on Friday nights, John and 
G51  30 I had black friends, who used to come to our apartment, nervously 
G51  31 ushered by us past the elevator boys: Nella Larsen, the novelist 
G51  32 (<tf|>Passing), Dorothy Peterson, the actress (she played in the 
G51  33 Negro <tf|>Macbeth), and her brother, who was a doctor. They were 
G51  34 high up in the black bourgeoisie. Nella Larsen told stories that 
G51  35 always contained the sentence <quote_>"And there I was, in the 
G51  36 fullest of full evening dress."<quote/> She lived downtown, near 
G51  37 Irving Place. The Petersons had a house in Brooklyn - we liked 
G51  38 them, not simply because they were black, and were proud of the 
G51  39 friendship. We also liked Governor Floyd Olson, Farmer-Labor, of 
G51  40 Minnesota; Selden had taken us to a nightclub with him. Then he 
G51  41 died rather young of cancer of the stomach. Probably I would have 
G51  42 approved of his working with the Communists in his home state in 
G51  43 1936. In Washington, where we went with a play of John's, we saw 
G51  44 Congressman Tom Amlie, of Wisconsin, the secretary of the bloc of 
G51  45 Progressives in the House; he got us visitors' passes to the House 
G51  46 and had drinks with us in our hotel room, where he told us that his 
G51  47 committees were <quote_>"Patents, Coins, and Public Buildings - 
G51  48 that's bottoms in committees."<quote/> A sad, nice man, who, unlike 
G51  49 Olson, could not agree to working with Communist factions.<p/>
G51  50 <p_>For <tf_>The Nation<tf/>, I was reviewing a number of 
G51  51 biographies, which taught me some history - I had not taken any at 
G51  52 Vassar. From Hilaire Belloc's life of Charles I, I learned that 
G51  53 inflation, which entailed a shrinking of the royal revenues in 
G51  54 terms of buying power, was the cause of the martyred king's fall. 
G51  55 Of all the books I reviewed I was most enthusiastic about <tf_>I 
G51  56 Claudius<tf/>; the sequel, <tf_>Claudius the God<tf/>, I liked 
G51  57 somewhat less. Another enthusiasm was Vincent Sheean's 
G51  58 <tf_>Personal History<tf/>, which gave me my line on Borodin and 
G51  59 the Communist failure in China. I was greatly excited by a 
G51  60 historical novel, <tf_>Summer Will Show<tf/>, by Sylvia Townsend 
G51  61 Warner, which ended with the heroine sitting down in revolutionary 
G51  62 Paris to read <tf_>The Communist Manifesto<tf/>. <quote_>"Book 
G51  63 Bites Mary,"<quote/> Joe Krutch quipped in a telegram on receipt of 
G51  64 my copy from Reno. Writing that review was the closest I came to a 
G51  65 conversion to Communism (as indeed may have been the case of the 
G51  66 author, for whom the book seems to have been a mutant in a career 
G51  67 whose norm was one of wild, apolitical fancifulness - <tf_>Lolly 
G51  68 Willowes, Mr. Fortune's Maggot<tf/>).<p/>
G51  69 <p_>As is clear from Krutch's telegram, the Warner book reversed my 
G51  70 ordinary practice with fiction. Usually I was rough. Steinbeck's 
G51  71 <tf_>In Dubious Battle<tf/>, Stark Young's <tf_>So Red the Rose, 
G51  72 Marching, Marching<tf/> by Clara Weatherwax, <tf_>February 
G51  73 Hill<tf/> by Victoria Lincoln - I laid about me right and left. My 
G51  74 standards were high - higher for fiction than for biography, which 
G51  75 could justify itself by instructiveness - as my still Latinate 
G51  76 style seemed to attest, nay, to vaunt. I am embarrassed to recall 
G51  77 (textually) a concluding sentence that spoke of the lack, in 
G51  78 current fiction, <quote_>"of bitter aloes and Attic salt."<quote/> 
G51  79 Oh, dear. At least I was forthright and fearless, and I was gaining 
G51  80 a certain renown for it; I think I can say that I was truly hated 
G51  81 by a cosy columnist in <tf_>Herald Tribune Books<tf/> who signed 
G51  82 herself <quote|>"IMP" and doted on the books I attacked.<p/>
G51  83 <p_>It was this reputation, evidently, that led Charles Angoff of 
G51  84 <tf_>The American Mercury<tf/>, a disciple of Mencken, to invite me 
G51  85 to lunch one day. It was a business lunch; he was working as a 
G51  86 consultant to liven up <tf_>The Nation<tf/>, and he had an idea for 
G51  87 me: to take on the entire critical establishment in a five- or 
G51  88 six-part series, to be called 'Our Critics.' Would I want to try 
G51  89 it? Obviously I would. The state of reviewing in the United States 
G51  90 was a scandal, far worse than today. Book-review pages, daily and 
G51  91 Sunday, and periodicals like <tf_>The Saturday Review of 
G51  92 Literature<tf/> (edited then by Henry Seidel Canby) were open 
G51  93 adjuncts of the best-seller lists, book clubs, and advertisements 
G51  94 of the publishing industry. Among the dailies and big weeklies, the 
G51  95 one exception was the young John Chamberlain, in the daily <tf_>New 
G51  96 York Times<tf/>, but he rarely reviewed fiction, and I doubt that 
G51  97 he reviewed every day. Moreover, his tenure was brief.<p/>
G51  98 <p_>Margaret Marshall, Joe Krutch's assistant, had come to lunch, 
G51  99 too. We talked excitedly for a couple of hours and before we 
G51 100 separated it was agreed that I would take on the job. Later, there 
G51 101 were second thoughts. Freda Kirchwey, who was running the paper 
G51 102 under Villard, decided that I was too young to be entrusted with a 
G51 103 series of such importance; knowing what I know of her, I suppose 
G51 104 she was afraid of me, that is, of what I might write. So a 
G51 105 compromise was worked out: Margaret Marshall would be assigned to 
G51 106 work on the articles with me. We would divide the research equally; 
G51 107 then she would write half the articles, and I would write half. For 
G51 108 instance, she would do <tf_>The New York Times Book Review<tf/>, 
G51 109 under J. Donald Adams, while I would do <tf_>New Masses<tf/>, under 
G51 110 Granville Hicks. There would be five articles; the first, or 
G51 111 introductory one, we would write together. For all five articles, 
G51 112 both our names would be on the cover.<p/>
G51 113 <p_>We had fun in the New York Public Library reading-room, doing 
G51 114 our research in back issues of magazines and newspapers and using 
G51 115 lined cards to copy out quotations, some of them unbelievable. 
G51 116 Peggy Marshall came from a Mormon family in Utah or Montana; she 
G51 117 was about ten years older than I, around thirty-three, and was 
G51 118 divorced from her husband; they had one little girl, whose custody 
G51 119 they shared. Peggy, I soon discovered, did not have much energy; 
G51 120 she was having an affair with a labor writer named Ben Stolberg, 
G51 121 and both of them would lie on a sofa or daybed in her living-room, 
G51 122 too tired to do anything, apparently too tired to go to bed and 
G51 123 make love. Nor can I remember her ever cooking a meal.<p/>
G51 124 <p_>Neither was very attractive; she was blond, grayish-eyed, and 
G51 125 dumpy, with a sharp turned-up nose, and Stolberg was blond, 
G51 126 blue-eyed, and fat and talked, snorting, through his nose, with a 
G51 127 German accent. I don't know what view Stolberg took of himself, but 
G51 128 Peggy, to my horror, saw herself as seductive. Once, when we were 
G51 129 talking of Ben and whether he wanted to marry her, I saw her look 
G51 130 in the mirror with a little smile and toss of her head; <quote_>"Of 
G51 131 course I know I'm kinda pretty,"<quote/> she said.<p/>
G51 132 <p_>Not long after this, on a weekend when we were starting to do 
G51 133 the first piece, we decided to work on it in the <tf|>Nation 
G51 134 office, dividing it in two. I typed my part and waited for her to 
G51 135 do hers, so that we could turn our copy in and leave. But she could 
G51 136 not get it written; on the sheet of paper she finally showed me, 
G51 137 there were a few half-finished sentences. She was giggling and 
G51 138 making a sort of whimpering sound. This was the first writer's 
G51 139 block I had witnessed, if that is what it was. At length I took her 
G51 140 notes and the sheet of paper from her and sat down and wrote what I 
G51 141 thought she wanted to say. She thanked me a bit weepily, and I 
G51 142 assured her it was O.K. I guessed that she was having a nervous 
G51 143 breakdown, from the tension of the divorce, which was quite recent, 
G51 144 and living with Judy, the little girl. Stolberg was probably no 
G51 145 help.<p/>
G51 146 <p_>That was how it was, for five weeks, except that soon she 
G51 147 stopped trying and just let me write the pieces, using her notes 
G51 148 and mine. She did manage to do half of one - the one on <tf_>The 
G51 149 New York Times Book Review<tf/> - and made no further effort, 
G51 150 though we talked about what would be in the articles and perhaps 
G51 151 she suggested small changes of wording. I told Johnsrud of course 
G51 152 but nobody else. When the pieces started coming out, the only other 
G51 153 person to know that Peggy was not really the co-author was Freda 
G51 154 Kirchwey. Peggy had had to tell her something to account for the 
G51 155 fact that she was asking for more money for me, but I never knew 
G51 156 what Freda knew exactly. They did pay me more money, and after the 
G51 157 first week our names, at Peggy's prompting, were reversed on the 
G51 158 cover and in the headings: my name now came first.<p/>
G51 159 <p_>John did not approve of any of this. He thought I should make 
G51 160 Peggy take her name off the whole series; he did not trust her, he 
G51 161 said. One could not trust a woman who was as weak as that. They 
G51 162 were buying my silence, he said. It all chimed in with things that 
G51 163 had happened to his father when he was principal of that Minnesota 
G51 164 high school. I said I could not demand full credit because I was 
G51 165 sorry for Peggy. I felt sure that she had not told Freda 
G51 166 everything. If the truth came out, when our names were already on 
G51 167 the articles, Freda might feel she was too compromised to keep her 
G51 168 job. That I was not getting complete credit for work I had done was 
G51 169 less important than the fact that Peggy was on her own, with Judy, 
G51 170 and barely able to perform. I cannot tell even now whether those 
G51 171 were my true feelings. I was sorry for her certainly, but not 
G51 172 <tf|>very sorry, possibly because of that self-satisfied smile and 
G51 173 <quote_>"Of course I know I'm kinda pretty."<quote/> Self-deception 
G51 174 always chilled me. But I was the stronger, and she was the weaker, 
G51 175 so I could not expose her. John said I would see how she repaid my 
G51 176 generosity. I am not sure it was really generosity, but about 
G51 177 re<?_>-<?/>payment he was right, as the reader will see. She has 
G51 178 been dead for years now; there is no reason for me to keep silent. 
G51 179 And yet I feel guilty, like somebody repeating a slander, as I 
G51 180 write this down.<p/>
G51 181 <p_>The series on the critics was an immense succ<*_>e-grave<*/>s 
G51 182 de scandale. It was time someone did it. Peggy and I, our names now 
G51 183 linked together for what looked like eternity, were a cynosure. 
G51 184 Seeing her respond to the compliments that came to both of us at 
G51 185 the parties we were invited to, I was annoyed, I found. I felt that 
G51 186 she was <tf|>preening.
G51 187 
G51 188 
G52   1 <#FROWN:G52\><h_><p_>10<p/>
G52   2 <p_>C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne Country<p/>
G52   3 <p_>1924-1928<p/><h/>
G52   4 <p_>HARTLEY'S STAY in the United States in 1924 was only three 
G52   5 months long, hardly enough for him to settle down. He visited 
G52   6 relatives in Cleveland, made arrangements about the paintings he 
G52   7 had shipped back from Berlin, and completed two informal essays 
G52   8 that he submitted to <tf_>Vanity Fair<tf/>. The magazine's editor, 
G52   9 Frank Crowninshield, rejected one, about the French Riviera, but 
G52  10 accepted the other, 'The Greatest Show on Earth: An Appreciation of 
G52  11 the Circus from One of Its Grown-Up Admirers.' In mid-June Hartley 
G52  12 sailed for England, where he went immediately to London after 
G52  13 landing at Plymouth. He delighted in the life-style of Britain - 
G52  14 its leisurely pace, its manners, and its dress. He was, in fact, 
G52  15 thoroughly pleased to be back in Europe.<p/>
G52  16 <p_>After spending several weeks in London he crossed the Channel 
G52  17 to Rotterdam and from there visited The Hague, where he was 
G52  18 impressed by a large collection of van Goghs and several fine 
G52  19 post<?_>-<?/>impressionist works by van Rysselberghe, Signac, and 
G52  20 Seurat, especially the latter's large canvas of a music hall, 
G52  21 <tf_>Le Chahut<tf/>. Hartley next traveled south to Antwerp, where 
G52  22 he met a sailor friend stationed aboard the battleship <tf_>New 
G52  23 York<tf/>. The two of them visited Brussels, and then Hartley 
G52  24 continued on to Paris, arriving near the end of July and at once 
G52  25 encountering <quote_>"the entire world so it seemed - Duchamp - 
G52  26 Varese - Man Ray - Leo Stein - and many less conspicuous 
G52  27 play<?_>-<?/>mates."<quote/> Instead of settling down to paint 
G52  28 right away, he took the time to journey out of Paris to visit such 
G52  29 places as Rouen and Chartres - <quote_>"such grace 
G52  30 dignity-power-repose-splendour-and simply not to believe - the 
G52  31 glass,"<quote/> he remarked about the cathedral at Chartres. And he 
G52  32 spent some time looking about Paris as well, getting a sense of it 
G52  33 as never before.<p/>
G52  34 <p_>He expected to move to the South of France during the autumn, 
G52  35 but Paris life was too stimulating, and he was offered exhibition 
G52  36 opportunities, so that it would be the following July before he 
G52  37 would actually take up residence in Vence. Meanwhile he enjoyed the 
G52  38 city, its caf<*_>e-acute<*/>s, and the splendid variety of people 
G52  39 with whom he could be close or not so close, as he chose. Hartley 
G52  40 recalled the character Fougita, a Japanese artist who was the most 
G52  41 flamboyant foreigner among the <quote_>"terrace life"<quote/> - 
G52  42 except perhaps for <quote_>"the debonair pink and white Bosshard, 
G52  43 who might be superficially called the Swiss Modigliani, since he 
G52  44 then painted thin female nudes usually lying down with a faint 
G52  45 lyrical mountain landscape in the distance of the same hue as his 
G52  46 own skin."<quote/> Hartley saw something of Gertrude Stein and 
G52  47 Sherwood Anderson, who was close to her then, and of Ernest 
G52  48 Hemingway and Edna Saint Vincent Millay at the Rotonde, one of the 
G52  49 'literary' caf<*_>e-acute<*/>s. At the Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> Royal he 
G52  50 chatted with an English group, among whom were Augustus John, 
G52  51 sporting an earring or two, Wyndham Lewis, and Jacob Epstein, and 
G52  52 more than once he drank with James Joyce at the Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> 
G52  53 des Deux Magots. And though he had little use for surrealism, he 
G52  54 enjoyed the company of Andr<*_>e-acute<*/> Breton, Louis Aragon, 
G52  55 Philippe Soupault, and <quote_>"the irrepressible Tristan 
G52  56 Tzara."<quote/><p/>
G52  57 <p_>But it was not only the caf<*_>e-acute<*/> life that diverted 
G52  58 him from traveling south; more important, he believed, was the 
G52  59 chance to exhibit in Paris with several other Americans. The 
G52  60 artists George Biddle and John Storrs approached him during the 
G52  61 summer about exhibiting at a new gallery, the Briant-Robert, in 
G52  62 November. Hartley agreed, and on that basis Biddle offered him his 
G52  63 studio for most of August. Within three weeks Hartley had fifteen 
G52  64 canvases that were either finished or prepared, of which six - five 
G52  65 landscapes and one still life - would go into the show, whose 
G52  66 opening was delayed until January 1925. So Hartley remained in 
G52  67 Paris, using Biddle's studio daily while thriving on the city's 
G52  68 busy life, of which he felt very much a part.<p/>
G52  69 <p_>Two days after the show of American painting opened, he sat in 
G52  70 the Caf<*_>e-acute<*/> de l'Univers, across form the 
G52  71 Com<*_>e-acute<*/>die Fran<*_>c-cedille<*/>aise, and wrote 
G52  72 Stieglitz a long letter about the exhibition and about French art 
G52  73 in general. In a good mood because of the show and because he was 
G52  74 to meet some American friends and see the Com<*_>e-acute<*/>die, he 
G52  75 discussed the exhibition, which was interesting <quote_>"in the 
G52  76 novelty of its precedent - it being the first time the French have 
G52  77 actually invited Americans to show."<quote/> He was critical of the 
G52  78 other artists selected, who were <quote_>"quite hopeless in view of 
G52  79 what might have been accomplished,"<quote/> but felt that it had 
G52  80 gone as well as it could under the circumstances. Jules Pascin, 
G52  81 whose inclusion was <quote_>"a bit far-fetched as there is nothing 
G52  82 whatsoever American in his sensations and methods of 
G52  83 expression,"<quote/> was represented by three paintings of nudes, 
G52  84 which had an Oriental flair about them. Paul Burlin's suffered from 
G52  85 not being <quote_>"passionately endowed"<quote/> and lacked an 
G52  86 <quote_>"undying conviction."<quote/> His work and that of George 
G52  87 Biddle and John Storrs seemed to him the most essentially 
G52  88 American.<p/>
G52  89 <p_>His was being called the best, he claimed, and he cited the 
G52  90 critic in the European edition of the <tf_>Chicago Tribune<tf/>, 
G52  91 who had written that <quote_>"for sheer, sincere modernism...the 
G52  92 prize at the exhibit is carried off by Marsden Hartley, whose 
G52  93 vigorous, sweeping strokes - devoted to the depicting of abstract 
G52  94 ideas - have almost terrifying power, though sometimes reminding 
G52  95 one rather more of a bad dream than a picture."<quote/> His six 
G52  96 paintings had the best wall, and they drew responses such as 
G52  97 <quote_>"apocalyptic - inevitable - unquestionable 
G52  98 personal."<quote/> He described the paintings as being an almost 
G52  99 monochromatic <quote_>"black white umber or venetian red and green 
G52 100 - the first time in my life I've ever done what I've always aspired 
G52 101 to - a black & white painting."<quote/> Of the four of this sort, 
G52 102 two were <quote_>"large rearrangements of the Maine landscapes of 
G52 103 former years."<quote/> He called them an <quote_>"attempt to attain 
G52 104 true dramatic scale in subject with a sculptural method of 
G52 105 treatment."<quote/><p/>
G52 106 <p_>John Storrs had complimented Hartley's ability as a sculptor, 
G52 107 which pleased him because in fashioning these paintings he had had 
G52 108 in mind <quote_>"the Courbet sense of truth and reality - and the 
G52 109 Maillol sense of form and sensibility."<quote/> Hartley's concept 
G52 110 was interesting, but few would judge these somber paintings among 
G52 111 his better works. Most intriguing about them, perhaps, is the fact 
G52 112 that Hartley, as content as ever he could be with his life, chose 
G52 113 that moment to confront Maine, translating the rolling curves and 
G52 114 expanses of his New Mexico reminiscences into dark - even 
G52 115 nightmarish - form and a near absence of color. As he approached 
G52 116 his fiftieth year, a milestone he did not take lightly, he was in 
G52 117 some ways beginning to come to terms with his birthplace, though 
G52 118 the process would take a decade more to complete.<p/>
G52 119 <p_>While most of the viewers at the show's 'vernissage' were 
G52 120 American, several French artists also appeared, among them Chagall 
G52 121 and Mondzain, whose opinion Hartley did not hear, and Fauconnier, a 
G52 122 cubist, who declared that Hartley's paintings showed a 
G52 123 <quote_>"fine temperament but 'confused orchestration,'"<quote/> a 
G52 124 term Hartley chose to dismiss. He did not feel overwhelmed by the 
G52 125 French and thought the new interest in American art promising. He 
G52 126 had been invited to exhibit in another show in May, this one to 
G52 127 include artists such as Elizabeth Nourse, Alexander Harrison, Mary 
G52 128 Cassatt, and Frederick Carl Frieseke, among others. Although he was 
G52 129 slightly scornful of the group and eventually decided not to show 
G52 130 with them, at that point he wanted to and as a result planned to 
G52 131 remain in Paris at least until May. He had been given an atelier 
G52 132 all to himself near Montmartre and knew he ought to take advantage 
G52 133 of it.<p/>
G52 134 <p_>Whatever the importance of the projected exhibition in May, the 
G52 135 time generally was a propitious one for art. There were numerous 
G52 136 small shows displaying the major artists, though none of them, in 
G52 137 Hartley's opinion, was doing striking new work: <quote_>"Utrillo - 
G52 138 Chagall, Pascin...Utrillo attractive in its way - Chagall most 
G52 139 distressing to me - a kind of expression of altogether bad 
G52 140 judgement in painting - Pascin well - it's Pascin better but no 
G52 141 deeper."<quote/> Paul Rosenberg's gallery was having a show of the 
G52 142 'great' moderns, in which Matisse was <quote_>"tamed to 
G52 143 propriety,"<quote/> Braque was <quote_>"quietly returning to the 
G52 144 figure,"<quote/> and Picasso had <quote_>"nobly returned to 
G52 145 cubism."<quote/> At the Grand Maison de Blanc - <quote_>"Shades of 
G52 146 John Wanamaker,"<quote/> Hartley scoffed, referring to the 
G52 147 mass-market quality of that exhibition - Utrillo, Vlaminck, and a 
G52 148 subdued Morgan Russell were on display, while elsewhere was a 
G52 149 retrospective of the Section d'Or group of 1912-13, so 
G52 150 <quote|>"caviar" then and <quote_>"so sort of calm rice pudding 
G52 151 now."<quote/> The <foreign|>fauves, Hartley thought, domesticated 
G52 152 themselves by repeating their work; now they were <quote_>"painting 
G52 153 flat patterns,"<quote/> but these were inane. French art, in other 
G52 154 words, had lost its momentum.<p/>
G52 155 <p_>Unfortunately, Hartley's work would not seem to many to be the 
G52 156 sort of dramatic innovation he had hoped it would. His paintings 
G52 157 did not draw great attention in France, and in a show of seven 
G52 158 American artists organized by Stieglitz at the Anderson Galleries 
G52 159 in New York, his twenty-five canvases were received lukewarmly. 
G52 160 Although his friends praised the works, the critics were less than 
G52 161 enthusiastic. One wrote of Hartley's New Mexico reminiscences that 
G52 162 many of them had little color and a <quote_>"great deal of 
G52 163 pose."<quote/> The paintings that failed might collectively have 
G52 164 been called <quote_>"Studies in Liver,"<quote/> he declared, but 
G52 165 half a dozen worked, and this made up for the rest. Deogh Fulton, 
G52 166 the critic, was more taken by the paintings of Arthur Dove and John 
G52 167 Marin. Georgia O'Keeffe, who was never fond of Hartley's work for 
G52 168 long - she had been able to live with one of his early Maine 
G52 169 landscapes for only three or four days - and always ambivalent in 
G52 170 her feelings toward him, wrote to the critic Henry McBride that she 
G52 171 had found his review of the show amusing and was going to send a 
G52 172 copy of it to Hartley so that he might see what McBride thought of 
G52 173 American painters living abroad. Describing Hartley's work as 
G52 174 <quote_>"old world, old souled, and awfully fatigued,"<quote/> 
G52 175 McBride sounded a criticism that he would continue until after 
G52 176 Hartley returned to America in 1930.<p/>
G52 177 <p_>But in 1925 Hartley was not ready to be discouraged; Europe 
G52 178 still seemed to hold promise. In addition, for the moment he felt 
G52 179 reasonably secure financially, due to an arrangement that had come 
G52 180 about through a visit with Louise Bryant the previous fall in 
G52 181 Paris. He had known and liked Bryant since his summer in 
G52 182 Provincetown, in 1916. Jack Reed, her first husband, had died in 
G52 183 Russia after World War I, and she was now married to the wealthy 
G52 184 American diplomat William Bullitt. They were living in the ornate 
G52 185 home of Elinor Glyn, a British novelist, in Boulogne-sur-Seine, 
G52 186 near Paris, where Hartley went to see them. During the course of 
G52 187 their time together Bullitt asked him about his financial 
G52 188 situation. Hartley explained his wish for a steady income over the 
G52 189 next years, and Bullitt told him of William V. Griffin, a friend 
G52 190 who he believed might be interested in arranging a regular income 
G52 191 for Hartley. The result was an agreement whereby Griffin and three 
G52 192 friends would pay Hartley $2,000 per year in exchange for ten 
G52 193 paintings, the agreement to last four years. In November 1924 
G52 194 Hartley received his first check, for $500. Although he would come 
G52 195 to feel burdened by the need to produce ten paintings on others' 
G52 196 terms, in early 1925 he was happy with the arrangement.<p/>
G52 197 <p_>A siege of carbuncles during the spring lessened the pleasure 
G52 198 of Paris for Hartley. They required daily dressings for three 
G52 199 weeks, as well as serum injections, and even though he was later 
G52 200 able to work comfortably at the Bullitts' in Boulogne-sur-Seine, he 
G52 201 yearned to move to the South of France. In July he traveled to 
G52 202 Cannes, where he remained for five weeks, sunning himself and 
G52 203 enjoying the relative quiet after Paris. He was convinced that he 
G52 204 needed a home, warmth, and isolation for his well-being, and the 
G52 205 small town of Vence, in the hills behind Nice, seemed an ideal 
G52 206 place for him to settle for the next few years.
G52 207 
G52 208 
G53   1 <#FROWN:G53\>O'Neill had his effort to save the boy go wild, for it 
G53   2 triggers the sacrifice of the girl and the boy's suicide. O'Neill 
G53   3 knew that his father's own effort to save him had brought on the 
G53   4 sacrifice of Kathleen and his own suicide attempt. By working it 
G53   5 all out in the play, he came out with an understanding of what his 
G53   6 father had actually meant for him. <tf|>Dynamo as produced carried 
G53   7 O'Neill from his unconscious images of his father as Pan-Dionysus, 
G53   8 the male life principle, to a firm conscious identification and 
G53   9 alliance with him. Although O'Neill cut it all from the published 
G53  10 play, he kept the alliance itself, and he showed it at once in 
G53  11 response to the attacks of the critics. He told Robert Sisk of the 
G53  12 <quote_>"doleful tenderness"<quote/> with which people broke the 
G53  13 reviews to him, and declared, <quote_>"Me that was born on Times 
G53  14 Square and not in Greenwich Village, and that have heard dramatic 
G53  15 critics called sons of bitches - and, speaking in general, believed 
G53  16 it - ever since I was old enough to recognize the Count of Monte 
G53  17 Cristo's voice!"<quote/><p/>
G53  18 <p_>He was still hacking away at <tf|>Dynamo right through the 
G53  19 galleys, and he told Liveright, <quote_>"Am sorry to say I have 
G53  20 again cut and revised hell out of it but now, finally, I really 
G53  21 feel 'Dynamo' is cleared of its rubbish, simple and direct - and a 
G53  22 damned good play."<quote/> But all that work to make the critics 
G53  23 understand a psychology unfamiliar to them was naturally in vain. 
G53  24 When the book appeared on October 5, 1929, no one understood it any 
G53  25 better. By this time he himself was doubtful, and he told Joseph 
G53  26 Wood Krutch, <quote_>"I like it better now, but not enough. I wish 
G53  27 I'd never written it - really - and yet I feel it has its justified 
G53  28 place in my work development. A puzzle."<quote/> For a while, he 
G53  29 talked of writing a third <tf|>Dynamo for the definitive edition of 
G53  30 his works. But for him there was no going back. He gave up this 
G53  31 <quote_>"crippled child of the storm and stress period,"<quote/> 
G53  32 and only long afterward did he question whether its debacle might 
G53  33 have been undeserved. In 1941 he wanted to convince the Guild that 
G53  34 his early play <tf_>Anna Christie<tf/> was a bad choice for 
G53  35 revival. It was written, he said, around characters and a 
G53  36 <quote|>"situation." He would not compare it with his best plays, 
G53  37 he said, but with one of his flops - <tf|>Dynamo. Maybe it stepped 
G53  38 on its own feet dramatically - and he was not sure even of that, 
G53  39 for 1929 criticism had been ready to attack any play that mentioned 
G53  40 God - but <tf|>Dynamo had been, he thought, <quote_>"about 
G53  41 characters plus life."<quote/> And life - seen through no glory of 
G53  42 gods or heroes - was what he had gone on with in the superlative 
G53  43 play that followed <tf|>Dynamo.<p/>
G53  44 <h_><p_>7<p/>
G53  45 <p_>MOURNING BECOMES ELECTRA<p/><h/>
G53  46 <p_><quote_>"Life is growth - or a joke one plays on 
G53  47 oneself!"<quote/> O'Neill decided. <tf|>Dynamo had been a step 
G53  48 back. He felt it wronged his love for Carlotta, and he told her 
G53  49 that his next play would <quote_>"make the world see how much you 
G53  50 have done for me."<quote/> He had battled the forces of hatred and 
G53  51 death within himself, and he wanted a theme to fit that struggle. 
G53  52 When he found and plunged into it, he exulted to Saxe Commins: 
G53  53 <quote_>"It's the sort of thing I needed to come to me - one that 
G53  54 will call for everything I can give it - a glorious opportunity to 
G53  55 grow and surpass everything I've ever done before!"<quote/> He did 
G53  56 not know whether he had the <quote|>"stuff" to do it, but he did 
G53  57 know <quote_>"I'd rather fail at the Big Stuff and remain a success 
G53  58 in my own spiritual eyes, than go on repeating, or simply 
G53  59 equalling, work I've done before."<quote/> It would be <quote_>"the 
G53  60 biggest and hardest I have ever tackled."<quote/><p/>
G53  61 <p_>The first idea had come to him in the spring of 1926, when he 
G53  62 thought of <quote_>"a modern psychological drama using one of the 
G53  63 old legend plots of Greek tragedy"<quote/> - the Electra, or the 
G53  64 Medea. The Electra story would set him in direct rivalry with the 
G53  65 great Greek dramatists, for Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides had 
G53  66 all treated it. He would make it a real trilogy, like theirs, with 
G53  67 three plays treating the same characters. Through it he could 
G53  68 achieve - what he had always striven to arrive at - a sense, like 
G53  69 the Greek sense, <quote_>"of the Force behind"<quote/> life, 
G53  70 whatever one called it, <quote_>"Fate, God, our biological past 
G53  71 creating our present."<quote/> It was to be <quote_>"primarily 
G53  72 drama of hidden life forces."<quote/><p/>
G53  73 <p_>On his voyage to China this play of hidden forces took life, 
G53  74 and so the sea washes through it from beginning to end. His fated 
G53  75 family became shipbuilders and shipowners, and he had them long for 
G53  76 liberation by sea, just as he had felt on the <tf_>Charles 
G53  77 Racine<tf/> that he could <quote_>"at last be free, on the open 
G53  78 sea, with the trade wind"<quote/> in his hair. The sea chanty 
G53  79 'Shenandoah' sounds throughout his play, for he thought that it 
G53  80 <quote_>"more than any other holds in it the brooding rhythm of the 
G53  81 sea."<quote/> Although he set the play in the family house, haunted 
G53  82 by the family past, he put one act aboard the <tf_>Flying 
G53  83 Trades<tf/> and very deliberately placed it at the <quote_>"center 
G53  84 of whole work"<quote/> to emphasize <quote_>"sea background of 
G53  85 family and symbolic motive of sea as means of escape and 
G53  86 release."<quote/> In this act the two lovers, Adam and Christine, 
G53  87 plot in vain to escape by sea after the chanty 'Shenandoah' 
G53  88 (<quote_>"Way - ay, I'm bound away"<quote/>) has reached an ironic 
G53  89 crescendo of longing.<p/>
G53  90 <p_>The sea and O'Neill's recall of the white sails of the 
G53  91 <tf_>Charles Racine<tf/> determined his choice of time: He wanted 
G53  92 to make this play American, and so he needed an American war to 
G53  93 match the Trojan War from which the Greek hero Agamemnon had 
G53  94 triumphantly returned to be murdered by his wife and her lover. 
G53  95 O'Neill thought World War I was too close; his audiences would not 
G53  96 see beyond its surface to the real drama of hidden forces, and he 
G53  97 was sure that the American Revolution would also blind them with 
G53  98 its <quote_>"romantic grammar-school-history associations."<quote/> 
G53  99 The <quote_>"only possibility"<quote/> was the fratricidal Civil 
G53 100 War, which fit a <quote_>"drama of murderous family love and 
G53 101 hate"<quote/> and provided a detached <quote|>"mask" for the 
G53 102 timeless struggle beneath. It allowed him to make the ships of his 
G53 103 play Clippers and to use his old thrill at white sails and his old 
G53 104 longing to reach China on his voyage out of Boston to Argentina, 
G53 105 for the Clippers had all been bound for China by way of Argentina 
G53 106 in the tea trade. He made a China voyage the heart of this play, 
G53 107 which began to grow in him on the <quote_>"Arabian Sea en route for 
G53 108 China"<quote/> and on the <quote_>"China Sea."<quote/><p/>
G53 109 <p_>He set his investigation of family fate where his own family's 
G53 110 fate had worked itself out, in the small New England 
G53 111 <quote_>"seaport, shipbuilding town"<quote/> of New London. He 
G53 112 actually called it <quote|>"N.L." in his notes. New England, with 
G53 113 its <quote_>"Puritan conviction of man born to sin and 
G53 114 punishment,"<quote/> was the <quote_>"best possible dramatically 
G53 115 for Greek plot of crime and retribution,"<quote/> he thought, and 
G53 116 he could reexamine his own guilts through all five members of his 
G53 117 New England family. He called his Agamemnon 'Ezra Mannon,' and 
G53 118 'Mannon,' suggestive of 'Man,' became the name of his tragic 
G53 119 family, whose struggle would reveal the larger struggle of 
G53 120 life-and-death forces within the soul of man.<p/>
G53 121 <p_>O'Neill hoped the play would have a <quote_>"strange quality of 
G53 122 unreal reality."<quote/> He wanted to show that the surfaces of 
G53 123 life - which are taken for reality - are meaningless and that the 
G53 124 great realities, the <quote_>"hidden life forces"<quote/> beneath 
G53 125 the surface, are so overwhelming when perceived, as to seem unreal. 
G53 126 (He who sees Pan, dies.) So he built his penetration through 
G53 127 surfaces into the three plays of his trilogy. Each one has the 
G53 128 curtain rise to reveal a painted backdrop of the Mannon house as it 
G53 129 looks to the townspeople from the street, set in a splendor of 
G53 130 orchards and gardens behind a white picket fence. Then this 
G53 131 obviously artificial surface lifts to bring the audience directly 
G53 132 before the reality of the house and all the embattled forces within 
G53 133 the family. O'Neill had seen at once that he could make his house 
G53 134 <quote_>"Greek temple front type that was rage"<quote/> at the time 
G53 135 and that it was <quote_>"absolutely justifiable, not forced Greek 
G53 136 similarity."<quote/> He remembered the Greek Revival houses of his 
G53 137 boyhood New London, but he took care to buy Howard Major's 
G53 138 <tf_>Domestic Architecture of the Early American Republic: The 
G53 139 Greek Revival<tf/>, in which he found just the severe tomblike 
G53 140 house he wanted for Ezra Mannon's father, Abe, to have built as a 
G53 141 <quote_>"temple of Hate and Death"<quote/> after expelling his 
G53 142 brother David from the family, supposedly in outraged morality but 
G53 143 actually in jealous revenge. O'Neill took for it Marshall House at 
G53 144 Rodsman's Neck, New York, with its cold stone base, its pagan 
G53 145 portico with six tall columns, its central doorway with a 
G53 146 <quote_>"squared transom and sidelights flanked by intermediate 
G53 147 columns,"<quote/> and its arrangement of windows - only he changed 
G53 148 its eight steps to four in mercy to the actors and added the 
G53 149 shutters he needed for his final catastrophe. This house, like the 
G53 150 house in <tf_>Desire Under the Elms<tf/>, was to participate in the 
G53 151 drama. The family is torn between pagan joy in life, and Puritan 
G53 152 condemnation of pleasure as sin, and their conflict appears in the 
G53 153 facade of the house, where the pagan temple portico is stuck on 
G53 154 <quote_>"like an incongruous white mask"<quote/> over the 
G53 155 <quote_>"sombre gray ugliness"<quote/> of its stone walls. In the 
G53 156 first play 'Homecoming,' all the windows of this outraged house 
G53 157 reflect the sun <quote_>"in a resentful glare,"<quote/> and as the 
G53 158 murder is planned the inside of the house is stained with the 
G53 159 crimson of the setting sun. Whether the columns are bathed in 
G53 160 sunlight, haunted moonlight, or bloody sunset, they throw their 
G53 161 shadows in black bars against the wall, suggesting the imprisonment 
G53 162 of the fated family.<p/>
G53 163 <p_>Each of the three plays moves from the embattled exterior of 
G53 164 the house to its haunted interior, dominated by the family past in 
G53 165 the portraits of the dead Puritan Mannons. Most of the indoor 
G53 166 scenes take place at night, and in <quote_>"the flickering 
G53 167 candlelight"<quote/> the eyes of the portraits take on <quote_>"an 
G53 168 intense bitter life."<quote/> They glare so <quote|>"accusingly" at 
G53 169 the Electra character after all her crimes, that she justifies 
G53 170 herself to them as if they were living judges. O'Neill knew that 
G53 171 this haunted interior came out of his deepest self, <quote_>"whom 
G53 172 the past always haunts so persistently."<quote/> As soon as he had 
G53 173 written these plays and had returned to America, he went to New 
G53 174 London with Carlotta to <quote_>"revisit Pequet Ave. old time 
G53 175 haunts,"<quote/> and right after that visit he got <quote_>"Idea 
G53 176 play - house-with-the-masked-dead and two living intruding 
G53 177 strangers,"<quote/> so much had his own family past in the house at 
G53 178 325 Pequot Avenue haunted him when he designed the haunted interior 
G53 179 of the Mannon house.<p/>
G53 180 <p_>He even dared to give the same penetration through surfaces, 
G53 181 the same sense of <quote_>"unreal reality"<quote/> to his 
G53 182 characters. Each of the plays begins with a group of townspeople, 
G53 183 looking upon the Mannons in a prying, gossiping way as the New 
G53 184 Londoners of O'Neill's youth had once looked upon the O'Neills. 
G53 185 O'Neill gave them purely <quote_>"exterior 
G53 186 characterization,"<quote/> each with a few emphatic mannerisms. He 
G53 187 also made the two fianc<*_>e-acute<*/>s of the tragic young Mannons 
G53 188 <quote_>"almost characterless"<quote/> - embodiments of simplicity, 
G53 189 goodness and health. All these external people set off the entirely 
G53 190 <quote|>"inner" characterization of the fated Mannons. He wanted to 
G53 191 avoid for the Mannons, <quote_>"as far as possible and consistent 
G53 192 with living people, the easy superficial characterization of 
G53 193 individual mannerisms."<quote/> Because they speak directly out of 
G53 194 the passions engendered in the family past, O'Neill found that any 
G53 195 experiments with asides or stylized soliloquies - and he tried both 
G53 196 in the course of rewritings - only got <quote_>"in the way of the 
G53 197 play's drive."<quote/> 
G53 198 
G53 199 
G53 200 
G54   1 <#FROWN:G54\><h_><p_>Two-Headed Janus<p/><h/>
G54   2 <p_>REHEARSALS and out-of-town tryouts were over and in 1594, when 
G54   3 this curtain goes up, Shakespeare stood before his public fully 
G54   4 fledged. Though only thirty that year, he thought his days past the 
G54   5 best. Sonnets, mostly youthful work, picture him 'as I am now,' 
G54   6 crushed by time's hand or 'beated and chopped' with age. For this 
G54   7 precocious old man, the world<?_>-<?/>weariness has its share of 
G54   8 literary posing. But his people on the average lived shorter lives 
G54   9 than we do and 'hagggish age' stole on them early.<p/>
G54  10 <p_>London when he lived there was a pesthouse, Stratford too. 
G54  11 Country air carried death, like the air they breathed in cities. 
G54  12 Sanitation mocked itself and his contemporaries sickened from 
G54  13 typhus, dysentery, and bubonic plague. His brothers and sisters, 
G54  14 seven in all, dropped off one by one, only Joan surviving past 
G54  15 middle age. He himself died at fifty-two. Poverty waited at the 
G54  16 lane's end, especially in the nineties, a time of worsening 
G54  17 inflation. Some of his acquaintance, like Tom Nashe, went to 
G54  18 debtors' prison and came out to die in straits. Many didn't have 
G54  19 enough to eat or what they ate wasn't good for them. The Irish of 
G54  20 their day, they were often 'cup-shotten.' If tradition has it 
G54  21 right, a drinking bout finished off Shakespeare. Politics, a 
G54  22 subtler scourge, afflicted high and low. One of his fellow 
G54  23 playwrights, Thomas Kyd, felt the scourge. A caution to the rest, 
G54  24 he fell foul of the thought police. Loyalty today was disloyalty 
G54  25 tomorrow and the up-and-down wore them 'out of act' or strength.<p/>
G54  26 <p_>But 'old,' meaning decrepit, also means the real thing, 
G54  27 veritable Shakespeare. Romeo, an 'old' murderer, is practiced in 
G54  28 killing, and Shakespeare at thirty, old or expert in craft, towered 
G54  29 over the others, satellites to his pole star. Naturally, he made a 
G54  30 target for envious gossip. Robert Greene, a jealous rival, seeking 
G54  31 to account for Shakespeare's ascendancy, compared him to the 
G54  32 provident ant. Greene himself was a grasshopper, fiddling the 
G54  33 summer out, but his reading, though partial, includes a piece of 
G54  34 truth. Shakespeare, his poet's eye 'in a fine frenzy rolling,' had 
G54  35 a cold eye when this was wanted.<p/>
G54  36 <p_>As success stories go, his seems unlikely. Late in the 1580s he 
G54  37 had come up from Stratford, penniless and anonymous. He left behind 
G54  38 a wife who had snared him at eighteen, also three children, 
G54  39 doubtful assets. The Shakespeare family's fortunes had to be 
G54  40 entered on the debit side too. John Shakespeare saw to that. Once 
G54  41 Stratford's bailiff, he was well along on the road to the 
G54  42 poorhouse. Shakespeare's father liked to litigate and hoped 
G54  43 something would turn up. His mother, one of the Ardens, an ancient 
G54  44 name in Warwickshire, had her name to console her. For Shakespeare, 
G54  45 starting out, the auspices weren't good. But this 
G54  46 through-and-through professional showed them how the career belongs 
G54  47 to the talents and by 1592 had ten plays to his credit. Some 
G54  48 brought in record returns.<p/>
G54  49 <p_>Like a scenario for one of these plays, Shakespeare's story has 
G54  50 its checks and reversals. Plague broke out in London in 1592, 
G54  51 closing the theaters, his livelihood, for almost two years. Actors 
G54  52 like Will Kempe, the time's famous comic, and Edward Alleyn, its 
G54  53 great tragedian, fled the city, going on tour. If Shakespeare went 
G54  54 with them, his travels were abridged. Plague destroyed some acting 
G54  55 companies, Pembroke's Men among them, and likely young Shakespeare 
G54  56 belonged to this fellowship. <quote_>"As for my Lord 
G54  57 Pembroke's,"<quote/> Henslowe the theater manager wrote Alleyn, his 
G54  58 son-in-law, <quote_>"they are all at home and have been this five 
G54  59 or six weeks, for they cannot save their charges [expenses] with 
G54  60 travel...and were fain to pawn their apparel."<quote/> Evidently 
G54  61 the playbooks went the way of the apparel and certain plays of 
G54  62 Shakespeare's, once the property of Pembroke's Men, turn up later 
G54  63 in the repertory of a rival company.<p/>
G54  64 <p_>But Fortune had better things in mind for this playwright. When 
G54  65 plague slackened in the spring of 1594, London's theaters reopened, 
G54  66 the companies returned, and Shakespeare got back in harness. Though 
G54  67 Alleyn's company, the Admiral's Men, dominated his theater world, 
G54  68 other companies competed for popular favor. Shakespeare the 
G54  69 apprentice didn't mind which one he wrote for. In June, Strange's 
G54  70 Men performed two plays of his at Newington Butts, south of the 
G54  71 Thames. Before the year was out, the company lost its patron but 
G54  72 found a new one, Lord Hunsdon, High Chamberlain of England. In 1594 
G54  73 Shakespeare entered Hunsdon's service. He remained with this 
G54  74 company for the rest of his career.<p/>
G54  75 <p_>Pleasing the multitude, he pleased the cognoscenti too. His 
G54  76 first attempt at comedy, farce mixed with other things and 
G54  77 perfection of its kind, enlivened the Christmas revels in 1594 at 
G54  78 the largest of the Inns of Court, London's law schools. This same 
G54  79 December he received a higher accolade, performance before the 
G54  80 Queen in her palace at Greenwich. By then pirate publishers had 
G54  81 snapped up three of his plays, an index of their growing appeal. 
G54  82 The first was <tf_>Titus Andronicus<tf/>, dismaying to Bardolaters 
G54  83 but a rousing success with the crowd.<p/>
G54  84 <p_>A snobbish view held that plays were insubstantial pageants, 
G54  85 here today, gone tomorrow. Shakespeare may have concurred (the best 
G54  86 in that kind were shadows). But poetry appealed to the ages. 
G54  87 <quote_>"I have built a monument more lasting than bronze,"<quote/> 
G54  88 said Horace, one of his teachers. The pupil hoped to emulate the 
G54  89 teacher and by 1594 his skill as a poet was widely acclaimed. Not 
G54  90 long after, a contemporary hailed him as the modern Catullus. His 
G54  91 two famous poems of the early 1590s, <tf_>Venus and Adonis<tf/> and 
G54  92 <tf_>The Rape of Lucrece<tf/>, established his credentials as a 
G54  93 serious writer, also helping feather his nest. Each carried a 
G54  94 dedication to Henry Wriothesley, the Earl of Southampton, a young 
G54  95 notability at Court. He was Shakespeare's patron, perhaps for some 
G54  96 years the 'master-mistress' of his passion. A patron was expected 
G54  97 to reward the poets who flattered him and likely Southampton did 
G54  98 this. One way or another, young Shakespeare built a stake.<p/>
G54  99 <p_>In 1594 he 'staked down,' as in their card game of primero. 
G54 100 Formerly a hireling in theater, he bought a partnership in his 
G54 101 business enterprise, the Chamberlain's Men. A 'composition' or deed 
G54 102 in return for his bond entitled him to share in the company's 
G54 103 proceeds. The 'sharer' was an actor too, known for kingly roles and 
G54 104 old man's roles. It takes a special kind of young actor to play old 
G54 105 men successfully, and Shakespeare's facility says something of the 
G54 106 man he was.<p/>
G54 107 <p_>With all this, he found time to write plays. For roughly twenty 
G54 108 years, he served his company as its 'ordinary poet,' i.e., 
G54 109 principal writer, turning out the wares others brought to market. 
G54 110 <quote_>"Make it new,"<quote/> his fellows said, their eye on the 
G54 111 box office. That he did, supplying whatever was called for: 
G54 112 <quote_>"tragedy, comedy, history, pastoral, 
G54 113 pastoral-comical,"<quote/> etc. Polonius, reciting these different 
G54 114 genres or kinds, meant to distinguish one from another. But 
G54 115 Shakespeare wasn't simon pure and most of his plays make a 
G54 116 hodgepodge.<p/>
G54 117 <p_>Like the 'singing men' or clerks who rejoiced the hearts of 
G54 118 English in the older time, he absorbed himself in his function. 
G54 119 Some of his fellows, previewing modern times, lived lives of 
G54 120 notoriety, not he. Peele, a hellion, became the subject of a 
G54 121 popular jest book. Lodge, before respectability overtook him, made 
G54 122 a freebooting voyage to the New World. Jonson was 'rare' Ben, toper 
G54 123 and bullyboy. Shakespeare, self-effacing, kept his head down. On 
G54 124 this side, he looks backward to his medieval forebears, most of 
G54 125 them names in the catalog, little more. If you want to make their 
G54 126 acquaintance you must listen to their music, true for Shakespeare 
G54 127 too.<p/>
G54 128 <p_>Medieval men, deferring to the ancients, called themselves 
G54 129 dwarfs who stood on the shoulders of giants. That way, they saw 
G54 130 further. This giant of modern times stood on the shoulders of the 
G54 131 proximate past. His first tutors who were also his competitors did 
G54 132 him good service, notably Lyly and the 'University Wits,' Marlowe, 
G54 133 trailed by others. Anonymous playwrights in the generation before 
G54 134 him gave him sketches for his Jew of Venice, Romeo and Juliet, and 
G54 135 Oberon, king of the fairies. A quick study, he outpaced all his 
G54 136 teachers. But if he was sui generis, the greatest maker in 'the 
G54 137 tide of times,' he was also his time's product. For him the past is 
G54 138 prologue when the sinews of his art were developed. This past that 
G54 139 intimates the future is young Shakespeare's story. It ends in 
G54 140 1594.<p/>
G54 141 <p_>The competition had scattered, another way of explaining 
G54 142 Shakespeare's early preeminence. Lyly, his first master, once all 
G54 143 the rage for 'Euphuistic' comedy, fell silent in the nineties 
G54 144 except for begging letters. Greene, his envenomed rival, died in 
G54 145 1592, detractors said of a surfeit of Rhenish wine and pickled 
G54 146 herring. Kyd went soon after, like Greene still in his thirties. 
G54 147 Marlowe, the greatest of Shakespeare's early contemporaries, caught 
G54 148 an assassin's dagger in 1593. He was twenty-nine.<p/>
G54 149 <p_>Shakespeare, learning his trade from these playwrights, didn't 
G54 150 forget them. In the miraculous years to come, he paid tribute to 
G54 151 Kyd in <tf|>Hamlet and Lodge in <tf_>As You Like It<tf/>, 
G54 152 imitations with a difference. Toward the end of his career, writing 
G54 153 <tf_>The Winter's Tale<tf/>, he reached back in memory to Greene. 
G54 154 He never stopped learning, from others, not least from himself. But 
G54 155 by 1594 his apprenticeship was over, and this year he struck out on 
G54 156 his own.<p/>
G54 157 <p_>MOVING into the city proper from lower-class Shoreditch, he 
G54 158 took lodgings in St. Helen's parish, Bishopsgate, on the northern 
G54 159 perimeter of London Wall. Playdays, he walked out along Shoreditch 
G54 160 High Street to the Theater and Curtain. These first public 
G54 161 playhouses, erected in the 1570s, stood in open fields outside the 
G54 162 city. Each day they changed their bill of fare, and providing a new 
G54 163 one kept Shakespeare busy. He left no calling cards in Bishopsgate 
G54 164 but remembered this early residence in plays.<p/>
G54 165 <p_>Not the only entertainer in his neighborhood, he shared the 
G54 166 spotlight with famous Ned Alleyn. Two years Shakespeare's junior, 
G54 167 Alleyn grew up in St. Botolph's parish on the bank of London Ditch. 
G54 168 Nashe called him the modern Roscius, after a celebrated Roman 
G54 169 actor. But he had no rivals, ancient or modern. <quote_>"Others 
G54 170 speak,"<quote/> Jonson said in a poetical tribute, <quote_>"only 
G54 171 thou dost act."<quote/> Among his star roles was that of Barrabas 
G54 172 in Marlowe's <tf_>Jew of Malta<tf/>, a great triumph of the 
G54 173 typecaster's art. This play stimulated Shakespeare when he saw it 
G54 174 at the Rose on Bankside. Later, though, writing <tf_>The Merchant 
G54 175 of Venice<tf/>, he found it wouldn't do as a model. The energy, 
G54 176 unexampled in Marlowe, seemed amazing, but typecasting was never 
G54 177 for him.<p/>
G54 178 <p_>When plague closed the theaters, Alleyn's company disbanded, 
G54 179 some members quitting London for a Continental tour. Alleyn, 
G54 180 joining Strange's company, went into the provinces. As in our 
G54 181 modern despotic states, he needed permission to do this. 
G54 182 Bureaucracy, a storehouse of paper, has its uses, and the warrant 
G54 183 licensing his travels names the actors who went with him, all, 
G54 184 subsequently, Shakespeare's fellows in the Chamberlain's Men.<p/>
G54 185 <p_>Barnstorming in the country, Alleyn wrote letters home, making 
G54 186 it easy for posterity to track him. The letters, thick with life, 
G54 187 show an amiable man and affectionate husband. Plague is on his 
G54 188 mind, and he wants his Joan to throw water <quote_>"before your 
G54 189 door"<quote/> every night <quote_>"and have in your windows good 
G54 190 store of rue and herb of grace."<quote/> But his <quote|>"Mouse" 
G54 191 doesn't write him. <quote_>"Send me of your domestical 
G54 192 matters,"<quote/> he tells her, <quote_>"as how your distilled 
G54 193 water proves, or this, or that, or anything what you will. And Jug, 
G54 194 I pray you, let my orange-tawny stockings of woolen be dyed a very 
G54 195 good black against I come home to wear in the winter."<quote/> 
G54 196 Reproachfully, he notes no word of his garden. His wife ought to 
G54 197 remember <quote_>"that all that bed which was parsley in the month 
G54 198 of September, you sow it with spinach, for then is the 
G54 199 time."<quote/> Later Henslowe wrote Alleyn that the spinach bed was 
G54 200 sown.<p/>
G54 201 <p_>Shakespeare posted no letters in plague time. He had his poems 
G54 202 to write or perhaps his Anne couldn't read.
G54 203 
G54 204 
G55   1 <#FROWN:G55\>Unable to afford a farm or factory of his own until 
G55   2 the experiment had proved successful, David began by leasing an 
G55   3 acre or so of rich alluvial soil and planting a small crop of sugar 
G55   4 beets. Maria wrote Louisa Loring that they would often get up 
G55   5 before dawn and go out together to weed the rows of beet plants 
G55   6 when <quote_>"all the world, except the birds, are 
G55   7 asleep."<quote/><p/>
G55   8 <p_>For a time the beauty of the scenery and the prospect, however 
G55   9 distant, of eventually having a place of their own filled Maria 
G55  10 with a sense of domestic contentment. She told Louisa that she had 
G55  11 <quote_>"more of a home feeling than I have had since we left 
G55  12 Cottage Place."<quote/> She even found the stern Calvinism of their 
G55  13 landlord, Enos Clark, and the <quote_>"quiet religious 
G55  14 refinement"<quote/> of his family reassuring. She and David had 
G55  15 rented a pew in the Unitarian Church where the pastor, Mr. Stearns, 
G55  16 was both a good preacher and a member of the Northampton 
G55  17 Anti-Slavery Society.<p/>
G55  18 <p_>The first weeks passed pleasantly enough. David went out to his 
G55  19 field several times a day to weed and Maria often accompanied him. 
G55  20 The remainder of her time she devoted to keeping David's clothes in 
G55  21 order (she was making him a frock coat) and promoting the 
G55  22 antislavery cause. At first, the Childs were warmly welcomed by the 
G55  23 citizenry of the town, most of whom were of old Yankee stock. 
G55  24 Northampton's reputation as one of the most beautiful spots in New 
G55  25 England had attracted a number of retired business and professional 
G55  26 people who contributed to its refined and cultivated tone. Maria 
G55  27 was amused by the ease with which she befriended these gentlefolk. 
G55  28 <quote_>"Once more,"<quote/> she wrote Louisa, <quote_>"I have it 
G55  29 in my power to be the favorite of the class denominated 
G55  30 first."<quote/><p/>
G55  31 <p_>One Northampton woman who seemed <quote_>"the very embodiment 
G55  32 of aristocracy"<quote/> was Anne Lyman, the wife of the sheriff of 
G55  33 Hampshire County. The Lymans occupied the adjoining pew in the 
G55  34 Unitarian Church, and Maria felt instantly drawn to this learned 
G55  35 woman who, like herself, was outspoken and firm in her convictions 
G55  36 and with whom she could indulge the <quote|>"poetical" side of her 
G55  37 nature. Anne Lyman's opinions on most subjects ran strictly counter 
G55  38 to Maria's. Nonetheless, the two spent many happy hours together. 
G55  39 <quote_>"I like her notwithstanding her distorted view of men and 
G55  40 things,"<quote/> wrote Maria somewhat patronizingly of her new 
G55  41 friend. <quote_>"If she can manage to like me, anti-slavery, 
G55  42 rights-of-woman, and all, it must be because she respects the 
G55  43 daring freedom of speech which she practices."<quote/> Maria hoped 
G55  44 to convert both Anne Lyman and her husband to abolitionism. She 
G55  45 never succeeded, but the two women remained firm friends. Years 
G55  46 later Maria described their relationship to Anne's daughter, Susan 
G55  47 Lesley: <quote_>"Both of us were as direct and energetic as a 
G55  48 loco-motive under high pressure of steam; and, coming full tilt 
G55  49 from opposite directions, we sometimes ran against each other with 
G55  50 a clash. But no bones were ever broken. We laughed and shook hands 
G55  51 after such encounters, and indulged in a little playful raillery at 
G55  52 each others' impetuosity."<quote/><p/>
G55  53 <p_>Underneath all their high-spirited disputatiousness these two 
G55  54 friends understood one another. Aristocratic as Anne Lyman was, 
G55  55 Maria remembered with delight the <quote_>"lofty disdain"<quote/> 
G55  56 with which she rebuffed any sign of social pretension. She recalled 
G55  57 particularly Anne's account of a visit she once paid to a very 
G55  58 wealthy family whose members were <quote_>"exceedingly careful of 
G55  59 their dignity."<quote/> During the course of her visit, Anne was 
G55  60 informed that <quote_>"a friendship of questionable 
G55  61 gentility"<quote/> had formed between one of the relatives of this 
G55  62 family and Maria Child. <quote_>"Mrs. Child is an abolitionist, you 
G55  63 know,"<quote/> the rich folk informed their guest, <quote_>"and she 
G55  64 does not belong to the circle of our visitors."<quote/> At this 
G55  65 Anne Lyman exploded: <quote_>"Visit <tf|>you indeed! I should like 
G55  66 to have you try to get her here! Send a carriage and six horses, 
G55  67 and see if you can <tf|>get her here!"<quote/><p/>
G55  68 <p_>Although the Childs had been led to believe that Northampton 
G55  69 was a stronghold of antislavery, they soon observed that all but a 
G55  70 few reputed sympathizers kept it wonderfully to themselves. Maria 
G55  71 reported back to her Boston friends that Christian orthodoxy 
G55  72 <quote_>" has clothed most of the community in her straitlaced 
G55  73 garments."<quote/> If the Childs witnessed plenty of praying and 
G55  74 preaching and concern with saving souls, they could discern little 
G55  75 of what they considered true charity among the townspeople. After 
G55  76 living in Northampton for two months they were only willing to 
G55  77 claim two people as <quote_>"real abolitionists."<quote/><p/>
G55  78 <p_>Northampton's conservatism on the slavery question was 
G55  79 buttressed by the arrival each summer of a number of prominent 
G55  80 Southern families. The Childs' closest neighbor, for example, was 
G55  81 Thomas Napier, a former slave auctioneer from Charleston, South 
G55  82 Carolina. Maria and David quickly discovered that despite his 
G55  83 shameful profession, Napier was a respected member of the 
G55  84 Northampton community. Like their landlord, Enos Clark, Napier was 
G55  85 a deacon of the Congregational Church. He also taught Sunday 
G55  86 school, informing the children under his charge that God had 
G55  87 officially consigned the blacks to perpetual slavery.<p/>
G55  88 <p_>Disagreeable as it was to live so near someone who had made his 
G55  89 living <quote_>"trafficking in human beings,"<quote/> even more 
G55  90 irritating to David and Maria were the pious posturings of this man 
G55  91 who called himself a Christian. It happened that the south wall of 
G55  92 Napier's house rose only a few feet from the Childs' single window, 
G55  93 and on warm summer evenings the sound of the man's prayers carried 
G55  94 easily into their room. David did his best to drown out the 
G55  95 offensive noise by singing and playing his accordion.<p/>
G55  96 <p_>Anne Lyman asked Maria soon after her arrival in Northampton if 
G55  97 she had made the acquaintance of her Southern neighbor. When Maria 
G55  98 observed that a slave auctioneer and an abolitionist were not 
G55  99 <quote_>"likely to find much pleasure in each other's 
G55 100 society,"<quote/> Anne Lyman accused her of being as bigoted as 
G55 101 Napier himself. Maria responded by insisting that it was one thing 
G55 102 for Mrs. Lyman to disagree with the tactics of the abolitionists 
G55 103 and quite another for Mr. Napier to promote his slave-trading as a 
G55 104 God-given good. There was a difference, she insisted, 
G55 105 <quote_>"between errors of opinion and sins in actual 
G55 106 practice."<quote/><p/>
G55 107 <p_>If Maria found it hard to tolerate the <quote_>"fiery 
G55 108 irascible"<quote/> Mr. Napier, she had better luck befriending some 
G55 109 of the other Southerners in town. Challenged by the opportunity to 
G55 110 try her argumentative skills on genuine slaveholders, she willingly 
G55 111 sought them out and, with what she described as a careful mixture 
G55 112 of <quote_>"candour and courtesy,"<quote/> spent many hours in 
G55 113 hotel lobbies and private parlors discussing the issue of slavery. 
G55 114 At first Maria was encouraged by the Southerners' friendliness and 
G55 115 hoped her powers of persuasion would convince them of the 
G55 116 sinfulness of the <quote_>"peculiar institution"<quote/> and of the 
G55 117 need to regard Negroes as fellow human beings. But she quickly 
G55 118 discovered her job would not be an easy one: <quote_>"By education 
G55 119 and habit they have so long thought and spoken of the colored man 
G55 120 as a mere article of <tf|>property, that it is impossible for them 
G55 121 to recognize him as a <tf|>man, and reason concerning him as a 
G55 122 <tf|>brother, on equal terms with the rest of the human family. If, 
G55 123 by great effort, you make them acknowledge the brotherhood of the 
G55 124 human race, as a sacred and eternal principle, - in ten minutes, 
G55 125 their arguments, assertions and proposed schemes, all show that 
G55 126 they have returned to the old habit of regarding the slave as a 
G55 127 <tf_>'chattel personal.'<tf/>"<quote/><p/>
G55 128 <p_>Relations between Maria Child and Northampton's Southern 
G55 129 visitors cooled visibly when it became clear that she and David not 
G55 130 only opposed slavery in theory but were actively pursuing its 
G55 131 extinction. Thomas Napier was particularly annoyed by their 
G55 132 proselytizing and countered with missionary tactics of his own. 
G55 133 Thus in July when his sister from South Carolina arrived for a 
G55 134 visit accompanied by her slave Rosa, he urged Rosa to befriend Mrs. 
G55 135 Child and show this Yankee woman how well slavery agreed with her. 
G55 136 The colored woman passed frequently under Maria's window, looking 
G55 137 sleek and contented. When engaged in conversation she would 
G55 138 <quote_>"boast of her happy slavery"<quote/> and laugh at Maria's 
G55 139 efforts to persuade her to take her freedom. Maria, refusing to be 
G55 140 taken in by such subterfuges, sent Rosa's mistress a long letter 
G55 141 decrying the evils of slavery and comparing the happiness of slaves 
G55 142 <quote_>"to that of well-fed pigs"<quote/> and their destiny to 
G55 143 dogs who were sold to one buyer while their puppies went to 
G55 144 another. Accompanying the letter were several antislavery 
G55 145 tracts.<p/>
G55 146 <p_>If Maria hoped this barrage of antislavery literature would 
G55 147 convince Rosa's mistress of the error of her ways she was sadly 
G55 148 mistaken. Within two hours the letter was angrily returned, 
G55 149 followed shortly by an indignant Rosa. The Napiers had informed 
G55 150 their slave that their abolitionist neighbor had called her a pig 
G55 151 and her children puppies. Maria quickly set matters straight by 
G55 152 reading Rosa a copy of the letter, and, encouraged by this Yankee 
G55 153 woman's sympathetic manner, Rosa was soon disclosing her life's 
G55 154 story. Although she'd been promised her freedom by a previous 
G55 155 owner, the document granting it had been lost. Maria, who feared 
G55 156 that once back in the South Rosa would lose all chance of obtaining 
G55 157 her freedom, tried to persuade the woman to remain in Northampton. 
G55 158 But Rosa could not bear the thought of living apart from her 
G55 159 children and other close relatives and friends, and in the end she 
G55 160 returned home with her mistress. Maria's failure to coax Rosa into 
G55 161 remaining in the North was a source of delight to Mr. Napier and 
G55 162 his family, who boasted that for all of Mrs. Child's efforts to 
G55 163 persuade Rosa to take her freedom she had preferred to stay with 
G55 164 her beloved mistress. Here was positive proof that slavery was a 
G55 165 benevolent institution after all.<p/>
G55 166 <p_>More discouraging than the intransigence of Southerners was the 
G55 167 behavior of Northampton's Yankee natives, who showed more concern 
G55 168 with not offending those in their midst who were 
G55 169 pro<?_>-<?/>slavery than in combating Northern prejudice against 
G55 170 Negroes. The owner of the Mansion House, a favorite resort for 
G55 171 Southern travelers, became very annoyed with Maria when she asked a 
G55 172 colored man staying in the hotel if he were free. <quote_>"I 
G55 173 dislike slavery as much as you do,"<quote/> the hotel keeper 
G55 174 assured her, <quote_>"but then I get my living by 
G55 175 slave-holders."<quote/> Maria also discovered that Margaret Dwight, 
G55 176 the principal of the Gothic Seminary for Young Ladies, five or six 
G55 177 of whose pupils were Southerners, was strongly prejudiced against 
G55 178 the abolitionists. By the end of her first year in Northampton 
G55 179 Maria was even upbraiding the tenants in her own boardinghouse for 
G55 180 their <quote_>"narrow and bigoted spirit."<quote/><p/>
G55 181 <p_>Most disheartening of all was the attitude of the clergy, whom 
G55 182 Maria accused of valuing the peace of the church more than moral 
G55 183 principle and sectarian doctrines more than the brotherhood of man. 
G55 184 She reported to her abolitionist friends in Boston that Mr. 
G55 185 Mitchell, the pastor of the Congregational Church, would not permit 
G55 186 antislavery lectures in his meetinghouse for fear of driving Mr. 
G55 187 Napier out of town. From her observation post next door she watched 
G55 188 as almost every day baskets of fruits and vegetables were carried 
G55 189 from Napier's garden to Mr. Mitchell's rectory and dismissed this 
G55 190 neighborly generosity as <quote_>"part of the price for which the 
G55 191 Judas betrays his master."<quote/><p/>
G55 192 <p_>During the first year in Northampton both Childs were active in 
G55 193 the organized antislavery efforts of Hampshire County. In addition 
G55 194 to the tedious and often unpleasant ordeal of obtaining signatures 
G55 195 to congressional petitions, they also faithfully attended 
G55 196 antislavery meetings. Once, having traveled twenty miles to 
G55 197 Greenfield for a Franklin County antislavery convention, Maria 
G55 198 found the atmosphere considerably chillier than Northampton's. As 
G55 199 she seated herself among the delegates she was at first unaware 
G55 200 that her presence was causing any uneasiness, and she ignored the 
G55 201 implicit hostility in the announcement that all the <tf|>gentlemen 
G55 202 present were welcome to join the convention. Then she overheard one 
G55 203 man whisper to another, while gesturing in her direction, 
G55 204 <quote_>"I hope she doesn't come to introduce Boston notions . ...I 
G55 205 trust she is not going to advocate women's rights!"<quote/><p/>
G55 206 
G55 207 
G55 208 
G56   1 <#FROWN:G56\><h_><p_>Definition of Feminist Art or Feminist 
G56   2 Definition of Art<p/>
G56   3 <p_>Selma Kraft<p/><h/>
G56   4 <p_>My title is more than a play on words: it states a distinction 
G56   5 critical in determining how to bring about overdue recognition of 
G56   6 women's art. A feminist definition of art is better suited to this 
G56   7 goal than a definition of feminist art.<p/>
G56   8 <p_>The call for a feminist definition of art arose in the context 
G56   9 of explaining the problem of undervaluing past and present women 
G56  10 artists on the basis of the male bias of traditional criteria used 
G56  11 to attribute artistic value. This approach does not apologize for 
G56  12 the art of women, explaining away their 'lack of greatness' in 
G56  13 inequitable social conditions. Instead, it locates the problem of 
G56  14 women's exclusion from serious recognition as artists not in their 
G56  15 art but in the very definition of art. According to this view, the 
G56  16 problem does not reside in the art women have created; it lies in 
G56  17 the conditions of viewing visual works as art in the Western 
G56  18 tradition.<p/>
G56  19 <p_>A successful feminist definition of art would replace the 
G56  20 traditional definition of art. Philosophers, however, have 
G56  21 increasingly questioned whether it is possible to locate a set of 
G56  22 necessary and sufficient conditions for calling something art, 
G56  23 i.e., for defining art. More than thirty years ago Morris Weitz 
G56  24 established the framework for this questioning when he stated: 
G56  25 <quote_>"'Art,' itself is an open concept .... The very expansive, 
G56  26 adventurous character of art, its ever-present changes and novel 
G56  27 creations, makes it logically impossible to ensure any set of 
G56  28 defining properties."<quote/> Because of this, <quote_>"If we 
G56  29 actually look and see what it is that we call 'art,' we will find 
G56  30 no common properties - only strands of similarities."<quote/> Since 
G56  31 that time a new way of defining art, George Dickie's institutional 
G56  32 theory of art, has become widely accepted. In 1974 he wrote: 
G56  33 <quote_>"A work of art in the classificatory sense is (1) an 
G56  34 artifact; (2) a set of the aspects of which has had conferred upon 
G56  35 it the status of candidate for appreciation by some person or 
G56  36 persons acting on behalf of a certain social institution (the 
G56  37 artworld)."<quote/><p/>
G56  38 <p_>The kind of definition Weitz found impossible is a normative 
G56  39 definition - one which provides a criterion, or criteria, for 
G56  40 aesthetic judgment. As Weitz puts it, any evaluation of the 
G56  41 statement, <quote_>"'This is a work of art' implies 'This has 
G56  42 <tf|>P', where <tf|>'P' is some chosen art-making 
G56  43 property."<quote/> Without the belief that not only is such a 
G56  44 definition possible but is, indeed, in use and biased against the 
G56  45 art of women, there would be no need to seek a feminist definition 
G56  46 of art.<p/>
G56  47 <p_>The kind of definition that Dickie provides, however, is 
G56  48 descriptive rather than prescriptive. It provides no standard for 
G56  49 including or excluding anything as art. It states a fact upon which 
G56  50 there is widespread agreement, i.e., that the determination of art 
G56  51 is a social process. It is the social process that needs change, 
G56  52 not the definition.<p/>
G56  53 <p_>Despite Weitz's objections to the contrary, art historians, 
G56  54 museum curators, gallery owners, critics, and collectors use a 
G56  55 criterion that is agreed upon for making value judgments about art 
G56  56 every day, a criterion not the subject of argument or discussion 
G56  57 but simply assumed: stylistic originality is the definitive 
G56  58 characteristic of art. Visual works that do not meet this standard 
G56  59 are taken to be craft, 'motel art,' commercial art, or anything 
G56  60 considered to be less than art.<p/>
G56  61 <p_>Stylistic originality is not a quality found in any work per 
G56  62 se. Looking at a Roy Lichtenstein comic strip painting and a 
G56  63 newspaper comic strip frame, or an all-over painting by Lee Krasner 
G56  64 and another by Jackson Pollock, one could not tell by any 
G56  65 perceptible qualities which one or ones are formally innovative. 
G56  66 The determination of stylistic originality can only be made by 
G56  67 knowing something about the background of a work, which is the 
G56  68 historical circumstances of its creation. One must know to what 
G56  69 tradition it belongs and how it is connected in time to the 
G56  70 elements of that tradition. No amount of looking, even of sensitive 
G56  71 looking, could reveal whether Lichtenstein's or the newspaper's 
G56  72 comic strip frame, Krasner's or Pollock's painting, were more 
G56  73 stylistically original or even stylistically original at all. 
G56  74 Without knowing the circumstances of the creation of, say, two 
G56  75 identical<?_>-<?/>looking Brillo boxes, it would not be possible to 
G56  76 differentiate between one that is a mere object found in a grocery 
G56  77 store and a work of art by Andy Warhol. Stylistic originality is, 
G56  78 then, an attribute added to a work of art from other information, 
G56  79 not one derived from it.<p/>
G56  80 <p_>A paradigmatic assumption of stylistic originality as the 
G56  81 definitive characteristic of art is made by H. W. Janson in his 
G56  82 immensely influential art history textbook: <quote_>"Originality, 
G56  83 then, is what distinguishes art from craft. We may say, therefore, 
G56  84 that it is the yardstick of artistic greatness or 
G56  85 importance."<quote/> It is clear that what Janson means by 
G56  86 originality is innovation in style, not meaning. For example, when 
G56  87 he evaluates the <tf_>Nike of Samothrace<tf/> as "the greatest 
G56  88 masterpiece of Hellenistic sculpture," he speaks of the formal 
G56  89 element of space: <quote_>"There is an active relationship - indeed 
G56  90 an interdependence - between the statue and the space that envelops 
G56  91 it, such as we have never seen before."<quote/><p/>
G56  92 <p_>It is this assumption that is implicitly agreed upon by art 
G56  93 critics. The particular aesthetic characteristics they refer to in 
G56  94 evaluating art (e.g., powerful, deliberate, complicated, 
G56  95 motionless, authoritative, intense, beautiful, seductive, potent, 
G56  96 eerie, visionary, gorgeous, severe, forceful, perishable, 
G56  97 vulnerable, ghostlike) may be seen as positive, negative, or 
G56  98 neutral attributes by different critics or even by the same critics 
G56  99 regarding different works. Depending on context, any of these words 
G56 100 can be and are used with different evaluative meanings. A work of 
G56 101 art may be interpreted, for example, as overly complicated or 
G56 102 interestingly complicated; as flashily gorgeous or sublimely 
G56 103 gorgeous; as fancifully perishable or incompetently perishable; as 
G56 104 boringly motionless or breathtakingly motionless. The attribute of 
G56 105 stylistic originality, however, is always positive and that of 
G56 106 stylistic derivativeness is always negative.<p/>
G56 107 <p_>This distinction is true even in our postmodern era, when 
G56 108 stylistic originality seems threatened to suffer the fate of other 
G56 109 earlier valued attributes of art, that of being outmoded. Artists 
G56 110 currently are doing blatant copies of earlier artists' works or 
G56 111 unabashedly replicating their styles. These kinds of gestures, 
G56 112 however, are considered to be manifestations of originality by 
G56 113 virtue of their turning away from the originality of modernism. For 
G56 114 example, the reviewers of a recent show by Mark Tansey in a New 
G56 115 York gallery remark that what Tansey is involved with is 
G56 116 <quote_>"rejection of formalist strategies"<quote/>. Thus the fact 
G56 117 that his <quote_>"figures are redolent of Eakins in their academic 
G56 118 realism, the space and dramatic lighting borrowed from the 
G56 119 Baroque,"<quote/> does not diminish their appreciation of his art, 
G56 120 because <quote_>"Originality is everywhere denied."<quote/><p/>
G56 121 <p_>Tansey, in other words, is not unoriginal; he is stylistically 
G56 122 original in denying formalistic originality. This denial is, of 
G56 123 course, not to be found in the work itself. It is attributed to the 
G56 124 work, on the basis of the place of the work in the tradition of 
G56 125 formalist art. When compared to formalism, the stylistic 
G56 126 characteristics of academic realism and Baroque art are formal 
G56 127 innovations. Therefore, this artist is worthy of having his work 
G56 128 shown in a prestigious New York gallery and of being reviewed in 
G56 129 <tf|>Artnews.<p/>
G56 130 <p_>So pervasive is the acceptance of stylistic originality as the 
G56 131 defining characteristic of art that even feminist art historians 
G56 132 use this criterion of artistic value. In evaluating the work of 
G56 133 Lavinia Fontana, Ann Sutherland Harris and Linda Nochlin remark: 
G56 134 <quote_>"Her major handicap ... is being one of the last 
G56 135 representatives of a conservative <foreign|>maniera ... Thus her 
G56 136 work has an old-fashioned air that is unfortunately not redeemed by 
G56 137 either a novel personal interpretation of <foreign|>maneria or by a 
G56 138 consistently high level of quality."<quote/> The clear implication 
G56 139 here is that a novel personal ointerpretation of style, whatever 
G56 140 the deficiencies of her art, would have been sufficient to redeem 
G56 141 Fontana's artistic reputation. In another book compiling past women 
G56 142 artists, Wendy Slatkin states that the artists she includes are not 
G56 143 <quote_>"women artists of mere competence"<quote/>, and the first 
G56 144 criterion for inclusion she lists is <quote_>"technical or formal 
G56 145 innovations".<quote/><p/>
G56 146 <p_>Among aestheticians, too, there are those who have explicitly 
G56 147 taken the position that originality is a necessary condition for 
G56 148 something to be called art, or as Arthur Danto puts it, <quote_>"an 
G56 149 analytical requirement of being a work of art."<quote/> David 
G56 150 Goldblatt deduces from this belief that an artist repeating his own 
G56 151 style is guilty of self-plagiarism, i.e., ceases to count as an 
G56 152 artist. What is even more revealing about the deep belief of the 
G56 153 connection between art and originality, however, is the implicit 
G56 154 assumption that originality is a sufficient condition for art. Some 
G56 155 aestheticians interested in defining art, such as Weitz, Dickie, 
G56 156 and Danto, do not start with definitive characteristics of art 
G56 157 which can account for works that are original. Instead, they start 
G56 158 with the notion of originality and try to find definitions that can 
G56 159 include a wide variety of original works. Instead of using 
G56 160 prevailing conceptions or their own definitions of art to question 
G56 161 the artistic legitimacy or value of such works as the most famous 
G56 162 example of all, Marcel Duchamp's <tf|>Fountain, they use such works 
G56 163 as unquestioned examples of art that their definitions must meet. 
G56 164 Marcel Duchamp's <tf|>Fountain, Andy Warhol's Brillo boxes, Claes 
G56 165 Oldenburg's filled-in hole-in-the-ground, Chris Burden's locking 
G56 166 himself in a footlocker for seven days - what common quality do 
G56 167 these disparate items have in common that makes it necessary to 
G56 168 account for them in any definition of art, before any definition of 
G56 169 art is forthcoming, other than their novelty in how they are 
G56 170 done?<p/>
G56 171 <p_>Counterexamples to stylistic originality as art's assumed 
G56 172 central defining feature are to be found in artistic traditions 
G56 173 outside Western art. When looked at from within these cultures, as 
G56 174 opposed to looking with Western aesthetic expectations, the 
G56 175 aesthetics of African, Chinese, and American Indian art, to name 
G56 176 some examples, do not require originality. This is not to say that 
G56 177 these cultures don't require creativity or individualized 
G56 178 expression for their art, simply that stylistic innovation is not 
G56 179 assumed to be a sufficient or necessary condition for art, or even 
G56 180 held in high esteem at all. Of course, the artworks produced by 
G56 181 these cultures are generally excluded from consideration by 
G56 182 traditional Western aesthetics.<p/>
G56 183 <p_>The exclusion of women from the canon of Western art also stems 
G56 184 from this assumption. In historical terms the visual works women 
G56 185 have made have not met this requirement. Although those women 
G56 186 artists who have been valued most highly in Western culture have 
G56 187 been creative and highly personal in their individual expressions, 
G56 188 they made no significant stylistic innovations. Artemisia 
G56 189 Gentileschi worked in the style created by Caravaggio; Mary 
G56 190 Cassatt's style was derived from the Impressionism developed by 
G56 191 Claude Monet et al.; Georgia O'Keeffe's style was influenced by 
G56 192 that of Arthur Dove. The fact that no woman artist has been 
G56 193 recognized for having made a stylistic breakthrough in and of 
G56 194 itself does not mean, however, that the very notion of stylistic 
G56 195 originality is inherently exclusionary toward the art of women.<p/>
G56 196 <p_>A closer look at the radical innovativeness involved in 
G56 197 achieving significant stylistic originality indicates that it has 
G56 198 not been a goal for women artists. To replace intentionally an 
G56 199 accepted style with one significantly different requires a certain 
G56 200 antagonism to what exists, aggressiveness in overthrowing it, and a 
G56 201 willingness to take risks in destroying what stands in the way. 
G56 202 While men in Western culture have been socialized to these 
G56 203 qualities, women have been taught to be accepting, docile, and 
G56 204 passive. This is not to imply in any way that these differences are 
G56 205 biological in origin or inevitable for the future, In the past, 
G56 206 however, women have stressed the need to connect to the past and to 
G56 207 accept life as it is given to them. No male artist has been known 
G56 208 to have said, <quote_>"I try to see through the eyes of many 
G56 209 others,"<quote/> or, <quote_>"[My art] is the thread of my 
G56 210 connections which makes the world intelligible to me."<quote/> No 
G56 211 woman artist has been known to have talked about art as <quote_>"a 
G56 212 difficult feat of bravado,"<quote/> or <quote_>"the love of 
G56 213 danger,"<quote/> or to have said, <quote_>"I feel no tradition ... 
G56 214 I'm disconnected."<quote/>
G56 215 
G57   1 <#FROWN:G57\>What is less clear is whether the rise of conservative 
G57   2 evangelical movements has reached its modern-day peak. Are these 
G57   3 movements destined to decline and lose power as the West proceeds 
G57   4 to the Third Millennia? Perhaps an understanding of the ties 
G57   5 between evangelical Protestantism and school Policy in the American 
G57   6 past may illuminate these issues.<p/>
G57   7 <p_>The connection between various Protestant groups and education 
G57   8 and schooling has been an intimate one throughout the course of 
G57   9 American history. Public schools as we recognize them today were 
G57  10 unknown before the American Revolution, yet the ties between 
G57  11 religion and education were strong. The Puritans of New England, 
G57  12 like other Protestant groups in the colonies, emphasized the 
G57  13 importance of literacy and especially reading, largely though not 
G57  14 exclusively for religious purposes. Reading the Bible, in addition 
G57  15 to the catechetical instruction provided by ones parents and 
G57  16 minister, promoted a more godly life and hopefully led one along 
G57  17 the path to personal salvation. The town schools of 
G57  18 eighteenth-century Massachusetts and the district schools of the 
G57  19 hinterland often used the Bible as a basic reading text and taught 
G57  20 the principles of Protestantism through successive editions of the 
G57  21 ubiquitous <tf_>New England Primer<tf/> <quote_>In Adams Fall, We 
G57  22 Sinned All,<quote/> many children quickly learned as schools 
G57  23 reinforced the lessons of parents and ministers.<p/>
G57  24 <p_>But even in the colonial period, no consensus existed over the 
G57  25 propriety of a particular brand of religion in education. Quakers, 
G57  26 Catholics, Puritan - and many other groups, including atheists - 
G57  27 brought enough diversity to public discussions to preclude any easy 
G57  28 agreement on important educational matters. Puritan Boston, for 
G57  29 example, saw the emergence of a strong commercial class in the late 
G57  30 seventeenth century that often eschewed orthodox Calvinist values 
G57  31 in their lives. Secular public reading and writing schools for 
G57  32 boys, for example, were founded in towns such as Boston that 
G57  33 challenged the monopoly of older Latin grammar schools, as middle 
G57  34 class families pressed for more attention to more practical, 
G57  35 somewhat less religious, education. Private schools for boys and 
G57  36 even some girls whose parents could pay for the tuition opened in 
G57  37 response to this secular demand. Navigation, penmanship, foreign 
G57  38 languages, and dancing were available for whatever prices the 
G57  39 market might bear.<p/>
G57  40 <p_>Thus, there was more to education than Puritan ministers even 
G57  41 in historic Boston might have desired. By the early eighteenth 
G57  42 century, religious leaders there lamented the decline in the 
G57  43 spirituality of the people, reflected in the presence of more 
G57  44 luxury goods, finer homes, and often more secular instruction than 
G57  45 seemed common in the previous century. A strong Protestant tone 
G57  46 informed the Anglo-American world of colonial America, and prayer, 
G57  47 Bible reading, and the like shaped the consciousness of generations 
G57  48 of settlers and their children. Controversy was nevertheless always 
G57  49 present, elders generally thought the new generation somewhat 
G57  50 insolent, and the preservation of sound religious influence upon 
G57  51 educational practice problematic. The so-called Great Awakening of 
G57  52 the 1730s and 1740s spread across the land as a testimony to the 
G57  53 perception among many that the place of religion in life had to be 
G57  54 restored and redefined.<p/>
G57  55 <p_>The success of the American Revolution did not necessarily 
G57  56 produce a completely harmonious educational and religious state. 
G57  57 The commercial middle classes that helped to finance the American 
G57  58 Revolution hardly turned their backs on profits after the victory 
G57  59 at Yorktown. The values of Yankee traders threatened still further 
G57  60 the pieties of religion and the power of local ministers; the 
G57  61 expansion of the country westward opened new avenues to material 
G57  62 and not necessarily spiritual gain; and the popularity of the ideas 
G57  63 of the Enlightenment hardly seemed propitious to the faithful. The 
G57  64 skepticism of a Voltaire, the scientific views of a Jefferson, the 
G57  65 radicalism of a Paine, and the continued power of secularism in 
G57  66 life led to a decline in church membership and attendance. The 
G57  67 stage was set for another Great Awakening.<p/>
G57  68 <p_>By the early 1800s, evangelical awakenings emerged that had 
G57  69 lasting effects on American culture and education. It is not an 
G57  70 exaggeration to say that evangelical movements became part of the 
G57  71 mainstream of American Protestantism. The rise of faith in human 
G57  72 reason, progress, and the perfectibility of humanity proved 
G57  73 attractive to groups such as the Unitarians, but overall more 
G57  74 familiar and conservative themes received greater public 
G57  75 recognition among older and newly expanding groups such as the 
G57  76 Methodists and Baptists. To many evangelical Protestants, the 
G57  77 terror of the French Revolution sufficiently countered the 
G57  78 assumptions of the Enlightenment about humanitys inherent nature. 
G57  79 Evangelicals were unable to prevent the gradual, formal separation 
G57  80 of church and state - the established Congregational Church of 
G57  81 Massachusetts was the last to fall in 1833 - yet they still left a 
G57  82 visible, and quite controversial, imprint of basic American 
G57  83 institutions such as the emerging public schools.<p/>
G57  84 <p_>Protestant ministers - best remembered for their camp meetings 
G57  85 and urban revivals - played a seminal role in the establishment of 
G57  86 Sunday schools and the creation of public schools in 
G57  87 nineteenth-century America. All of their actions were controversial 
G57  88 and their successes obvious though incomplete. Like previous 
G57  89 religious activists, however, they were an essential part of all 
G57  90 dialogues about the fate of American education. Religious 
G57  91 denominations had always been interested in the formal and informal 
G57  92 instruction of children and youth. What was new in the early 1800s 
G57  93 was the growing interdenominational Protestant support for common, 
G57  94 public school systems. The success of interdenominational 
G57  95 Protestant groups such as the American Bible Society (1816) and the 
G57  96 American Sunday School Union (1824) heralded the coming of even 
G57  97 greater things by mid-century.<p/>
G57  98 <p_>In startingly rapid fashion, most Protestant groups after the 
G57  99 1830s began to promote the establishment of common, 
G57 100 state-controlled public schools. Early in the 1800s, many 
G57 101 philanthropic Protestant reformers had banded together to build 
G57 102 free charity schools in major urban areas to educate the children 
G57 103 of the unchurched poor. Within a few decades, however, as Catholic 
G57 104 immigration increased and the revival movements intensified, a 
G57 105 broad-based Protestant effort to build state-sponsored schools 
G57 106 triumphed. The majoritarian Protestants saw the public schools as a 
G57 107 bulwark of mainstream values, a defender of a common faith against 
G57 108 infidels, atheists, agnostics, Catholics, Jews, and others. 
G57 109 Historian Timothy Smith has succinctly written: <quote_>"An 
G57 110 evangelical consensus of faith and ethics had come to so dominate 
G57 111 the national culture, that a majority of Protestants were now 
G57 112 willing to entrust the state with the task of educating children, 
G57 113 confident that education would be 'religious' still. The sects 
G57 114 identified their common beliefs with those of the nation, their 
G57 115 mission with America's mission."<quote/><p/>
G57 116 <p_>Anti-Catholicism served as a unifying belief among most 
G57 117 Protestant denominations throughout the 1800s. The links between 
G57 118 Protestant leadership and school policies in the early years were 
G57 119 numerous. For example, the earliest state school superintendents 
G57 120 were often ordained Protestant ministers. Countless teachers were 
G57 121 devout 'Christians,' meaning Protestants who had had a religious 
G57 122 conversion. Many single women served as teachers beginning in the 
G57 123 nineteenth century, often recruited by religious organizations 
G57 124 hoping to save the West for God, or to convert manumitted slaves. 
G57 125 Many of these teachers often saw their role in essentially 
G57 126 religious terms. More due to custom rather than legislation, 
G57 127 teachers often began school days with a non-denominational 
G57 128 Protestant prayer and a reading (often without comment) from the 
G57 129 King James version of the Bible. Anti-Romanism ran riot.<p/>
G57 130 <p_>The successful linkage of Protestant values with the new public 
G57 131 school system could be seen in the teaching staff, curriculum, and 
G57 132 attitude of ministers toward the enhanced role of the state in the 
G57 133 educational sphere. Wrongly assuming that Protestants would long 
G57 134 remain dominant, these reformers could not foresee that the state 
G57 135 might become more secular and ultimately might infect schools with 
G57 136 irreligious beliefs. Most Protestant groups - except for some 
G57 137 Lutherans, Seventh Day Adventists, and some small denominations - 
G57 138 supported the state system and thus lacked strong systems of 
G57 139 denominational schools to counter this possible development. And, 
G57 140 as the nineteenth century progressed, the Industrial Revolution 
G57 141 added even higher levels of materialism to the American scene, 
G57 142 adding further possibilities that secular, worldly values would 
G57 143 undermine the power of religion and shape basic social 
G57 144 institutions.<p/>
G57 145 <p_>Besides Protestant holdouts from the broadly Protestant state 
G57 146 system of schools that emerged, Catholics, Jews, 
G57 147 non<?_>-<?/>believers, and other dissenters often attacked the 
G57 148 development of public education. Opponents supported education and 
G57 149 schooling but often denounced the state systems of instruction that 
G57 150 emerged. Catholics slowly built a competing system of parochial 
G57 151 schools after their efforts to share the tax fund were defeated in 
G57 152 the 1840s. They condemned the public school texts that disparaged 
G57 153 the culture of immigrants and Catholics and that openly ridiculed 
G57 154 the papacy. That all 'Christians' were Protestants struck Catholics 
G57 155 and others as ludicrous, just as it would to many citizens in the 
G57 156 next century. But the allegiance of evangelical Protestants to the 
G57 157 public schools remained powerful, and the easy equation of 
G57 158 Protestantism, Americanism, and public schooling was understandable 
G57 159 given the power of majorities to define reality.<p/>
G57 160 <p_>The early twentieth century witnessed a continual struggle by 
G57 161 evangelical Protestants to control the destiny of American 
G57 162 education. As prescient observers sometimes predicted, the belief 
G57 163 that the state would remain tightly bound with Protestant values 
G57 164 was an overly optimistic one. That is, secularism and materialism 
G57 165 were strongly nourished by the intensification of marketplace 
G57 166 values in the late nineteenth century, and the religious complexion 
G57 167 of the country grew as millions of immigrants, especially Catholics 
G57 168 and to a lesser extent Jews, came to America in the new century. 
G57 169 Protestants still were dominant on school boards, in much of the 
G57 170 teaching force, and especially prominent in shaping school policy 
G57 171 in small towns and villages across the country. But professional 
G57 172 administrators in the growing schools, especially in cities, while 
G57 173 usually Protestant, increasingly supplanted the ministers so 
G57 174 influential in state government and local school control in the 
G57 175 nineteenth century. Like an echo from the past, Protestant 
G57 176 ministers and lay activists condemned the decline of school and 
G57 177 society.<p/>
G57 178 <p_>Efforts were continually made, of course, to guarantee that a 
G57 179 set of homogeneous, pan-Protestant values still dominated schools 
G57 180 serving an increasingly heterogeneous people. But the Scopes Trial, 
G57 181 which discredited fundamentalist ideas among many citizens, 
G57 182 undermined Darwin's theory of evolution about as successfully as 
G57 183 Prohibition ended the drinking of bourbon. Yet the fight over 
G57 184 evolution was part of a larger crisis facing the faithful. 
G57 185 Evangelical and fundamentalist Christians even before the 1920s 
G57 186 well understood that a creeping secularism grew larger in the wake 
G57 187 of America's emergence as an industrial and world power. Evangelist 
G57 188 Billy Sunday attacked the rise of vocational education programs in 
G57 189 the schools in the early 1900s, since he realized that material 
G57 190 gain was increasingly becoming an important motive behind the 
G57 191 expansion of schools in general and the high schools in particular. 
G57 192 Despite these complaints against what were seen as dangerous 
G57 193 features of modern education, destined to obscure the moral mission 
G57 194 of the schools, vocational programs became common and often 
G57 195 flourished. How to prepare for the world of work came to define for 
G57 196 many the goals of public schools.<p/>
G57 197 <p_>Evangelical Protestants won the battle in Tennessee in the 
G57 198 1920s over the teaching of evolution in the schools, since the U.S. 
G57 199 Supreme Court did not reverse bans against the teaching of 
G57 200 evolution until 1968. Early in the century, prayers in schools were 
G57 201 increasingly mandated by law to ensure compliance with the older 
G57 202 Protestant faith. But these individual victories did not constitute 
G57 203 any ultimate winning of the war. The early twentieth century 
G57 204 witnessed a continual movement of mainstream Protestant churches 
G57 205 toward liberalism. Some Protestant ministers who advocated the 
G57 206 social gospel even became prominent Christian Socialists, calling 
G57 207 for various forms of public ownership of the means of production. 
G57 208 Such liberalizing tendencies reflected changes within Protestantism 
G57 209 itself as certain leaders confronted the challenges of immigration, 
G57 210 urban and industrial growth, and the problems of poverty in 
G57 211 metropolitan areas.<p/>
G57 212 <p_>Evangelical Protestants countered all this by leading 
G57 213 impressive revivals, passing legislation requiring prayers in the 
G57 214 schools, and fighting atheists and evolutionists wherever they 
G57 215 found them. The essential beliefs of anti-modernist sentiment 
G57 216 surfaced between 1910 and 1915 in a remarkable set of writings 
G57 217 called <tf_>The Fundamentals<tf/>, whose sixty-four contributors 
G57 218 reemphasized the basic evangelical creed: the divinity of Christ, 
G57 219 the inerrancy and infallibility of the Bible, human depravity, and 
G57 220 the life, death, and resurrection of the Lord.
G57 221 
G58   1 <#FROWN:G58\><h_><p_>A Confucian Boyhood in Gratitude County<p/><h/>
G58   2 <p_>JUNE 15, 1981. <quote_>"Were it not for war and revolution, I 
G58   3 would have never strayed from my home in the North China plain. I 
G58   4 am a native son of Gratitude County [<tf_>Xian Xian<tf/>], in Hebei 
G58   5 province, you know. Our hometown of Xiaoduokou was located about a 
G58   6 hundred miles from China's imperial capital. Even with all the 
G58   7 upheavals of the revolution, I have managed to spend most of my 
G58   8 life in the two cities closest to my childhood home: Beijing and 
G58   9 Tianjin. Only nine years out of my ninety did I spend away from 
G58  10 these cities, and then only because of the war against Japan. Those 
G58  11 years were the most difficult ones for me."<quote/><p/>
G58  12 <p_>The burdened voice of the old man testifies to the truth of his 
G58  13 words. Yet he is one of the most cosmopolitan intellectuals of his 
G58  14 generation. Why this melancholia about his native place now?<p/>
G58  15 <p_><quote_>"Yes, yes, I have lived in other cities, too. Paris, 
G58  16 Berlin, then Shanghai and Guangzhou. But whenever I had a choice, I 
G58  17 stayed close to Beijing. Not out of nationalism, mind you, but out 
G58  18 of old cultural habit. This is hardest to shake. Even when I 
G58  19 quarreled most intensely with China's traditional values, I liked 
G58  20 to stay close to its historical terrain."<quote/><p/>
G58  21 <p_>He catches traces of disbelief in my eyes and goes on: 
G58  22 <quote_>"You probably think it odd, this attachment of mine to 
G58  23 native place. It certainly cost me a great deal, especially during 
G58  24 the political turmoil of 1948-49 when I refused to leave Beijing to 
G58  25 go to Hong Kong....But the pull of my origins has been great....I 
G58  26 have always been interested in the history of Gratitude County and 
G58  27 its most famous native son, Ji Yun, a Qing dynasty scholar. I have 
G58  28 collected as many of his poems and essays as I could, you know. In 
G58  29 my library, even now, I have a nearly complete collection of works 
G58  30 by this fellow provincial of mine."<quote/><p/>
G58  31 <p_>The name of Ji Yun keeps coming up in our conversation. Here 
G58  32 sits Zhang Shenfu - a cultural rebel, a modern scholar interested 
G58  33 in mathematical logic and dialectical materialism. Yet he has spent 
G58  34 months, <quote_>"indeed years,"<quote/> he says, correcting me, 
G58  35 finding and collecting the works of Ji Yun. What lies behind 
G58  36 Zhang's attachment to this eighteenth-century Confucian? 
G58  37 Compensation for his own injured pride?<p/>
G58  38 <p_>Zhang Shenfu himself did not become a famous native son of 
G58  39 Gratitude County. His family's intellectual genealogy stretched no 
G58  40 further than his grandfather, a wealthy peasant who had saved 
G58  41 enough to hire Confucian tutors for his sons. Zhang Shenfu's uncle, 
G58  42 his father's older brother, had been the first family member to 
G58  43 take the imperial examination. Zhang Shenfu's father, Zhang Lian, 
G58  44 was the second.<p/>
G58  45 <p_>But the more we talk about Ji Yun, the more he grows in stature 
G58  46 in Zhang's eyes. And in my own. In Ji Yun, it appears, Zhang has 
G58  47 found a kindred spirit. In the years when Zhang Shenfu had 
G58  48 difficulty balancing internal convictions and outer obligations Ji 
G58  49 Yun provided him with some precedent, some way out of the thickets 
G58  50 of a cultural tradition obsessed by politics.<p/>
G58  51 <p_>Before I leave today, I ask to borrow one of Zhang's books by 
G58  52 Ji Yun. From the introduction I learn that Ji Yun first attracted 
G58  53 national attention in 1747, when he came in first at the 
G58  54 provincial-level examination. Within a few years Ji rose to the top 
G58  55 of the central bureaucracy, so high in fact that he became exposed 
G58  56 to charges of bribery and favoritism. Whatever the basis of these 
G58  57 charges, Ji Yun never contested them. Instead, he accepted exile to 
G58  58 the farthest north<?_>-<?/>western corner of the imperial realm. On 
G58  59 his way to and from Urumchi, Ji wrote the collection of poems that 
G58  60 Zhang Shenfu quotes to me today. Then he adds, <quote_>"Whenever I 
G58  61 was cast out from the center of political revolution, Ji Yun's 
G58  62 poems gained new meaning for me."<quote/><p/>
G58  63 <p_>Zhang Shenfu's parting words as he hands me the volume of 
G58  64 poetry at the door make his attachment to this eighteenth-century 
G58  65 Confucian clearer. <quote_>"Ji Yun, too, had to learn how to walk 
G58  66 the public tightrope. But he was more successful than I. He came 
G58  67 back from exile to become an important official. He managed to 
G58  68 thread his path between politics and scholarship more gracefully 
G58  69 than I did. He was a close friend of the philosopher, Dai Zhen. 
G58  70 Together they took on many battles against the moralists who 
G58  71 pretended to be the true heirs of Confucian tradition....For us 
G58  72 twentieth-century Chinese intellectuals, the battle was not so 
G58  73 clear, nor so easily won. We could no longer claim to be the true 
G58  74 heirs of Confucianism. Though at times I was tempted to 
G58  75 try."<quote/><p/>
G58  76 <p_>JUNE 16, 1981. I try to bring our conversation back to Zhang 
G58  77 Shenfu's childhood. I want to learn more about his father and his 
G58  78 uncle, not just Ji Yun. But Zhang Shenfu's parental world stays 
G58  79 opaque. Though his account is clothed in formalities, I sense pain 
G58  80 buried beneath the genealogical recitation: <quote_>"My eldest 
G58  81 uncle had taken and passed the <foreign|>zhuren examinations at the 
G58  82 provincial level. This opened the path for my father, Zhang Lian. 
G58  83 He passed the highest examination for the <foreign|>jinshi [the 
G58  84 metropolitan degree] in 1906. The next year, my father was sent on 
G58  85 an official visit to Japan to oversee the educational progress of 
G58  86 government students there. He returned convinced of the practical 
G58  87 value of a modern education. So my father promptly enrolled me in a 
G58  88 modern style primary school in Beijing."<quote/><p/>
G58  89 <p_>I am not ready to jump over the first thirteen years of Zhang's 
G58  90 life, and I ask more about what happened at home in Gratitude 
G58  91 County, before the new schooling in Beijing.<p/>
G58  92 <p_><quote_>"Before that? Well, before that I had a thoroughly 
G58  93 Confucian upbringing, I suppose. My father was the overseer of my 
G58  94 education, but he left the details to the family tutor. My father, 
G58  95 I remember, was very strict with me. Here, take a look at these old 
G58  96 photographs. They were taken right after my father passed the 
G58  97 jinshi examination."<quote/><p/>
G58  98 <p_>Two small portraits are laid out on the table - the father and 
G58  99 the son, a stiff, thoroughly Confucian pair. Zhang Lian, wearing 
G58 100 his official robes and cap, looks out with a severe gaze and sports 
G58 101 the long mustache of a military official. In fact, as Zhang Shenfu 
G58 102 tells me, most of his father's assignments for the Qing dynasty 
G58 103 revolved around the military. In 1906 Zhang Lian began to serve as 
G58 104 tutor at the Manchu military academy. During the next five years, 
G58 105 the men who became Zhang Lian's closest associates were military 
G58 106 officials: <quote_>"Foremost among these was Feng Guozhang, the 
G58 107 Chinese general who took over the Manchu Nobles' College in 1906. 
G58 108 My father and Feng Guozhang remained close throughout the upheaval 
G58 109 of the 1911 revolution. Zhang Lian went on to share a brief moment 
G58 110 of glory when Feng came close to suppressing anti-dynastic rebels 
G58 111 in the late fall of 1911."<quote/><p/>
G58 112 <p_>The other little portrait shows Zhang Shenfu at thirteen. The 
G58 113 boy's face is as severe as that of the father. The child's gaze 
G58 114 projects the kind of seriousness expected of the eldest son of an 
G58 115 official who just passed the jinshi examination. Dressed in a silk 
G58 116 gown with fur collar, the boy wears his little scholar's cap with 
G58 117 awkward dignity over protruding ears. His eyes are unflinching, as 
G58 118 if he has just won a battle against an inner foe.<p/>
G58 119 <p_><quote_>"Were you afraid of your father?"<quote/> I ask softly. 
G58 120 I may be transgressing on protected domain, but the portrait of the 
G58 121 fierce father coupled with the overserious boy edges me on. Zhang 
G58 122 Shenfu stops in mid-sentence. He had been rambling on about the 
G58 123 open-air market that took place in his native village every four 
G58 124 days or so. He interrupts the story of how his great-grandfather 
G58 125 started this village after running into trouble with his own clan 
G58 126 just a few miles away. He looks at me with pained eyes:<p/>
G58 127 <p_><quote_>"I was six or so when my father beat my head into the 
G58 128 <foreign|>kang - you know, the kind of North China stove that also 
G58 129 serves as bed and oven for village families....He came into the 
G58 130 room in which I was supposed to be memorizing my daily lessons and 
G58 131 caught me playing idly with the pages of a classical dictionary. 
G58 132 This was a big book, a huge compendium of classical learning that 
G58 133 served as a reference work for officials. For my father, this was a 
G58 134 sacred text. For me, a boy, it was a toy. Without warning, my 
G58 135 father smashed my head into the kang. Blood pumped from the wound a 
G58 136 long time. To this day you can see the scar on my 
G58 137 forehead."<quote/><p/>
G58 138 <p_>I lean closer to look for some visible sign of the wound. There 
G58 139 is none. But the withdrawn look of the old man in front of me lets 
G58 140 me know that the little boy inside is still smarting from the 
G58 141 father's violence. The silence between us stretches on longer than 
G58 142 usual. Then Zhang Shenfu goes on to assimilate this momentary 
G58 143 recollection into the broader picture that he is painting for me. 
G58 144 <quote_>"You see how early I exhibited my pleasure in playing with 
G58 145 books. I always liked books, but I didn't like to 
G58 146 study."<quote/><p/>
G58 147 <p_>Zhang leans back and tries to let a smile wash away the gloom 
G58 148 hanging over the memory of his father's beating. <quote_>"By the 
G58 149 time I was fourteen, playtime was over. I was sent to Beijing to 
G58 150 study under my uncle's supervision. I went there alone, in a small, 
G58 151 horse-drawn cart."<quote/> Zhang's voice trails off, leaving me no 
G58 152 way now to return to the subject of his childhood pain. Clearly he 
G58 153 has locked most of it in a place words cannot reach. He wants to go 
G58 154 on to talk about himself as an easygoing (<foreign|>buzaihu) 
G58 155 man.<p/>
G58 156 <p_>Toward the end of this afternoon's conversation, however, one 
G58 157 more trauma slips through the net of selective remembrance. We are 
G58 158 talking about other members of his family. Zhang starts listing his 
G58 159 various siblings, adding a few more to the two younger brothers, 
G58 160 Zhang Dainian and Zhang Congnian, whom he had mentioned before (and 
G58 161 whom I have met). A couple of sisters now enter Zhang's world, 
G58 162 <quote_>"uneducated, as all women were at the time."<quote/> Then, 
G58 163 another cloudy look: <quote_>"My youngest brother drowned when he 
G58 164 was five years old. He was much younger than I was. Still, his 
G58 165 death shook my deeply."<quote/><p/>
G58 166 <p_>Again, the conversation moves on. Another subject, another 
G58 167 time. A brief gaze of pain and loss lingers in spite of Zhang's 
G58 168 chatty voice. I realize that I have seen the same look come over 
G58 169 Zhang's face whenever he speaks about the death of his Paris-born 
G58 170 son in 1924. At such times, part of Zhang slows down to countenance 
G58 171 old aches. But the conscious, rational, storytelling voice moves 
G58 172 on. His losses, unlike the 'mistakes' that thread through his 
G58 173 marriages and political life, do not hold Zhang Shenfu's interest 
G58 174 for long.<p/>
G58 175 <p_>Although he allowed the pain of the kang beating and the loss 
G58 176 of his brother's drowning to enter our conversations, Zhang Shenfu 
G58 177 really wants to tell me about something else today. He finally 
G58 178 comes around to his mother, that vague character whose first name 
G58 179 he can never quite recall. He always refers to her by the family 
G58 180 name, Zhao Zhang. Though illiterate herself, this daughter of a 
G58 181 renowned scholar-official brought considerable prestige to the 
G58 182 recently educated Zhang household.<p/>
G58 183 <p_>The story of Zhao Zhang takes up a bit more time than usual, 
G58 184 mostly because her son Zhang Shenfu is counting his blessings. 
G58 185 <quote_>"My mother,"<quote/> he recalls, <quote_>"was only 
G58 186 twenty-two when I was born. Because she was so young and healthy, I 
G58 187 benefited both within and outside of the womb. She continued to 
G58 188 bear children every three years or so. None of them was as strong 
G58 189 or as healthy as I."<quote/><p/>
G58 190 <p_>This boast does not quite fit the picture of Zhang Shenfu's 
G58 191 younger brothers, with whom I shared a table at the birthday 
G58 192 celebration last week. Zhang Congnian, the physicist from Shandon, 
G58 193 is a tall, vigorous man of seventy-five.
G58 194 
G58 195 
G58 196 
G59   1 <#FROWN:G59\>You shouldn't go to sleep on the job, you must be able 
G59   2 to move with some alacrity when necessary, you must not get too 
G59   3 bored standing around in the hot sun and, most important, though no 
G59   4 one said anything about it, you must be able to get along with the 
G59   5 other members of the survey crew.<p/>
G59   6 <p_>At the Highway Department just off Don Gaspar Street in the 
G59   7 state capitol building, I started by asking questions about where 
G59   8 to go to apply for a job. After the usual false leads, I was 
G59   9 directed to the appropriate desk. An Anglo male in a white shirt 
G59  10 recorded my name, address, age, education, and answers to questions 
G59  11 concerning my experience and why I wanted a job with the Highway 
G59  12 Department. Then he looked up at me, bobbed his head, and said, 
G59  13 <quote_>"That will be all. Check back with us when school is out 
G59  14 and we will see what we can do."<quote/> I thanked him and said 
G59  15 goodbye. I was now a certified job applicant with the New Mexico 
G59  16 State Highway Department. The pay was ample and you were paid for 
G59  17 your own keep. The workweek was five days with the weekend off but 
G59  18 you might be almost anywhere in the state, up to two hundred miles 
G59  19 from Santa Fe. It sounded fine to me. Not too stimulating, but then 
G59  20 given my age and experience, what did I expect? The main thing was 
G59  21 the job - a real job and real pay. Driving home to tell the Bakoses 
G59  22 I mentally reviewed what I would say to Dad and how glad I was to 
G59  23 be able to relieve him of the load of my upkeep, even if it was for 
G59  24 only three months.<p/>
G59  25 <p_>In person and by pen (people weren't used to telephoning long 
G59  26 distance then, except in emergencies, and even then they were more 
G59  27 apt to send telegrams) Dad had showered me with laments of poverty 
G59  28 and how pressed he was with having to support us children and what 
G59  29 a difference it would make if he didn't have the expense of our 
G59  30 upkeep.<p/>
G59  31 <p_>By then I had begun to realize that my father was inconsistent 
G59  32 in his drives and motivations and was pulled in at least two 
G59  33 opposite directions. I had to take into account his own need to 
G59  34 control and to keep me dependent, counterbalanced by his 
G59  35 deep-seated penuriousness which took the form of a fantasy in which 
G59  36 he was rid of all responsibilities, especially those inescapable 
G59  37 ones associated with raising a family. I think there were times 
G59  38 when he simply felt sorry for himself because Mother had left him. 
G59  39 The result, regardless of motives (conscious or unconscious), was 
G59  40 to emphasize that I was a burden. Proving that I could work and be 
G59  41 on my own for a while was therefore important to me.<p/>
G59  42 <p_>There was also the question of how to deal with Theresa. My 
G59  43 strategy, developed from past experiences, was to shut myself off 
G59  44 and to involve her in my life only when absolutely necessary. This 
G59  45 was one of those times, since I had to tell her about the job. As I 
G59  46 entered the house, she came out of the kitchen and placed herself 
G59  47 in the doorway between the kitchen and living room with her hand on 
G59  48 the frame, effectively barring the entrance to the kitchen and the 
G59  49 room where I kept my things. I had wanted a little more time but 
G59  50 since she wanted to know where I had been, I had to tell her. As my 
G59  51 story unfolded she expressed more and more dissatisfaction. But 
G59  52 why? Wasn't she delighted that I had taken the initiative and 
G59  53 applied for a summer job? Apparently not. I couldn't remember 
G59  54 Theresa ever complimenting me on anything so there was no way of 
G59  55 judging where I stood with her at any given moment.<p/>
G59  56 <p_>In the two years I spent with the Bakoses I was unable to 
G59  57 detect, at any time, even a modicum of enthusiasm from Theresa 
G59  58 about me. So I was not surprised when her reaction to the news of 
G59  59 my summer job plans was far less than enthusiastic. Her negative 
G59  60 response didn't bother me too much, as there had been little 
G59  61 tendency on her part to interfere in the past. Nevertheless, the 
G59  62 unexpected chill in the air and a hint of distress at the thought 
G59  63 that I might actually get the job should have told me something.<p/>
G59  64 <p_>Sure enough, the next week I received a letter from Dad saying 
G59  65 that he didn't approve of what I was doing, adding in very 
G59  66 uncharacteristic terms that I would be associating with rough 
G59  67 construction types and that after all I was young and didn't know 
G59  68 the score and could be led astray by associating with unsavory 
G59  69 characters. Just how this was to be accomplished was not specified. 
G59  70 I realized I had never heard Dad, under any circumstances, use 
G59  71 arguments of that type before. His letter sounded more like 
G59  72 something originating from an overly protective woman than a man. 
G59  73 At that time, I had neither the insight nor the inclination to 
G59  74 devote time to psyching out my parents (it would have been a 
G59  75 full-time job), so I said nothing. I did not reply to his letter. 
G59  76 From past experience I knew it would be useless to try.<p/>
G59  77 <p_>I don't remember whether the news came from Dad or Theresa, but 
G59  78 I was told I had been enrolled in Cyril Kay Scott's art class. I 
G59  79 didn't know Cyril personally but I knew that he was part of the 
G59  80 Santa Fe scene. I had seen clutches of art students with their 
G59  81 easels - they all seemed to be women - wearing cotton dresses and 
G59  82 straw sun hats, hunched over, dabbing paint from a watercolor box, 
G59  83 painfully constructing washed-out versions of adobe houses with 
G59  84 hollyhocks along sun-drenched walls. And there I was, freshly 
G59  85 imprinted with a cowboy's image of what a man should be. A 
G59  86 superabundance of energy and restlessness made me unsuited to 
G59  87 sitting around on a canvas stool all day surrounded by middle-class 
G59  88 women. I was dismayed, but then I hadn't been consulted and, never 
G59  89 having been able to resort to the open rebellion of some of my more 
G59  90 normal peers, it never crossed my mind that there were other 
G59  91 options.<p/>
G59  92 <p_>So how did I end up in Cyril's class instead of working as a 
G59  93 <}_><-|>rodman<+|>roadman<}/>? It seemed that Theresa had done some 
G59  94 quick calculating and had seen that she stood to lose the money my 
G59  95 father was giving her for board and room (and a maid who seldom 
G59  96 appeared). She had to have some way of keeping me at home and not 
G59  97 in the field where I would be paid a per diem. She wrote - or 
G59  98 possibly even telegraphed - my father, giving reasons why he should 
G59  99 squelch my plans to work and at the same time suggesting the great 
G59 100 advantages of having me enrolled in Cyril's class. I am not certain 
G59 101 of the details but there were enough of her tracks and they were 
G59 102 easy to follow. It was one of the many times in my life when things 
G59 103 worked out for the better, but for the wrong reasons.<p/>
G59 104 <p_>Cyril Kay Scott was a smallish, energetic man with 
G59 105 <}_><-|>graying<+|>greying<}/> sparse hair, a goatee, and small 
G59 106 potbelly. If he had been an authoritarian, take-charge type he 
G59 107 would have placed himself differently in the studio than he did. A 
G59 108 take-charge type sets up rows of chairs and then puts himself at 
G59 109 the head of the class facing the students. Instead, Cyril placed 
G59 110 himself in the northeast corner of the room so he could refer to 
G59 111 his notes and keep an eye on things. The rest of us scattered 
G59 112 ourselves and our easels in a double semicircle catty-corner to the 
G59 113 main axis of the room. As a silent tribute to the master, I don't 
G59 114 think that there was anyone closer to him than twelve feet. Cyril's 
G59 115 voice was clear and relaxed and carried with it the right amount of 
G59 116 reassuring authority, the kind that knows but doesn't have to tell 
G59 117 you so.<p/>
G59 118 <p_>Since his son Creighton (Jig) and I were the same age, we grew 
G59 119 to be good friends over the years. As a result I learned a good 
G59 120 deal more about Cyril than I might otherwise have known. An 
G59 121 Englishman, he did not speak with the upper-class public-school 
G59 122 accent which was so characteristic of the other Englishmen I had 
G59 123 known, nor do I remember his having any noticeable class or ethnic 
G59 124 dialect. He had started professional life as an engineer and later 
G59 125 switched to medicine. Clearly as a young man he had been searching 
G59 126 for something, because he gave up medicine and received training as 
G59 127 a psychoanalyst (it was rumored that he had been analyzed by 
G59 128 Freud), which, in the 1920s, was an unusual thing to do.<p/>
G59 129 <p_>The analysis, I assume, and a restless spirit deflected his 
G59 130 interests from medicine to art. Paris at the beginning of the 
G59 131 century was roiling with change and Cyril was the type who would 
G59 132 have been in the middle of it. He told us he had studied with one 
G59 133 or two of the better-known Impressionists, and since the names 
G59 134 didn't mean much to me then I didn't pay much attention to which 
G59 135 ones. From his art it would have been impossible to tell, because 
G59 136 his painting was unlike that of any Impressionist I can think of. 
G59 137 At the time of our art class Cyril had just moved to Santa Fe, 
G59 138 bringing his two wives with him, one of whom was Jig's mother. This 
G59 139 m<*_>e-acute<*/>nage <*_>a-grave<*/> trois occupied an old adobe 
G59 140 house on upper Canyon Road just below the reservoir.<p/>
G59 141 <p_>My mother had always painted, as had her sister Blanche (a 
G59 142 nervous wisp of a woman married to a sculptor). Heinz Warneke, my 
G59 143 stepfather, was a sculptor of some note. Josef Bakos painted, as 
G59 144 did everyone else on the Camino del Monte Sol: Will Shuster, 
G59 145 Willard Nash, William P. Henderson, Andrew Dasburg, Fremont Ellis, 
G59 146 Datus Meyers, and others, so that the activity of painting was not 
G59 147 new to me. Even the paint-covered studio floors were part of the 
G59 148 familiar scene. It had just never entered my head that <tf|>I might 
G59 149 be doing it. I already knew I had no talent and couldn't draw, 
G59 150 though I could make the very fine-grained stippled renderings of 
G59 151 bones and protozoa like those in biology textbooks.<p/>
G59 152 <p_>Our class was held in an ideal studio, an unused chapel on 
G59 153 lower San Francisco Street. The only adaptation in the shift from 
G59 154 chapel to studio was to replace the north wall with a large, clear 
G59 155 glass window so there was plenty of light. The chapel was suffused 
G59 156 with an aura of the particular comfort associated with pleasant, 
G59 157 totally absorbing work. Years later I was to work there for Martha 
G59 158 Field, Catherine Gay, and Ann Webster, who were sculpting and 
G59 159 needed someone who could do their casting for them and pose for 
G59 160 figure studies from time to time. Prior to Cyril's time, my mother 
G59 161 had taken classes in that same chapel from B. J .O. Nordfeldt, a 
G59 162 Norwegian painter who had studied with and was deeply influenced by 
G59 163 C<*_>e-acute<*/>zanne. It seemed that everyone who had anything to 
G59 164 do with the art scene in Santa Fe had held classes or studied or 
G59 165 worked in that studio. I don't know exactly when the chapel was 
G59 166 demolished, but when I tried to find it in the 1950s it was gone, 
G59 167 replaced by a cheap imitation adobe structure, and with it a very 
G59 168 real part of Santa Fe's past had vanished. It was far from a public 
G59 169 landmark, but there are places that don't need public recognition 
G59 170 because their memorial is in the hearts of people.<p/>
G59 171 <p_>With a minimum of fuss Cyril taught us the vocabulary and the 
G59 172 grammar on which the Impressionists' system of painting was based: 
G59 173 the isolates, sets, and patterns, an analytic method and 
G59 174 classification system that I was to explain thirty years later in 
G59 175 my first book, <tf_>The Silent Language<tf/>.<p/>
G59 176 <p_>Cyril's method was to lecture from a voluminous set of notes in 
G59 177 the morning and to allow the afternoon for painting.
G59 178 
G60   1 <#FROWN:G60\>Although he wanted to see parts of the 'Kaddish' 
G60   2 narrative compressed even further, Ferlinghetti offered a favorable 
G60   3 response. <quote_>"It's right, will be great huge book,"<quote/> he 
G60   4 said.<p/>
G60   5 <p_>Even with a new book going to press, Allen had a large supply 
G60   6 of leftover poems on his hands. He had yet to include 'Siesta in 
G60   7 Xbalba' or 'The Green Automobile' in a poetry collection, and he 
G60   8 still had poems dating back to his San Francisco/Berkeley days, as 
G60   9 well as from his post-<tf|>Howl, pre-Europe period, that he wanted 
G60  10 to collect. 'Aether' still required work, plus it was too long for 
G60  11 inclusion in <tf|>Kaddish. In short, he had enough poetry for 
G60  12 another volume at least as long as the one about to be published. 
G60  13 That, Allen decided, would be his next City Lights collection.<p/>
G60  14 <p_>In addition, his friend Ted Wilentz was interested in 
G60  15 publishing <tf_>Empty Mirror<tf/> as a part of his Corinth Press. 
G60  16 Wilentz had recently published <tf_>The Beat Scene<tf/>, an 
G60  17 anthology of Beat writings accompanied by the photographs of Fred 
G60  18 McDarrah, and in the near future his list of authors would expand 
G60  19 to include Jack Kerouac, Diane Di Prima, LeRoi Jones, and others. 
G60  20 Allen, who had wanted to publish <tf_>Empty Mirror<tf/> for the 
G60  21 better part of a decade, and who already had an introduction for 
G60  22 the volume written by William Carlos Williams, could not have been 
G60  23 happier with this turn of events and he went right to work on 
G60  24 assembling the collection.<p/>
G60  25 <p_>Thus went one of the most active periods in Ginsberg's 
G60  26 publishing history, finding him putting the finishing touches on 
G60  27 two volumes of poetry (<tf|>Kaddish and <tf_>Empty Mirror<tf/>) and 
G60  28 beginning the assembly of a third (<tf_>Reality Sandwiches<tf/>). 
G60  29 These works, along with the recordings of his poetry and a movie, 
G60  30 assured him of a name and reputation that superseded anything the 
G60  31 critics could say about the Beat Generation's being a temporary fad 
G60  32 or social movement making a few poets rich. Allen's star continued 
G60  33 to rise.<p/>
G60  34 <p_>2<p/>
G60  35 <p_>Jack Kerouac, however, was in a period of personal and 
G60  36 professional decline, stemming more from the toll public life had 
G60  37 exacted upon him than from his own creative inability.<p/>
G60  38 <p_>Kerouac was a mess, a punch-drunk fighter who had spent the 
G60  39 best of his healthy years in training, only to suffer later by 
G60  40 taking on too many opponents in too few years. His lifestyle had 
G60  41 been knocked about in public, his literary ideals punished. By 
G60  42 nature, he was more inclined to internalize his problems than to 
G60  43 counterpunch, and by late 1960, it was obvious to those who knew 
G60  44 him that Jack was in serious trouble.<p/>
G60  45 <p_>From an artistic perspective, it should not have been a bad 
G60  46 year. <tf|>Tristessa, Kerouac's novel about his love affair with a 
G60  47 Mexican prostitute, had been published as a paperback original, and 
G60  48 LeRoi Jones had published <tf_>The Scripture of the Golden 
G60  49 Eternity<tf/> at his Totem Press, <tf_>Lonesome Traveler<tf/>, a 
G60  50 collection of Kerouac's travel essays, was scheduled to be 
G60  51 published in late fall, and Ferlinghetti had purchased <tf_>Book of 
G60  52 Dreams<tf/> for City Lights. Most writers would have been thrilled 
G60  53 to see four books in publication within a year's time, but Kerouac, 
G60  54 who could be as tough on himself as his harshest critic, was not 
G60  55 about to gauge his literary success solely by the number of volumes 
G60  56 published or money earned. None of these books was as good as - or 
G60  57 offered the exuberance and impact of - an <tf_>On the Road<tf/> or 
G60  58 <tf_>Dr. Sax<tf/> or <tf_>Visions of Cody<tf/>, and Kerouac knew 
G60  59 it. He was looking to publish another <tf|>big book - one that 
G60  60 would be properly published and distributed, extensively reviewed, 
G60  61 and widely accepted by readers.<p/>
G60  62 <p_>He could no longer anticipate the response to his books. Two of 
G60  63 his finest works, <tf_>Dr. Sax<tf/> and <tf_>Mexico City 
G60  64 Blues<tf/>, had been published a year earlier, in 1959, as was 
G60  65 <tf_>Maggie Cassidy<tf/>, his novel about his great teenage love 
G60  66 affair. To Jack's horror, the books had been largely panned (or 
G60  67 ignored) by critics, as if in backlash to his 'sudden' success. To 
G60  68 make matters worse, a Hollywood film version of <tf_>The 
G60  69 Subterraneans<tf/>, starring George Peppard and Leslie Caron, had 
G60  70 been released; the film was a slick, embarrassing contrast to the 
G60  71 free-spirited <tf_>Pull My Daisy<tf/> and threatened to immortalize 
G60  72 Kerouac as a caricature of himself.<p/>
G60  73 <p_>Depressed, Jack drank until he became bloated and red-faced. 
G60  74 His health began to fail. In an effort to get him away from his 
G60  75 problems and back to creative work, Lawrence Ferlinghetti offered 
G60  76 Jack the use of his Bixby Canyon cabin. With Ginsberg, Burroughs, 
G60  77 and Corso all out of the country, Jack was feeling isolated anyway, 
G60  78 so some time alone in Ferlinghetti's Big Sur cabin could not 
G60  79 hurt.<p/>
G60  80 <p_>Or so he thought. Jack arrived in California in late July, but 
G60  81 with the exception of the composition of a Joycean poem written 
G60  82 about the sounds of the ocean, his trip was a disaster. Never one 
G60  83 to sit by himself for too great a period of time, he was driven to 
G60  84 the brink of a nervous breakdown during his stay in Bixby Canyon. 
G60  85 The first few weeks went well, with Jack reading and writing and 
G60  86 communing with nature on his long walks through the rough, wooded 
G60  87 terrain. After a while, however, onsetting boredom and his need for 
G60  88 a drink drove him back to the city, and by the time he made his way 
G60  89 back to San Francisco, walking a good percentage of the way because 
G60  90 he, the author of <tf_>On the Road<tf/>, could no longer get 
G60  91 drivers to pick him up, Jack was ready for a full<?_>-<?/>scale 
G60  92 bender. Although he had such friends as Lawrence Ferlinghetti, 
G60  93 Michael McClure, Philip Whalen, and Lew Welch to look after him, he 
G60  94 was too far gone to do anything but sink into alcoholic depression. 
G60  95 Even a brief reunion with Neal and Carolyn Cassady failed to 
G60  96 bolster his spirits. His return to the cabin was followed by bouts 
G60  97 of the d.t.'s, loneliness, and more drunken sessions with whoever 
G60  98 stopped by to visit. His depression disarmed his sensibility, 
G60  99 leading him to paranoid distrust of his friends. He had a brief 
G60 100 fling with a girlfriend of Neal Cassady's, but he was in no 
G60 101 condition to pursue it. By the time Jack's stay was winding down in 
G60 102 early September, Ferlinghetti was so concerned about Kerouac's 
G60 103 mental well-being that he suggested he consider checking into a 
G60 104 sanatorium.<p/>
G60 105 <p_>It was Jack's last big road trip. Still, for all his problems, 
G60 106 Kerouac was far too gifted to let the experience lie fallow. He 
G60 107 would turn it into <tf_>Big Sur<tf/>, the stunning book about 
G60 108 mental decline that became one of his finest - and most underrated 
G60 109 - novels. <tf_>Big Sur<tf/> would be compared to F. Scott 
G60 110 Fitzgerald's <tf_>The Crack-Up<tf/>, and while Kerouac would have 
G60 111 shuddered at the thought, he and Fitzgerald had more in common than 
G60 112 anyone might have predicted. Both were romantics whose most 
G60 113 enduring novels were about controversial, if not antiheroic, 
G60 114 characters; both were depicted by the media as spokespersons for 
G60 115 their respective generations. Both were tormented about the 
G60 116 relationship between money and art, and both suffered through 
G60 117 severe bouts of alcoholism and depression.<p/>
G60 118 <p_>There was another similarity that Kerouac's friends probably 
G60 119 suspected, though they were helpless to do anything about it and 
G60 120 would never have dared to mention it out loud: Like Fitzgerald, 
G60 121 Kerouac was pushing himself headlong toward an early death. His 
G60 122 star was burning out.<p/>
G60 123 <p_>3<p/>
G60 124 <p_>Hearing of Kerouac's problems, Allen sent Jack a flip, newsy 
G60 125 letter intended both to cheer him up and goad him into some kind of 
G60 126 action. The three-page letter was a masterwork of its kind, a 
G60 127 nonstop stream-of-consciousness rap in which Allen gave the details 
G60 128 of the composition of 'Kaddish' and included a sizable excerpt; 
G60 129 spoke of his conclusions from his yage experiments 
G60 130 (<quote_>"realized I AM the emptiness that's movie-projecting Kali 
G60 131 monster on my mindscreen, projecting mindscreen even. So not scared 
G60 132 anymore. But I still can't <tf|>stop the appearance of the fucking 
G60 133 mindscreen, I mean I can't quiet my organism to total silence. I'll 
G60 134 have to study yoga or something, finally..."<quote/>); reported the 
G60 135 comings and goings and mental conditions of mutual friends; and 
G60 136 hinted at plans for the future. He was still interested in Cuba in 
G60 137 the aftermath of its revolution, he told Jack, and if he could make 
G60 138 the arrangements, he hoped to travel there to see firsthand what 
G60 139 was going on in that country.<p/>
G60 140 <p_>Jack replied with a sober letter that announced he was living a 
G60 141 quieter life now; he was back in Northport, staying away from 
G60 142 liquor, losing weight, and spending his hours reading a recently 
G60 143 purchased vintage twenty-nine-volume edition of the 
G60 144 <tf_>Encyclopaedia Britannica<tf/>. He downplayed his problems at 
G60 145 Big Sur, preferring instead to remember the good times and his 
G60 146 composition of 'Sea.' He had begun a new novel, he mentioned to 
G60 147 Allen, but it had been a false start. As for Ginsberg's talk about 
G60 148 Cuban politics, Kerouac was hearing not one thing: <quote_>"What 
G60 149 Logia Jesus said about astonishment of paradise seems to me much 
G60 150 more on the right tracks of world peace and joy than all the recent 
G60 151 communist and general political hysteria rioting and false 
G60 152 screamings."<quote/><p/>
G60 153 <p_>It was a presidential election year, and Allen was as 
G60 154 interested in politics as ever. In his opinion, the position of the 
G60 155 United States as a major player in international politics was 
G60 156 absolutely critical to any hope of world peace, and he was 
G60 157 particularly interested in the country's relationship with Cuba. 
G60 158 Castro's takeover had rekindled U.S. preoccupation with communism 
G60 159 as the destroyer of freedom, but Allen continued to believe that 
G60 160 Castro, even if a dictator, was far less involved in 
G60 161 <quote_>"hysterical mind control"<quote/> than the United States. 
G60 162 As if to prove his point, he made an effort to meet Castro when the 
G60 163 Cuban leader visited the United Nations in September, and at a 
G60 164 press conference afterward, Allen caused a stir when he asked Cuban 
G60 165 delegates about their country's attitudes about marijuana. Neither 
G60 166 Cuba nor the United States was prepared to accept Allen's theory 
G60 167 that marijuana was prohibited because national leaders believed it 
G60 168 invited its users to think clearly and rebel against oppression.<p/>
G60 169 <p_>As impertinent as Ginsberg's question might have seemed, it 
G60 170 represented his strong belief that the world - and the United 
G60 171 States in particular - needed a radical change of consciousness to 
G60 172 avoid self-destruction. Throughout that fall, Allen raged about 
G60 173 politics in his journal, filling its pages with manifestos 
G60 174 condemning the United States, the FBI, the CIA, academic 
G60 175 institutions, international politics, middle-class life, critics, 
G60 176 and the news media:<p/>
G60 177 <p_><O_>poem<O/><p/>
G60 178 <p_>Although he conceded that most of his political poems were 
G60 179 angry ravings unworthy of publication - and, in fact, none of the 
G60 180 poems from this period was ever pulled from his journals and 
G60 181 published separately, though some were presented at readings - 
G60 182 Allen fully intended to write a grand-scale political poem. He had 
G60 183 seen enough of the world to feel that he could hold the United 
G60 184 States publicly accountable, directly or indirectly, for many of 
G60 185 its miseries:<p/>
G60 186 <p_><O_>poem<O/><p/>
G60 187 <p_>Allen had little reason to be optimistic. He liked neither of 
G60 188 the presidential candidates. He saw Kennedy as just another pretty 
G60 189 face and Nixon as a continuation of the odious practices instituted 
G60 190 during the Eisenhower administration. For all her paranoid ravings 
G60 191 about the government, Naomi Ginsberg had been judged to be insane, 
G60 192 but now, in light of what he was witnessing, Allen wondered whether 
G60 193 she might have been more prophetic than she was given credit for. 
G60 194 What was he to think when he saw J. Edgar Hoover get up at the 
G60 195 Republican National Convention and proclaim that 
G60 196 <quote_>"communists, beatniks, and eggheads"<quote/> were America's 
G60 197 greatest enemies; or when he read that Eisenhower had been given a 
G60 198 copy of <tf_>Lady Chatterley's Lover<tf/>, with dirty passages 
G60 199 underlined, only to agree with the postmaster general that 
G60 200 something had to be done about such smut? Were these indicators of 
G60 201 the 'fall' Whitman had prophesied?<p/>
G60 202 <p_>Ginsberg seethed while he watched the Nixon-Kennedy debates - 
G60 203 the first time in history that U.S. presidential candidates had 
G60 204 debated on television. As far as Allen could tell, Nixon was 
G60 205 playing up to the national paranoia about communism, but both 
G60 206 Kennedy and Nixon seemed ready to take action against Cuba.
G60 207 
G60 208 
G61   1 <#FROWN:G61\><h_><p_>Self-Disclosure in Men's Friendships<p/>
G61   2 <p_>Variations Associated with Intimate Relations<p/>
G61   3 <p_>HELEN M. REID<p/>
G61   4 <p_>GARY ALAN FINE<p/><h/>
G61   5 <p_>What does a man want - to talk about? How much will he reveal 
G61   6 of himself? Does it make a difference if he is talking to a woman 
G61   7 or a man? To a spouse, an intimate other, or a platonic friend? 
G61   8 Does it matter if he is married, single with an intimate other, or 
G61   9 single and unattached?<p/>
G61  10 <p_>We explore these issues by studying platonic cross-gender 
G61  11 friendships. Surprisingly, perhaps, there is little research on 
G61  12 this topic, and this project, small and provisional though it is, 
G61  13 sheds light on an important area of male friendships. In order to 
G61  14 understand the dynamics of platonic friendships, we interviewed 32 
G61  15 white middle-class adults between the ages of 25 and 50 years, 
G61  16 living in a large metropolitan area in the Midwest. Subjects were 
G61  17 recruited through a random telephone survey and were interviewed 
G61  18 during the spring of 1983. The interviews elicited data on topics 
G61  19 discussed between male and female associates; additional data on 
G61  20 self-disclosure were collected using a modified version of 
G61  21 Jourard's (1971b) Self-Disclosure Questionnaire (SDQ). The focus of 
G61  22 this chapter is on the responses by 16 heterosexual men about their 
G61  23 friends, lovers, and spouses.<p/>
G61  24 <h_><p_>Self-Disclosure and Friendship<p/><h/>
G61  25 <p_>Self-disclosure has been defined by Derlega and Grzelak (1979, 
G61  26 p. 152) as including <quote_>"any information exchange that refers 
G61  27 to the self, including personal states, dispositions, events in the 
G61  28 past, and plans for the future."<quote/> Interest in 
G61  29 self-disclosure has burgeoned in the past two decades with the 
G61  30 publication of volumes on this topic. Notable among these are 
G61  31 Sidney Jourard's <tf_>The Transparent Self<tf/> (1971a) and 
G61  32 <tf|>Self-Disclosure (1971b), which generated interest by social 
G61  33 psychologists, sociologists, psychologists, and psychiatrists 
G61  34 (e.g., Chelune, 1979; Derlega & Berg, 1987). Jourard's (1971a) 
G61  35 classic interpretation of the <quote_>"lethal aspects of the male 
G61  36 role"<quote/> in which men suffer physically, psychically, and 
G61  37 socially for their reticence was a launching pad for much research 
G61  38 on disclosure throughout the seventies and eighties. Friendship as 
G61  39 a topic of study has also produced considerable research, and the 
G61  40 behavior of men in friendships is increasingly under scrutiny as 
G61  41 researchers examine the implications of social support and 
G61  42 interpersonal behavior for health and well-being.<p/>
G61  43 <p_>Aspects other than an individual's physical or psychic health 
G61  44 have captured the interest of sociologists and social 
G61  45 psychologists. Among the major findings of interest to scholars in 
G61  46 these areas are gender differences with respect to friendship and 
G61  47 self-disclosure in same-gender and cross-gender dyads. Gender-role 
G61  48 norms have been cited as mediating factors in self-disclosure (Hill 
G61  49 & Stull, 1987). Other factors affecting friendship maintenance or 
G61  50 disclosure within friendships are related to location within social 
G61  51 structures. These factors include social class, occupation, 
G61  52 mobility, stages in the life circle, and marital status (Allan, 
G61  53 1989; Booth & Hess, 1974; Fischer & Oliker, 1983; Hacker, 1981; 
G61  54 Pogrebin, 1987). Opportunities and normative constraints vary with 
G61  55 structural factors, affecting the availability and depth of 
G61  56 friendships.<p/>
G61  57 <p_>After reviewing some of the literature on gender effects in 
G61  58 self-disclosure, we will focus on the structure of interpersonal 
G61  59 relations surrounding friendship dyads, in particular the effect of 
G61  60 intimate relationships on the level of self-disclosure in 
G61  61 friendships. Finally, interview data will be discussed in an effort 
G61  62 to elucidate the variations observed among men in their disclosure 
G61  63 with friends.<p/>
G61  64 <h_><p_>Disclosures Within Same-Sex and Cross-Sex 
G61  65 Friendships<p/><h/>
G61  66 <p_>Women are generally credited with more expressive and intimate 
G61  67 disclosures than are men and spend time talking with same-gender 
G61  68 friends rather than doing activities with them, the preferred mode 
G61  69 of interaction for males (Aukett, Ritchie, & Mill, 1988; Crawford, 
G61  70 1977; Rubin, 1985; Sherrod, 1987; Wright, 1982). The tendency of 
G61  71 women to trust a same-gender friend with sensitive personal 
G61  72 information is frequently compared with the tendency men exhibit 
G61  73 toward discussion of issues external to themselves, such as sports 
G61  74 or politics (Aries & Johnson, 1983; Davidson & Duberman, 1982; Haas 
G61  75 & Sherman, 1982). Men's reliance upon each other for companionship 
G61  76 (Sherrod, 1987) is consistent with the conceptual framework of 
G61  77 Wright (1982), who claims that male friendship, alleged to be 
G61  78 superior to female friendship (Tiger, 1970), is not so much 
G61  79 'better' as it is qualitatively different. Wright (p.8) contrasts 
G61  80 the characteristic <quote_>"side by side"<quote/> nature of male 
G61  81 friendships with the <quote|>"face-to-face" relationships found 
G61  82 between women, highlighting socialization and gender role themes: 
G61  83 Men exhibit instrumentality, activity-centeredness, and task 
G61  84 orientation, whereas women emphasize personalism and interpersonal 
G61  85 sensitivity oriented to the socioemotional aspects of the 
G61  86 friendship.<p/>
G61  87 <p_>Men reportedly disclose more intimate and personal information 
G61  88 to their female associates than they disclose to other males 
G61  89 (Auckett et al., 1988; Komarovsky, 1974), and derive therapeutic 
G61  90 benefits from cross-gender friendships ; for women, these benefits 
G61  91 were found within same-gender friendships (Auckett et al., 1988). 
G61  92 Hacker (1981) finds no gender effect in same-gender disclosures, 
G61  93 but men confide more in their female friends than women confide in 
G61  94 their male friends. When marital status is introduced, conflicting 
G61  95 results emerge. While married men and women reported more confiding 
G61  96 behavior with same-gender friends, Booth and Hess (1974) found 
G61  97 single people, regardless of gender, more likely to disclose to 
G61  98 members of the opposite gender.<p/>
G61  99 <p_>A comprehensive review of gender effects in self-disclosure can 
G61 100 be found in Hill and Stull (1987). Contradictions across studies 
G61 101 are noted that highlight the lack of definitive results for the 
G61 102 association between gender and self-disclosure.<p/>
G61 103 <p_>We suggest two ways to improve consistency of results. First, 
G61 104 the level of intimacy within a cross-gender relationship should be 
G61 105 controlled. It is necessary to distinguish disclosure within a 
G61 106 sexually intimate cross-gender relationship from disclosure within 
G61 107 a cross-gender friendship in which there is no sexual contact. We 
G61 108 expect the level of disclosure within a cross-gender relationship 
G61 109 to increase with sexual intimacy within that relationship. Second, 
G61 110 the presence or absence of an intimate relationship external to the 
G61 111 friendship dyad must also be controlled. Accessibility to a spouse 
G61 112 or lover may serve disclosure needs; at the same time, normative 
G61 113 pressures to limit disclosure outside the intimate relationship are 
G61 114 expected to surface.<p/>
G61 115 <h_><p_>Relational Considerations for Self-Disclosure<p/><h/>
G61 116 <p_>The balance of this chapter highlights the two relational 
G61 117 dimensions that are of primary importance in self-disclosure and 
G61 118 talk between friends: relation of subject and target, and relations 
G61 119 of the subject with significant others outside the friendship. 
G61 120 Early studies by Jourard and Lasakow (1958) and Komarovsky (1974) 
G61 121 analyze cross-gender disclosure patterns, but fail to adequately 
G61 122 distinguish these dimensions.<p/>
G61 123 <p_>Jourard and Lasakow found no overall differences between 
G61 124 married and single subjects in disclosure to opposite gender 
G61 125 associates. We find it problematic that the spouse and 
G61 126 opposite-gender friend were not distinguished from one another but 
G61 127 were <quote_>"treated as equivalent target<?_>-<?/>persons"<quote/> 
G61 128 (Jourard & Lasakow, p. 96). Identifying a spouse with whom a 
G61 129 subject is expected to share intimate feelings would seem to be 
G61 130 critical.<p/>
G61 131 <p_>Komarovsky's study was conducted with a male-only subject pool. 
G61 132 Unfortunately, Komarovsky did not distinguish between the platonic 
G61 133 female friend and the lover/girlfriend; they were lumped together 
G61 134 as opposite-gender targets. She found that the female target 
G61 135 receives higher levels of disclosures than the male friend, mother, 
G61 136 father, sister, or brother - especially in sensitive aspects of 
G61 137 self such as the personality and body dimensions of Jourard's SDQ. 
G61 138 But this finding is based on a pooled average, rather than separate 
G61 139 scores for lovers and platonic female friends.<p/>
G61 140 <p_>We must distinguish between an intimate other and a platonic 
G61 141 target to address the claim that men disclose at lower levels to 
G61 142 other men than they do to women. If it can be shown that levels of 
G61 143 self-disclosure to different targets vary by the intimacy of 
G61 144 relations, we may infer that earlier failures to adequately 
G61 145 identify these dimensions produced results erroneously ascribed to 
G61 146 gender.<p/>
G61 147 <p_>Aside from the relationship between the subject and the target 
G61 148 of self-disclosure, intimate others in the relational domain of the 
G61 149 subject must also be taken into account when reporting 
G61 150 self-disclosure results. Jourard and Lasakow found that married 
G61 151 subjects, while not differing in their overall disclosure to the 
G61 152 opposite gender, differ from single subjects in that their 
G61 153 disclosure becomes more concentrated toward the (opposite gender) 
G61 154 spouse, to the relative exclusion of parents, siblings, and 
G61 155 same-gender friends. This relational dimension is as important to 
G61 156 distinguish as is the relation to the target. Whether a subject is 
G61 157 married or intimately involved affects his or her level of 
G61 158 disclosure to friends. Komarovsky (p. 679) hints at a possible 
G61 159 correlation between the relational status of her male subjects and 
G61 160 their disclosures to male and female friends: <quote_>"In the 
G61 161 sensitive area of Personality...for only 17 men was the closest 
G61 162 friend a male. Of the latter 17 men, 12 were virgins."<quote/> 
G61 163 Komarovsky's subjects confide in other men when they are not in 
G61 164 intimate sexual relationships with women. Rubin (1985) came to a 
G61 165 similar conclusion regarding the few men she interviewed who 
G61 166 reported intimacy (as opposed to her distinction with 
G61 167 <quote|>"bonding") in male friendships: Most of them were neither 
G61 168 married nor living with a woman. We pursue this line of inquiry 
G61 169 with our sample.<p/>
G61 170 <h_><p_>Self-Disclosure Questionnaire Results<p/><h/>
G61 171 <p_>The Self-Disclosure Questionnaire (SDQ) has been used by social 
G61 172 scientists to explore, analyze or depict aspects of social 
G61 173 interaction. We modified the scale and compared mean disclosure 
G61 174 scores within each of the following aspects of self: personal 
G61 175 opinions and views, tastes and interests, work, money, personality, 
G61 176 and body and health. The discussion that follows is based upon 
G61 177 trends observed in preliminary data analyses. The limited size and 
G61 178 lack of diversity of the sample, however, preclude reliance on the 
G61 179 tabulation of statistical tests. We acknowledge the small size of 
G61 180 the sample and present these data as a provocative basis for 
G61 181 further research.<p/>
G61 182 <p_>Relational dimensions that served as independent variables were 
G61 183 target of disclosure (cross-sex platonic friend, best friend of the 
G61 184 same sex, and spouse or lover) and intimate relations of the 
G61 185 subject. We distinguished between married men (<tf|>n=8), single 
G61 186 men in intimate relationships (<tf|>n=4), and unattached single men 
G61 187 (<tf|>n=4). We refer to this variable as relational status.<p/>
G61 188 <h_><p_>Target of Disclosure<p/><h/>
G61 189 <p_>In comparisons across targets, a male friend and a platonic 
G61 190 female friend receive equivalent levels of disclosures, but a 
G61 191 platonic female friend is the recipient of far less disclosure than 
G61 192 a spouse or intimate other, in all six aspects of self. In 
G61 193 comparisons between disclosure to a male friend and to a spouse or 
G61 194 lover, a divergent trend for married men and single men begins to 
G61 195 emerge. A wife receives more disclosure than a male friend, but the 
G61 196 presence of a lover does not eclipse male-to-male disclosure to the 
G61 197 same extent. Single men in intimate relationships appear not to 
G61 198 differ in disclosures to their lover and their male friend in the 
G61 199 areas of work, money, views, and tastes. However, in the sensitive 
G61 200 areas of personality and body, the lover is the recipient of 
G61 201 greater disclosure.<p/>
G61 202 <p_>The level at which men reveal themselves to their associates 
G61 203 seems to depend upon whether they are engaged in an intimate 
G61 204 relationship, and to what degree they are committed to that 
G61 205 relationship. The most significant trend is the attenuating effect 
G61 206 that marriage has on disclosure to persons outside the marital 
G61 207 relation, including other men. An emerging pattern of variation 
G61 208 among men in differing categories of intimate relationship appears 
G61 209 in disclosures to a male friend. Married men seem to disclose the 
G61 210 least, while unattached single men disclose the most to their male 
G61 211 friends in the areas of views, money, and personality. This trend 
G61 212 is repeated in disclosure to the platonic female friend in the 
G61 213 areas of views, personality, and body. Single men, regardless of 
G61 214 relational status, appear to maintain some same-sex friendships in 
G61 215 which they share relatively more of themselves than do married men. 
G61 216 Unattached men exhibit the highest levels of disclosure to friends 
G61 217 of both sexes, and appear to utilize other men as targets of 
G61 218 disclosure to a greater extent than do men in intimate 
G61 219 relations.<p/>
G61 220 <p_>Variability among men in their disclosure patterns indicates 
G61 221 that gender by itself cannot explain differential levels of 
G61 222 disclosure. Knowledge of a man's intimate relations provides 
G61 223 insight to disclosure patterns. To some extent, our findings 
G61 224 address the fact that men may be predisposed to reveal themselves 
G61 225 differentially, depending on the definition of the situation. 
G61 226 Preliminary analysis of mean disclosure scores on the SDQ suggests 
G61 227 answers about what the differences might be; we turn to the 
G61 228 interview results to examine why they are so.<p/>
G61 229 
G61 230 
G62   1 <#FROWN:G62\><h_><p_>5<p/>
G62   2 <p_>Climbing (and Learning) the Ropes<p/><h/>
G62   3 <p_>I began studying for the sergeant's exam a year and a half 
G62   4 before I had to.<p/>
G62   5 <p_>According to departmental regulations, an officer needed four 
G62   6 years on the force before he or she could attempt to move up a rung 
G62   7 to sergeant. Because I had joined LAPD mid-year, and because they 
G62   8 only gave the exam every two years, I couldn't take the test until 
G62   9 my sixth anniversary. The wait seemed interminable. By then I had 
G62  10 decided I would climb the LAPD ladder as fast as I could. Not that 
G62  11 I had committed to a life as a police officer; I was always open to 
G62  12 opportunities from the outside. But as long as I was carrying a 
G62  13 badge, I wanted it to be the highest-ranking badge I could 
G62  14 manage.<p/>
G62  15 <p_>This, I knew, would present problems. By nature of my 
G62  16 relationship with Parker, I was branded the fair-haired boy, 
G62  17 someone who had a direct pipeline to the chief. I didn't. I would 
G62  18 never pick up the phone and call him; I mean, I wouldn't do that. 
G62  19 And he wouldn't have respected me if I had. But this was the rap. 
G62  20 As a result, I always had trouble with officers holding me at arm's 
G62  21 length. Each time I had a new assignment, I would have to break 
G62  22 down this impression of me, and let the others know I was a regular 
G62  23 guy, that I didn't have anything special going for me, that I 
G62  24 worked hard and was a damn good police officer.<p/>
G62  25 <p_>Knowing that I would be held suspect at every promotional step, 
G62  26 I set out to move up the chain of command in a way that would leave 
G62  27 no doubts. To be promoted to each new rank - sergeant, lieutenant, 
G62  28 captain, inspector (now known as commander), and deputy chief - you 
G62  29 must take a written exam, which accounts for 60 percent of your 
G62  30 score, and an oral exam for the other 40 percent. To avoid the 
G62  31 favoritism label, I knew that I could not be promoted on the basis 
G62  32 of an outstanding oral score alone. I needed to do well on both.<p/>
G62  33 <p_>So I worked my butt off. I sat in my bedroom for hours every 
G62  34 night and studied for the better part of a year and a half. When I 
G62  35 took vacation time, I studied ten hours a day. On the bus to work, 
G62  36 I read. Having had courses in teaching, I understood the learning 
G62  37 process, how you use every one of your faculties. At dinner I would 
G62  38 talk a blue streak, lecturing my wife and two daughters, aged four 
G62  39 and five, on forgery and its famous cases while they all just sat 
G62  40 there and looked at me. I talked to the people at work. 
G62  41 <quote_>"Say, did you know...?"<quote/><p/>
G62  42 <p_>This helped me put what I read into my own words, and it became 
G62  43 a pattern for my promotions: read and talk. As the time neared for 
G62  44 the sergeant's exam, I became more determined than ever. It was 
G62  45 important to finish as high on the list as possible, because 
G62  46 promotions were awarded only when a vacancy occurred, and then 
G62  47 according to position on the list. If they hadn't dipped down to 
G62  48 your number within two years, you had to take the test again. No 
G62  49 way I was going to do that.<p/>
G62  50 <p_>The written portion of the sergeant's exam was a grueling 
G62  51 all-day test, 180 questions in the morning, 120 more in the 
G62  52 afternoon. But it was the oral that I dreaded. And there was no 
G62  53 clear-cut way to prepare for that.<p/>
G62  54 <p_>Several weeks after I had taken the written exam, I was 
G62  55 summoned to an interview room on the second floor at City Hall. Who 
G62  56 would be awaiting me, I didn't know. Because two hundred officers 
G62  57 were taking the sergeant's test, they had assigned three panels to 
G62  58 handle the load, each panel consisting of one inspector and two 
G62  59 captains. We knew who these officers were, but not to which panel 
G62  60 we would be assigned. One of the inspectors had the reputation of 
G62  61 being an impossibly tough grader. If you were Jesus Christ, the 
G62  62 rumor went, he'd give you a 90.<p/>
G62  63 <p_>Just my luck, I thought, I'd get the panel with <tf|>that guy. 
G62  64 Sure enough, I did. There he was, seated behind a long table, 
G62  65 flanked by the two captains. I gulped and sat down.<p/>
G62  66 <p_>The purpose of the oral is to judge a candidate's ability to 
G62  67 express himself or herself. It's also designed to make the 
G62  68 candidate as uncomfortable as possible to see how he or she handles 
G62  69 it. I was expected to start out with an opening statement. For 
G62  70 several minutes I told them how I'd prepared myself to be a 
G62  71 sergeant - what books I'd read and issues I'd studied, what 
G62  72 experience I had that would make me a good sergeant, and why I 
G62  73 believed I would make a fine supervisor.<p/>
G62  74 <p_>On the table in front of me I noticed a quarter. It had been 
G62  75 put there, I knew through the grapevine, to see what I would do 
G62  76 with my hands. I ignored the coin and kept my hands in my lap.<p/>
G62  77 <p_>For the next half hour they fired questions at me, trying to 
G62  78 put me on the defensive. If this situation came up, one captain 
G62  79 would say, what would you do?<p/>
G62  80 <p_>Answer.<p/>
G62  81 <p_>But suppose ...<p/>
G62  82 <p_>Answer.<p/>
G62  83 <p_>Really? But what if ...<p/>
G62  84 <p_>This went on until they had backed you into a corner - or tried 
G62  85 to.<p/>
G62  86 <p_>When they finally finished, they asked me to make a closing 
G62  87 statement. You were supposed to tell them, I knew, what a mature, 
G62  88 stable person you were, always in control, a shining model for 
G62  89 those you would supervise, capable of giving sound advice, and so 
G62  90 on.<p/>
G62  91 <p_><quote_>"Oh, I am all those things,"<quote/> I cockily assured 
G62  92 them - reciting my husbandhood, fatherhood, high arrest accord, 
G62  93 exquisite manners and courtesy to scumbags of all kinds - 
G62  94 <quote_>"and more."<quote/> I left the room, grateful that the 
G62  95 tough inspector hadn't shredded me alive, and waited anxiously for 
G62  96 the results to be posted.<p/>
G62  97 <p_>My hard work paid off. I finished with the highest written 
G62  98 score of anyone and the highest score overall. My name appeared 
G62  99 number one on the list.<p/>
G62 100 <p_>After that, I came out first on every exam I took all the way 
G62 101 up to chief, not through favoritism or because I was smarter, but 
G62 102 because nobody worked harder at preparing for exams than I did.<p/>
G62 103 <p_>There would be no way, I vowed, anyone could ever say I moved 
G62 104 up because I was Bill Parker's boy.<p/>
G62 105 <*_>black-square<*/>
G62 106 <p_>Overnight, I transmogrified from an order-taker to an 
G62 107 order-giver. This took some getting used to. Police officers who 
G62 108 had been friends since the Academy looked at me a little 
G62 109 differently. Some spoke to me not at all. Even though I was 
G62 110 twenty-nine, I still lacked the kind of judgment that arrives only 
G62 111 with age and experience. Therein lies one of the most significant 
G62 112 problems in any police department. Generally, officers younger than 
G62 113 twenty-seven or twenty-eight have the desire, energy, and 
G62 114 enthusiasm to do the job, but not the maturity. As a boss, I still 
G62 115 wanted to jump on my horse and go every time a call came in.<p/>
G62 116 <p_>A sergeant is like a coach. You spark enthusiasm among your 
G62 117 officers and make sure they know and abide by the rules. If they're 
G62 118 deficient in some skill, you must train them. In addition to the 
G62 119 reports you seem always to be writing up, you spend a good deal of 
G62 120 your time in the field, in uniform, driving alone, supervising the 
G62 121 officers assigned to you. I was one of three sergeants operating 
G62 122 out of Central Division nightwatch and among the things I 
G62 123 supervised were the drunk wagons and foot beats. I also oversaw two 
G62 124 or three F cars, or felony cars.<p/>
G62 125 <p_>Detectives would alert us to felons operating in our territory. 
G62 126 Because detectives carry such a huge workload, and because many of 
G62 127 their days are spent testifying in court, they would ask us to 
G62 128 locate the felon and bring him in for questioning. I would tell the 
G62 129 officers in the F cars which felons to track down. If they needed 
G62 130 advice or guidance, they would contact me over the car radio. I was 
G62 131 also there to provide backup. If a call went out about a robbery in 
G62 132 progress, a sergeant was expected to arrive on the heels of the 
G62 133 patrol officers to make sure the situation was handled properly. I, 
G62 134 in turn, reported to the watch commander, who was a lieutenant. 
G62 135 Sometimes I would fill in for him.<p/>
G62 136 <p_>Once a month this particular lieutenant delivered a talk on 
G62 137 ethics. It was an important ritual for him, and frankly, his 
G62 138 lectures always impressed me. He was a tough taskmaster and a real 
G62 139 stickler for regulations.<p/>
G62 140 <p_>One evening, when I was still trying to make a good impression, 
G62 141 I went to change into my uniform. I opened my locker and found, to 
G62 142 my dismay, that my hat was missing. Baffled, I looked around. And 
G62 143 there was my hat in the wastepaper basket.<p/>
G62 144 <p_>When I saw this lieutenant later, I said, <quote_>"The funniest 
G62 145 thing happened - did you see anybody go into the sergeant's locker 
G62 146 room?"<quote/><p/>
G62 147 <p_><quote|>"No."<p/>
G62 148 <p_><quote_>"Well somebody went into my locker and dumped my hat in 
G62 149 the wastepaper basket."<quote/><p/>
G62 150 <p_><quote_>"That was me."<quote/><p/>
G62 151 <p_><quote_>"You're kidding."<quote/>, I said.<p/>
G62 152 <p_><quote_>"One thing you better learn, Gates. My sergeants don't 
G62 153 have frayed hats. Get a new one."<quote/><p/>
G62 154 <p_>Chastened, I bought a new hat. Soon after, we were both on 
G62 155 morning watch, and around 2:00 or 3:00 A.M. this lieutenant invited 
G62 156 me to join him for 'lunch.'<p/>
G62 157 <p_>I drove. He directed me to a warehouse area on the east side of 
G62 158 town. At this hour it was deserted. <quote_>"I thought we were 
G62 159 going to eat,"<quote/> I said.<p/>
G62 160 <p_><quote_>"We are. Turn left."<quote/><p/>
G62 161 <p_>We pulled up in front of a warehouse and he jumped out of the 
G62 162 car and banged on a sliding metal door. A man peeked out, opened 
G62 163 the door, and motioned us inside. It turned out to be the warehouse 
G62 164 for Thrifty Drug Stores.<p/>
G62 165 <p_>Somewhat confused, I followed them to a cavernous refrigerator. 
G62 166 In those days, Thrifty had soda fountains and lunch counters in its 
G62 167 drugstores, and inside this refrigerator hung great big hunks of 
G62 168 cheese and slabs of lunch meats. I stood there wondering as I 
G62 169 watched my lieutenant pull out bread and cheese as if he owned the 
G62 170 place.<p/>
G62 171 <p_><quote_>"Hey, come one, Gates. Make yourself a 
G62 172 sandwich."<quote/><p/>
G62 173 <p_>And I'm thinking, <tf_>But this is crazy. Here is a guy who 
G62 174 lectures on ethics once a month, and he comes to a warehouse to get 
G62 175 a damn sandwich?<tf/><p/>
G62 176 <p_>I fixed something to eat and didn't say anything. But after 
G62 177 that, whenever he said, <quote_>"Let's get lunch,"<quote/> I'd say, 
G62 178 <quote_>"No. I've got something to do."<quote/> I just couldn't get 
G62 179 over this stickler for ethics who was blinded by those big baloney 
G62 180 sandwiches he'd gorge himself on.<p/>
G62 181 <p_>What to accept and what not to is a universal problem all 
G62 182 police officers must face. Free meals always present a dilemma. 
G62 183 People like to make jokes about cops and free meals. They 
G62 184 especially make jokes about cops and free doughnuts. They say, 
G62 185 <quote_>"You need a cop? Call the local doughnut shop."<quote/><p/>
G62 186 <p_>And there's a certain amount of truth in that. Often the owner 
G62 187 of an establishment is quite willing to provide the police with a 
G62 188 doughnut, a cup of coffee, or a meal, just to have officers 
G62 189 present. This may make good business sense for the owner, but it 
G62 190 creates a disturbing problem for a police administrator. How do you 
G62 191 make it clear that your officers are not on the take?<p/>
G62 192 <p_>To categorically outlaw all gratuities under all circumstances 
G62 193 isn't feasible or fair. At Christmas a little old lady goes up to 
G62 194 an officer who has walked a beat for years and hands him a pair of 
G62 195 socks she has knitted. You can't have that officer say, 
G62 196 <quote_>"Sorry, ma'am. I can't accept a gratuity."<quote/> We're 
G62 197 not that cold. Often, it becomes a judgment call.<p/>
G62 198 
G63   1 <#FROWN:G63\><p_>If we move from Italy to Germany, we find that the 
G63   2 story of the kind and unkind girls moves in the same key. The 
G63   3 Grimms' 'Mother Holle' tells of a widow who has a dutiful and 
G63   4 beautiful stepdaughter and an ugly, lazy biological daughter. In 
G63   5 addition to doing <quote_>"all the housework,"<quote/> the 
G63   6 stepdaughter also has to spin until her fingers bleed. One day, she 
G63   7 leans over into a well to rinse her bloodied reel and lets it fall 
G63   8 into the water. Prodded by her stepmother to jump in after it, she 
G63   9 descends into the well and awakens in a beautiful meadow. There she 
G63  10 must carry out one household chore after another. An apple tree 
G63  11 full of ripe fruit asks to be shaken, and the heroine not only 
G63  12 shakes the tree, but gathers up the apples and puts them in a pile. 
G63  13 Finally, the girl arrives at a small cottage, where an old woman 
G63  14 tells her: <quote_>"Stay with me, and if you do all the housework 
G63  15 properly, everything will turn out well for you."<quote/> In the 
G63  16 end, the heroine is showered with gold as a reward for her 
G63  17 industrious domesticity; her lazy counterpart gets a bath of pitch 
G63  18 that sticks to her for the rest of her life.<p/>
G63  19 <p_>A British version of the tale is also driven as much by the 
G63  20 opposition between hard-working/lazy and dutiful/disobedient as by 
G63  21 the contrast kind/unkind. Here one girl's unloading of an oven, 
G63  22 milking of a cow, and shaking of a tree pay off, for the oven, cow, 
G63  23 and tree all help her out when she flees the house of a witch, 
G63  24 taking with her a sack of money. Her sister, in too much of a hurry 
G63  25 to acquire the rest of the witch's wealth to do any work, is chased 
G63  26 away and returns home empty-handed. In a Russian tale, the kindness 
G63  27 of the heroine secures the assistance of animals, who discharge the 
G63  28 task assigned by the bony legged Baba Yaga. The heroine returns 
G63  29 home in triumph and inspires her stepsister to serve Baba Yaga. But 
G63  30 this selfish girl never accomplishes the tasks set forth, for 
G63  31 instead of sharing her food with animals, she scolds them and hits 
G63  32 them with a rolling pin. Baba Yaga is enraged by the girl's failure 
G63  33 to do the chores: she breaks her into pieces and sends the bones 
G63  34 home in a basket.<p/>
G63  35 <p_>Like many other versions of 'The Kind and Unkind Girls,' 'Baba 
G63  36 Yaga' probably served as a cautionary tale for girls, who were 
G63  37 often sent away from home at an early stage to go into service at 
G63  38 other households. Like Baba Yaga and her folkloric cousins, the 
G63  39 mistress of a household was a fearsome, threatening presence, yet 
G63  40 also the one person empowered to reward a girl, if not as 
G63  41 generously as Mother Holle or Baba Yaga. The lesson about the 
G63  42 rewards to be reaped from hard work, humility, modesty, and 
G63  43 kindness while in the service of an all-powerful female figure was 
G63  44 surely pertinent, if not always valid, for the many girls whose 
G63  45 household apprenticeships formed the basis for their 
G63  46 livelihoods.<p/>
G63  47 <p_>Much as the tale variants described thus far all emphasize the 
G63  48 redemptive power of hard work, there are many versions of the story 
G63  49 that celebrate a good character. When the heroine of Perrault's 
G63  50 'The Fairies' gives a drink of water to a fairy masquerading as a 
G63  51 thirsty old woman, the fairy tells her: <quote_>"You are so pretty 
G63  52 and so polite that I am determined to bestow a gift upon 
G63  53 you."<quote/> Each time the girl speaks, a flower or precious stone 
G63  54 falls from her mouth. Her sister, <quote|>"ill-mannered," 
G63  55 <quote|>"disagreeable," and <quote|>"arrogant" hopes to win the 
G63  56 same prize, but for her <quote_>"lack of courtesy,"<quote/> a snake 
G63  57 or toad drops out of her mouth whenever she speaks. The heroine of 
G63  58 the Italian 'Water in the Basket' also does not toil for her 
G63  59 salvation, but displays an unerring sense of tact and extraordinary 
G63  60 modesty. When an old woman asks her to inspect her back to get rid 
G63  61 of what is biting her, the girl kills vermin <quote_>"by the 
G63  62 hundreds."<quote/> To avoid embarrassment, she tells the old woman 
G63  63 that her back was covered with pearls and diamonds. Later, faced 
G63  64 with the choice of a silk gown or a cotton dress as reward, she 
G63  65 offers evidence of her unassuming nature by asking for the cotton 
G63  66 dress. Her callous stepsister expresses disgust at the sight of the 
G63  67 fleas on the crone's back, chooses a silk gown as her reward, and 
G63  68 ends up with a donkey's tail on her forehead. Whether a tale exalts 
G63  69 the value of hard work or praises any of a host of virtues ranging 
G63  70 from kindness to <tf|>politesse, it imparts specific lessons by 
G63  71 instituting a system of rewards for one type of behavior and 
G63  72 punishments for another.<p/>
G63  73 <p_>Not all renditions of 'The Kind and Unkind Girls' as explicitly 
G63  74 didactic as the ones cited here. If we look at the various versions 
G63  75 of the story available to the Grimms, we find that they chose to 
G63  76 anthologize the one that had a pedagogical agenda. One version of 
G63  77 the story, recorded in the Grimms' annotations, tells of two girls 
G63  78 - one beautiful, the other ugly. The beautiful one falls into a 
G63  79 well and lands in the same lush meadow described in 'Mother Holle." 
G63  80 But rather than discharging various chores assigned to her, she is 
G63  81 the one who gives the orders and who engineers a happy ending for 
G63  82 herself. She tells a tree to shake itself; she directs a calf to 
G63  83 bend down; and she asks an oven to bake her a roll. Later she comes 
G63  84 across a house made of pancakes, louses the old 
G63  85 <}_><-|>women<+|>woman<}/> who lives in it, and flees with a dress 
G63  86 of gold when the old woman falls asleep. Her unattractive companion 
G63  87 duplicates her every deed, but finds herself wearing a dress 
G63  88 covered with dirt when the old woman catches up with her. In this 
G63  89 story it does not help to be kind, modest, hardworking, or polite. 
G63  90 Beauty, bossiness, and deceit are rewarded; ugliness is 
G63  91 punished.<p/>
G63  92 <p_>It is easy to understand why the Grimms, who openly 
G63  93 acknowledged the educational value of their collection, favored a 
G63  94 story that commended the virtues of hard work over a tale that 
G63  95 credited beauty with winning all the prizes. The story of the girl 
G63  96 who is rewarded because of her looks rather than her good conduct 
G63  97 simply could not be harnessed into service for indoctrinating 
G63  98 children with the right values. It is more difficult, however, to 
G63  99 reconcile the Grimms' striving for folkloric authenticity with 
G63 100 their choice of 'Mother Holle' over other tales. The oldest tales, 
G63 101 and hence those probably most faithful to folk traditions, tend to 
G63 102 reward those endowed by nature with desirable qualities rather than 
G63 103 those who cultivate specific virtues.<p/>
G63 104 <p_>Beauty proves to be a great advantage in fairy tales, but - 
G63 105 oddly enough - it also helps to be a stepchild or a child abused by 
G63 106 one parent or another. Ludwig Bechstein's 'Garden in the Well' 
G63 107 mounts the contrasting fates of two boys - one a stepson, the other 
G63 108 the biological child of the tale's villain. Both boys fall into 
G63 109 wells and find themselves in beautiful gardens with flowers and 
G63 110 trees. The stepson gets fruit and gold when he orders apple trees 
G63 111 to shake themselves; the other boy gets sour apples with worms and 
G63 112 has pitch poured over him, even though his conduct conforms to the 
G63 113 letter of his brother's behavior. The fate of the stepson, who 
G63 114 lives happily ever after with his father, contrasts sharply with 
G63 115 that of his brother. That boy's mother scolds him and beats him 
G63 116 when he returns, then tries to remove the layer of pitch covering 
G63 117 his body by putting him in the oven. But when she forgets to take 
G63 118 the boy out, she finds that he has <quote_>"suffocated and burned 
G63 119 to death."<quote/> There is nothing in this boy's character or 
G63 120 looks that warrants such a punishment; he has merely had the 
G63 121 misfortune of being born to the wrong woman.<p/>
G63 122 <p_>Early versions of 'The Kind and Unkind Girls' (Bechstein's tale 
G63 123 is one of a very small number featuring boys) tend to take a 
G63 124 fatalistic view of the world - some children are privileged, others 
G63 125 deprived. Basile enunciated this outlook on life through one of his 
G63 126 narrators, who tells of a mother with three daughters, <quote_>"two 
G63 127 of whom were so unlucky that everything they did turned out badly, 
G63 128 all of their plans went awry and all their hopes came to 
G63 129 nothing."<quote/> The third is lucky, <quote_>"even in her mother's 
G63 130 womb"<quote/> and <quote_>"all the elements combined to endow her 
G63 131 with the best of all things."<quote/> Good fortune was seen as a 
G63 132 basic fact of life, and fairy tales show us again and again how 
G63 133 those favored by fortune do well no matter how flawed their 
G63 134 character and regardless of the odds against them. The attempt of a 
G63 135 parent to overturn this 'natural' order of things by favoring one 
G63 136 child over another always backfires. And no matter how the children 
G63 137 conduct themselves, the one privileged by nature and deprived by a 
G63 138 parent always wins out in the end.<p/>
G63 139 <p_>All of this changed as fairy tales reached print and came to be 
G63 140 placed in the service of acculturation and education. Storybooks 
G63 141 emphasized the way in which toil leads to salvation. Kindness and 
G63 142 good manners can also do the trick, as in Perrault's 'Fairies' 
G63 143 where these qualities bring the heroine pearls and diamonds. It is 
G63 144 noteworthy that even as reward-and-punishment tales celebrate 
G63 145 kindness and compassion, they are notoriously uncharitable when it 
G63 146 comes to fixing the fate of their unkind protagonists. In one such 
G63 147 tale, a girl sits in a room waiting for a sack of gold to come 
G63 148 flying in (as it had for her sister), when a little gray man whisks 
G63 149 into the room and <quote_>"lops her head off her body."<quote/> 
G63 150 That punishment must have gone a long way toward discouraging the 
G63 151 cruelty to animals practiced by the unkind sister. Another story is 
G63 152 even more graphic in illustrating the consequences of a girl's 
G63 153 failure to share her porridge with a little old man: <quote_>"When 
G63 154 the girl finished eating, the little man took her, tore her into a 
G63 155 thousand pieces, and hung them up in the trees."<quote/> We are 
G63 156 treated not only to a description of her punishment, but also to 
G63 157 the mother's reaction to the sight of her daughter: <quote_>"When 
G63 158 she got to the place where the pieces of her daughter were hanging, 
G63 159 she thought that her daughter must have hung her wash there. But 
G63 160 imagine her shock and horror when she got closer and saw what had 
G63 161 happened. She fainted dead away, and I have no idea whether she 
G63 162 ever got back home again."<quote/> The scene is so extreme in its 
G63 163 grisly detail that it begins to shift into the mode of surreal 
G63 164 comedy rather than grim horror. Still, there is something odd about 
G63 165 the way in which reward-and-punishment tales advocate kindness 
G63 166 toward animals and strangers in a context that champions violent 
G63 167 retaliatory punishments for members of the hero's immediate family. 
G63 168 This incongruity forms the basis for the suspicion that 
G63 169 reward-and-punishment tales began as retaliatory stories (based on 
G63 170 sibling rivalry) and became, only later in their development, 
G63 171 didactic tales.<p/>
G63 172 <p_>There are other serious inconsistencies in the messages sent by 
G63 173 these tales. Consider, for example, the way in which rewards for 
G63 174 kind heroines nearly always come in the form of gold and precious 
G63 175 stones. One girl is showered with gold; another gets a sack of 
G63 176 gold; a third receives gowns and jewelry. With their notoriously 
G63 177 frank drive toward gold, jewels, and wealth, fairy-tale plots begin 
G63 178 to resemble blueprints for enterprising young capitalists rather 
G63 179 than for self-sacrificing do-gooders. Yet the tales repeatedly 
G63 180 emphasize and enshrine the importance of indifference to wealth and 
G63 181 worldly goods: The heroine who chooses the cotton dress over the 
G63 182 silk one is rewarded; the one who elects to leave by the gate of 
G63 183 pitch rather that the gate of gold is showered with coins; the girl 
G63 184 who chooses to eat with the cats and the dogs rather than with her 
G63 185 prosperous host wins in the end.
G63 186 
G63 187 
G64   1 <#FROWN:G64\>However, we cannot deny that, as a marketing ploy, the 
G64   2 memoirs worked. They sold the novel. A number of eighteenth-century 
G64   3 readers, in fact, felt it to be the only interesting thing in the 
G64   4 book; they did not question its presence in Peregrine's history so 
G64   5 much as its propriety in general. What has been for us a structural 
G64   6 irregularity seemed to the first readers of the novel a violation 
G64   7 of manners. Lady Luxborough wrote to William Shenstone: 
G64   8 <quote_>"The thing which makes the book sell, is the History of 
G64   9 Lady V - , which is introduced (in the last volume, I think) much 
G64  10 to her Ladyship's dishonour; but published by her <tf|>own order, 
G64  11 from her <tf|>own Memoirs, given to the author for that purpose; 
G64  12 and by the approbation of her <tf|>own Lord. What was ever equal to 
G64  13 this fact, and how can one account for it?"<quote/> How indeed, we 
G64  14 have continued to wonder, but less in regard to Lady V -  than to 
G64  15 the author of <tf_>Peregrine Pickle<tf/>. And yet, I would suggest, 
G64  16 the answer is the same for both Smollett and the lady. It has to do 
G64  17 with celebrity, the comic carnival of notoriety.<p/>
G64  18 <p_>As we have seen, Sterne's approach to celebrity was to don the 
G64  19 masks of Tristram and of Yorick in antic celebration of the parody 
G64  20 of identity fame necessarily involves. Smollett courts it more 
G64  21 cautiously, shifting the locus of authority and defining celebrity 
G64  22 as a fusion of consciousnesses upon a single entity, that entity 
G64  23 being largely defined by all the conflicting attitudes - stories 
G64  24 and character assessments - that make up the moment of attention. 
G64  25 Yet for Smollett this fusion is a violent one, a wrenching of 
G64  26 consensus from disparity, and while consensus may be the basis of 
G64  27 social cohesion, the fact that it emerges from the clash of 
G64  28 competing individualities documents its momentary nature. Celebrity 
G64  29 is a kind of caricature - a violently reductive image - and it is 
G64  30 fitting that this novel, which so exploits the famous and the 
G64  31 infamous, should also be centrally concerned with the art of 
G64  32 satiric reduction.<p/>
G64  33 <p_>The eighteenth century itself tended to regard caricature with 
G64  34 a disparaging eye. Novelists and critics alike reserved the word 
G64  35 for literary or artistic portraits that departed from nature - 
G64  36 certainly not a practice to be condoned, though occasionally, in an 
G64  37 otherwise rich and 'natural' landscape, one to be tolerated. 
G64  38 Caricature was popular during the eighteenth century, but it was 
G64  39 regarded as a satiric tool, as it is still used, and no one argued 
G64  40 for its elevated status on aesthetic grounds. Yet caricature is not 
G64  41 simply a low form of portraiture. Strictly speaking, it is not a 
G64  42 form of portraiture at all but an overdetermined response to 
G64  43 cultural uncertainty. In its distortion it is violent and 
G64  44 tendentious. It wrenches a partial truth from a landscape of doubt, 
G64  45 and, in doing so, it both honors and derides the means by which it 
G64  46 communicates, the satiric victim whose image is distorted not so 
G64  47 much for his sake as for the sake of the community to which he 
G64  48 belongs.<p/>
G64  49 <p_>Ernst Kris has said that <quote_>"whenever caricature develops 
G64  50 to any great extent as a form of artistic expression, ... we are 
G64  51 invariably able to discover the use of effigy magic at some point 
G64  52 in its development"<quote/> (179-80). In fact, the roots of 
G64  53 caricature in such magic, he says, account for our hurt at seeing 
G64  54 our gestures or features exaggerated in imitation. In other words, 
G64  55 part of us still responds to the imitation as magical substitution, 
G64  56 and we are wounded by the symbolic disfigurement. Residual response 
G64  57 to effigy magic may also account for our more positive reactions to 
G64  58 some forms of image distortion (such as celebrity roasts and the 
G64  59 <tf_>New York Review of Books'<tf/>s caricatures); for, as Sir 
G64  60 James Frazer notes, although effigies in primitive cultures often 
G64  61 represented pain, illness, and evil, they offered the possibility 
G64  62 of not only harm but also salvation. Effigies used for the 
G64  63 <quote_>"beneficent spirit of vegetation"<quote/> were burned or 
G64  64 buried as sacrificial victims to ensure a bountiful harvest (755). 
G64  65 According to Frazer, the same idea lies behind the use of effigies 
G64  66 during a time of illness. Many communities afflicted by illness 
G64  67 constructed effigies in hopes that the demons of death and sickness 
G64  68 would mistake them for or good-naturedly take them in the place of 
G64  69 the people they represented (569-71). Again, the idea is 
G64  70 beneficence; therefore, the effigy is honored, not despised. Image 
G64  71 magic, from which caricature developed, retains the notion of the 
G64  72 communally honorific and beneficent, and caricature itself, which 
G64  73 often provokes the sympathetic, rather than the derisive, smile, 
G64  74 many times reflects tribute in the act of critical distortion.<p/>
G64  75 <p_>Caricature can be seen as the art of sudden compromise that 
G64  76 grows out of the momentary awareness of conflict. As a satiric act, 
G64  77 it is aimed less toward the exclusion of the victim than toward the 
G64  78 inclusion of others in a shared value or system of values. 
G64  79 Smollett's own use of the exaggerated image suggests as much. 
G64  80 <tf_>Peregrine Pickle<tf/>'s portrayal of Garrick serves as an 
G64  81 example. Presented secondhand, through the observations of one of 
G64  82 Peregrine's acquaintances in the College of Authors, the 
G64  83 description nevertheless bears the stamp of Smollett's own 
G64  84 resentment: <quote_>"I cannot approve of his refinements in the 
G64  85 mystery of dying hard; his fall, and the circumstances of his 
G64  86 death, ... being, in my opinion, a lively representation of a 
G64  87 tinker oppressed with gin, who staggers against a post, tumbles 
G64  88 into the kennel, while his hammer and saucepan drop from his hands, 
G64  89 makes diverse convulsive efforts to rise, and finding himself 
G64  90 unable to get up, with many intervening hiccups, addresses himself 
G64  91 to the surrounding mob"<quote/> (651). On the surface, this passage 
G64  92 does not suggest either compromise or the honoring of the satiric 
G64  93 victim as the locus of communal accord. Certainly, Smollett's 
G64  94 intention was to humble Garrick, not to raise him. The ridiculous 
G64  95 comparison to a drunk tinker distorts the image of the actor with 
G64  96 regard to both his outward appearance and his skill of 
G64  97 interpretation. It is true, Peregrine tepidly comes to the actor's 
G64  98 defense, objecting mainly to the use of a grotesque figure (the 
G64  99 drunk tinker) to describe an already grotesque figure (Garrick), 
G64 100 but it is not therein that compromise and honor lie. They lie, 
G64 101 instead, in the shared reverence for the moment of death and, more 
G64 102 particularly, in the belief that such a moment should be 
G64 103 artistically represented with appropriate decorum and restraint.<p/>
G64 104 <p_>Of course, 'decorum' and 'restraint' are words that hardly 
G64 105 describe Smollett's own style. In fact, the moment of death is 
G64 106 treated as grotesquely by Hatchway as it ever could have been by 
G64 107 Garrick or any actor. The difference is that, in the Garrick 
G64 108 episode, we are expected to step outside the fiction, to agree with 
G64 109 or to take exception to the opinions of the speakers with reference 
G64 110 to our own experience, our own awareness of the celebrated Garrick 
G64 111 style. Hatchway's similarly grotesque language we understand within 
G64 112 the fictional construct - a part of his linguistic habit that adds 
G64 113 poignancy to the event described. The values are not set but 
G64 114 episodic, occasional, momentary, and circumstantial. If we follow 
G64 115 the logic of the fiction, what we learn is to accommodate ourselves 
G64 116 to the exigencies of the moment, to laugh at something that in 
G64 117 another circumstance, at a different time, might have moved us to 
G64 118 tears.<p/>
G64 119 <p_>Smollett's surrogate spokesmen in this novel, like Smollett 
G64 120 himself, are all masters of the tendentious art of caricature. 
G64 121 Hatchway, Peregrine, and Cadwallader Crabtree forge stability from 
G64 122 the momentary and in doing so bring a temporary (or, we might say, 
G64 123 a temporal) order to a chaotic (or, we might again say, temporal) 
G64 124 world. Hatchway and Crabtree are mentors to Peregrine, whom 
G64 125 Smollett describes in an early chapter as having <quote_>"a certain 
G64 126 oddity of disposition for which he had been remarkable even from 
G64 127 his cradle"<quote/> (51-52), a satirical impulse that vents itself 
G64 128 primarily against his uncle and his aunt, the commodore and the 
G64 129 former Mrs. Grizzle, his wife. Interestingly, although Trunnion is 
G64 130 usually Peregrine's preferred target, the old sailor maintains for 
G64 131 his nephew an affection that increases as the boy begins to 
G64 132 manifest his peculiar talents. With Hatchway as tutor, Peregrine 
G64 133 performs such satirical exploits as stepping on his uncle's gouty 
G64 134 toe, picking his pocket, calling him names, tweaking his nose, and 
G64 135 emptying a snuff box into his ale - all of which Trunnion 
G64 136 tolerates, and most of which he enjoys. The society of the garrison 
G64 137 is cemented by a recognition - indeed, a celebration - of 
G64 138 individual foibles, which are pointed out, not for the purpose of 
G64 139 correction, but for the purpose of connection. While Hatchway and 
G64 140 Peregrine do undermine Trunnion's dignity, they also yield to his 
G64 141 authority. In fact, their art of satirical caricature, aimed as it 
G64 142 is at the authoritative presence of Trunnion, anatomizes even as it 
G64 143 establishes the community of values by which the initial chapters 
G64 144 of the novel are defined.<p/>
G64 145 <p_>In the beginning, through the tutelage of Hatchway, we and 
G64 146 Peregrine learn to laugh at superstition (the captain's fear of 
G64 147 lawyers and ghosts), at personal eccentricity (the captain's house 
G64 148 built and maintained as a ship), at bodily functions or 
G64 149 misfunctions (the captain's gout, his wife's false pregnancy), and 
G64 150 at secret vices (Mrs. Trunnion's fondness for brandy); but through 
G64 151 it all we are encouraged to maintain a kind of sympathy for the 
G64 152 satiric victim. The community is small, intimate, and bound 
G64 153 together by recognition of individual limitations and by mutual 
G64 154 respect for one another in spite of these limitations. In a sense, 
G64 155 the moment of caricature, the narrative moment, is again revealed 
G64 156 to be the eternal present, repeated and ritualistic, cyclical and 
G64 157 perennial. But as Peregrine moves from the intimate community of 
G64 158 family into the impersonal world, we find caricature and narrative 
G64 159 called upon to play a different role in a skeptical and disjunctive 
G64 160 society.<p/>
G64 161 <p_>It is Cadwallader Crabtree, not Hatchway, who is Peregrine's 
G64 162 chosen mentor. Both caricaturists are important to Peregrine and, 
G64 163 like all satirists, they share certain techniques of exposure and 
G64 164 exaggeration. When they finally meet, however, there is conflict, 
G64 165 and Peregrine must choose between them. Their differences arise 
G64 166 from the context in which the caricaturists function. Hatchway 
G64 167 works in a closed, personal environment: his targets are those whom 
G64 168 he knows well, and his satire is directed upward, designed to 
G64 169 celebrate the infirmity of those with authority over him, an act 
G64 170 that is completely creditable in psychological terms. Crabtree, on 
G64 171 the other hand, works in an impersonal environment peopled with 
G64 172 such recognizable types as the would-be wit, the fickle coquet, and 
G64 173 the cowardly braggart: he targets acquaintances whom he does not 
G64 174 know well, and his caricature exposes the reality beneath the 
G64 175 appearance, not in a celebratory fashion, but in an accusatory one. 
G64 176 He adopts a mask to strip others of their disguises in protection 
G64 177 of himself and (later) Peregrine. For Crabtree, caricature is an 
G64 178 act of alienation that confirms the inimical nature of the world in 
G64 179 which he lives. It does support communal standards, but they are 
G64 180 standards that must be articulated because constant violation is 
G64 181 wearing them away. The caricaturist again usurps authority, but it 
G64 182 is not an authority of 'position' in a well-structured, stable 
G64 183 social system; rather, it is an urban authority born of the 
G64 184 confusion and corruption of social relationship in the modern 
G64 185 world.<p/>
G64 186 <p_>Crabtree's satire belongs to the destabilized modern world, 
G64 187 which must reestablish the terms of its authoritative structures 
G64 188 and which cannot depend upon the bonds of affection to hold society 
G64 189 together. This kind of world is ephemeral, with success today being 
G64 190 followed by failure tomorrow - reality exists only in the current 
G64 191 moment. In this context, caricature exposes the lack of stability, 
G64 192 the threat of extinction by insignificance, the possibility, even 
G64 193 probability, of change so drastic as to change identity 
G64 194 altogether.<p/>
G64 195 <p_>What fuses in the figure of Crabtree is the cultural expression 
G64 196 of this destabilization, and his significant features include his 
G64 197 participation in all kinds of underground identities, his 
G64 198 antisocial, misanthropic personality, and his status as 'keeper of 
G64 199 the narrative.' In the chapter in which we meet him, all of these 
G64 200 qualities are emphasized.
G64 201 
G64 202 
G64 203 
G65   1 <#FROWN:G65\>She follows the plot of heterosexual romance, the only 
G65   2 plot in which culture allows her a leading role. Her very 
G65   3 helplessness becomes the means through which she achieves 
G65   4 acknowledgment, whether loving or punitive. As Karen Horney argues 
G65   5 in 'The Overvaluation of Love: A Study of a Common Present-Day 
G65   6 Feminine Type,' <quote_>"The function of this masochistic attitude 
G65   7 is therefore a neurotically distorted means of attaining a 
G65   8 heterosexual goal, which these patients believe they cannot reach 
G65   9 in any other way"<quote/> (<tf_>Feminine Psychology<tf/> 211). 
G65  10 Furthermore, the apparently abject masochist seeks vicarious 
G65  11 gratification of the active drives through her idealized other. Her 
G65  12 self-sacrificing ethics are potentially her entr<*_>e-acute<*/>e to 
G65  13 a larger world. Benjamin's comment on masochistic women's goals is 
G65  14 to the point here: <quote_>"in ideal love, as in other forms of 
G65  15 masochism, acts of self-abnegation are in fact meant to secure 
G65  16 access to the glory and power of the other"<quote/> (117).<p/>
G65  17 <p_>In Sigmund Freud's discussion of how women and men exalt the 
G65  18 other, strangely different mechanisms seem to be at work. According 
G65  19 to his reasoning, women introject prized qualities of men - 
G65  20 attributes that can be theirs no more than can the penis. When men 
G65  21 overvalue women, however, they project their own strengths. In both 
G65  22 instances, then, the construct of the male ego assumes plenitude 
G65  23 and power, while that of the female marks inadequacy. In his 
G65  24 lecture 'The Dissection of the Psychical Personality,' for example, 
G65  25 Freud notes, via common opinion, that women are particularly 
G65  26 influenced by their object choices, who represent the capacities 
G65  27 they themselves have lost or never had. <quote_>"It is said that 
G65  28 the influencing of the ego by the sexual object occurs particularly 
G65  29 often with women and is characteristic of femininity ....If one has 
G65  30 lost an object or has been obliged to give it up, one often 
G65  31 compensates oneself by identifying oneself with it and by setting 
G65  32 it up once more in one's ego, so that here object-choice regresses, 
G65  33 as it were, to identification"<quote/> (63). Although libido is 
G65  34 diverted from the ego to the object, it is restored to the woman 
G65  35 through the narcissistic mirror, Freud argues. In presenting this 
G65  36 process as <quote_>"characteristic of femininity,"<quote/> Freud 
G65  37 again naturalizes psychic processes to buttress gender 
G65  38 differentiation. The process he describes basically leaves women in 
G65  39 a permanently melancholic position, but it is themselves they 
G65  40 mourn.<p/>
G65  41 <p_>According to Freud, though, overvaluation occurs mostly in men; 
G65  42 one can only assume as a corollary that the value women attach to 
G65  43 male objects or subjects is true currency. For example, in the 
G65  44 early <tf_>Studies on Hysteria<tf/>, Freud is startled by his own 
G65  45 <quote|>"blindness." <quote_>"I was afflicted by that blindness of 
G65  46 the seeing eye which is so astonishing in the attitude of mothers 
G65  47 to their daughters, husbands to their wives and rulers to their 
G65  48 favourites"<quote/> (117<tf|>n). Here, and in fact throughout much 
G65  49 of Freud's work, overvaluation is a mistake the dominant make about 
G65  50 the subordinated. The reverse possibility - that the subordinated 
G65  51 may ascribe strengths to the dominant that the latter don't have, 
G65  52 or may even define the dominant through their fealty - is hardly 
G65  53 considered as a possibility, particularly within a heterosexual 
G65  54 frame.<p/>
G65  55 <p_>To a feminist reader, Freud's definition of overvaluation in 
G65  56 'Sexual Aberrations' seems to describe culture's inscription of 
G65  57 masculine authority if the passage is read using 'she' as universal 
G65  58 pronoun. <quote_>"The subject becomes, as it were, intellectually 
G65  59 infatuated (that is, his powers of judgement are weakened) by the 
G65  60 mental achievements and perfections of the sexual object and he 
G65  61 submits to the latter's judgement with credulity. Thus the 
G65  62 credulity of love becomes an important, if not the most 
G65  63 fundamental, source of <tf|>authority"<quote/> (150). The pattern 
G65  64 of behavior Freud outlines is precisely that found in every naive 
G65  65 Gothic protagonist who suspends her own judgments in deference to 
G65  66 her beloved's authority. Astonishingly, the overvaluation Freud 
G65  67 describes is the man's of the woman - a fatuous adoration most 
G65  68 extensively set forth through the famous whore/madonna splitting of 
G65  69 'Contributions to the Psychology of Love.'<p/>
G65  70 <p_>The asymmetrical valuation of the other sex that Freud posits 
G65  71 is crucial to how society and Gothic fiction represent and regulate 
G65  72 'normal' adult heterosexual relationships. A woman must 'look up 
G65  73 to' her man: unless she is carefully trained to do so, patriarchy 
G65  74 falters. Every girl, and every Gothic heroine, learns that it is 
G65  75 only in the mirror of his regard that she exists, only in the 
G65  76 plenitude of his subjectivity that she is whole. Her assignment of 
G65  77 subjectivity to and overvaluation of the other is, however, an 
G65  78 analytic and cultural con game in which she's asked to believe that 
G65  79 she's a winner. An economic metaphor best describes the 
G65  80 transaction. A worker is told her labor has wage-value, the amount 
G65  81 she is paid. The labor also generates the surplus value we call 
G65  82 profit, which is reaped by others. The woman in conservative 
G65  83 analytic and Gothic fictions is such a laborer emotionally. Love is 
G65  84 her wage; the surplus value of her nurturing and self-abnegation 
G65  85 funds the autonomy of the idealized other. She, like the 
G65  86 wage-laborer, does not recognize the product as her own and remains 
G65  87 alienated from the power so 'naturally' appropriated by others. In 
G65  88 order to maintain this system of subordination, it is imperative 
G65  89 that girls learn proper passivity. My argument, then, is that 
G65  90 women's devaluation enables and maintains men's overvaluation, a 
G65  91 transaction shielded behind Freud's emphasis upon the overvalued 
G65  92 woman.<p/>
G65  93 <p_>Freud's analysis of object choice for girls and boys highlights 
G65  94 the key significance of active and passive choice. Like a docile 
G65  95 job applicant, the girl must be ready to accept any offer without 
G65  96 pointing to her own qualifications; her getting a job is luck, not 
G65  97 merit. All power resides in the employer/lover, and unions, which 
G65  98 suggest another locus of power, are an abomination. She must choose 
G65  99 to identify with that which is <tf|>not like herself.<p/>
G65 100 <p_>The small boy, according to Freud, has two choices: to love his 
G65 101 mother (anaclitic object choice) or himself. Although choosing the 
G65 102 former primes the boy for adult heterosexuality, it also leads him 
G65 103 to overvalue his adult mate, as he once did the woman who cared for 
G65 104 him. The small girl also has two choices: to love her mother (or 
G65 105 the person who cares for her) or to love herself. Both sexes can 
G65 106 have elements of both choices in love (and an individual of either 
G65 107 sex can make predominantly anaclitic or narcissistic object 
G65 108 choices).<p/>
G65 109 <p_>The girl clearly has a problem or, to put it more accurately, 
G65 110 Western culture has a major problem whose symptom is the girl. Her 
G65 111 narcissism, so often discussed pejoratively, is nonetheless the 
G65 112 adolescent girl's consolation prize for passivity. <quote_>"This is 
G65 113 unfavourable to the development of a true object-choice with its 
G65 114 accompanying overvaluation. Women, especially if they grow up with 
G65 115 good looks, develop a certain self-contentment which compensates 
G65 116 them for the social restrictions that are imposed upon them in 
G65 117 their choice of object"<quote/> ('On Narcissism' 88-89). The 
G65 118 passage's struggle with logic, seen in the unreconciled conjunction 
G65 119 of <quote|>"unfavourable' <tf|>and compensatory narcissism, points 
G65 120 to the impasse in which culture places the girl. If, however, she 
G65 121 aspires to <quote_>"true object-choice"<quote/> rather than 
G65 122 narcissism and makes a fully anaclitic choice, she will choose 
G65 123 another woman or a man who has her mother's attributes. Ergo, as a 
G65 124 woman seeking a woman's qualities, she will have made a 
G65 125 narcissistic object choice. Furthermore, if she thinks she can 
G65 126 choose and somehow evade <quote_>"social restrictions,"<quote/> she 
G65 127 strays too far into activity.<p/>
G65 128 <p_>Thus, the eighteen year old in 'The Psychogenesis of a Case of 
G65 129 Homosexuality in a Woman' is masculine in her assumption of the 
G65 130 role of courtly lover to older women. Her <quote_>"acuteness of 
G65 131 comprehension and her lucid objectivity"<quote/> (154) are the 
G65 132 first tip-offs, followed by clues indicating <quote_>"that she must 
G65 133 formerly have had strong exhibitionist and scopophilic 
G65 134 tendencies"<quote/> (169). Of <quote_>"greater importance,"<quote/> 
G65 135 however, is her behavior toward the beloved. <quote_>"She displayed 
G65 136 the humility and the sublime overvaluation of the sexual object so 
G65 137 characteristic of the male lover, the renunciation of all 
G65 138 narcissistic satisfaction, and the preference for being the lover 
G65 139 rather than the beloved"<quote/> (154). She is the exception that 
G65 140 proves the rule: 'real' heterosexual women love narcissistically 
G65 141 and so in <quote|>"feminine" ways. Freud is careful to distinguish 
G65 142 the sex of one's object choice from one's own attitude of 
G65 143 masculinity or femininity; finally, though, the least plausible 
G65 144 combination is for a woman to love a man in the <quote|>"sublime" 
G65 145 masculine mode ('Psychogenesis' 170).<p/>
G65 146 <p_>For Freud, overvaluation is, in the end, an almost exclusively 
G65 147 male phenomenon in love, a sentimental overestimation of the mother 
G65 148 by the boy that carries over to his eventual mate. <quote_>"The 
G65 149 significance of the factor of sexual overvaluation can be best 
G65 150 studied in men, for their erotic life alone has become accessible 
G65 151 to research. That of women - partly owing to the stunting effect of 
G65 152 civilized conditions and partly owing to their conventional 
G65 153 secretiveness and insincerity - is still veiled in an impenetrable 
G65 154 obscurity"<quote/> ('Sexual Aberrations' 151). Freud's own wishful 
G65 155 suppositions create some of that obscurity. Adult women, secretive 
G65 156 and insincere, never quite love men enough - certainly not as much 
G65 157 as the idealized, adoring mother of his own narcissistic stage, the 
G65 158 mother who, at least in the son's nostalgic reconstruction, finds 
G65 159 her own apotheosis in his perfection. <quote_>"In typical cases 
G65 160 women fail to exhibit any sexual overvaluation towards men; but 
G65 161 they scarcely ever fail to do so towards their own 
G65 162 children"<quote/> ('Sexual Aberrations' 151<tf|>n [added 1920]). 
G65 163 The value women attach to men is left in the realm of the real: it 
G65 164 is what men are actually worth. And women's worth, devalued so 
G65 165 ruinously and early, can only be measured as collateral to men's. 
G65 166 Women's worth is generated through the men to whom they are 
G65 167 attached, just as we are to understand that poor governesses 
G65 168 <quote_>"become somebody"<quote/> through the love of wealthy 
G65 169 men.<p/>
G65 170 <p_>The overvaluation of men that Freud implicitly accepts as real 
G65 171 value and, finally, a <quote|>"natural" determinant of the order of 
G65 172 things is itself a cultural construct, as Horney so cogently argues 
G65 173 in 'The Overvaluation of Love.' Here, as elsewhere, my interest is 
G65 174 not in the analysis of male motives or of the often self-evident 
G65 175 benefits that accrue to the male through this structuration. 
G65 176 Instead, my concern is what it means to be a woman who must define 
G65 177 herself through such a system. The boy's possession of great wealth 
G65 178 during the anal stage becomes rarefied into his great value as an 
G65 179 adult. The girl, reduced to a beggar during the first major 
G65 180 commodities exchange, must find her own adult value through what an 
G65 181 other is willing to dower her with.<p/>
G65 182 <p_>By signing over subjectivity to another (whether or not the 
G65 183 endorsement is coerced), she achieves some vicarious satisfaction 
G65 184 of her own active drives, which are directed both to the outside 
G65 185 world and herself. Forbidden from exercising the 'mastery' of 
G65 186 sadism and the will to knowledge that epistemophilia and 
G65 187 scopophilia provide, she ekes out what pleasures she can from the 
G65 188 reversal of these instincts. She lives out the catch-22 Foucault 
G65 189 calls the <quote_>"cycle of prohibition": "Renounce yourself or 
G65 190 suffer the penalty of being suppressed; do not appear if you do not 
G65 191 want to disappear. Your existence will be maintained only at the 
G65 192 cost of your nullification"<quote/> (<tf|>History 84). She values 
G65 193 the knowledge and power she cannot hold and invests them in an 
G65 194 other. Like the nameless protagonist of du Maurier's <tf|>Rebecca 
G65 195 and numerous others, she enviously watches the idealized other, 
G65 196 whose unfettered existence is so unlike her own, and forlornly 
G65 197 hopes that a magical look or word from him will make her 
G65 198 'somebody.'<p/>
G65 199 <h_><p_>Repression and Sublimation<p/><h/>
G65 200 <p_>The masochistic woman's active drives, inhibited and channeled 
G65 201 in an exclusive course early on, continue to express the raw, 
G65 202 unreformed aggression of the anal stage, augmented by her own rage. 
G65 203 Repressed, these drives remain gargantuan, according to 
G65 204 <quote|>"Repression." <quote_>"This deceptive strength of instinct 
G65 205 is the result of an uninhibited development in phantasy and of the 
G65 206 damming-up consequent on frustrated satisfaction"<quote/> (149). 
G65 207 She defends against this formidable instinctual energy. Sadly and 
G65 208 inevitably, she abets the system that forbade instinctual 
G65 209 expression in the first place: the energy she must expend just to 
G65 210 maintain repression is not free for use elsewhere, she uses it to 
G65 211 monitor herself (thus freeing others for alternate forms of 
G65 212 surveillance), and she employs it actively only in preparing 
G65 213 another generation of girls for divesture.
G65 214 
G65 215 
G66   1 <#FROWN:G66\>Just as Error ceases to overwhelm Redcross as soon as 
G66   2 he grasps and sees it, so Spenser manifests the covert logic of the 
G66   3 episode -pastoral -only when that logic has been relegated to a 
G66   4 comparison with the scene it originally constituted, when pastoral, 
G66   5 that is, can be visualized in and as a single stanza. Yet, if the 
G66   6 stanza does in some sense retrospectively clarify the episode, the 
G66   7 battle it depicts between a gentle shepherd and some gnats 
G66   8 nevertheless disrupts our sense not only of the other fight's 
G66   9 ferocity but of its stakes -now the human seems the offender. For 
G66  10 the sweet eventide, the sunset, the hasty supper, and the marred 
G66  11 soft song all evoke an elegiac spirit to which the shepherd stands 
G66  12 opposed: he is high on a hill, his star is ascendant, he takes 
G66  13 Phoebus's place. When we discover that John Dixon glosses the 
G66  14 stanza by referring it to Matthew 4.8, a stage in Christ's 
G66  15 temptation -<quote_>"The devil showeth him all the delights of the 
G66  16 world to entice,"<quote/> Dixon says, <quote_>"but can not 
G66  17 deceive"<quote/> (<tf_>First Commentary<tf/>, 3) -the tonality of 
G66  18 this truly Spenserian stanza comes to seem so mixed and peculiar as 
G66  19 to warrant longer inspection.<p/>
G66  20 <p_>Though it is difficult to see how the details of the stanza 
G66  21 might coalesce into the allusion Dixon finds there, the temptation 
G66  22 on the mount, the culmination (in Matthew) of Christ's own 
G66  23 wandering, has a certain dramatic propriety in relation to the 
G66  24 Error allegory. A passage from More's translation of the <tf_>Life 
G66  25 of Pico<tf/> (1510) automatically connects the two struggles: 
G66  26 <quote_>"Remember how cursed our old enemy is: which offereth us 
G66  27 the kingdoms of this world, that he might bereave us the kingdom of 
G66  28 heaven, how false the fleshly pleasures: which therefore embrace 
G66  29 us, that they might strangle us"<quote/> (<tf|>Works 1:17). To such 
G66  30 temptation Christ responded, <quote_>"Avoid Satan"<quote/> (Matthew 
G66  31 4.10); Petrarch atop Mont Ventoux found himself remonstrated by 
G66  32 Augustine's lament that men go abroad to wonder at nature and yet 
G66  33 leave themselves behind; but what in the shepherd's action recalls 
G66  34 either Christ's repudiation or Petrarch's turning inward? Only, 
G66  35 perhaps, his brushing gnats away, whose foremost iconographic 
G66  36 association, ephemerality, does fit the <tf|>contemptus theme: in 
G66  37 the part of his <tf|>contemptus litany immediately before the 
G66  38 passage I quoted, Pico reminds his nephew that <quote_>"the death 
G66  39 lieth at hand. Remember that all the time of our life is but a 
G66  40 moment, and yet less than a moment."<quote/> The gnats also 
G66  41 iconographically embody, and therefore distance and reduce, 
G66  42 similarly worldly attributes of Error such as heresy, lechery, and 
G66  43 even wandering, and so suggest the possibility of at least a kind 
G66  44 of Cynic <tf|>contemptus in the stanza, the philosophy of Erasmus's 
G66  45 Folly:<p/>
G66  46 <p_><quote_>If one (as <tf|>Menippus did) looking out of the moon, 
G66  47 beheld from thence the innumerable tumults, and businesses of 
G66  48 mortal men, he should think verily he saw a many <tf_>of flies, or 
G66  49 gnats, brawling, fighting, beguiling, robbing, playing, living 
G66  50 wantonly, born, bred up, decaying, and dying<tf/>: So that it is 
G66  51 scant believable, what commotions, and what <tf|>Tragedies, are 
G66  52 stirred up, by so little, and so short lived a vermin as this man 
G66  53 is. (<tf|>Praise, K3V)<quote/><p/>
G66  54 <p_>Yet, while such pagan <tf|>contemptus may find its counterpart 
G66  55 in the bathetic side of the shepherd's battle, the 
G66  56 <quote|>"noyance" from which <quote_>"he no where can 
G66  57 rest,"<quote/> the same features of the scene that weaken the 
G66  58 suggestive connection between it and Christian virtue baffle this 
G66  59 allegory also. Though high on a hill, the shepherd views neither 
G66  60 gnatlike men nor worldly kingdoms but his flock; the gnats 
G66  61 themselves, if comically miniaturized glories of the world below, 
G66  62 are nevertheless atop the hill also; and their tender wings and 
G66  63 murmurings generate a pathos that counters any repudiation of them. 
G66  64 In sum, what blocks these allegorical readings, what keeps the 
G66  65 stanza, for all its <tf|>contemptus yearnings, earthbound, is the 
G66  66 'lowly' character and setting Spenser and Redcross set out to leave 
G66  67 behind them -the pastoral.<p/>
G66  68 <p_>It looks misguided for a poet who announced his turn from 
G66  69 pastoral and then proceeded to figure pre-epical modes as 
G66  70 potentially deadly now to regret the loss of pastoral worldliness; 
G66  71 but this final reduction, dislocation, and clarification of 
G66  72 pastoral into a simile, the facing off of pastoral with its 
G66  73 erroneous image, seems for Spenser to justify such nostalgia. The 
G66  74 stanza's elegiac tone bespeaks more than the coming end of the 
G66  75 episode itself. In the previous simile the characterization of 
G66  76 father Nilus as old anticipated a turning back of the clock here 
G66  77 also, the introduction of another old character: the gentle 
G66  78 shepherd with his clownish hands recalls the clownish young men 
G66  79 both Redcross and Spenser had been until only recently. Surrounding 
G66  80 the shepherd, circumscribing this old identity, the gnats refigure 
G66  81 the collapse of Redcross into Error and therefore also the 
G66  82 spectatorial distance granted Una and then Redcross himself. 
G66  83 Indeed, they turn the discarded pastoral in upon itself, for their 
G66  84 <quote_>"tender wings"<quote/> invoke E. K.'s company of pastoral 
G66  85 poets, whose prior flights on <quote_>"tender wings"<quote/> 
G66  86 Spenser in <tf_>The Shepheardes Calender<tf/> set out 
G66  87 <quote_>"every where"<quote/> to emulate. The bizarre Circean 
G66  88 reduction of these poets to insects looks less surprising in the 
G66  89 context of Virgilian poetics, which takes for granted that a poet 
G66  90 should proportion his choice of subject to himself: if he is a 
G66  91 fledgling, then his subject should be diminutive also, like the 
G66  92 <tf|>Culex Spenser translated as <tf_>Virgils Gnat<tf/>. In 
G66  93 representing pastoral poets <tf|>as one of these small subjects -as 
G66  94 gnats - the simile literally collapses an already metaphorically 
G66  95 collapsible relation, and so substitutes the shepherd surrounded by 
G66  96 gnats, and the gnats themselves, as a diffracted image of the 
G66  97 strangulation Redcross just suffered. What the pathos of the stanza 
G66  98 would seem to register, then, is Spenser's desire to hang onto a 
G66  99 scene that he believes liberates both Redcross and himself by 
G66 100 staging their erroneous past and so differentiating them from its 
G66 101 constraint.<p/>
G66 102 <p_>The thwarted <tf|>contemptus of the stanza indicates how 
G66 103 pastoral can go so far as to be divided against itself, as in 
G66 104 <tf_>The Shepheardes Calender<tf/>, and yet fall short of 
G66 105 transcendence. The simile begins hopefully. The Error episode 
G66 106 introduced a pastoral-like grove, we recall, as a shelter from 
G66 107 heavenly wrath, from the hideous storm; pastoral's far more typical 
G66 108 reason for shelter is only the heat of the sun, and, in the simile, 
G66 109 with the sun sinking in the west, the shepherd escapes even that 
G66 110 slight inconvenience. Yet, though free now to leave the shade for a 
G66 111 lofty hilltop vision of his world, the shepherd still labors under 
G66 112 the pressure of a temporal <quote|>"tempest" (<tf|>FQ 1.1.7, 8), 
G66 113 even when, or rather because, heavenly power seems to absent itself 
G66 114 from the world. The vision comes only at this <quote|>"hasty" 
G66 115 moment, only when day is nearly done; the shepherd can contemn his 
G66 116 world only, that is, when it is being eclipsed. And in favor of 
G66 117 what would he despise it? The only other world to desire, heaven, 
G66 118 the sun, is what's becoming absent; and if the shepherd's flock 
G66 119 represents the paltry, fleeting vanities he might despise, 
G66 120 appropriately metamorphosed into gnats, they, like a new grove, 
G66 121 still encumber him, because until the death all shepherds ought to 
G66 122 long for ('November,' 182-92), he has no other place but his 
G66 123 diminished world in which to live.<p/>
G66 124 <p_>Redcross and Spenser, on the other hand, have only to discard 
G66 125 pastoral in order to enact their own little apocalypse, sacrificing 
G66 126 one kind of worldliness in order to save another. When Redcross 
G66 127 severs Error's human head from her animal body, he explodes 
G66 128 pastoral's strangling proportionment of human to natural, of self 
G66 129 to place; with Error's head the trees of her grove (metonymically) 
G66 130 fall as well, no longer required for shade but for the kind of use 
G66 131 to which, say, the first tree mentioned, <quote_>"the sayling 
G66 132 Pine"<quote/> (<tf|>FQ 1.1.8), should he put. The death of Error 
G66 133 even provides a final <quote|>"sight" (26) of collapse: combining 
G66 134 in themselves the shepherd's two cares, both the hungry sheep and 
G66 135 the gnats <quote_>"striving to infixe,"<quote/> Error's 
G66 136 <quote_>"scattred brood"<quote/> have <quote|>"flocked" (25) about 
G66 137 their unhumanized mother and now <quote|>"devoure" (26) her. As 
G66 138 Error's blood and then her children's overstuffed bowels gush forth 
G66 139 (24, 26), a constraint or implosion once more turns outside, to the 
G66 140 spectatorial freedom of Redcross simply watching his foes defeat 
G66 141 themselves, or of <quote_>"his Ladie seeing all"<quote/> now 
G66 142 approaching <quote_>"from farre"<quote/> (27). The microcosm that 
G66 143 dies enemy to God -<quote|>"cursed" Error and her <quote_>"unkindly 
G66 144 Impes of heaven accurst"<quote/> (16, 26) -opens a worldly space, 
G66 145 the <quote_>"long way"<quote/> Redcross travels, in which he can 
G66 146 have <quote_>"God to frend"<quote/> (28) as well, as roominess 
G66 147 subject only to the <quote_>"happy starre"<quote/> Redcross was 
G66 148 <quote_>"borne under"<quote/> (27), distant in both space and 
G66 149 time.<p/>
G66 150 <h_><p_>ERROR AS TRIFLING<p/><h/>
G66 151 <p_>Error appears to represent a mistake, however, that not just 
G66 152 Spenser but England as a whole had recently escaped, a delusive 
G66 153 ideal more clearly embodied in the second monster Redcross meets, 
G66 154 though Archimago at first protests himself only a <quote_>"silly 
G66 155 old man,"<quote/> who, because he <quote_>"lives in hidden cell, / 
G66 156 Bidding his beades all day for his trespas,"<quote/> knows nothing 
G66 157 of <quote_>"worldly trouble"<quote/> (<tf|>FQ 1.1.30). In his youth 
G66 158 Erasmus, of all people, spoke of monastic life in <tf_>De Contemptu 
G66 159 Mundi<tf/> (1521, trans. 1532?) as a pastoral retreat, a covert to 
G66 160 fend off the hideous storms of worldly existence: <quote_>"Who (but 
G66 161 he that is stark blind) seeth not that it is far more surer, more 
G66 162 pleasant, and more commodious to journey through the pleasant green 
G66 163 meadows without dread, than among so many images of death to be 
G66 164 turned and went with perpetual vexation and trouble"<quote/> 
G66 165 (13r-v). Adapting passages from Virgil's <tf|>Eclogues, Erasmus 
G66 166 celebrates the monastery <quote_>"like to Paradise of 
G66 167 pleasure,"<quote/> where, among <quote_>"orchards and 
G66 168 greaves,"<quote/> <quote_>"within these dens,"<quote/> 
G66 169 <quote_>"groweth the pople tree, to shadow us from showers"<quote/> 
G66 170 (13v-14r). In Renaissance English versions of the Old Testament, 
G66 171 however, <quote|>"groves" figure as the idolatrous shrines that God 
G66 172 repeatedly commands the Jews to <quote_>cut down"<quote/> (e.g., 
G66 173 Exodus 34.13); and Greene lauds the day England's <quote|>"woodman" 
G66 174 Henry VIII wounded the <quote|>"Monster" Antichrist by demolishing 
G66 175 its monastic hiding places: <quote_>"flying to the text, whatsoever 
G66 176 my father hath not planted, shall be rooted up by the roots, he 
G66 177 suppressed their Abbeys, pulled down their sumptuous buildings, & 
G66 178 scarce left one stone upon another"<quote/> (<tf|>Works 5:251). The 
G66 179 shattering of such pleasances <quote_>"seeldom inward 
G66 180 sound"<quote/> (<tf|>FQ 1.1.9) produced what many Protestants must 
G66 181 have considered liberating catalogues of the rottenness and 
G66 182 insubstantiality, the <quote_>"pelting trash"<quote/> (e.g., 
G66 183 Derricke, <tf_>Image of Irelande<tf/>, 22), at their core: 
G66 184 supposedly <quote_>"holy relics"<quote/> disgorged into the light 
G66 185 as <quote_>"stinking boots, mucky combs, ragged rochets, rotten 
G66 186 girdles, pilled purses, great bullocks' horns, locks of hair, and 
G66 187 filthy rags, gobbets of wood, under the name of parcels of the holy 
G66 188 cross, and such pelfry beyond estimation."<quote/><p/>
G66 189 <p_>Spenser establishes the relation between the Catholic 
G66 190 worldliness and the pastoral ideal of proportion, and then reduces 
G66 191 this subverted ideal to a literal trifle, first of all in <tf_>The 
G66 192 Shepheardes Calender<tf/>'s tale of the fox and the kid. According 
G66 193 to E. K.'s commentary on <quote|>"Maye," the eclogue in which the 
G66 194 tale appears, the interlocutors Piers and Palinode represent 
G66 195 <quote_>"two forms of pastors or Ministers, or the protestant and 
G66 196 the Catholic."<quote/> Piers wants to explain to the papist 
G66 197 Palinode, <quote_>"a worldes childe"<quote/> (73), why Protestants 
G66 198 would be foolish to make friends with papists, and so tells him a 
G66 199 fable. The kid's mother leaves him at home for a while, warning him 
G66 200 to keep his door locked. The <quote_>"false Foxe"<quote/> then 
G66 201 comes to the kid's door disguised <quote_>"as a poor pedler ... / 
G66 202 Bearing a trusse of tryfles at hys backe, / As Bells, and babes 
G66 203 [i.e., dolls], and glasses in hys packe"<quote/> (236, 238-40); 
G66 204 <quote_>"by such trifles,"<quote/> says E. K., <quote_>"are noted, 
G66 205 the relics and rags of popish superstition, which put no small 
G66 206 religion in Bells: and Babies .s. Idols: and glasses .s. Paxes, and 
G66 207 such like trumperies."<quote/> Pretending to be sick and lame, the 
G66 208 fox lures the kid to unlock his door by presenting him a glass -the 
G66 209 kid <quote_>"was so enamored with the newell, / That nought he 
G66 210 deemed deare for the jewell"<quote/> (276-77).
G66 211 
G66 212 
G67   1 <#FROWN:G67\>Then the following year, Collier had included McNickle 
G67   2 in the delegation to the Inter-American Indian Institute in 
G67   3 P<*_>a-acute<*/>tzcuaro, Mexico. By 1942, when the Heads suggested 
G67   4 his transfer to Sells, Collier was relying heavily on McNickle's 
G67   5 presence in the Washington office as McCaskill's assistant. But 
G67   6 McNickle had, on occasion, expressed an interest in field work, and 
G67   7 he could be useful in Arizona, as well. Collier apparently gave him 
G67   8 the choice.<p/>
G67   9 <p_>The seminar in Santa Fe that McNickle attended after leaving 
G67  10 Sells was primarily a training session for those BIA teachers, 
G67  11 nurses, soil conservation experts, clerks, and administrators who 
G67  12 had volunteered as researchers for the personality study. Many of 
G67  13 them were initially skeptical about the value of what they would be 
G67  14 doing. Laura Thompson and the project's advisors, however, had 
G67  15 worked through the pilot study on the Papago Reservation and were 
G67  16 able to define the goals and techniques to be applied in the field. 
G67  17 The volunteers learned the theories behind the various tests they 
G67  18 would be using, which were the most sophisticated yet developed for 
G67  19 analyzing personality development, and they had a chance to perfect 
G67  20 their interviewing techniques by practicing on each other. 
G67  21 Incredible as it seems, many of the volunteers had had little 
G67  22 personal interaction with the people whose affairs they 
G67  23 administered. They had never been inside an Indian home, where much 
G67  24 of the testing was to be done, or attended an Indian ceremony. The 
G67  25 initial prospect of having the intimate contact required by the 
G67  26 testing procedures was frightening to many, but as the volunteers 
G67  27 familiarized themselves with the techniques to be used, they became 
G67  28 increasingly enthusiastic about the possibility of genuine 
G67  29 community involvement.<p/>
G67  30 <p_>W. Lloyd Warner, who read the evaluations submitted by 
G67  31 participants when the seminar was over, reported to Collier that 
G67  32 all the volunteers were enthusiastic, and some were 
G67  33 <quote_>"positively lyrical."<quote/> <quote_>"It became clear that 
G67  34 what had happened was that a lot of these people had been stirred 
G67  35 emotionally by gaining insight into their own lives and feeling 
G67  36 somehow or other they had got a new grip on the kind of life they 
G67  37 wanted.<quote/><p/>
G67  38 <p_>McNickle, too, was caught up in the excitement of the seminar, 
G67  39 and he returned to Washington to write an article entitled 'Toward 
G67  40 Understanding' for <tf_>Indians at Work<tf/> about what had 
G67  41 happened in Santa Fe. <quote_>"There is always the chance,"<quote/> 
G67  42 he began apologetically, <quote_>"that one will speak or write with 
G67  43 a naive enthusiasm about what one has felt and seen and lived 
G67  44 through.... Nevertheless, there are occasions when one must make 
G67  45 the effort to speak deeply and truly. The Seminar held at Santa Fe 
G67  46 from May 17 to June 5 ...has been such an occasion, a time of 
G67  47 profound experiences."<quote/> Then he explained the purpose of the 
G67  48 personality study itself. It was an attempt first, he said, to 
G67  49 learn how human personality was formed, and then to gather data 
G67  50 that would make Indian administration more effective.<p/>
G67  51 <p_>Even that data, however, would be a by-product. In his summary 
G67  52 he reflected some of Collier's mystical perception of human 
G67  53 potential. <quote_>"The research, in actuality, is projected on the 
G67  54 assumption that there are in human personality certain primal, 
G67  55 earth-old powers which, if understood and developed and used, can 
G67  56 make for that mastery of the soul which men have longed for but 
G67  57 have lacked the skill to achieve."<quote/> He wrote as if he were 
G67  58 talking about a religious experience, one not unlike Myron Begay's 
G67  59 <quote_>"passion in the desert"<quote/> that he had described in 
G67  60 his review of La Farge's <tf_>Enemy Gods<tf/>. He was obviously one 
G67  61 of those who had been moved by the seminar experience. If he stayed 
G67  62 in the nation's capital, he would have an opportunity to observe 
G67  63 the full spectrum of the research and help evaluate its results. He 
G67  64 decided to stay in Washington.<p/>
G67  65 <p_>From his Chicago vantage point, Collier was able to maintain 
G67  66 even closer contact with the University of Chicago and the 
G67  67 personality study. The field work for the project was completed 
G67  68 within the year, as expected. The University of Chicago then 
G67  69 sponsored two seminars, in March and June, to begin the preliminary 
G67  70 analysis of the data that was to be incorporated into the various 
G67  71 tribal monographs. McNickle attended both sessions, then once again 
G67  72 in <tf_>Indians at Work<tf/> he described the next phase of the 
G67  73 project. He explained how the tribal monographs, written on each of 
G67  74 the five tribes included in the study, were to be followed by a 
G67  75 major publication dealing with the application of the research to 
G67  76 problems of Indian education and administration. Such application, 
G67  77 he reminded his readers, was the ultimate goal of the project.<p/>
G67  78 <p_>The contract between the BIA and the University of Chicago for 
G67  79 the first phase of the study expired in late 1944 and for a variety 
G67  80 of reasons it was not renewed. Instead, the BIA negotiated a new 
G67  81 contract with the Society for Applied Anthropology to complete the 
G67  82 second phase of the study. The SAA appointed a Committee on 
G67  83 Administrative Research, which included John Provinse as chairman; 
G67  84 Paul Fejos, director of the Viking Fund (later the Wenner-Gren 
G67  85 Foundation for Anthropological Research); Alexander Leighton; 
G67  86 Edward Spicer; and D'Arcy McNickle, to complete the work. Laura 
G67  87 Thompson stayed on as project coordinator. At D'Arcy's suggestion, 
G67  88 his wife Roma served as publications editor and was also a member 
G67  89 of the committee. The Viking Fund agreed to contribute six thousand 
G67  90 dollars toward the completion of the project.<p/>
G67  91 <p_>At that point the first of the tribal monographs, <tf_>The Hopi 
G67  92 Way<tf/> by Laura Thompson and Alice Joseph, was ready for 
G67  93 publication, while the others were in various stages of 
G67  94 preparation. Collier, who by then was thinking seriously of 
G67  95 resigning, became increasingly impatient with the inevitable delays 
G67  96 in making the other studies available. Since the project was his 
G67  97 legacy, he wanted the final analysis and policy recommendations 
G67  98 printed and in the hands of Bureau personnel before he left 
G67  99 office.<p/>
G67 100 <p_>Despite the committee's impressive roster, however, the impetus 
G67 101 for completing the project spent itself with Collier's resignation. 
G67 102 John Provinse, in writing to Laura Thompson about the committee's 
G67 103 final report in 1947, admitted that the research had not been 
G67 104 implemented anywhere <quote_>"except in the attitudes of a few 
G67 105 individuals who have taken time to read the reports."<quote/> 
G67 106 Nevertheless, as the historian Lawrence Kelly has since pointed 
G67 107 out, Collier's insistence on using the insights of the social 
G67 108 sciences to develop administrative policies was catching on, and 
G67 109 other government activities became the beneficiaries of his 
G67 110 foresight during the war.<p/>
G67 111 <p_>Although McNickle's specific contribution to the personality 
G67 112 study remains difficult to assess, his unique position probably 
G67 113 made him the most knowledgeable person in Washington on all aspects 
G67 114 of the project. He and Roma spent much of 1944 and 1945 preparing 
G67 115 the various manuscripts, and despite cutbacks in funding that 
G67 116 followed the end of the war, all of the tribal monographs were 
G67 117 eventually published. Only one volume of the second phase of the 
G67 118 study was completed, however. That was Laura Thompson's 
G67 119 <tf_>Culture in Crisis<tf/>, which was published in 1950. 
G67 120 Meanwhile, the Committee on Administrative Research had disbanded. 
G67 121 Although D'Arcy's and Roma's names appear in the acknowledgments, 
G67 122 McNickle's labor on behalf of another publication perhaps provides 
G67 123 a better indication of the nature of his involvement.<p/>
G67 124 <p_>Before their involvement with the Indian Bureau projects, 
G67 125 Dorothea and Alexander Leighton had prepared a manuscript, based on 
G67 126 their pre<?_>-<?/>war studies of Navajo healing practices, that 
G67 127 described the problem of crossing cultural barriers in health 
G67 128 education. They had shown the text to Edna Gerkin, a health 
G67 129 education supervisor for the Bureau in Colorado, and Gerkin in turn 
G67 130 had recommended it to Collier. She was obviously impressed with the 
G67 131 Leightons' work, much of which was concerned with how to make 
G67 132 modern information concerning health and hygiene relevant to the 
G67 133 still-isolated and uneducated Navajos. A book such as the Leightons 
G67 134 had written, she told Collier, would provide invaluable assistance 
G67 135 for all Indian service workers in the health field, not just those 
G67 136 on the Navajo Reservation, and she urged him to assist in its 
G67 137 publication.<p/>
G67 138 <p_>After reading the manuscript Collier agreed with Gerkin's 
G67 139 assessment. As he would write in the book's foreword, the authors' 
G67 140 study was the product of people who had, without being inhibited by 
G67 141 cultural preconceptions, <quote_>"moved into the center of the 
G67 142 Navajo's world view."<quote/> As a result, their discoveries and 
G67 143 generalizations about the problems of cross-cultural health 
G67 144 education had far-reaching implications not only for the Indian 
G67 145 service but for colonial administrations wherever they happened to 
G67 146 be. He wanted the book published, and he assigned to McNickle the 
G67 147 task of preparing the manuscript.<p/>
G67 148 <p_>McNickle was involved with the Leightons' book for over a year, 
G67 149 and without his assistance it probably would not have been 
G67 150 published. His editorial skill helped him identify and correct some 
G67 151 of the problems of its internal organization, and he offered to 
G67 152 rewrite the chapter on administration. The Leightons were more than 
G67 153 happy to have him do so. His attention extended even to the end 
G67 154 papers, which replicated a map prepared by the Bureau's Navajo 
G67 155 Human Dependency Survey of the 1930s. He edited Collier's foreword 
G67 156 as well. Unfortunately, commercial publishers who examined the 
G67 157 manuscript thought that it lacked general interest and were 
G67 158 reluctant to publish it. McNickle therefore decided to try various 
G67 159 university presses, and when Duman Malone at Harvard expressed 
G67 160 interest, he was delighted. He forwarded Malone's letter to 
G67 161 Alexander Leighton, who was still at Poston, with a brief comment: 
G67 162 <quote_>"Attached is a copy of a letter from Dumas Malone which 
G67 163 should be cheering, in case everything else at the moment is going 
G67 164 to pot."<quote/><p/>
G67 165 <p_>The letter from Malone was indeed cheering, but it was far from 
G67 166 a contract. Harvard Press wanted a definite commitment from the 
G67 167 Bureau as to how many copies it would buy, and McNickle patiently 
G67 168 acted as go<?_>-<?/>between while Collier tried to avoid giving a 
G67 169 specific answer. The negotiations with Harvard took months, but 
G67 170 McNickle's efforts finally paid off. When <tf_>The Navajo Door: An 
G67 171 Introduction to Navajo Life<tf/> was published, Collier was pleased 
G67 172 with every aspect of the book, from its content to its cover. He 
G67 173 wrote to the publishers, <quote_>"The 'Door' is a most beautiful 
G67 174 piece of book-making throughout. The cover is perfect. I believe 
G67 175 that this book ought to have a really good market if it can be 
G67 176 brought to people's attention, and I shall do what I can to 
G67 177 help."<quote/> McNickle's work on <tf_>The Navajo Door<tf/> was 
G67 178 patient, detailed, and effective, but, typically, he received 
G67 179 little credit except for a line in the author's acknowledgments.<p/>
G67 180 <p_>Despite the lack of specific information about McNickle's 
G67 181 contribution to the personality study, there is little doubt that 
G67 182 his work on that project, as well as on <tf_>The Navajo Door<tf/>, 
G67 183 played a major role in his education as an applied anthropologist. 
G67 184 Although he never studied the subject formally, research on the 
G67 185 project and subsequent work with the Committee on Administrative 
G67 186 Research provided a unique opportunity for him to learn from those 
G67 187 scholars who were most committed to work among American Indians. 
G67 188 Parallel to those efforts, his various activities with the Indian 
G67 189 Bureau had required intimate contact with individuals and tribes 
G67 190 who were trying to make new adjustments to the modern world. His 
G67 191 job offered a superb opportunity for his own field work. Although 
G67 192 he never lost his self-consciousness about not having earned a 
G67 193 college degree, those who were familiar with his background knew 
G67 194 that a piece of paper could add nothing to his already profound and 
G67 195 growing knowledge of social and cultural anthropology.<p/>
G67 196 <p_>The war years, especially from April 1942 through December 
G67 197 1943, were inevitably hectic, and were made more so by the Bureau's 
G67 198 involvement with the War Relocation Authority. Milton Eisenhower, 
G67 199 who had worked out the initial cooperative agreements with Ickes 
G67 200 and Collier, had soon found that he had no stomach for the 
G67 201 heart-wrenching job of dispossessing and relocating more than a 
G67 202 hundred thousand people. By June 1942, just three months after his 
G67 203 appointment, he became ill from the stress and he asked President 
G67 204 Roosevelt to reassign him. As his successor he suggested Dillon 
G67 205 Myer, a self-assured midwesterner who had been employed by the Soil 
G67 206 Conservation Service since 1933.
G67 207 
G67 208 
G68   1 <#FROWN:G68\>Mitterrand also prepared his audience for future 
G68   2 change by insisting that his government would pursue just social, 
G68   3 economic, and fiscal reforms and would combat what he called 
G68   4 <quote_>"the wall of money"<quote/> that had prevented reform in 
G68   5 the past. The president also asked the French to mobilize 
G68   6 themselves against unemployment and inflation. Yet Mitterrand did 
G68   7 have something to say to private employers. He told them that as a 
G68   8 result of the nationalizations, the economy would simply be a 
G68   9 <quote_>"little more mixed"<quote/> than before and that a large 
G68  10 majority of production would still remain in private hands. 
G68  11 Mitterrand even told the business community that the government 
G68  12 would exempt industrial profits from the wealth tax if employers 
G68  13 spent the saved amount on investments to create jobs. The 
G68  14 president's Gaullist-like image at this first press conference and 
G68  15 his strong emphasis on future reforms served him well as a 
G68  16 politician seeking some links with the past and at the same time 
G68  17 trying to legitimize the reforms that the Socialist government 
G68  18 intended to carry out. All in all, his initial meeting with the 
G68  19 press attempted to ensure that the state of grace would 
G68  20 continue.<p/>
G68  21 <p_>Also attempting to maintain support for his government as 
G68  22 economic indicators revealed the pitiful state of the economy, 
G68  23 Mitterrand traveled to Gascony and Aquitaine where he gave a speech 
G68  24 at Figeac that surprised many. In this small town in the 
G68  25 southwestern part of France, after the press office at the 
G68  26 Elys<*_>e-acute<*/>e announced that the president would be making 
G68  27 an important speech there, Mitterrand declared, <quote_>"What I 
G68  28 have called socialism is not my Bible."<quote/> He tried to give 
G68  29 the impression that he was not simply a Socialist president but the 
G68  30 president of the entire nation. <quote_>"It is my duty to express 
G68  31 the wishes of the entire nation,"<quote/> he said. <quote_>"How 
G68  32 firmly I hold to that pluralism! And how I want France to remain 
G68  33 profoundly diverse and different, without being divided."<quote/> 
G68  34 In this speech Mitterrand also indicated that his government would 
G68  35 be more sympathetic to the demands of French business. From this 
G68  36 time forward, the word 'socialism' all but disappeared from the 
G68  37 president's public discourse.<p/>
G68  38 <p_>A few days after the Figeac speech, the Council of Ministers, 
G68  39 with Mitterrand presiding, adopted a nationalization plan. The 
G68  40 government divided the targeted companies into four groups. First, 
G68  41 the Dassault aircraft company, maker of the Mirage fighter-bomber, 
G68  42 and the arms production division of Matra, a large diversified 
G68  43 electronics firm, were scheduled to fall under state control. The 
G68  44 Socialist government agreed that the production and sale of weapons 
G68  45 should not be controlled by private industry. The second group 
G68  46 included two large steel producers, Usinor and Sacilor, which were 
G68  47 already heavily indebted to the state. The third group included 
G68  48 five large industrial concerns - CGE (electrical equipment), 
G68  49 P<*_>e-acute<*/>chiney-Ugine-Kuhlmann (an important chemical 
G68  50 company), Rhone-Poulenc (a textile-chemical firm), Saint-Gobain (a 
G68  51 diversified industrial group), and Thomson (a huge electronics 
G68  52 company). The fourth group comprised Honeywell Bull (a French-U.S. 
G68  53 computer company), ITT's French interests, and Roussel-Uclaf (a 
G68  54 chemical and pharmaceutical firm). In addition to these industries, 
G68  55 the government planned to nationalize a number of banks and holding 
G68  56 institutions to maximize the state's control over credit and 
G68  57 investment.<p/>
G68  58 <p_>The nationalization plan divided the government. The 
G68  59 nationalized industries were theoretically to be used as 'motors' 
G68  60 for reindustrialization, research, and development, but this motor 
G68  61 would be controlled by state technocrats. What provoked 
G68  62 disagreement in government circles was not the 'motor' role of the 
G68  63 nationalized sector, but the extent of the takeover within each 
G68  64 industrial group. Finance Minister Delors and Minister of Planning 
G68  65 Rocard, for instance, argued that the government only needed to 
G68  66 take over 51 percent of the targeted industries to gain control; 
G68  67 this would save the government billions of francs that could be 
G68  68 spent elsewhere. Other ministers, such as 
G68  69 Chev<*_>e-grave<*/>nement, argued that the government had a mandate 
G68  70 to fully nationalize the targeted industries and that problems 
G68  71 would emerge within the ranks of the industries if they were not 
G68  72 completely nationalized. The nationalization plan set off the first 
G68  73 real debate between two Socialist factions that the president would 
G68  74 have to listen to: the 'minimalists' like Delors, Rocard, Minister 
G68  75 of Foreign Trade Michel Jobert, and Minister of Industry Pierre 
G68  76 Dreyfus, and the 'maximalists' comprising some Mitterrandists, 
G68  77 Chev<*_>e-grave<*/>nement and his supporters, and the four 
G68  78 Communist ministers. Mitterrand himself arbitrated this debate and 
G68  79 decided that the targeted industries would be nationalized 100 
G68  80 percent. After a passionate session in the National Assembly where 
G68  81 numerous amendments were offered, the deputies approved 
G68  82 Mitterrand's version of the nationalization plan. The president's 
G68  83 desire to nationalize 100 percent of the nine industrial groups was 
G68  84 based mainly on his attempt to keep the pledge made in the Common 
G68  85 Program and ensure left-wing unity within his government, 
G68  86 especially from the Communist side. With this decision, which would 
G68  87 cost at least 44 billion francs, the maximalists won a key battle 
G68  88 with their adversaries, but they eventually lost the war over 
G68  89 control of French economic policy.<p/>
G68  90 <p_>In late September the government approved a spending program 
G68  91 that reflected the maximalist position. Drawn up by Fabius, who was 
G68  92 in charge of the budget, and negotiated with the 
G68  93 Elys<*_>e-acute<*/>e staff, the new budget included a 23 percent 
G68  94 increase in public spending, now set at 135 billion francs. The 
G68  95 projected deficit for the 1982 budget was expected to be about 
G68  96 $16.7 billion, a postwar record for a French government. The 
G68  97 government hoped partially to offset the deficit with a new wealth 
G68  98 tax under consideration and the abolition of special tax 
G68  99 privileges. Although Delors initially refused to countersign the 
G68 100 1982 budget as minister of the economy, the expansionist budget of 
G68 101 Fabius was adopted, a budget that reflected many of the dreams and 
G68 102 illusions of the Socialists at the outset of their experiment with 
G68 103 power.<p/>
G68 104 <p_>With pressure still heavy on the franc, Mitterrand decided it 
G68 105 was now time to devalue. While he flatly rejected devaluation 
G68 106 immediately after taking office because of the political damage 
G68 107 that might be incurred, in early October he had little choice. On 
G68 108 October 4, after Delors had consulted with the Germans, the 
G68 109 government announced that the members of the European Monetary 
G68 110 System (EMS) had agreed that the franc would be devalued 3 percent 
G68 111 while the mark would be raised in value by 5.5 percent. This meant 
G68 112 that the franc fell in value 8.5 percent vis-<*_>a-grave<*/>-vis 
G68 113 France's major trading partner. The day after the devaluation, 
G68 114 Delors announced a price freeze on basic products and said he would 
G68 115 discuss with the unions the necessity to moderate pay increases. 
G68 116 The 14 percent inflation and a higher rate projected for 1982 
G68 117 worried the minister of the economy. The devaluation and Delors's 
G68 118 October 5 actions were too little and too late.<p/>
G68 119 <p_>On October 12 and 13 Mitterrand visited an area in eastern 
G68 120 France hard hit by unemployment, Lorraine. Between May 1979 and May 
G68 121 1981 this region alone had lost 30,000 jobs in the steel industry. 
G68 122 Mitterrand hoped that this official visit would allow him to 
G68 123 explain the government's economic and social policy as outlined in 
G68 124 his September press conference and to stymie any opposition effort 
G68 125 to capture a foothold in this area. In the May 10 presidential 
G68 126 elections 51.6 percent of the voters in Lorraine had voted for 
G68 127 Mitterrand, but only one of the four departments in Lorraine had 
G68 128 given Mitterrand a majority of votes. In the June legislative 
G68 129 elections the Left had captured thirteen of twenty-five seats in 
G68 130 this region. In terms of political calculus, Mitterrand knew that 
G68 131 Lorraine was a key area of concern for the Socialist government.<p/>
G68 132 <p_>During his visit to Lorraine the president was accompanied by 
G68 133 several members of his government: Delors, Defferre, 
G68 134 B<*_>e-acute<*/>r<*_>e-acute<*/>govoy, Andr<*_>e-acute<*/> Henry 
G68 135 (minister of leisure), and Jean Auroux (minister of labor). The 
G68 136 president and his entourage visited all four departments in 
G68 137 Lorraine where they talked with mayors, heads of companies, union 
G68 138 leaders, and workers. Among other themes, Mitterrand told the 
G68 139 citizens of Lorraine that a powerful popular movement was 
G68 140 galvanizing national unity around his government and that the 
G68 141 nationalization program would permit the <quote_>"structural 
G68 142 reforms necessary to reverse the decline in Lorraine."<quote/> He 
G68 143 also said that he hoped Lorraine would become a symbol of 
G68 144 <quote|>"hope" and not a <quote_>"symbol of political 
G68 145 setback."<quote/> This tour was followed in the coming months by a 
G68 146 solo trip by Prime Minister Mauroy to various areas of France to 
G68 147 explain further the government's economic and social policies. Like 
G68 148 Mitterrand, Mauroy wanted to sensitize French citizens to the 
G68 149 difficult problems of unemployment, the <quote_>"priority of 
G68 150 priorities"<quote/> for the new government, at least during its 
G68 151 first year.<p/>
G68 152 <p_>The dreams and illusions of the new Socialist government were 
G68 153 clearly revealed in the October 14 meeting of the Council of 
G68 154 Ministers where this body adopted what it termed an 'Intermediate 
G68 155 Plan' for 1982-83. According to this plan, the government's first 
G68 156 objective was to stabilize unemployment and then to reduce it by 
G68 157 creating 400,000 to 500,000 new jobs a year beginning in 1983. It 
G68 158 also said that the government wanted to create conditions for 
G68 159 economic growth (3 percent projected for 1982-83) and investment, 
G68 160 to improve productive capacity, restore social solidarity, and 
G68 161 establish an effective dialogue with various social groups. Like 
G68 162 other leftist governments in the past, such as Blum's Popular Front 
G68 163 in 1936 or Harold Wilson's government in Britain after 1964, 
G68 164 Mitterrand and the Socialists forgot how quickly inflation erodes 
G68 165 confidence in a newly elected progressive government.<p/>
G68 166 <p_>These campaigns in the provinces by the president and his prime 
G68 167 minister were followed by the Socialist congress at Valence between 
G68 168 October 23 and 25, a meeting dominated by radical rhetoric echoing 
G68 169 1789. After the 1981 victory, Mitterrand's strength within the PS 
G68 170 jumped from about 47 percent of the party's membership to 
G68 171 approximately 51.1 percent, while Rocard's support fell from 21 
G68 172 percent to 15 percent. Fearing a further reduction of his strength 
G68 173 in the euphoria of 1981, Rocard did not present a countermotion at 
G68 174 the Valence congress, despite Jospin's effort to encourage Rocard 
G68 175 to draw up a set of counteraims for the party. The motion presented 
G68 176 at Valence called on the government to work toward <quote_>"a 
G68 177 complete break with capitalism."<quote/> With debate in the 
G68 178 government brewing over a new wealth tax and with some bankers, 
G68 179 notably at Paribas (Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas), resisting a 
G68 180 government takeover, some PS members sensed a clash with the 'wall 
G68 181 of money' that Mitterrand had referred to earlier. One PS delegate 
G68 182 at Valence, Paul Quil<*_>e-grave<*/>s, even resorted to quoting 
G68 183 Robespierre by declaring, <quote_>"It is not only necessary to say 
G68 184 that heads are going to fall, but it is necessary to say which 
G68 185 ones."<quote/> Another delegate said now that the banks had been 
G68 186 nationalized, it was <quote_>"necessary to nationalize the 
G68 187 bankers."<quote/> The prime minister himself, referring 
G68 188 specifically to the resistance of some banks, stated, <quote_>"The 
G68 189 government will not yield to any intimidation."<quote/><p/>
G68 190 <p_>In essence, the Valence congress was a victory celebration for 
G68 191 the PS, especially for the more radical representatives. In a 
G68 192 message to the delegates, Mitterrand attempted to moderate the 
G68 193 rhetoric by telling his confreres, <quote_>"We have a long period 
G68 194 ahead of us [and] it is necessary to know how to manage 
G68 195 it."<quote/> One right-wing Parisian newspaper dubbed the Valence 
G68 196 meeting <foreign_>'La terreur tranquille'<foreign/> (the calm 
G68 197 terror). Valence may have been a victory celebration for the 
G68 198 Socialists, but the extreme rhetoric contributed to mobilizing 
G68 199 right-wing opinion.<p/>
G68 200 <p_>In November, Mitterrand's economic dreams and illusions began 
G68 201 to confront a harsh reality, not from the right wing, but from his 
G68 202 own finance minister. In a TV broadcast on November 29 Delors 
G68 203 called for a <quote_>"pause in the reforms."<quote/> Just as 
G68 204 startling to Mitterrand and others in government, Delors stated: 
G68 205 <quote_>"The responsibility of the Socialist government is to 
G68 206 create a climate more favorable to business."<quote/> Delors also 
G68 207 said that he did not believe that there was a 'conspiracy' on the 
G68 208 part of big business to subvert Socialist reforms. Delors's 
G68 209 pronouncement attracted considerable attention in the French and 
G68 210 international press and got the attention of Prime Minister Mauroy, 
G68 211 who proceeded to discount it, because Delors's statements 
G68 212 contradicted official government policy. Traveling in the provinces 
G68 213 at the time, Mauroy told the press that the government would 
G68 214 continue its reforms <quote_>"without accelerating or slowing 
G68 215 down."<quote/>
G68 216 
G69   1 <#FROWN:G69\><h_><p_>The struggle for the bottom rung<p/>
G69   2 <p_>BLACKS VS. BROWNS<p/>
G69   3 <p_>BY JACK MILES<p/>
G69   4 <p_><tf_>Behind the Los Angeles riot lay a grim economic 
G69   5 competition between Latinos and African-Americans, which is 
G69   6 intensifying and which poses a stern challenge to U.S. domestic and 
G69   7 foreign policy, as well as to sentimental cultural attitudes about 
G69   8 immigration<tf/><p/><h/>
G69   9 <p_>DURING THE 1980S, ACCORDING TO CENSUS figures released last May 
G69  10 11, the United States admitted 8.6 million immigrants. In the 
G69  11 context of U.S. immigration history this is a staggering number - 
G69  12 more than in any decade since 1900-1910. Worldwide, half the 
G69  13 decade's emigrants had made the United States their destination. Of 
G69  14 them, 11 percent - more than three quarters of a million - further 
G69  15 specified their choice as Los Angeles. By the end of the decade 40 
G69  16 percent of all Angelenos were foreign-born; 49.9 percent spoke a 
G69  17 language other than English at home; 35.3 percent spoke Spanish. 
G69  18 This is the city where, two weeks before those figures were 
G69  19 released, the most violent urban riot in American history broke 
G69  20 out: fifty-one people were killed, and property worth $750 million 
G69  21 or more was lost.<p/>
G69  22 <p_>Though the occasion for the riot was the acquittal of four 
G69  23 white policemen on charges of assaulting a black traffic offender, 
G69  24 Latinos as well as African-Americans rioted. Why? What was Rodney 
G69  25 King to Latinos? Did a race riot, once begun, degenerate - or 
G69  26 progress - into a bread riot? Was it a vast crime spree, as devoid 
G69  27 of political content as the looting that followed the 1977 blackout 
G69  28 in New York City? Of those arrested afterward - of whom more than 
G69  29 half were Latino - 40 percent already had criminal records. Was the 
G69  30 riot a defeat of the police? If it was a hybrid of all these, was 
G69  31 it, finally, an aberration from which, by hard work, America's 
G69  32 second-largest city could recover? Or was it the annunciation of a 
G69  33 new and permanent state of affairs?<p/>
G69  34 <p_>I work at the <tf_>Los Angeles Times<tf/>, writing a column for 
G69  35 that newspaper's book supplement and unsigned editorials three or 
G69  36 four times a week for its editorial page. On the day after the 
G69  37 first night of the riot, one of my colleagues said to me, as we 
G69  38 left to hunt for a still-open restaurant, <quote_>"When the 
G69  39 barbarians sacked Rome in 410, the Romans thought it was the end of 
G69  40 civilization. You smile - but what followed was the Dark 
G69  41 Ages."<quote/> Think of what follows here as the voice of a worried 
G69  42 Roman - in front of a television set, watching the Goths at their 
G69  43 sack.<p/>
G69  44 <h_><p_>Meeting Latino Los Angeles<p/><h/>
G69  45 <p_>I CAME TO LOS ANGELES IN 1978, TO WORK AS AN editor in the 
G69  46 branch office of the University of California Press at UCLA. The 
G69  47 first home I owned here was a house trailer in Malibu. In 1981 a 
G69  48 Santa Ana - one of the notorious local windstorms - ripped off the 
G69  49 carport attached to the trailer and did some further damage to the 
G69  50 roof. My wife and I had some insurance, but not enough. To help me 
G69  51 complete my do-it-yourself repairs, I hired two Mexican boys from 
G69  52 the pool of laborers who gathered daily near a shopping center just 
G69  53 off the Pacific Coast Highway. One of the two, Ricky 
G69  54 Rodr<*_>i-acute<*/>guez (not his real name), just fifteen years old 
G69  55 when we met him, would become almost literally a member of our 
G69  56 family.<p/>
G69  57 <p_>One Sunday afternoon, after Ricky had been working with me 
G69  58 part-time for several weeks, a Coast Highway landslide cut Malibu 
G69  59 in half, and we invited Ricky to stay overnight. The buses weren't 
G69  60 running. His alternatives, both illegal, were sleeping on the beach 
G69  61 and sleeping in some neglected patch of brush along the road. He 
G69  62 accepted the invitation and on the morrow brought my wife and me a 
G69  63 breakfast in bed consisting of fried eggs and peanut butter 
G69  64 sandwiches. In the sudden, unforeseen intimacy of the moment, a 
G69  65 kind of conversation began different from any we had yet had. We 
G69  66 began to learn something about his family.<p/>
G69  67 <p_>Ricky, his mother, two sisters, and a brother were living in 
G69  68 City Terrace Park, a neighborhood in East Los Angeles, as the 
G69  69 permanent houseguests of another sister, her husband, and their two 
G69  70 small children: nine people in a two-bedroom cottage. Ricky's 
G69  71 brother-in-law, at the time the only American citizen in the 
G69  72 family, was a cook whose generous employer had bought him this 
G69  73 cottage. (Later, Juan Jos<*_>e-acute<*/> - called Juanjo for short 
G69  74 - would open his own burrito shop.) Ricky invited me to visit his 
G69  75 family, and I did so. I had never been in the barrio before.<p/>
G69  76 <p_>Ricky continued working for us over several months. Relations 
G69  77 remained friendly, and he eventually asked if we would adopt him, 
G69  78 purely for legal reasons: to make him a citizen. His mother and I 
G69  79 visited a sympathetic Chicano immigration lawyer, but Mexico's laws 
G69  80 protecting its children made the move legally complicated. I did 
G69  81 agree, however, to tutor Ricky through his remaining two years of 
G69  82 high school - and here we return to the riot as an event in a mecca 
G69  83 for immigrants.<p/>
G69  84 <p_>As a taxpayer, I was surprised - not that I wasn't happy for 
G69  85 our young friend - to discover that his status as an illegal 
G69  86 immigrant was no bar to his attending high school at state expense. 
G69  87 He did have to show a birth certificate; but, interestingly, his 
G69  88 mother, a short, stout, indomitably cheerful woman who had crossed 
G69  89 the border as a single mother with four children, of whom the 
G69  90 youngest was a toddler at the time, had brought birth certificates 
G69  91 with her. She had had education on her mind from the start, and a 
G69  92 Guadalajara certificate was certificate enough for Wilson High 
G69  93 School, which received money from the state on a per capita basis 
G69  94 and would have lost money had illegal immigrants been denied 
G69  95 admission.<p/>
G69  96 <p_>Another surprise came in Ricky's senior year, when he asked if 
G69  97 I would accompany him to the Department of Motor Vehicles and 
G69  98 permit him to take a driving test in my car. (My presence and 
G69  99 signature may have been required in some other capacity as well; I 
G69 100 can no longer quite remember.) I knew by then that illegal 
G69 101 immigrants commonly drove the streets and freeways of Los Angeles 
G69 102 without any kind of driver's license. Ricky wanted a license mainly 
G69 103 because it provided an identification card and a degree of cover 
G69 104 for someone seeking work. He took and passed the test in the 
G69 105 Lincoln Heights DMV office not far from downtown Los Angeles.<p/>
G69 106 <p_>But here again I was surprised that no proof of legal residency 
G69 107 was requested for the receipt of a California driver's license. On 
G69 108 the Coast Highway, I had witnessed hair-raising 'sweeps' by 
G69 109 Immigration and Naturalization Service agents on the very corner 
G69 110 where I had hired Ricky. Such cases farther south, at an INS 
G69 111 checkpoint on Interstate 5, north of San Diego, led with grim 
G69 112 frequency to traffic deaths. Why did the INS not simply come to the 
G69 113 DMV office in Lincoln Heights and arrest applicants? As we waited 
G69 114 in line to deliver Ricky's completed written test, we overheard the 
G69 115 clerk administering the same test orally - in Spanish - to a short 
G69 116 older man with a coppery Amerindian face. He would have fallen one 
G69 117 answer short of the passing grade had she not given him a broad 
G69 118 hint.<p/>
G69 119 <p_>The DMV office had as foreign a feel to it as the 
G69 120 <foreign|>correo in Mexico City. One heard almost no English at 
G69 121 all. Ricky took his test not long after Election Day that year. The 
G69 122 contrast between the two populations - the one in the polling 
G69 123 station, the other at the DMV - was overwhelming. The DMV office 
G69 124 seemed to be a part of the American administration of some foreign 
G69 125 - or indigenous but subject - population.<p/>
G69 126 <h_><p_>A Latino Riot?<p/><h/>
G69 127 <p_>BACK TO THE RIOT: WAS THERE A POLITICAL motive for the Latino 
G69 128 rioting? There is a radical fringe of Chicano activists with a 
G69 129 political agenda for the land they call Aztl<*_>a-acute<*/>n: 
G69 130 northwest Mexico and the southwest United States. They claim, not 
G69 131 without reason, that Chicano farm workers now sweat on land stolen 
G69 132 from their ancestors. But Ricky and his family take a different 
G69 133 view. I learned in passing that as an eighth<?_>-<?/>grader Ricky 
G69 134 had donned a feather headdress and a loincloth and danced in a 
G69 135 'folkloric' group organized by one of his teachers, but the Aztecs 
G69 136 meant no more to him than the Illinois did to me as a Boy Scout in 
G69 137 Chicago. Ricky's older brother, Victor, once asked me in puzzlement 
G69 138 why Americans gave Spanish names to their houses and boats. Why not 
G69 139 English names? A rich and interesting question, perhaps, but not 
G69 140 one that betrayed a political agenda.<p/>
G69 141 <p_>We learned later that in fact many if not most of the Latino 
G69 142 rioters were either Central Americans or very recent Mexican 
G69 143 immigrants, and that what the riot might have been to us Anglos, it 
G69 144 was also, to some considerable extent, to the established 
G69 145 Mexican-American political leadership. They, too, were wondering 
G69 146 about a huge, strange, possibly angry, Spanish-speaking population 
G69 147 in their midst. Who were these people, and what did they want? If 
G69 148 they had no political agenda, if they were common criminals, well, 
G69 149 that, too - given their growing numbers and the demonstrated 
G69 150 inadequacy of the police - was news, wasn't it? The population of 
G69 151 South Central Los Angeles had doubled since 1965. For every black 
G69 152 in the area there was now at least one Latino. That had to make a 
G69 153 difference. But what kind of difference?<p/>
G69 154 <p_>In the weeks following the riot, Latino leaders from East Los 
G69 155 Angeles were concerned that the sudden spot<?_>-<?/>light on South 
G69 156 Central Los Angeles would rob them of scarce government funds. They 
G69 157 were on guard against the possibility that South Central Los 
G69 158 Angeles would be rewarded for its violence and East Los Angeles 
G69 159 punished for its good behavior. <quote_>"Just because we didn't 
G69 160 erupt in East L.A., does that translate into us being ignored or 
G69 161 missing out on the funds that are funneling into the 
G69 162 communities?"<quote/> asked Geraldine Zapata, the executive 
G69 163 director of the Plaza Community Center. But the more immediate 
G69 164 challenge to Mexican East Los Angeles was coming to terms with 
G69 165 Central American South Central Los Angeles.<p/>
G69 166 <h_><p_>The Watts II Paradigm: Blacks vs. Whites<p/><h/>
G69 167 <p_>THE MAINSTREAM INTERPRETATION HAD little to say about either 
G69 168 Mexicans or Central Americans. It took the riot to be Watts II, a 
G69 169 repetition of the 1965 black riot, touched off by the verdict in 
G69 170 the King case but growing out of the deeper frustrations of the 
G69 171 black population over rising unemployment, institutionalized police 
G69 172 brutality, and eroded public assistance. That interpretation was 
G69 173 surely right as far as it went. Those who mentally bracketed the 
G69 174 riot between the videotaped beatings of King by a gang of white 
G69 175 policemen and of Reginald Denny, a white trucker, by a gang of 
G69 176 black rioters were not altogether wrong to do so.<p/>
G69 177 <p_>And this interpretation was reinforced during the weeks 
G69 178 following the riot by the competing rhetoric of black rappers on 
G69 179 the one hand and the police on the other. On June 26, Police Chief 
G69 180 Daryl F. Gates's last day on the job, Amnesty International 
G69 181 released a report, 'Police Brutality in Los Angeles,' claiming that 
G69 182 the department used its Taser guns and turned loose its dogs on 
G69 183 suspects who were not resisting arrest or had already been taken 
G69 184 into custody. LAPD brutality, the report claimed, <quote_>"has even 
G69 185 amounted to torture."<quote/> Gates replied by denouncing the 
G69 186 organization as <quote_>"a bunch of knucklehead liberals"<quote/> 
G69 187 who <quote_>"attack everything that is good in the country ... and 
G69 188 good in the world."<quote/><p/>
G69 189 <p_>Earlier, Sergeant Stacey C. Koon, the commanding officer in the 
G69 190 King beating, had discussed his unpublished memoir, 'The Ides of 
G69 191 March,' with reporters, apparently in an attempt to sell it. The 
G69 192 manuscript includes the following description of Koon's treatment 
G69 193 of a Latino said to be under the influence of the drug PCP (the 
G69 194 same was said, wrongly, of Rodney King):<p/>
G69 195 <p_><quote_>My boot came from the area of lower California and 
G69 196 connected with the suspect's scrotum about lower Missouri. My boot 
G69 197 stopped about Ohio, but the suspect's testicles continued into 
G69 198 upper Maine. The suspect was literally lifted off the ground.
G69 199 
G69 200 
G70   1 <#FROWN:G70\><h_><p_>The Trouble with<p/>
G70   2 <p_>Adam Smith<p/>
G70   3 <p_>THOMAS K. McCRAW <p/><h/>
G70   4 <p_>THE BATTLE between Adam Smith and Karl Marx is over. By a 
G70   5 late-round technical knockout, Smith and capitalism have won. But 
G70   6 now a second championship fight is under way, a contest between 
G70   7 different kinds of capitalism. In one corner stands a relatively 
G70   8 laissez-faire consumer variety represented by the United States. In 
G70   9 the other corner is a more nationalistic, producer-oriented 
G70  10 capitalism epitomized by Germany, Japan, and the 'Little Dragons' 
G70  11 of East Asia (Korea and Taiwan).<p/>
G70  12 <p_>The theoretical split that underlies this competition is best 
G70  13 exemplified by Adam Smith on the one hand, and on the other by the 
G70  14 two great prophets of activist national developmental policy. These 
G70  15 are the American Alexander Hamilton (1757-1804) and the German 
G70  16 Friedrich List (1789-1846). So far, in the realms of ideology and 
G70  17 academic theory, Smith is ahead on points. But there is reason to 
G70  18 believe he will fade in the middle and late rounds, and in this 
G70  19 essay I want to explain why. I will do this not through an extended 
G70  20 comparison of Smith with Hamilton and List, but by looking mostly 
G70  21 at Smith alone - at his intellectual strengths and weaknesses, his 
G70  22 preferred units of analysis, and especially his hostile attitude 
G70  23 towards organizations.<p/>
G70  24 <h|>I
G70  25 <p_>Ever since its publication in 1776, <tf_>The Wealth of 
G70  26 Nations<tf/> has been regarded as the most influential book on 
G70  27 economics ever written. Ronald Coase, the 1991 Nobel laureate in 
G70  28 economics, called it <quote_>"a work that one contemplates with 
G70  29 awe. In keenness of analysis and in its range it surpasses any 
G70  30 other book on economics. Its preeminence is, however, disturbing. 
G70  31 What have we been doing in the last 200? years?"<quote/> Joseph 
G70  32 Schumpeter, though no particular admirer of Adam Smith, described 
G70  33 it as <quote_>"the most successful not only of all books on 
G70  34 economics but, with the possible exception of Darwin's <tf_>Origin 
G70  35 of Species<tf/>, of all scientific books that have appeared to this 
G70  36 day."<quote/><p/>
G70  37 <p_>The influence of <tf_>The Wealth of Nations<tf/> has always 
G70  38 been high, but of course higher at some moments than others. When 
G70  39 it was first published, it received a fair amount of attention but 
G70  40 did not have a sensational success. In the first two or three 
G70  41 decades after publication, its powerful messages about free trade 
G70  42 and minimal government seeped slowly into the consciousness and 
G70  43 everyday vocabularies of British and American citizens. Soon its 
G70  44 translation into French, German, Spanish, and other languages 
G70  45 spread Smith's influence to Europe and Latin America. In the late 
G70  46 nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, its message penetrated 
G70  47 Japanese, Chinese, and other Asian circles.<p/>
G70  48 <p_>Every fifty years since 1776, as the economist R. D. Collison 
G70  49 Black has noted, <tf_>The Wealth of Nations<tf/> has been 
G70  50 memorialized in formal ceremony. In 1826, the author had been dead 
G70  51 for only thirty-six years and had not yet attained the status of 
G70  52 sainthood. Accordingly, David Ricardo and others of that generation 
G70  53 threw reverence to the winds and criticized some of Smith's 
G70  54 technical errors. On the other hand, both they and numerous 
G70  55 politicians had long since embraced Smith's system of 
G70  56 <quote_>"natural liberty"<quote/> and its free-trade implications. 
G70  57 By 1846, the Corn Laws had been repealed and the era of free trade 
G70  58 and international British economic hegemony had begun.<p/>
G70  59 <p_>Thirty years later, in the centennial celebrations of 1876, the 
G70  60 policy side of Adam Smith, as distinct from the analytical, 
G70  61 received even greater emphasis in both Britain and America. Having 
G70  62 witnessed Britain's rise to unmatched prosperity under its 
G70  63 free-trade regime, celebrants were ready to proclaim Smith <tf|>the 
G70  64 prophet of political economy. Economic theory, however, was now in 
G70  65 turmoil. The classical system was being challenged by Marx and the 
G70  66 socialists and also by L<*_>e-acute<*/>on Walras and the 
G70  67 marginalists. By the late nineteenth century it had come under 
G70  68 relentless attack by popular critics of industrialism - writers 
G70  69 such as Carlyle and Dickens in Britain, Victor Hugo in France, 
G70  70 Henry George and Henry Demarest Lloyd in America. Adam Smith's 
G70  71 laissez-faire system seemed linked to an ominous polarization of 
G70  72 wealth and to the horrifying industrial squalor that plagued 
G70  73 European cities.<p/>
G70  74 <p_>By the 150th anniversary of <tf_>The Wealth of Nations<tf/> in 
G70  75 1926, enlightened capitalism and the emerging welfare state had 
G70  76 eliminated some of the squalor, though little of the 
G70  77 maldistribution of wealth. On the theory side, the neoclassical 
G70  78 reconstruction was nearly complete, and the economies of Alfred 
G70  79 Marshall ruled the academy alongside marginalism, to which it was 
G70  80 tied. Yet doubts about Adam Smith had again become rife. For a 
G70  81 world trying to recover from the Great War, the merits of free 
G70  82 trade and laissez-faire were far from self-evident. Perhaps in 
G70  83 consequence, 1926 was the least joyous, though most intellectually 
G70  84 interesting, of all the anniversaries.<p/>
G70  85 <p_>Fifty years later, in 1976, conditions had become uniquely 
G70  86 propitious for celebration of Smithian policy as well as theory. 
G70  87 With the triumph of capitalism over its rivals finally in sight, 
G70  88 with deregulation and privatization on the lips of economists and 
G70  89 politicians all over the world, and with American bicentennial 
G70  90 hoopla at full throttle, Adam Smith had reached the highest 
G70  91 pedestal. The Chicago economist Milton Friedman had just won the 
G70  92 Nobel Prize. His colleague George J. Stigler, an equally ardent 
G70  93 Smithian, was about to win one of his own. <tf_>The Wealth of 
G70  94 Nations<tf/> had become more fashionable than at any other time in 
G70  95 its history. Inexpensive paperback editions proliferated. A huge 
G70  96 project to edit and republish all of Smith's works was under way, 
G70  97 sponsored by the University of Glasgow and Oxford University Press. 
G70  98 By 1981, the young Washington commandos of the Reagan Revolution 
G70  99 were sporting neckties decorated with Smith's profile. (Their 
G70 100 identification of <tf_>The Wealth of Nations<tf/> with Reaganite 
G70 101 principles had a certain logic, but they should also have known 
G70 102 that Smith despised conspicuous consumption and favoritism toward 
G70 103 the wealthy.) By 1989, with the collapse of socialist regimes in 
G70 104 the Soviet Union and eastern Europe, Smith reigned as intellectual 
G70 105 king of the economic hill.<p/>
G70 106 <h|>II
G70 107 <p_>In person, Adam Smith seemed the unlikeliest of guides to the 
G70 108 practical world. He was, hands down, the most absentminded 
G70 109 economist in the history of the discipline. Once he put bread and 
G70 110 butter into boiling water and complained that he had never tasted a 
G70 111 worse cup of tea. Bumbling and ungainly, he was forever talking to 
G70 112 himself, sometimes in a loud voice. <quote_>"His absence of mind 
G70 113 was amazing,"<quote/> wrote Walter Bagehot. <quote_>"On one 
G70 114 occasion, having to sign his own name to an official document, he 
G70 115 produced not his own signature, but an elaborate imitation of the 
G70 116 signature of the person who signed before him; on another, a 
G70 117 sentinel on duty having saluted him in military fashion"<quote/> 
G70 118 [doing the 'Present Arms' movement with his rifle], Smith 
G70 119 <quote_>"astounded and offended the man by acknowledging it with a 
G70 120 copy - a very clumsy copy no doubt - of the same 
G70 121 gestures."<quote/><p/>
G70 122 <p_>Altogether, he represented an easy target for future critics. 
G70 123 Schumpeter liked to ridicule Smith's <quote_>"sheltered and 
G70 124 uneventful life"<quote/> as <quote_>"a professor born and 
G70 125 bred."<quote/> He noted with relish that Smith's understanding of 
G70 126 human nature was circumscribed by the fact <quote_>"that no woman, 
G70 127 excepting his mother, ever played a role in his existence: in this 
G70 128 as in other respects the glamours and passions of life were just 
G70 129 literature to him."<quote/> This comment reveals less about Smith 
G70 130 than about Schumpeter, the self-styled world's leading economist 
G70 131 and greatest lover; and it is not quite accurate. Smith did lead 
G70 132 the quiet life of a scholar, but his cousin Jane Douglas kept house 
G70 133 for him over many years, and during a sojourn to France in the 
G70 134 1760s he made lasting friendships with several women who presided 
G70 135 over Paris salons.<p/>
G70 136 <p_>Smith (1723-1790) was born and raised in Kirkcaldy, a town of 
G70 137 about fifteen hundred on the North Sea side of Scotland, just 
G70 138 across the Firth of Forth from Edinburgh. His father, several other 
G70 139 relatives, and eventually he himself were employed by the Scottish 
G70 140 civil service, an ironic circumstance given his future reputation 
G70 141 as an anti-government man. As a child, he was delicate and dreamy, 
G70 142 subject, as his biographer John Rae puts it, to <quote_>"those fits 
G70 143 of absence and that habit of speaking to himself which he carried 
G70 144 all through his life."<quote/> Kidnapped by gypsies at the age of 
G70 145 three, he was returned to his mother in short order. <quote_>"He 
G70 146 would have made, I fear, a poor gipsy,"<quote/> Rae avers. As an 
G70 147 adult, Smith once went out for a nocturnal stroll wearing his 
G70 148 dressing gown and, deep in thought, walked all the way to 
G70 149 Dunfermline, fifteen miles west of Kirkcaldy.<p/>
G70 150 <p_>After a local elementary education, Smith entered the 
G70 151 University of Glasgow at the age of fourteen. In his three years 
G70 152 there, he earned an M.A. and became excited by the philosophic 
G70 153 teachings of Francis Hutcheson, the likely source of Smith's 
G70 154 powerful economic ideas about the division of labor. He then spent 
G70 155 six years at Oxford on a scholarship, one of a tiny number of Scots 
G70 156 among the total of one hundred students enrolled at Balliol 
G70 157 college. Little is known of his years at Oxford except that, 
G70 158 judging from the evidence of his later writings, he detested it. He 
G70 159 found no new Hutchesons to inspire him, and he came to regard the 
G70 160 English university system as generally corrupt and inferior to that 
G70 161 of Scotland.<p/>
G70 162 <p_>Smith returned to his mother's home in Kirkcaldy in 1746. Now 
G70 163 twenty-three years old, still studious and unprepossessing, he felt 
G70 164 no attraction to either the ministry or the law. For a couple of 
G70 165 years he did nothing, at least nothing that was recorded. Then came 
G70 166 a sudden opportunity. He was invited by some prominent men of 
G70 167 Edinburgh to give a series of public lectures on rhetoric, belles 
G70 168 lettres, and jurisprudence. In his presentations that followed, he 
G70 169 proved such an able scholar and speaker that in 1751 he was elected 
G70 170 to the chair of logic at the University of Glasgow. Later in that 
G70 171 same year he moved up to the more prestigious chair of moral 
G70 172 philosophy, once held by his own teacher, the 'never to be 
G70 173 forgotten' Hutcheson.<p/>
G70 174 <p_>Smith remained at Glasgow for twelve years, lecturing and 
G70 175 writing. In 1759, at the age of thirty-six, he brought out the 
G70 176 first of his two great books. This was <tf_>The Theory of Moral 
G70 177 Sentiments<tf/>, which soon made him moderately famous in Britain 
G70 178 and throughout Europe. Six English editions were published during 
G70 179 his lifetime. Three French and two German translations appeared 
G70 180 before the end of the eighteenth century.<p/>
G70 181 <p_><tf_>The Theory of Moral Sentiments<tf/> is a long, engaging 
G70 182 treatise on human nature and ethical systems. Written in the 'plain 
G70 183 style' Smith cultivated, it flows so easily that one suspects it 
G70 184 originated as a series of oral presentations to undergraduates. 
G70 185 <quote_>"It is rather painting than writing,"<quote/> waxed Edmund 
G70 186 Burke in his review. The book combines in approximately equal parts 
G70 187 what today would be taught in departments of ethics, psychology, 
G70 188 and sociology. The unit of analysis is the individual. The theme is 
G70 189 the evolution of moral structures and the mixture of motivations 
G70 190 that govern human behavior. There is much criticism of the pursuit 
G70 191 of wealth and of undue admiration for <quote_>"the rich and 
G70 192 powerful,"<quote/> which Smith finds <quote_>"the great and most 
G70 193 universal cause of the corruption of our moral sentiments."<quote/> 
G70 194 The analytical emphasis is on <quote|>"sympathy" (what we would 
G70 195 call empathy), <quote|>"self-love" (self-interest), and the 
G70 196 <quote_>"impartial spectator"<quote/> (one's conscience, reinforced 
G70 197 by a desire to be well regarded by others and to deserve their high 
G70 198 regard). The opening sentence of the book suggests both its 
G70 199 concentration on human nature and its appealing tone: <quote_>"How 
G70 200 selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some 
G70 201 principles in his nature, which interest him in the fortune of 
G70 202 others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he 
G70 203 derives nothing from it except the pleasure of seeing it."<quote/> 
G70 204 The book is much less preoccupied with <quote_>"the invisible 
G70 205 hand"<quote/> of beneficent market forces than is <tf_>The Wealth 
G70 206 of Nations<tf/>, which appeared seventeen years later.<p/>
G70 207 <p_>Among contemporary admirers of <tf_>The Theory of Moral 
G70 208 Sentiments<tf/> was the English statesman Charles Townshend, 
G70 209 stepfather of the young Duke of Buccleuch. Townshend had visited 
G70 210 Glasgow not long after reading the book. (The ever-distracted 
G70 211 Smith, conducting him on a visit to a local tannery, fell into a 
G70 212 vat of evil-smelling liquid and had to excuse himself.)
G70 213 
G70 214 
G70 215 
G71   1 <#FROWN:G71\><h_><p_>JOSEPH EPSTEIN<p/>
G71   2 <p_>First Person Singular<p/><h/>
G71   3 <p_>The best time to write one's autobiography, surely, is on one's 
G71   4 deathbed. Leaving aside the technical problem of getting the job 
G71   5 done - all those interruptions from medicos, clergymen, florists, 
G71   6 relatives - just before death, assuming one isn't squirming in 
G71   7 pain, is likely to provide one's best shot at understanding one's 
G71   8 own life, if not, granted, life itself. Writing one's autobiography 
G71   9 at the very close of one's life would also give the story a nice 
G71  10 rounded-off quality - a sense, as Dr. Kermode has it, of an ending. 
G71  11 Before the end, after all, one is likely to have too much to defend 
G71  12 and too much to hide, likely to be too worried about tact and about 
G71  13 the tactics of one's own little career. But there, on one's 
G71  14 deathbed, one can at last say - the hope is, with easeful breath - 
G71  15 oh, screw it, let 'er rip, I shall tell the truth at last.<p/>
G71  16 <p_>Until that time, though, truth about one's self and one's 
G71  17 relationships with the people close to one is not usually freely 
G71  18 expressed. Freud said that biographical truth was unavailable. 
G71  19 Henry James thought that biography tended to flatten out life and 
G71  20 make it thinner than in reality it is. And this, recall, is 
G71  21 biography they were talking about. As for autobiography, Orwell, 
G71  22 whose specialty was never that of putting things gently, said that 
G71  23 <quote_>"autobiography is only to be trusted when it reveals 
G71  24 something disgraceful. A man who gives a good account of himself is 
G71  25 probably lying, since any life when viewed from inside is simply a 
G71  26 series of defeats."<quote/><p/>
G71  27 <p_>Yet, theoretically, writing autobiography ought not to be so 
G71  28 horrendously difficult. The autobiographer, as Leslie Stephen long 
G71  29 ago pointed out, has <quote_>"<tf_>ex officio<tf/>two 
G71  30 qualifications of supreme importance in all literary work. He is 
G71  31 writing about a topic in which he is keenly interested, and about a 
G71  32 topic upon which he is the highest authority."<quote/> 
G71  33 Autobiography, according to Stephen, also allows one to give way to 
G71  34 <quote_>"an irresistible longing for confidential 
G71  35 expansion,"<quote/> which was that very superior late Victorian's 
G71  36 elegantly euphemistic way of referring to the pleasure of spilling 
G71  37 the beans. True, not everyone has the same quantity of beans to 
G71  38 spill, and then, too, not all beans are equally delectable. Yet the 
G71  39 urge at some point to spill them doubtless resides in most of us. 
G71  40 All this being so, one would think there would be a great deal of 
G71  41 first-class autobiography around.<p/>
G71  42 <p_>There isn't. Nor has there ever been. The problem of lying by 
G71  43 way of moral self-aggrandizement that Orwell alluded to plays a 
G71  44 role here. The knowledge that one has been a miserable failure, and 
G71  45 probably a creep into the bargain, is not easily made public and 
G71  46 this is part of the problem. (All autobiographies, it has been 
G71  47 noted, tend to grow dull at exactly the point where the 
G71  48 autobiographer has achieved success.) Withholding evidence is a 
G71  49 more serious part of the problem. But even this might be 
G71  50 surmounted, or so one might think, if one didn't often withhold 
G71  51 evidence even from oneself. Dostoyevsky, that perpetual drag on 
G71  52 optimism, put the matter with damnable perfection when he wrote:<p/>
G71  53 <p_><quote_>Every man has reminiscences which he would not tell to 
G71  54 everyone, but only to his friends. He has other matters in his mind 
G71  55 which he would not reveal even to his friends, but only to himself, 
G71  56 and that in secret. But there are other things which a man is 
G71  57 afraid to tell even himself, and every man has a number of such 
G71  58 things in his mind.<quote/><p/>
G71  59 <p_>As if this weren't troublesome enough, one recognizes that the 
G71  60 cards dealt one in life present further obstacles on the Damascene 
G71  61 road to truth. The cards I have in mind are called parents (face 
G71  62 cards, those), one's sex (low clubs), social class (diamonds), 
G71  63 religion, nationality, toss in geography within one's nationality 
G71  64 (hearts all). Add to this the distinct prospect of getting one's 
G71  65 own story confused with other people's stories, a prospect perhaps 
G71  66 greater than at any other time in the past, since there appears to 
G71  67 be a vast quantity of such stories afloat just now. By other 
G71  68 people's stories I mean the competing stories put forth by 
G71  69 psychoanalysis, Marxism, feminism, you name it, many of which are 
G71  70 there to be adopted by the pliant-minded as their very own. Every 
G71  71 psychoanalysand is, after all, merely a prone autobiographer, with 
G71  72 the main themes of his story having already been foretold by that 
G71  73 dogmatic, cigar-smoking gentleman from Vienna. Fresh stories of 
G71  74 this generic kind are put into play with fair regularity. A 
G71  75 psychiatrist of my acquaintance tells me that nowadays, owing to 
G71  76 the publicity that child-abuse stories have received on television 
G71  77 and in the press, a large number of patients under psychiatric care 
G71  78 are combing their pasts searching for child abuse in their own 
G71  79 lives. Surprise, surprise, with only a little stretch of the 
G71  80 imagination, a little twist of personal history, not a few find 
G71  81 it.<p/>
G71  82 <p_>The cards one is dealt in life have a way of occluding, 
G71  83 channelling, shaping the facts of one's life to the point where it 
G71  84 is not always certain they can any longer be called facts. The 
G71  85 potential motives for writing autobiography - ranging from the need 
G71  86 for vengeance, to setting down for the record what a winsome fellow 
G71  87 one is, to being a writer with nothing else in mind to write at the 
G71  88 present time - are as great as those for going on with life itself. 
G71  89 Alas, despite one's belief in objective truth, one has to allow the 
G71  90 distinct possibility that there may be no autobiographical truth 
G71  91 but only a handful of splendid autobiographies.<p/>
G71  92 <p_>Odd, but very few of these really splendid autobiographies have 
G71  93 been written by novelists, poets, and playwrights. Saint Augustine, 
G71  94 Cellini, Rousseau, Gibbon, Franklin, Mill, Alexander Herzen, Henry 
G71  95 Adams, the men - and there have thus far been almost no women - who 
G71  96 wrote the monumental autobiographical works were none of them 
G71  97 primarily imaginative literary artists. Henry James, that 
G71  98 consummate artist, botched his two volumes of autobiography, <tf_>A 
G71  99 Small Boy and Others<tf/> and <tf_>Notes of A Son and Brother<tf/> 
G71 100 - botched them insofar as they have no real standing as discrete 
G71 101 works of art, but are of interest chiefly as Jamesian curiosities. 
G71 102 How strange that Henry James, surely the greatest master of 
G71 103 introspection the world has known, should fail at autobiography, 
G71 104 which, at its best, is primarily the art of introspection.<p/>
G71 105 <p_>Perhaps there is something about autobiography that discomfits 
G71 106 literary artists. Literary artists, it has been said, use up their 
G71 107 autobiographical experience, in more or less transmuted form, in 
G71 108 their poems and plays, stories and novels. But the truth is that, 
G71 109 in the use of experience, artists have been great recyclers long 
G71 110 before the term recycling was invented. Why not run the same 
G71 111 material through once more this time non<?_>-<?/>fictionally or 
G71 112 non-poetically, in one's autobiography? Many a literary artist has 
G71 113 tried, but not generally with impressive results. Vladimir 
G71 114 Nabokov's lovely autobiography, <tf_>Speak, Memory<tf/>, seems to 
G71 115 me a notable exception, though it is a work driven by a deep 
G71 116 nostalgic yearning for a lost country. But so overwhelmingly is 
G71 117 this the case that one is inclined to think that perhaps 
G71 118 autobiography and pure art are if not antithetical then less than 
G71 119 compatible, and the better the artist the poorer the autobiographer 
G71 120 he is likely to prove. To cite only two fairly recent examples, 
G71 121 Anthony Powell, whose novels can be so greatly pleasing, wrote four 
G71 122 volumes of autobiography that, for dullness, could bring sleep to 
G71 123 an insomnia ward. Evelyn Waugh, who hadn't an uninteresting 
G71 124 sentence in him, wrote, in <tf_>A Little Learning<tf/>, a single, 
G71 125 most disappointing volume of autobiography.<p/>
G71 126 <p_>My own two-cent theory holds that artists don't finally believe 
G71 127 in autobiography; deep down they don't hold with it, as an earlier 
G71 128 generation used to say, as a sufficiently worthy vessel of 
G71 129 truth-telling. They don't hold with it principally because they 
G71 130 sense, if they do not absolutely know, that there is a higher truth 
G71 131 than that offered by the pedestrian but necessary factuality 
G71 132 demanded by autobiography. Or, as Goethe wrote in <tf_>Fiction and 
G71 133 Truth<tf/>: <quote_>"A fact of our experience is of value not 
G71 134 insofar as it is true, but insofar as it has something to 
G71 135 signify."<quote/> Only in arts do all facts signify.<p/>
G71 136 <p_>Not all but a fair part of the pleasure of reading 
G71 137 autobiography is in catching the autobiographer out in suspicious 
G71 138 reticences, self-serving misperceptions, cover-ups, and, of course, 
G71 139 delightfully clever deceptions. What's he hiding, what's he 
G71 140 withholding, why doesn't he talk about his first wife, who's he 
G71 141 kidding leaving out his children, odd he never mentions money - 
G71 142 such are the questions that roam randomly through the mind of your 
G71 143 normally licentious reader of autobiography. An intelligent person 
G71 144 reads autobiography for two things: for the facts and for the lies, 
G71 145 knowing that the lies are often more interesting than the facts. 
G71 146 From the other side, that of the writer, if you make yourself look 
G71 147 good in your autobiography, you seem a hypocrite; own up to being a 
G71 148 swine, you will have no difficulty finding people who will readily 
G71 149 enough believe you. Not a game at which it is easy to win, 
G71 150 autobiography.<p/>
G71 151 <p_>This is not to say that the appetite for reading autobiography 
G71 152 isn't very strong. Certainly it is with me, so much so that 
G71 153 autobiography is the only kind of book I should rather read than 
G71 154 write. (I have myself long ago decided never to write an 
G71 155 autobiography, preferring to spend my own autobiography, in nickels 
G71 156 and dimes, in essays, memoirs, and anecdotes.) The appetite for 
G71 157 autobiography reaches quite across the brows, from high to 
G71 158 appallingly low. Hence the vast sums laid out by publishers for the 
G71 159 life stories - <quote|>"self-biographies," Isaac D'Israeli called 
G71 160 them - of such men and women far on the other side of the literary 
G71 161 divide as Norman Schwartzkopf and Magic Johnson, Katharine Hepburn 
G71 162 and the Mayflower Madame. Which reminds me that a friend of mine, 
G71 163 who works on celebrity autobiographies, was simultaneously writing 
G71 164 the autobiographies of Tip O'Neill, former Speaker of the House, 
G71 165 and the Mayflower Madame, speaker of a house of another kind. I 
G71 166 worried for him throughout these projects, fearful that he might 
G71 167 mix up his galleys.<p/>
G71 168 <p_>I have just read six autobiographies - one of these of two 
G71 169 volumes, together running to more than 850 pages. Three of these 
G71 170 are by Englishmen, three by very different sorts of Americans. One 
G71 171 of the latter is a woman and two among them are Southerners and set 
G71 172 in the South, which, one sometimes feels, is another country unto 
G71 173 itself. I have the feeling that none of my six autobiographers 
G71 174 would at all wish to spend much time in the company of any of the 
G71 175 others. As a reader, I can say that all have stepped into my little 
G71 176 confessional, and, having now heard them out, I don't know what 
G71 177 penance ought to be assigned to them. A wise guy might say that it 
G71 178 was I who served the penance, having to read all these pages filled 
G71 179 with disdain, chagrin, outrage, and petty vengeance. Still, reading 
G71 180 autobiography, while it does not increase one's hope for the race, 
G71 181 does lend vast amusement in watching it all pass in review from the 
G71 182 rail.<p/>
G71 183 <p_>What also emerges - though perhaps my selection of 
G71 184 autobiographies has an oddly skewed bias in this direction - is 
G71 185 that one is never too old to express resentment against one's 
G71 186 parents. Not many kind words for parents here; very few parents in 
G71 187 these books come off at all handsomely; grandparents, too, take a 
G71 188 few good shots. It's almost as if their authors all subscribed to 
G71 189 Philip Larkin's view in 'This Be The Verse,' a version of which 
G71 190 perrhaps needs to be rewritten for parents:
G71 191 <p_><quote_>You tick them off, your son and daughter.<p/>
G71 192 <p_>You may not mean to, but you do.<p/>
G71 193 <p_>In old age and even death, except from them no quarter,<p/>
G71 194 <p_>Nothing but resentment, and all aimed just at you.<p/><quote/>
G71 195 <p_>National differences might be the best place to begin. Auberon 
G71 196 Waugh offers an interesting throw-away sentence in his 
G71 197 autobiography, <tf_>Will This Do?<tf/>, which seems to me nicely to 
G71 198 distinguish the differences between English and American 
G71 199 autobiography in our day.
G71 200 
G71 201 
G71 202 
G72   1 <#FROWN:G72\><h_><p_>Michael Mandelbaum<p/>
G72   2 <p_>COUP DE GRACE:<p/>
G72   3 <p_>THE END OF THE SOVIET UNION<p/><h/>
G72   4 <p_>On August 24, 1991, three days after the collapse of an 
G72   5 attempted coup by a group of high Soviet officials in Moscow, 
G72   6 Marshal Sergei Akhromeyev killed himself in his Kremlin office. 
G72   7 Mikhail Gorbachev's special adviser on military affairs left a 
G72   8 suicide note: <quote_>"Everything I have worked for is being 
G72   9 destroyed."<quote/><p/>
G72  10 <p_>Akhromeyev had devoted his life to three institutions: the 
G72  11 Soviet army, in whose service he had been wounded at Leningrad in 
G72  12 1941 and through whose ranks he had risen to the position of chief 
G72  13 of the General Staff (1984-88); the Communist Party, which he had 
G72  14 joined at 20 and on whose Central Committee he had served since 
G72  15 1983; and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics itself, 
G72  16 officially founded a year before his birth in 1923. In the wake of 
G72  17 the failed coup all three were disintegrating.<p/>
G72  18 <p_>The armed forces were divided and disgraced. Entire units had 
G72  19 refused to take part in the coup. A number of the troops sent to 
G72  20 besiege the Russian parliament building - where a crowd that 
G72  21 ultimately numbered 100,000 had gathered to defend the Russian 
G72  22 president, Boris Yeltsin, and his government - defected to 
G72  23 Yeltsin's side. After the coup had failed Defense Minister Dimitri 
G72  24 Yazov and his deputy, Valentin Varennikov, were arrested. Yevgeny 
G72  25 I. Shaposhnikov, the newly appointed minister, announced that 80 
G72  26 percent of the army's officers would be replaced because they were 
G72  27 politically suspect.<p/>
G72  28 <p_>The Communist Party was shattered. As jubilant crowds cheered, 
G72  29 statues of communist heroes were pulled down all over Moscow. 
G72  30 Gorbachev, shortly after his return from his ordeal in the Crimea, 
G72  31 resigned as leader of the party, dissolved the Central Committee, 
G72  32 ordered an end to party activity in the military, the security 
G72  33 apparatus and the government, and told local party organizations 
G72  34 that they would have to fend for themselves.<p/>
G72  35 <p_>The union of 15 republics was itself dissolving. In Moscow 
G72  36 people began to wave the blue, white and red flag of 
G72  37 prerevolutionary Russia. The republics scrambled to declare their 
G72  38 independence, the Ukrainian parliament voting for full independence 
G72  39 by 321 to 1. For 75 years the vast stretch of Eurasia that was the 
G72  40 Soviet Union had been tightly, often brutally controlled from 
G72  41 Moscow, which had come to be known as <quote_>"the 
G72  42 center."<quote/>The president of Armenia, Levon Ter-Petrossian, 
G72  43 declared that <quote_>"the center has committed 
G72  44 suicide."<quote/><p/>
G72  45 <h|>II
G72  46 <p_>The coup might have been expected to succeed. The ranks of the 
G72  47 eight-man junta that on August 19 announced it was assuming power, 
G72  48 proclaiming a state of emergency, banning demonstrations, closing 
G72  49 newspapers and outlawing political parties, included the leaders of 
G72  50 the most powerful institutions of the Soviet Union: the government, 
G72  51 the security apparatus and the military-industrial complex. Yet 
G72  52 they failed completely. Two minor episodes during the three 
G72  53 dramatic days of August 19-21 exemplify the reasons for their 
G72  54 failure.<p/>
G72  55 <p_>On August 20 Yelsin dispatched his foreign minister, Andrei 
G72  56 Kozyrev, to Paris to prepare a government-in-exile should that 
G72  57 become necessary. The junta learned of the trip and sent word to 
G72  58 Moscow's Sheremetyevo Airport to detain Kozyrev. He succeeded in 
G72  59 leaving, however, because the order to stop him went to the 
G72  60 airport's VIP lounge while Kozyrev simply stood in the departure 
G72  61 lines with ordinary passengers. It apparently did not occur to the 
G72  62 plotters that a high official would fail to take advantage to the 
G72  63 privileges available to him.<p/>
G72  64 <p_>In short, the men who launched the coup were incompetent. They 
G72  65 did not send troops and tanks in to the streets of Moscow until a 
G72  66 full six hours after declaring the state of emergency. They 
G72  67 neglected to seize Yeltsin immediately, thus making it possible for 
G72  68 him to become the focal point of resistance. They failed to cut the 
G72  69 Russian parliament's communications with the rest of the world.<p/>
G72  70 <p_>It was, to use a phrase familiar under the old regime, 
G72  71 <quote_>"no accident"<quote/> that the coup-plotters bungled so 
G72  72 badly. The people at the top of the communist system were not the 
G72  73 best and the brightest of the society they governed. That system 
G72  74 did not encourage or reward initiative, imagination or 
G72  75 decisiveness. It valued, instead, dull conformity and slavish 
G72  76 obedience to authority. Several members of the junta were later 
G72  77 reported to have spent most of the 72 hours of the coup drunk.<p/>
G72  78 <p_>The other exemplary episode took place on Monday afternoon, 
G72  79 August 19, the first day of the coup. The junta called a press 
G72  80 conference. Gennadi Yanaev, the vice president who had assumed 
G72  81 Gorbachev's duties because, he said, the president was 
G72  82 <quote|>"ill," made a statement and fielded questions. One 
G72  83 journalist asked whether he had sought <quote_>"any suggestion or 
G72  84 any advice through General Pinochet."<quote/> The question evoked 
G72  85 laughter. It was meant to be sarcastic and belittling by 
G72  86 associating the coup-plotters with the conservative Chilean 
G72  87 dictator who had overthrown Marxist President Salvador Allende in 
G72  88 1974 and had thus been routinely reviled by Soviet propaganda.<p/>
G72  89 <p_>The event, the question and the response were all telling. When 
G72  90 Lenin seized power in Petrograd in November 1917 he did not feel it 
G72  91 necessary to call a press conference to explain and justify what he 
G72  92 had done. Nor were his successors in the habit of entertaining 
G72  93 questions from the press. And when they did offer their thoughts in 
G72  94 public, no one had ever dared to mock them. In Stalin's day failing 
G72  95 to applaud the leader vigorously enough was cause for being sent to 
G72  96 prison - or worse.<p/>
G72  97 <p_>Since Stalin's day, however, things had changed. The Soviet 
G72  98 Union in which Yanaev was attempting to seize power was a very 
G72  99 different country from the one that Lenin and Stalin, indeed that 
G72 100 Khrushchev and even Brezhnev had ruled. So different was it, in 
G72 101 fact, that each of the three great institutions to which Marshal 
G72 102 Akhromeyev had devoted his life was already in an advanced state of 
G72 103 decay by August 19.<p/>
G72 104 <p_>Well before it balked at the junta's orders the army had been 
G72 105 severely battered. In 1988 it had withdrawn from Afghanistan after 
G72 106 nine years and 15,000 deaths without having pacified the country. 
G72 107 The next year the revolutions in Poland, Hungary, East Germany and 
G72 108 Czechoslovakia ended the Cold War, depriving the Soviet armed 
G72 109 forces of what had been, for four decades, their central mission. 
G72 110 Troops stationed in those countries had to leave; many had no homes 
G72 111 to which to return.<p/>
G72 112 <p_>Draft evasion became rampant, especially outside Russia. The 
G72 113 army was divided politically by rank, age, region, and ethnic 
G72 114 group. Junior officers began criticizing their superiors; several 
G72 115 were elected to all-union and republican parliaments, where they 
G72 116 expressed dissenting views on military questions. The political 
G72 117 leadership committed itself to substantial reductions in military 
G72 118 spending, and proposals were floated to abolish conscription and 
G72 119 rely instead on volunteers to fill the army's ranks.<p/>
G72 120 <p_>In all, the military suffered from a severe loss of status. In 
G72 121 the Brezhnev era, in particular, official propaganda had glorified 
G72 122 the mighty Soviet army as the stalwart defender of socialism. By 
G72 123 1991 it was despised outside Russia as an agent of imperial 
G72 124 oppression and had come to be seen in the Russian heartland as a 
G72 125 self-serving bureaucracy whose endless appetite for resources was 
G72 126 bankrupting the country.<p/>
G72 127 <p_>The Communist Party was similarly reeling from blows to its 
G72 128 privileged standing before Gorbachev effectively closed it down. It 
G72 129 was subject for the first time in six decades to open criticism, 
G72 130 which turned into an avalanche of denunciation. Far from being the 
G72 131 champion of the toiling masses and the vanguard of the just 
G72 132 society, as it had always portrayed itself, the party came to be 
G72 133 seen as a criminal conspiracy dedicated to preserving its own 
G72 134 position. The elections of 1989 and 1990 to the national and 
G72 135 republican supreme soviets humiliated the party, as people voted in 
G72 136 droves against communist officeholders even when there was no 
G72 137 opposing candidate.<p/>
G72 138 <p_>Members deserted the party in enormous numbers. By one estimate 
G72 139 four million people, fully 20 percent of the membership, had quit 
G72 140 the party in the year immediately preceding the coup. In some 
G72 141 places the local party apparatus simply disintegrated. Gorbachev 
G72 142 renounced the long-standing and fundamental communist claim to a 
G72 143 monopoly of power, and the month before the coup he pushed through 
G72 144 a party charter that virtually abandoned the formerly sacred 
G72 145 precepts of Marxism-Leninism. After his election as Russian 
G72 146 president, Yeltsin ordered party cells in workplaces throughout 
G72 147 Russia dissolved, challenging the basis of the communist grip on 
G72 148 the everyday lives of the people of the Soviet Union.<p/>
G72 149 <p_>As for the union itself, it was well on the way to becoming a 
G72 150 hollow shell even before the republics began to declare 
G72 151 independence in the coup's wake. The republican elections had 
G72 152 brought to power governments determined not simply to take orders 
G72 153 from Moscow, as had been the rule in Soviet politics for decades. 
G72 154 Each of the 15 republics had proclaimed itself <quote|>"sovereign," 
G72 155 meaning that its own laws took precedence over those of the center. 
G72 156 Ukraine, the second most important of them after Russia, was moving 
G72 157 to recruit its own armed forces and issue its own currency.<p/>
G72 158 <p_>On the eve of the coup nine republics were preparing to sign a 
G72 159 new union treaty, which would have deprived Moscow of virtually all 
G72 160 economic power and left the republics with the right both to 
G72 161 challenge any powers the center retained and to secede if they were 
G72 162 dissatisfied with the new arrangements. The prospect of this new 
G72 163 union treaty probably triggered the coup attempt, for it would have 
G72 164 eliminated most of the functions of precisely those organizations 
G72 165 that the plotters headed. The coup was a last-ditch attempt to 
G72 166 preserve their own power. But that power had already been severely 
G72 167 eroded. As the political scientist William Taubman put it at the 
G72 168 time: <quote_>"The coup occurred because of all the changes that 
G72 169 have taken place, and it failed because of all the changes that 
G72 170 have taken place."<quote/> The coup-plotters struck to restore the 
G72 171 old order; the result of their failure was to put it out of its 
G72 172 misery. What began as a coup d'<*_>e-acute<*/>tat to preserve it 
G72 173 turned out to be the coup de grace for the Soviet Union.<p/>
G72 174 <h|>III
G72 175 <p_>How did all this come about? How did it happen that a mighty 
G72 176 imperial state, troubled but stable only a few years before, had 
G72 177 come to the brink of collapse in 1991? Who and what were 
G72 178 responsible?<p/>
G72 179 <p_>The chief architect of the Soviet collapse was Mikhail 
G72 180 Gorbachev himself. During the coup, as a prisoner of the junta in 
G72 181 his Crimean villa, he was the object of a struggle between the 
G72 182 partisans of the old order and the champions of liberal values. But 
G72 183 it was Gorbachev who had, in the period between his coming to power 
G72 184 in 1985 and the fateful days of August 1991, created the conditions 
G72 185 that had touched off this struggle.<p/>
G72 186 <p_>The Soviet leader had created them unintentionally. His aim had 
G72 187 been to strengthen the political and economic systems that he 
G72 188 inherited, to strip away their Stalinist accretions and make the 
G72 189 Soviet Union a modern dynamic state. Instead he had fatally 
G72 190 weakened it. Intending to reform Soviet communism he had, rather, 
G72 191 destroyed it. The three major policies that he had launched to 
G72 192 fashion a more efficient and humane form of socialism - glasnost,  
G72 193 democratization and perestroika - had in the end subverted, 
G72 194 discredited and all but done away with the network of political and 
G72 195 economic institutions that his Communist Party had constructed in 
G72 196 Russia and surrounding countries since 1917.<p/>
G72 197 <p_>The policy of glasnost relaxed bureaucratic controls on 
G72 198 information, broadened the parameters of permitted discussion and 
G72 199 thereby enabled the people of the Soviet Union to say more, hear 
G72 200 more and learn more about their past and present. Gorbachev's 
G72 201 purpose had been to enlist the intelligentsia in his campaign to 
G72 202 revitalize the country and to generate popular pressure on the 
G72 203 party apparatus, which had resisted the changes he was trying to 
G72 204 make. He plainly wanted to encourage criticism of his predecessor, 
G72 205 Leonid Brezhnev, and to resume the campaign against Stalin that 
G72 206 Khrushchev had launched but that Brezhnev had ended.<p/>
G72 207 <p_>Glasnost, however, did not stop there. The sainted Lenin, and 
G72 208 even Gorbachev himself, came in for critical attention. Gorbachev 
G72 209 wanted to foster a reassessment of some selected features of Soviet 
G72 210 life.
G72 211 
G72 212 
G73   1 <#FROWN:G73\><p_>Schlegel's sense of the poetic voice or presence 
G73   2 of the poet, as that which <quote_>"hover[s] at midpoint 
G73   3 between"<quote/> the portrayer and the portrayed, positions this 
G73   4 voice on a vertical axis, running down between poet and poem, both 
G73   5 between these two terms, and also hovering above them; <tf|>between 
G73   6 and <tf|>above. For Olson, however, between the 'I' of the phrase, 
G73   7 'I have this sense,' and the 'I' who is one with his 'skin,' there 
G73   8 is not, or for him ought not be, any difference: there is only a 
G73   9 singular, compact identity. If there is transcendence for Olson, it 
G73  10 would not be a mere disembodied voice hovering above and/or between 
G73  11 bodies, as for Schlegel, but the entire embodied individual, 
G73  12 hovering in space. Such a theme, as R.W.B. Lewis shows in <tf_>The 
G73  13 American Adam<tf/>, is hardly foreign to American writers.<p/>
G73  14 <p_>Olson's line is of course susceptible to a reading in which the 
G73  15 voice of the poet hovers just at that midpoint between the 'I' (the 
G73  16 portrayer) and the 'I am one/ with my skin' (the portrayed). That 
G73  17 midpoint, not above or below, but somehow right between, is a 
G73  18 non-transcendent place. This reading would put the poetic voice in 
G73  19 the place of that difference which ought to make no difference, 
G73  20 that space which is not supposed to be a space, and must be denied 
G73  21 as a significant space if identity is to be achieved. Olson might 
G73  22 endorse a transcendent voice which presides from above as it yokes 
G73  23 the portrayer and portrayed together, but he would no doubt resist 
G73  24 the notion of a voice 'between,' for it would threaten to undo the 
G73  25 identity which that same voice nonetheless seems to desire.<p/>
G73  26 <p_>Olson is one of the great readers of Melville. He seems to have 
G73  27 had an uncanny relation with the author: at times, in reading 
G73  28 <tf_>Call Me Ishmael<tf/>, one is not sure whose voice is being 
G73  29 heard. Olson's sense of being at one with his skin has many echoes 
G73  30 in Melville's works, which begins to complicate the very 
G73  31 self-identity being asserted. The Melville who wrote of 
G73  32 self-identity in terms of being at one with one's skin was a young 
G73  33 Melville; not the Melville who wrote <tf|>Pierre, or anything 
G73  34 after. Even before <tf|>Pierre, when Melville was writing his fifth 
G73  35 novel, <tf|>White-Jacket (1849-50), the possibility of being at one 
G73  36 with one's skin was being both posed and explicitly put into 
G73  37 question. The narrator-protagonist of this novel is named White 
G73  38 Jacket because of a white jacket he so continuously wore that it 
G73  39 seemed to become his second skin. Towards the end of the novel he 
G73  40 finally divests himself of this jacket, saying I <quote_>"ripped my 
G73  41 jacket straight up and down [with a knife], as if I were ripping 
G73  42 open myself. With a violent struggle I then burst out of it, and 
G73  43 was free"<quote/> (404).<p/>
G73  44 <p_>White Jacket does not, however, liberate himself from a mere 
G73  45 jacket, for a strong analogy holds between clothing and language as 
G73  46 exterior forms of material signifiers. Melville apparently had not 
G73  47 read Carlyle's <tf_>Sartor Resartus<tf/> when he wrote 
G73  48 <tf|>White-Jacket, but he didn't need to have read it; the analogy 
G73  49 Carlyle suggested between language and clothing, in his philosophy 
G73  50 of clothes, had currency then as now (see Barthes's <tf_>The 
G73  51 Fashion System<tf/>). Melville clearly thought of language by 
G73  52 drawing on an analogy between language and clothing. In 
G73  53 <tf|>White-Jacket, such an analogy is quite explicitly thematized. 
G73  54 How, then, are we to read that moment when White Jacket strips 
G73  55 himself of his white jacket? Does he strip himself from language 
G73  56 itself, or does he remove a level of false signifiers which then 
G73  57 allows the true signifier, the true voice, now unencumbered by a 
G73  58 material signifier, to be revealed?<p/>
G73  59 <p_>On the one hand, Melville had, as did his age, a 
G73  60 na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve sense of the relation he felt ought to exist 
G73  61 between language and being. He believed and desired that language 
G73  62 ought, somehow, to be co-extensive with self. As Emerson said, 
G73  63 expression or language is the other half of man, and the link 
G73  64 between those halves is unproblematic. Those links became 
G73  65 problematic for Melville, however, and the strategies he developed 
G73  66 to deal with the problems arising from this na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve 
G73  67 sense of language are themselves far from na<*_>i-umlaut<*/>ve. To 
G73  68 examine Melville's sense of the identity which he felt ought to 
G73  69 have held between language and self is to examine Melville's 
G73  70 struggle with his flesh - his materiality - and his desire to be at 
G73  71 one with, identical to, his skin.<p/>
G73  72 <h|>I
G73  73 <p_>Some nine years after Melville's death, Peter Toft, an 
G73  74 otherwise little<?_>-<?/>known American artist, published an 
G73  75 account of his friendship with Melville which developed during the 
G73  76 author's later years. Of particular interest is what Toft tells us 
G73  77 of Melville's attitude towards his writings, an attitude no doubt 
G73  78 determined by Toft's apparently insistent questioning. Toft writes 
G73  79 that Melville <quote_>"seemed to hold his work in small esteem, and 
G73  80 discouraged my attempts to discuss them. 'You know,' he would say, 
G73  81 'more about them than I do. I have forgotten them.' He would give 
G73  82 me no information about the old whaling tradition of the fiendish 
G73  83 White-Whale ('Moby Dick') ... and [he] was almost offended when I 
G73  84 inquired so curiously about his falling from the maintopgallant 
G73  85 yard of the frigate - ('White Jacket') ... "<quote/> (Leyda 
G73  86 799).<p/>
G73  87 <p_>For Toft, the value of literature lay in its relation to truth. 
G73  88 He doesn't hesitate to identify the 'true' identity of a character 
G73  89 like White Jacket: he was obviously Melville himself. If one 
G73  90 assumes that Melville's struggle with language turned precisely on 
G73  91 questions of and the desire for identity, then Melville's 
G73  92 irritation with Toft's questions becomes understandable. If 
G73  93 Melville defers, perhaps ironically, perhaps bitterly, to such a 
G73  94 reader, suggesting that that reader must always already <tf|>know 
G73  95 more than the author, it is because the problem of the very 
G73  96 possibility of knowing remained for Melville a complex issue.<p/>
G73  97 <p_>Toft's explanation of why Melville was <quote_>"almost 
G73  98 offended"<quote/> when he <quote_>"so curiously"<quote/> asked him 
G73  99 about his fall from the yardarm, as told in <tf|>White-Jacket, was 
G73 100 that Melville <quote_>"was abnormal, as most geniuses are, and had 
G73 101 to be handled with care"<quote/> (Leyda 799). That answer is hardly 
G73 102 satisfactory, as Howard Vincent shows in his book, <tf_>The 
G73 103 Tailoring of Melville's 'White-Jacket.'<tf/> According to Vincent, 
G73 104 who retells Toft's story, Melville's irritation in this instance 
G73 105 was due to the fact that Melville had lied, and Toft's inquiries 
G73 106 had touched precisely upon those lies he had told. Not only had 
G73 107 Melville not fallen from any maintopgallant mast, but he had not 
G73 108 even made it up; rather, he had stolen the entire episode of the 
G73 109 fall from someone else's text, that of the sailor Nathaniel Ames, 
G73 110 as given in his personal narrative entitled <tf_>A Mariner's 
G73 111 Sketches<tf/> (1831) (Vincent 202). An apparently shocked Vincent 
G73 112 writes:<p/>
G73 113 <p_><quote_>So open, so barefaced is the character of Melville's 
G73 114 theft that one must wonder whether he did not feel a twinge of 
G73 115 guilt. Perhaps he did, but it can be argued that he erased that 
G73 116 guilt by strategic placement of his borrowed passages, so giving 
G73 117 each a new and different significance.<quote/> (Vincent 219)<p/>
G73 118 <p_>One wonders whether Vincent himself felt a <quote_>"twinge of 
G73 119 guilt"<quote/> about his delight in having discovered the father 
G73 120 naked, although he mainly succeeds in exposing himself. It is not 
G73 121 surprising that Vincent's attempt to cover for the Melville whom he 
G73 122 exposed does little credit to Melville's abilities as a writer: 
G73 123 <quote_>"[Melville] erased that guilt by the strategic placement of 
G73 124 his borrowed passages"<quote/> (219). Moreover, Vincent's efforts 
G73 125 to salvage Melville from his devious theft are misplaced. According 
G73 126 to the passage above, Melville redeems his literary theft through a 
G73 127 <quote_>"strategic placement of ... [the] borrowed 
G73 128 passages"<quote/> from Ames's text, which gives <quote_>"each a new 
G73 129 and different significance."<quote/> Yet Vincent's own painstaking 
G73 130 labor - setting side by side passages from Ames's text and 
G73 131 Melville's - shows Melville's relation to Ames's text <tf_>never 
G73 132 was<tf/> one of <quote_>"strategic placement of ... borrowed 
G73 133 passages,"<quote/> to give <quote|>"each" borrowed passage, each 
G73 134 stolen piece, a new significance. Vincent implies that Melville 
G73 135 lifted intact entire pieces, chunks, or chains of signifiers from 
G73 136 Ames's text, placed them in his own, and simply arranged their 
G73 137 order. This is not the case. One cannot find any evidence of what 
G73 138 we could call plagiarism. At the level of the signifier, there is 
G73 139 no immediate similarity between Melville's text and that of Ames. 
G73 140 Without a repetition at the level of the signifier, one can no 
G73 141 longer talk in any strict sense of borrowing, nor of Melville's 
G73 142 mode of writing as <quote_>"strategic placement"<quote/> of 
G73 143 <quote|>"borrowed" passages.<p/>
G73 144 <p_>If we assume for the moment that there was a case of literary 
G73 145 theft, even if not word-for-word, and if we likewise assume that 
G73 146 the theft was as obvious, open, and barefaced as Vincent claims, 
G73 147 the question that forces itself upon us is that if the theft is so 
G73 148 apparent and so easy to trace, in what sense was it really a theft? 
G73 149 Vincent doesn't refer to <tf_>Benito Cereno<tf/> which repeats, 
G73 150 <tf|>almost entirely, the text of another author, Amasa Delano, who 
G73 151 is never explicitly acknowledged as author, yet whose name, along 
G73 152 with others from the original text, Melville retains in his text. 
G73 153 Much rides on this 'almost.' What becomes significant in such a 
G73 154 case are the differences that are introduced in the near-repetition 
G73 155 - differences which, because they are and can be marked as 
G73 156 different only on the surface, as signifiers, come to be ignored in 
G73 157 the haste to <tf|>identify an essence, beyond the mere surface. 
G73 158 Vincent reads at the level of content, finding the only slightly 
G73 159 differing surface signifiers of each text. This mode of reading 
G73 160 finally rewrites that surface level, for mere surface differences 
G73 161 of the signifier are differences which make no difference. A 
G73 162 difference remains, however, which can potentially disturb not only 
G73 163 the notion of theft, but likewise the ideas that make the claim of 
G73 164 theft possible: the belief in and protection of private property. 
G73 165 The proper, truth as interior essence, 'original' artistic creation 
G73 166 - these beliefs stand behind and make possible Toft's curious 
G73 167 questions and Vincent's exposures, both of which depend on the 
G73 168 structure of and desire for identity. Ultimately the question of a 
G73 169 theft from Ames's work is itself irrelevant, while the questions 
G73 170 inadvertently raised by the accusation - those of repetition, the 
G73 171 problem of ownership given repetition, or the very possibility of 
G73 172 identity - remain at the heart of the matter.<p/>
G73 173 <h|>2
G73 174 <p_>Critics generally agree that the description of the fall of the 
G73 175 sailor White Jacket from the topmost spar of the mast is, as Alfred 
G73 176 Kazin writes <quote_>"the most famous single scene"<quote/> in the 
G73 177 book (ix). Its fame has persisted in spite of the claims that the 
G73 178 scene was lifted. This single scene, however, is divided into two 
G73 179 moments: a kind of prelude which describes the complications which 
G73 180 lead up to and set the scene for - but do not <tf|>cause White 
G73 181 Jacket's fall, and then a description of White Jacket's plummet 
G73 182 into the ocean and his subsequent rise to the surface. Kazin, 
G73 183 Vincent, and other critics make no explicit reference to this first 
G73 184 moment, which I have called the prelude; they focus exclusively on 
G73 185 the second moment, that of the actual fall, when they refer to this 
G73 186 scene. As a result, this prelude seems to have a curious history of 
G73 187 going unread. This passage goes as follows:<p/>
G73 188 <p_><quote_>Having reeved the line through all the inferior blocks, 
G73 189 I went out with it to the end of weather-top-gallant-yard-arm, and 
G73 190 was in the act of leaning over and passing it through the suspended 
G73 191 jewel-block there, when the ship gave a plunge in the sudden swells 
G73 192 of the calm sea, and pitching me still further over the yard, threw 
G73 193 the heavy skirts of my jacket right over my head, completely 
G73 194 muffling me. Somehow I thought it was the sail that had flapped, 
G73 195 and, under that impression, threw up my hands to drag it from my 
G73 196 head, relying upon the sail itself to support me meanwhile. Just 
G73 197 then the ship gave another sudden jerk, and, head foremost, I 
G73 198 pitched from the yard. (402)<quote/><p/>
G73 199 <p_>Vincent's claim of plagiarism is irrelevant to this passage 
G73 200 since Ames's text contains nothing resembling this description of 
G73 201 what makes the fall possible, either at the level of the signified 
G73 202 or signifier.
G73 203 
G73 204 
G74   1 <#FROWN:G74\><p_>MALCOLM LITTLE UNDERSTOOD hunger. In many ways it 
G74   2 defined his childhood. Certainly it taught him lessons he would 
G74   3 never forget, and years later Malcolm X would be lecturing his 
G74   4 assistant minister Benjamin Karim on hunger as the most basic of 
G74   5 human drives.<p/>
G74   6 <p_>Not only did Malcolm in his boyhood suffer the pangs of 
G74   7 physical hunger for want of food; he also sharply experienced 
G74   8 hunger for affection, acceptance, guidance, encouragement. The 
G74   9 Littles lived meagerly, and more and more the economic hardships of 
G74  10 the Depression drained Louise Little's emotional and spiritual 
G74  11 reserves. She became despondent, withdrew from harsh realities. By 
G74  12 1937 the Little family was rapidly deteriorating. Malcolm had begun 
G74  13 stealing. He was twelve when he found himself in the first of what 
G74  14 would be numerous foster homes. In January 1939, following a severe 
G74  15 nervous breakdown, Malcolm's mother was declared legally insane and 
G74  16 committed to the state mental hospital at Kalamazoo. Still, Malcolm 
G74  17 himself clung to his diminished pride and his ambitions, 
G74  18 continually battered though they were. As he relates in the 
G74  19 <tf|>Autobiography, one day he confided to his favorite eighth 
G74  20 grade teacher that he wanted to be a lawyer, only to be told that 
G74  21 <quote_>"that's no realistic goal for a nigger"<quote/> - even 
G74  22 though Malcolm at the time was ranked near the top of his otherwise 
G74  23 white class. That day marked a turning point for Malcolm, then 
G74  24 thirteen. Within months he would be exploring the street life of 
G74  25 Boston.<p/>
G74  26 <p_>More than miles separated the childhood experience of Malcolm 
G74  27 Little in the bleak northern suburbs of Lansing from that of 
G74  28 Benjamin Karim in rural Suffolk, Virginia. Suffolk lies about 
G74  29 eighty miles south of Richmond, and when Benjamin Karim was growing 
G74  30 up in the 1930s, it was that small you could see from one end of 
G74  31 the town to the other in an easy glance. By then Suffolk was 
G74  32 feeling the economic pinch of the Great Depression, but still trade 
G74  33 continued at the general store where townswomen bartered fresh eggs 
G74  34 or homegrown poultry for provisions. In the barbershop men gathered 
G74  35 for easy gossip or talked idly of the weather, crops, hard times. 
G74  36 Kids kicked up the dust in quiet streets or played in the shade of 
G74  37 fruit-bearing trees, or they helped to weed the vegetable patches 
G74  38 planted in the backyards of small clapboard houses.<p/>
G74  39 <p_>In one of those houses, on July 14, 1932, a midwife delivered 
G74  40 the first, and only, child of young Mary Goodman in her mother 
G74  41 Sarah's bed. The child was baptized Benjamin and given his mother's 
G74  42 family name. (Not until 1978 did he take the Muslim name Karim.) In 
G74  43 private Mary called him Dickie-boy, a term of affection that would 
G74  44 survive nearly twenty years, as would the inviolable bond forged by 
G74  45 Mary with her son in his early childhood. It was a <quote_>"good 
G74  46 childhood,"<quote/> as Benjamin Karim remembers it, and he 
G74  47 describes the small-town boy who grew up in the meager thirties as 
G74  48 being <quote_>"absolutely content."<quote/> He recalls the 
G74  49 simplicity of daily life then, and the sense of community that 
G74  50 prompted people to help their neighbors and enabled them to rely on 
G74  51 friends. And no matter how much his family may have wanted for 
G74  52 material goods or a dollar's pleasures, they never wanted for 
G74  53 food.<p/>
G74  54 <p_>Everybody had gardens, <tf_>Benjamin Karim remembers.<tf/> We 
G74  55 would grow corn and beans and onions and radishes, whatever, and in 
G74  56 the summer the fruit trees would bury us in pears and apples. We'd 
G74  57 pick wild berries, too. Then the women would put the fruit up in 
G74  58 jars. They'd have big pots bubbling on the stove, all the fruit 
G74  59 smelling as sweet as the season, and while they were cooking, we 
G74  60 boys would be out back chopping wood to feed the stove. For days 
G74  61 we'd keep the fire going, until we'd have hundreds of jars of fruit 
G74  62 preserves and other home-canned goods - vegetables and sauces and 
G74  63 relishes - stored out in the pantry. So in the wintertime nobody 
G74  64 would have to worry about going hungry. We also had pigs, three of 
G74  65 four of them, and we raised chickens, so we always had fresh 
G74  66 eggs.<p/>
G74  67 <p_>We didn't really need a lot of money. If we ran out of flour or 
G74  68 sugar, say, we would gather up a few eggs and take them to Mr. 
G74  69 Nichols's general store. Two or three eggs might bring us enough 
G74  70 pennies to buy a pound of flour or as much of sugar, and that's a 
G74  71 nice taste of sugar. One of our chickens, dressed, would get us 
G74  72 both the flour and the sugar and maybe some rice or potatoes as 
G74  73 well as a nickel soda for me. We bartered like that quite a bit. Or 
G74  74 we borrowed. Neighbors helped each other out with a scoop of flour 
G74  75 or cup of milk; what we had we shared. We've lost communal values 
G74  76 like that, like we've lost our fruit trees and farming land to 
G74  77 real<?_>-<?/>estate developers. You'd have to search hard to find 
G74  78 the Suffolk I knew as a child.<p/>
G74  79 <p_>Suffolk was divided by railroad tracks. White people lived on 
G74  80 one side of the tracks and on the other lived the blacks. For a 
G74  81 time we lived right by the railroad tracks. Day and night the 
G74  82 trains would be running past my grandmother's house, where we 
G74  83 lived, but they really didn't bother us; they just told us what 
G74  84 time it was. On either side of the railroad tracks lay a drainage 
G74  85 ditch, and sometimes some of us black kids would cross the near 
G74  86 ditch and the railroad tracks and then the ditch opposite, or else 
G74  87 the white kids would cross from their side - they'd be the poor 
G74  88 white kids, the ones who lived near the tracks - and we'd play 
G74  89 together. We'd play childhood street games or run wild in the 
G74  90 woods. We had fun, and I don't remember a single fight ever between 
G74  91 us, not when we were little kids.<p/>
G74  92 <p_>My grandmother worked for a family in the poor white 
G74  93 neighborhood. In fact she ran their house. She told everybody what 
G74  94 to do and what not to, including the man of the house - he owned a 
G74  95 service station that was losing more money than it was making - and 
G74  96 everybody in that household listened. She commanded a ton of 
G74  97 respect, so much so that when she died in 1952, not a member of 
G74  98 that family missed the funeral. Often I would visit the house with 
G74  99 my grandmother. The service station owner had a son about my age 
G74 100 and sometimes we would play together the whole day. If we'd get 
G74 101 ourselves into any sort of trouble, my grandmother would give both 
G74 102 of us alike her what-for. Also, if she'd give the two of us some 
G74 103 chore, like it or not, he'd do it, although he might first look to 
G74 104 his father for some signal that he could disobey - same way that I 
G74 105 would do to mine - but his father would just look away. I enjoyed 
G74 106 those days we spent together in his house. Then we reached the age 
G74 107 when black kids and white kids no longer associated with each 
G74 108 other. Society, it seemed, forbade it; it was something that 
G74 109 happened before you actually realized it, something you felt. Only 
G74 110 when you got older did you know why.<p/>
G74 111 <p_>Of course, once we started school we never saw white kids day 
G74 112 to day. That our schools were segregated never entered our minds. 
G74 113 Nor did it bother us. It seemed natural, normal; the white kids 
G74 114 went to their school and we went to ours. They were corn and we 
G74 115 were rutabagas. I first went to school at Easter Graded in the 
G74 116 black community of Saratoga. The large, white frame building housed 
G74 117 four classrooms, two on either side of the principal's office, and 
G74 118 it was heated by a big potbelly stove. When the weather turned 
G74 119 cold, each morning two or three of the older kids - the school went 
G74 120 up to the fifth grade - would get up early and trudge off to Easter 
G74 121 Graded to build a fire in that big potbelly stove; it was their 
G74 122 chore. To have the heat jumping in that big iron belly by nine, 
G74 123 you'd have to get up as early as five o'clock in the cold and dark, 
G74 124 but you took your turn, you shared the chore. Lessons like that 
G74 125 never caused me any harm.<p/>
G74 126 <p_>When the school term ended, I would sometimes spend the whole 
G74 127 summer, often into harvest time, out in Windsor, Virginia, with my 
G74 128 Aunt Martha and her sixteen children. They worked as sharecroppers 
G74 129 on a white man's farm. Like many freed plantation slaves before 
G74 130 them, they had no choice but to hire themselves out as tenant 
G74 131 farmers to white landowners in order to survive after the federal 
G74 132 government reneged on its promise to provide each black family with 
G74 133 forty acres and a mule. For what did the freed blacks know but 
G74 134 working the land? For their white masters they had seeded the earth 
G74 135 and tended the crops and harvested the peanuts, tobacco, and corn, 
G74 136 the indigo, hemp, alfalfa, and cotton. So sharecropping had become 
G74 137 the norm in the South. When I was seven, though, I wasn't so much 
G74 138 seeing injustices as I was enjoying the company of my cousins. We 
G74 139 had our fun, of course, but I liked working with them, too, out in 
G74 140 the open fields under a summer's sky. I especially remember the 
G74 141 sky. In rural Virginia in the thirties and forties the only light 
G74 142 we had at night came from the moon and the stars and out on the 
G74 143 farm the night sky seemed to lie so close to the earth that I'd 
G74 144 think you could just reach right up and with your fingers rake the 
G74 145 firmament.<p/>
G74 146 <p_>In town I lived with my mother and grandmother. My father lived 
G74 147 just down the street. Although he and my mother deeply respected 
G74 148 each other always, they never actually married, as my mother felt 
G74 149 he was too old for her. He was maybe twenty-six when I was born; my 
G74 150 mother was sixteen. All her life she lived with my grandmother, 
G74 151 Sarah, except for one year, when I was eight or nine, that she 
G74 152 spent in New York. She stayed with a cousin there - in the early 
G74 153 forties, the war years, it seemed that everybody down in Suffolk 
G74 154 had a cousin or some relative in New York - but after one year she 
G74 155 came back. She had worked in a factory packing gefilte fish. Cooped 
G74 156 up for long hours in a stifling gefilte fish factory where the 
G74 157 workers were not even allowed to speak to one another, my mother, a 
G74 158 young woman with a free spirit from a small southern town of 
G74 159 friendly, outgoing people who'd think nothing of hollering their 
G74 160 greetings from one side of the street to the other, found the 
G74 161 conditions unbearable. One thing she said I'll never forget. She 
G74 162 was talking to my grandmother, and she told her that for so long as 
G74 163 she lived she would never ever again work for a white man.<p/>
G74 164 <p_>And she never again did. My mother was strong; she inspired me. 
G74 165 She went to Apex Beauty School to learn how to treat and style 
G74 166 black woman's hair. She bought chemistry books, which she studied 
G74 167 diligently, and she began making her own hair creams and beauty 
G74 168 aids. I used to watch her at her work in the kitchen with oils and 
G74 169 powders and scents and gelatin. I'd watch her as she'd combine her 
G74 170 mysterious ingredients, worry them, and it seemed to me magic the 
G74 171 way they would begin to congeal, become viscous and then thick, 
G74 172 like Vaseline. Her beauty treatments made her famous among black 
G74 173 women in the county. Even today you could go to the south of 
G74 174 Virginia and ask any of the older women there about Mary Goodman, 
G74 175 and they would tell you that woman could do some hair.<p/>
G74 176 <p_>Like my mother, I, too, went to New York for a year. In 1947. I 
G74 177 was fourteen then, and I had started feeling that I'd outgrown 
G74 178 Suffolk. Night and day I dreamed of living in New York with my 
G74 179 uncle.
G74 180 
G75   1 <#FROWN:G75\><h_><p_>ALICIA OSTRIKER<p/>
G75   2 <p_>THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS<p/>
G75   3 <p_><quote_>And they said one to another, Behold, this dreamer 
G75   4 cometh. Come now therefore, and let us slay him, and cast him into 
G75   5 some pit, and we will say, Some evil beast has devoured him; and we 
G75   6 shall see what will become of his dreams.<quote/><p/>
G75   7 <p_>Genesis 37.19-20<p/>
G75   8 <p_><quote_>All dreams are dependent on the interpretation given to 
G75   9 them.<quote/><p/>
G75  10 <p_>Midrash Rabbah<p/><h/>
G75  11 <p_>Take me, take me, I am coming down to you. Yes, all our arms 
G75  12 are outstretched, we almost have you, just a little farther. Come 
G75  13 on, our brother. A trail of bubbles above me, I pull myself hand 
G75  14 over hand - weeds thicker than a father's arms, rooted somewhere in 
G75  15 the invisible silted floor, offer themselves swaying. I gather 
G75  16 strength and kick straight downward. Am I there yet. Are you 
G75  17 enclosing me. Yes, it is so enjoyable here, heated, bowel-like, 
G75  18 golden, shimmering, green.<p/>
G75  19 <p_>When you arrive and join us we will begin our journey, we are 
G75  20 all going to be rich, we are only waiting for you.<p/>
G75  21 <p_>Our first fathers are alive in dream-time. There they are 
G75  22 naked. There they are, naked. We can almost touch them. We 
G75  23 ourselves can feel our identity with their bodies, which are their 
G75  24 real selves. They are most fundamentally biological beings, family 
G75  25 men, those who produce the next generation, the next link. They 
G75  26 bless, but they have to beget before they can bless: their 
G75  27 paternity is their deepest existence.<p/>
G75  28 <p_>God creates. The patriarchs beget. (Although <foreign|>Toledot, 
G75  29 begetting, in Genesis 4.2, obliquely almost suggests that God 
G75  30 generates the cosmos through a sexual act.)<p/>
G75  31 <p_>We can feel this. We remember their movements and gestures, 
G75  32 their journeyings, the fine comedy of their family relations, 
G75  33 living each other's lives, dying each other's deaths, as 
G75  34 performances we ourselves have performed. Almost no separation yet. 
G75  35 I practically was or am all these men and women, who are or were 
G75  36 me. The presence of El Shaddai, the Breasted One, the Mountain, 
G75  37 brings them forward, makes them large, making the borders between 
G75  38 them, and between them and me, traversible, and preventing the 
G75  39 intellectual distinction between life/dream, or myth/reality, or 
G75  40 here/there, or conscious/subconscious, or yes/no from 
G75  41 crystallizing. They fill up all the space, like the large, 
G75  42 eyes-breathing classical drawings of Picasso.<p/>
G75  43 <p_>Among the dream patriarchs nothing is yet repressed, everything 
G75  44 is deep yet transparent, like a sea in motion, its tides and 
G75  45 currents, and the way it rises up against the cliffs at its 
G75  46 shoreline, reaches over boulders, rushes into caves, embraces the 
G75  47 rock's least indentations. These patriarchs in their rising-up are 
G75  48 always already falling and yet heaving forward again. Theirs are 
G75  49 the ceaseless human rhythms, which we recognize as such only when 
G75  50 we have already lost them.<p/>
G75  51 <p_>With Joseph and his brothers, reality has imperceptibly 
G75  52 changed. Without a break in the narrative, something has been 
G75  53 broken. The sign of this is the <quote_>"coat of many 
G75  54 colors"<quote/> to which a mysteriously romantic quality is 
G75  55 attached. Why has this <quote_>"coat of many colors"<quote/> 
G75  56 reiterated itself through a thousand puzzle interpretations yet 
G75  57 remained a puzzle, like a bright square of embroidery appearing at 
G75  58 a congress of international bankers? It is the dream-garment, 
G75  59 materializing in consciousness at the very moment when 'reality' 
G75  60 and 'dream' part company. Like all such signs it faces two ways. A 
G75  61 sign of loss - parallel to the garments God makes for Adam and Eve, 
G75  62 or the covering with which his two cautious sons cover the drunken 
G75  63 Noah, or the hairy glove Jacob wears to defraud his father - yet at 
G75  64 the same time a sign of love and a sign of luxury, <quote_>"so 
G75  65 light and delicate,"<quote/> say the rabbis, <quote_>"it could be 
G75  66 crushed and concealed in the closed palm of one hand."<quote/> Rich 
G75  67 colors for a spoiled son, his father's favorite.<p/>
G75  68 <p_>We are approaching civilization as we know it. That is to say, 
G75  69 recognizable family life as we know it. Joseph is the penultimate 
G75  70 son born to a formerly barren wife in the book of Genesis. God has 
G75  71 removed (<foreign|>asuf) my reproach, says beautiful Rachel, and 
G75  72 may God add (<foreign|>yosef) another son to me. Joseph is the 
G75  73 darling, a pretty boy, <quote_>"fair of form and fair to look 
G75  74 at."<quote/> Those same words having been used to describe Rachel. 
G75  75 Joseph <tf|>is Rachel, somehow, his father's pet: the rabbis say he 
G75  76 painted his eyes and walked with mincing step. Showing off the coat 
G75  77 of many colors which old Jacob made him. Twirling, hugging himself. 
G75  78 A young Hebrew Narcissus. No wonder his brothers hate him. No 
G75  79 wonder they catch him in the field, strip him of his little coat 
G75  80 and throw him into the pit, and sell him into Egypt, and rip the 
G75  81 coat and dip it in goat's blood: exhibit A to show the father - do 
G75  82 you recognize this coat, Dad? A torn veil, a bloody show, a lost 
G75  83 innocence.<p/>
G75  84 <p_>Joseph dreams - what? Ten sheaves will bow down to one sheaf. 
G75  85 The sun and moon and eleven stars also bow to him. He runs to tell 
G75  86 the brothers; no wonder they want to get rid of him, the 
G75  87 intolerable brat, the A student - nobody has a problem interpreting 
G75  88 dreams like this. Later when Potiphar's wife tries to seduce him he 
G75  89 is the exemplary servant of his master, purer than the pure, so 
G75  90 that she is enraged and rips his garment off. Claims he tried to 
G75  91 rape her, that familiar tale of the insulted woman who fails to 
G75  92 understand the purity of the pretty young man. Another veil gone, 
G75  93 another false deflowering.<p/>
G75  94 <p_>Now Joseph the tease goes to prison. But he comes out again. 
G75  95 Potiphar likes him and puts him in charge, the jailor likes him and 
G75  96 puts him in charge. Pretty young man makes good, pleases the 
G75  97 bosses, gets the job, God makes his hand prosper in all things and 
G75  98 he is also unfailingly respectful to his superiors .... No doubt 
G75  99 with all sincerity, unlike the tale of the rabbi who insisted on 
G75 100 saying the Sabbath prayer for the ruler with great ardor, 
G75 101 explaining that one should always wish long life to the czar, since 
G75 102 the next one was sure to be worse ...<p/>
G75 103 <p_>Finally Pharaoh likes him very well and puts him in charge of 
G75 104 the kingdom.<p/>
G75 105 <p_>So the outsider/insider Joseph becomes Prime Minister, and not 
G75 106 for the last time. He obtains this position of power and influence 
G75 107 despite his background, and over the protests of certain 
G75 108 well-placed gentlemen who argue that if you let one of them in 
G75 109 you'll be drowned in a sea of them before you turn around. An 
G75 110 accurate assessment, as it eventuates; but the truth is that Joseph 
G75 111 has efficiency and integrity in his favor. Nobody catches him with 
G75 112 his hand in the till. Moreover, consider his impressive capacity 
G75 113 for assimilation: he has excellent manners, dresses well if a bit 
G75 114 austerely, marries his old employer's daughter (Potiphar's 
G75 115 daughter! so much for Potiphar's wife, that old she-bear). You 
G75 116 would never take him for one of ... well, you know what I'm talking 
G75 117 about ... if it were not for the slight accent, which many of the 
G75 118 ladies in any case consider superlatively charming. Above all is 
G75 119 his brilliance in an area people really care about. Dreams. What 
G75 120 does my dream mean? What does my life mean? What will happen next? 
G75 121 Oh, you'll be promoted. Oh, you'll be hanged. Oh, your kingdom will 
G75 122 have seven fat years followed by seven years of famine so it would 
G75 123 be a good idea for you to put someone competent in charge of the 
G75 124 granaries. Who do you suppose that should be. No, don't thank me, 
G75 125 thank the Holy One who lets me know these things, explains Joseph 
G75 126 modestly.<p/>
G75 127 <p_>Finally the day arrives for which we have all been waiting. 
G75 128 Joseph's brothers come down to Egypt during the famine. They are 
G75 129 here to buy grain. Everyone at home is on the verge of starvation. 
G75 130 The officials send them with all the other petitioners to make 
G75 131 their request of the Prime Minister, sitting in all his magisterial 
G75 132 robes. Do they recognize this Prime Minister? No. Does he recognize 
G75 133 them? What do you think. Does he tease them? What do you think. 
G75 134 Torment them? What do you think. Heap grain on them, feast them, 
G75 135 refuse to take their money, accuse them of theft, refuse to release 
G75 136 them unless they bring their youngest brother Benjamin to court - 
G75 137 while the old father at home laments that if he loses Benjamin, 
G75 138 Rachel's only other son, it will bring down his gray hairs with 
G75 139 sorrow to the grave - and when Joseph sees the boy Benjamin does he 
G75 140 hide himself in an antechamber to weep? What do you think. In the 
G75 141 end he reveals himself, and joyously restores the family unity. And 
G75 142 morally as well as materially generous? The brothers are feeling 
G75 143 guilty, and understandably anxious about Joseph's possible future 
G75 144 behavior. So Joseph reassures them: you thought you were doing me 
G75 145 harm, but you see it was all God's plan. By this time the family is 
G75 146 greatly expanded, so full of begats that <quote_>"all the souls 
G75 147 that came out of the loins of Jacob were seventy souls,"<quote/> 
G75 148 not to mention wives and servants, all of whom will now live 
G75 149 happily ever after.<p/>
G75 150 <p_><tf|>I have a family, <tf|>you have a family. Some of our 
G75 151 brothers are princes, some not so princely. And the children? 
G75 152 They're well, they're in good health, they graduated college 
G75 153 already, they're getting married? To have children is a blessing, 
G75 154 sometimes not such a blessing. <foreign_>Vey iz mir<foreign/>, God 
G75 155 willing, we should all be so lucky as Jacob, such a good son he 
G75 156 had, such a smart <foreign|>boychik.<p/>
G75 157 <p_>Nonetheless the coat of many colors materializes at the moment 
G75 158 of loss. A symbol of something else. A symbol of <tf|>symbolism. 
G75 159 The material object evoking the maternal subject: matter for pride 
G75 160 and arrogance on the part of the innocent showoff child, matter for 
G75 161 the mutter on the part of his jealous brothers, patchwork of 
G75 162 Israel's sensuous love for Rachel-Joseph, fabric for another kind 
G75 163 of story, a new velvet moment.<p/>
G75 164 <p_>Good-bye, good-bye to the family; when one adaptable brother 
G75 165 can leave the backwoods - but we do not know they are the backwoods 
G75 166 until he leaves, we thought 'home' was the world - for the big 
G75 167 city, where he will become rich and powerful. Where his family will 
G75 168 become his pathetic dependents and he their magnanimous protector. 
G75 169 Does the mysterious bond of the family fail? No, but we see now 
G75 170 that it might fail, it is susceptible to failure, the advent of the 
G75 171 individual such as Joseph destroys the powerful biological balance 
G75 172 of the mythic family. In the successions of brothers, Cain and Abel 
G75 173 are bonded forever, Abraham and Lot are balanced, Isaac and Ishmael 
G75 174 are balanced, Jacob and Esau are balanced - although one in each 
G75 175 pair is the chosen link in God's chain, the brothers remain 
G75 176 inhabitants of a shared world. But in the generation of Joseph and 
G75 177 his brothers the filial bond becomes a matter of human choice. The 
G75 178 brothers choose to reject it. Joseph chooses to restore it.<p/>
G75 179 <p_>(Please feel free to use my limousine, boys. I'll send my 
G75 180 tailor over in the morning. Charge it on my card. Listen, here's 
G75 181 the key to the liquor cabinet. Just don't worry about a thing - 
G75 182 you'll be looked after, your children also. What can be more 
G75 183 precious to a man than his family. He unbends, he chokes back the 
G75 184 tears, he embraces them. At the moment of intimacy he weeps 
G75 185 unreservedly.)<p/>
G75 186 <p_>The biological family belongs to dream-time and myth-space. The 
G75 187 brothers, acting on personal resentment, break the magic circle. 
G75 188 Joseph is ejected out of dream-time into the practical world of a 
G75 189 complex society. A class structure. A wealthy household, keeping 
G75 190 the books and overseeing the estate, sexual novelty surrounding him 
G75 191 (which he rejects, but it must be educational), jail, the pharaonic 
G75 192 court, political maneuvering, imperial economic policy. Clean as a 
G75 193 whistle, pure as a lily, smelling like a desert rose, Joseph rises 
G75 194 like a cork - from foreign slave to headman in three easy lessons. 
G75 195 Nothing succeeds like success. But the secret of his success is 
G75 196 that Joseph brings with him a piece of dream-time.
G75 197 
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