<B CEHIST3B>
<Q E3 NN HIST MILTON>
<N HISTORY OF BRITAIN>
<A MILTON JOHN>
<C E3>
<O 1640-1710>
<M X>
<K X>
<D ENGLISH>
<V PROSE>
<T HISTORY>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H PROF>
<U X>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>


[^MILTON, JOHN.
THE HISTORY OF BRITAIN, THAT PART ESPECIALLY
NOW CALL'D ENGLAND (1670).
THE WORKS OF JOHN MILTON, VOL. X.
ED. G. P. KRAPP.
NEW YORK: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1932.
PP. 141.1  - 150.5       (SAMPLE 1)
PP. 270.15 - 281.17      (SAMPLE 2)^]

<S SAMPLE 1>
<P X,141>
[}THE HISTORY OF BRITAIN.}]

[}THE FOURTH BOOK}]

   The (^Saxons^) grown up now to 7 absolute Kingdoms,
and the latest of them establish'd by succession, finding
thir power arrive well nigh at the utmost of what
was to be gain'd upon the (^Britans^) , and as little fearing   #
to be
displanted by them, had time now to survey at leasure one 
anothers greatness. Which quickly bred among them, either
envy, or mutual jealousies; till the West Kingdom at length 
grown over powerful, put an end to all the rest. Mean while,
above others, (^Ethelbert^) of (^Kent^) , who by this time had  #
well
rip'nd his young ambition, with more ability of years and
experience in War, what before he attempted to his loss, now
successfully attains; and by degrees brought all the other
Monarchies between (^Kent^) and (^Humber^) , to be at his       #
devotion.
To which design the Kingdom of (^West-Saxons^) , being
the firmest of them all, at that time sore shak'n by thir       #
overthrow
at (^Wodens-beorth^) , and the Death of (^Keaulin^) , gave him
no doubt a main advantage; the rest yeilded not subjection,
but as he earn'd it by continual Victories. And to win him the
more regard abroad, he marries (^Bertha^) the French Kings
Daughter, though a Christian, and with this condition, to
have the free exercise of her Faith, under the care and         #
instruction
of (^Letardus^) a Bishop, sent by her Parents along
with her; the King notwithstanding and his people retaining
thir own Religion. (^Beda^) out of (^Gildas^) laies it sadly    #
to the
<P X,142>
(^Britans^) charge, that they never would voutsafe thir         #
(^Saxon^)
Neighbours the means of conversion: but how far to blame 
they were, and what hope there was of converting in the
midst of so much hostility, at least falshood from thir first
arrival, is not now easie to determin. Howbeit not long after, 
they had the Christian Faith preach't to them by a Nation
more remote, and (as a report went, accounted old in (^Bedas^)
time) upon this occasion.
The (^Northumbrians^) had a custom at that time, and many
hunder'd yeares after not abolish't, to sell thir Children for  #
a
small value into any Foren Land. Of which number, two 
comly youths were brought to (^Rome^) , whose fair and honest
countnances invited (^Gregory^) Arch-Deacon of that Citty,
among others that beheld them, pittying thir condition, to
demand whence they were; it was answer'd by som who
stood by, that they were (^Angli^) of the Province (^Deira^) ,  #
subjects
to (^Alla^) King of (^Northumberland^) , and by Religion        #
Pagans.
Which last (^Gregory^) deploring, fram'd on a sudden this
allusion to the three names he heard; that the (^Angli^) so     #
like 
to Angels should be snatch't (\de ira\) , that is, from the     #
wrath of
God, to sing Hallelujah : and forthwith obtaining licence of
(^Benedict^) the Pope, had come and preach't heer among them,
had not the (^Roman^) people, whose love endur'd not the        #
absence
of so vigilant a Pastor over them, recall'd him then on
his journey, though but deferr'd his pious intention. For a
while after, succeeding in the Papal Seat, and now in his
fourth year, admonisht, saith (^Beda^) , by divine instinct, he
sent (^Augustine^) whom he had design'd for Bishop of the
<P X,143>
(^English^) Nation, and other zealous Monks with him, to
preach to them the Gospel. Who being now on thir way,
discouraged by some reports, or thir own carnal fear, sent
back (^Austin^) , in the name of all, to beseech (^Gregory^)    #
they
might return home, and not be sent a journey so full of hazard,
to a fierce and infidel Nation, whose tongue they understood
not. (^Gregory^) with pious and Apostolic perswasions
exhorts them not to shrink back from so good a work, but
cheerfully to go on in the strength of divine assistance. The
Letter it self yet extant among our Writers of Ecclesiastic
story, I omit heer, as not professing to relate of those        #
matters
more then what mixes aptly with civil affairs. The Abbot
(^Austin^) , for so he was ordain'd over the rest,              #
reincourag'd by
the exhortations of (^Gregory^) , and his fellows by the Letter
which he brought them, came safe to the Ile of (^Tanet^) , in
number about 40, besides some of the French Nation whom
they took along as Interpreters. (^Ethelbert^) the King, to     #
whom
(^Austin^) at his landing had sent a new and wondrous message,
that he came from (^Rome^) to proffer Heav'n and eternal        #
happiness
in the knowledge of another God then the (^Saxons^)
knew, appoints them to remain where they landed, and            #
necessaries
to be provided them, consulting in the mean time 
what was to be done. And after certain days coming into the
Iland, chose a place to meet them under the open Sky, possest
with an old perswasion, that all Spells, if they should use any
to deceive him, so it were not within doors, would be           #
unavailable.
They on the other side call'd to his presence, advancing
for thir Standard, a silver cross, and the painted
<P X,144>
image of our Saviour, came slowly forward singing thir
solemn Litanies: which wrought in (^Ethelbert^) more suspition 
perhaps that they us'd enchantments; till sitting down as the 
King will'd them, they there preach'd to him, and all in that 
assembly, the tidings of Salvation. Whom having heard           #
attentively,
the King thus answer'd. Fair indeed and ample
are the promises which ye bring, and such things as have the
appearance in them of much good; yet such as being new and 
uncertain, I cannot hastily assent to, quitting the Religion
which from my Ancestors, with all the (^English^) Nation,
so many years I have retain'd. Nevertheless because ye are
strangers, and have endur'd so long a journey, to impart us
the knowledge of things, which I perswade me you believe
to be the truest and the best, ye may be sure we shall not
recompence you with any molestation, but shall provide
rather how we may friendliest entertain ye; nor do we forbid
whom ye can by preaching gain to your belief. And accordingly
thir residence he allotted them in (^Doroverne^) or             #
(^Canturbury^)
his chief Citty, and made provision for thir maintenance,
with free leave to preach their doctrine where they
pleased. By which, and by the example of thir holy life, spent
in prayer, fasting, and continual labour in the conversion of
Souls, they won many; on whose bounty and the Kings, receiving
only what was necessary, they subsisted. There stood
without the Citty, on the East-side, an ancient Church built
in honour of St. (^Martin^) , while yet the (^Romans^)          #
remain'd heer:
in which (^Bertha^) the Queen went out usually to pray: Heer
they also began first to preach, baptize, and openly to         #
exercise
<P X,145>
divine worship. But when the King himself convinc't by thir
good life & miracles, became Christian, and was baptiz'd,
which came to pass in the very first year of thir arrival, then
multitudes daily, conforming to thir Prince, thought it honour
to be reckon'd among those of his faith. To whom (^Ethelbert^)
indeed principally shewed his favour, but compell'd
none. For so he had bin taught by them who were both the
Instructors and the Authors of his faith, that Christian        #
Religion
ought to be voluntary, not compell'd. About this time
(^Kelwulf^) the Son of (^Cutha Keaulins^) Brother reign'd over  #
the
(^West-Saxons^) , after his Brother (^Keola^) or (^Kelric^) ,   #
and had continual
War either with (^English, Welch, Picts^) , or (^Scots^) . But
(^Austin^) , whom with his fellows, (^Ethelbert^) now had       #
endow'd
with a better place for thir abode in the Citty, and other      #
possessions
necessary to livelihood, crossing into (^France^) , was by
the Archbishop of (^Arles^) , at the appointment of Pope        #
(^Gregory^) ,
ordain'd Archbishop of the (^English^) : and returning, sent
to (^Rome Laurence^) and (^Peter^) , two of his associates, to  #
acquaint
the Pope of his good success in (^England^) , and to be
resolv'd of certain Theological, or rather Levitical questions:
with answers to which, not proper in this place, (^Gregory^)
sends also to the great work of converting, that went on so
happily, a supply of labourers, (^Mellitus, Justus, Paulinus,
Rufinian^) , and many others; who what they were, may be 
guess't by the stuff which they brought with them, vessels
and vestments for the Altar, Coaps, reliques, and for the
Archbishop (^Austin^) a Pall to say Mass in: to such a rank
superstition that Age was grown, though some of them yet
<P X,146>
retaining an emulation of Apostolic zeal: lastly, to            #
(^Ethelbert^)
they brought a letter with many presents. (^Austin^) thus       #
exalted
to Archiepiscopal authority, recover'd from the ruins and
other profane uses, a Christian Church in (^Canturbury^) built
of old by the (^Romans^) ; which he dedicated by the name of
Christs Church, and joyning to it built a seat for himself and
his successors; a Monastery also neer the Citty Eastward,
where (^Ethelbert^) at his motion built St. (^Peters^) , and    #
enrich't it
with great endowments, to be a place of burial for the          #
Archbishops
and Kings of (^Kent^) : so quickly they step't up into
fellowship of pomp with Kings. While thus (^Ethelbert^) and
his people had thir minds intent, (^Ethelfrid^) the             #
(^Northumbrian^)
King, was not less busied in far different affairs: for
being altogether warlike, and covetous of fame, he more
wasted the (^Britans^) then any (^Saxon^) King before him;      #
winning 
from them large Territories, which either he made tributary,
or planted with his own Subjects. Whence (^Edan^) King of
those (^Scots^) that dwelt in (^Britain^) , jealous of his      #
successes,
came against him with a mighty Army, to a place call'd
(^Degsastan^) ; but in the fight loosing most of his men,       #
himself
with a few escap'd: only (^Theobald^) the Kings brother, and
the whole wing which he commanded, unfortunately cut
off, made the Victory to (^Ethelfrid^) less intire. Yet from    #
that
time no King of (^Scots^) in hostile manner durst pass into     #
(^Britain^)
for a hunderd and more years after: and what some years
before, (^Kelwulf^) the (^West-Saxon^) is annal'd to have done
against the (^Scots^) and (^Picts^) , passing through the Land  #
of
(^Ethelfrid^) a King so potent, unless in his aid and           #
alliance, is
<P X,147>
not likely. (^Buchanan^) writes as if (^Ethelfrid^) , assisted  #
by (^Keaulin^)
whom he mistitles King of (^East-Saxons^) , had before this 
time a battel with (^Aidan^) , wherein (^Cutha Keaulins^) son   #
was
slain. But (^Cutha^) , as is above written from better          #
authority,
was slain in fight against the (^Welch^) 20 years before. The
number of Christians began now to increase so fast, that
(^Augustine^) ordaining Bishops under him, two of his           #
assistants
(^Mellitus^) and (^Justus^) , sent them out both to the work    #
of thir
ministry. And (^Mellitus^) by preaching converted the           #
(^East-Saxons^) ,
over whom (^Sebert^) the son of (^Sleda^) , by permission of
(^Ethelbert^) , being born of his sister (^Ricula^) , then      #
reign'd.
Whose conversion (^Ethelbert^) to gratulate, built them the     #
great
Church of St. (^Paul^) in (^London^) to be their Bishops        #
Cathedral;
as (^Justus^) also had his built at (^Rochester^) , and both    #
gifted by
the same King with fair possessions. Hitherto (^Austin^)        #
laboured
well among Infidels, but not with like commendation
soon after among Christians. For by means of (^Ethelbert^)      #
summoning
the (^Britan^) Bishops to a place on the edge of                #
(^Worcestershire^) ,
call'd from that time (^Augustines^) Oke, he requires
them to conform with him in the same day of celebrating
(^Easter^) , and many other points wherein they differ'd from   #
the
rites of (^Rome^) : which when they refus'd to do, not          #
prevailing
by dispute, he appeals to a miracle, restoring to sight a blind
man whom the (^Britans^) could not cure. At this something
mov'd, though not minded to recede from thir own opinions
without furder consultation, they request a second meeting:
to which came seven (^Britan^) Bishops, with many other lerned
men, especially from the famous Monastery of (^Bangor^) , in
<P X,148>
which were said to be so many Monks, living all by thir own
labour, that being divided under seven Rectors, none had
fewer then 300. One man there was who staid behind, a
Hermit by the life he led, who by his wisdom effected more
then all the rest who went: being demanded, for they held
him as an Oracle, how they might know (^Austin^) to be a man
from God, that they might follow him, he answer'd, that if
they found him meek and humble, they should be taught by
him, for it was likeliest to be the yoke of Christ, both what
he bore himself, and would have them bear; but if he bore
himself proudly, that they should not regard him, for he was
then certainly not of God. They took his advice, and hasted 
to the place of meeting. Whom (^Austin^) being already there
before them, neither arose to meet, nor receiv'd in any         #
brotherly
sort, but sat all the while pontifically in his Chair.
Whereat the (^Britans^) , as they were counsel'd by the holy    #
man,
neglected him, and neither hark'n'd to his proposals of         #
conformity,
nor would acknowledge him for an Archbishop:
And in name of the rest, (^Dinothus^) then Abbot of             #
(^Bangor^) , is
said, thus sagely to have answer'd him. As to the subjection
which you require, be thus perswaded of us, that in the bond
of love and charity we are all Subjects and Servants to the 
Church of God, yea to the Pope of (^Rome^) , and every good
Christian to help them forward, both by word and deed, to
be the Childern of God: other obedience then this we know
not to be due to him whom you term the Pope; and this obedience
we are ready to give both to him and to every Christian
continually. Besides, we are govern'd under God by the 
<P X,149>
Bishop of (^Caerleon^) , who is to oversee us in spiritual      #
matters.
To which (^Austin^) thus presaging, some say menacing,          #
replies, 
since ye refuse to accept of peace with your brethren, ye shall
have War from your enemies; and since ye will not with
us preach the word of life, to whom ye ought, from their
hands ye shall receive death. This, though Writers agree not 
whether (^Austin^) spake it as his prophecy, or as his plot     #
against
the (^Britans^) , fell out accordingly. For many years were not
past, when (^Ethelfrid^) , whether of his own accord, or at the
request of (^Ethelbert^) incens't by (^Austin^) , with a        #
powerful host
came to (^Westchester^) , then (^Caer-legion^) . Where being    #
met by 
the (^British^) Forces, and both sides in readiness to give     #
the 
onset, he discernes a company of men, not habited for War,
standing together in a place of some safety; and by them a 
Squadron arm'd. Whom having lernt upon some enquiry to
be Priests and Monks, assembl'd thither after three days        #
fasting,
to pray for the good success of thir Forces against him,
therefore they first, saith he, shall feel our Swords; for they
who pray against us, fight heaviest against us by thir prayers,
and are our dangerousest enemies. And with that turns his
first charge upon the Monks: (^Brocmail^) the Captain set to 
guard them, quickly turns his back, and leaves above 1200
Monks to a sudden massacher, whereof scarse fifty scap'd,
but not so easie work found (^Ethelfrid^) against another part  #
of
(^Britans^) that stood in arms, whom though at last he          #
overthrew,
yet with slaughter nigh as great to his own souldiers.
To excuse (^Austin^) of this bloodshed, lest some might think   #
it
his revengeful policy, (^Beda^) writes that he was dead long    #
before,
<P X,150>
although if the time of his sitting Archbishop be right
computed sixteen years, he must survive this action. Other
just ground of charging him with this imputation appears not,
save what evidently we have from (^Geffry Monmouth^) , whose
weight we know.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P X,270>
[}EDMUND IRONSIDE.}] 

   After the decease of (^Ethelred^) , they of the Nobility
who were then at (^London^) together with the Citizens,
chose (^Edmund^) his Son (not by (^Emma^) , but a former Wife   #
the
Daughter of Earl (^Thored^) ) in his Fathers room; but the      #
Archbishops,
Abbots, and many of the Nobles assembling together
elected (^Canute^) ; and coming to (^Southamton^) where he then
remain'd, renounc'd before him all the race of (^Ethelred^) ,   #
and
swore him fidelity: he also swore to them, in matters both
religious and secular, to be thir faithfull Lord. But           #
(^Edmund^)
with all speed going to the (^West-Saxons^) , was joyfully      #
receav'd
of them as thir King, and of many other Provinces by their 
example. Mean while (^Canute^) about mid (^May^) came with his
<P X,271>
whole Fleet up the River to (^London^) ; then causing a great
Dike to be made on (^Surrey^) side, turn'd the stream and drew
his Ships thether West of the Bridge; then begirting the City
with a broad and deep trench, assail'd it on every side; but
repulst as before by the valorous Defendants, and in despair
of success at that time, leaving part of his Army for the       #
defence
of his Ships, with the rest sped him to the (^West-Saxons^) ,
ere (^Edmund^) could have time to assemble all his powers: who
yet with such as were at hand invoking divine aid, encounterd
the (^Danes^) at (^Pen^) by (^Gillingham^) in                   #
(^Dorsetshire^) , and put him
to flight. After mid-summer, encreast with new Forces, he met
with him again at a place call'd (^Sherastan^) , now            #
(^Sharstan^) ; but
(^Edric, Almar^) , and (^Algar^) , with the (^Hamshire^) and    #
(^Wiltshire^)
men, then sideing with the (^Danes^) , he only maintain'd the
fight, obstinatly fought on both sides, till night and          #
weariness
parted them. Day light returning renu'd the conflict; wherein
the (^Danes^) appearing inferiour, (^Edric^) to dishart'n the   #
English
cuts off the Head of one (^Osmer^) , in countnance and hair     #
somewhat
resembling the King, and holding it up, cries aloud to
the English, that (^Edmund^) being slain and this his head, it
was time for them to flie; which falacy (^Edmund^) perceaving,
and op'nly shewing himself to his Souldiers, by a spear thrown
at (^Edric^) , that missing him yet slew one next him, and      #
through
him another behinde, they recoverd heart, and lay sore upon
the (^Danes^) till night parted them as before: for ere the     #
third
morn, (^Canute^) sensible of his loss, march'd away by stealth  #
to
his Ships at (^London^) , renuing there his leagre. Some would
have this Battell at (^Sherastan^) the same with that at        #
(^Scorastan^)
<P X,272>
before mention'd, but the circumstance of time permits not
that, having bin before the landing of (^Canute^) , this a good
while after, as by the Process of things appears: from          #
(^Sherastan^)
or (^Sharstan, Edmund^) return'd to the (^West-Saxons^) , whose
valour (^Edric^) fearing, least it might prevail against the    #
(^Danes^) ,
sought pardon of his revolt, and obtaining it swore loyalty to 
the King, who now the third time coming with an Army from
the (^West-Saxons^) to (^London^) , rais'd the Seige, chaseing  #
(^Canute^)
and his (^Danes^) to thir Ships. Then after two daies passing   #
the
(^Thames^) at (^Branford^) , and so coming on thir backs, kept  #
them
so turn'd, and obtain'd the Victory: then returns again to his
(^West Saxons^) , and (^Canute^) to his Seige, but still in     #
vain; riseing
therfore thence, he enterd with his Ships a River then call'd 
(^Arenne^) ; and from the Banks therof wafted (^Mercia^) ;      #
thence
thir Horse by land, thir Foot by Ship came to (^Medway^) .      #
(^Edmund^)
in the mean while with multipli'd Forces out of many
Shires, crossing again at (^Branford^) , came into (^Kent^) ,   #
seeking
(^Canute^) ; encounterd him at (^Otford^) , and so defeated,    #
that of
his Horse, they who escap'd fled to the Ile of (^Sheppey^) ,    #
and a 
full Victory he had gain'd, had not (^Edric^) still the         #
Traytor by
some wile or other detain'd his persuit: and (^Edmund^) who
never wanted courage, heer wanted prudence to be so misled,
ever after forsak'n of his wonted Fortune. (^Canute^) crossing
with his Army into (^Essex^) , thence wasted (^Mercia^) worse   #
then
before, and with heavy prey return'd to his Ships: them         #
(^Edmund^)
with a collected Army persueing, overtook at a place
call'd (^Assandune^) , or (^Asseshill^) , now (^Ashdown^) in    #
(^Essex^) ; the
Battel on either side was fought with great vehemence; but
<P X,273>
perfidious (^Edric^) perceaving the Victory to incline towards
(^Edmund^) , with that part of the Army which was under him,
fled, as he had promis'd (^Canute^) , and left the King         #
over-match't
with numbers: by which desertion the English were over-thrown,
Duke (^Alfric^) , Duke (^Godwin^) , and (^Ulfketel^) the        #
valiant
Duke of (^East-Angles^) , with a great part of the Nobility
slain, so as the English of a long time had not receav'd a      #
greater
blow. Yet after a while (^Edmund^) not absurdly call'd          #
(^Ironside^) ,
preparing to try again his Fortune in another feild, was        #
hinderd
by (^Edric^) and others of his faction, adviseing him to make
peace and divide the Kingdome with (^Canute^) . To which        #
(^Edmund^)
over-rul'd, a treaty appointed, and pledges mutually
giv'n, both Kings met together at a place call'd (^Deorhirst^)  #
in
(^Glostershire; Edmund^) on the West side of (^Severn,          #
Canute^) on 
the East with thir Armies, then both in person wafted into an
Iland, at that time call'd (^Olanege^) , now (^Alney^) in the   #
midst of
the River; swearing amity and brotherhood, they parted the 
Kingdome between them. Then interchanging Armes and the 
habit they wore, assessing also what pay should be allotted to
the Navy; they departed each his way. Concerning this interveiw
and the cause therof, others write otherwise; (^Malmsbury^) ,
that (^Edmund^) greiving at the loss of so much blood spilt
for the ambition only of two men striveing who should reign,
of his own accord sent to (^Canute^) , offering him single      #
Combate,
to prevent in thir own cause the effusion of more blood
then thir own; that (^Canute^) though of courage anough, yet    #
not
unwisely doubting to adventure his body of small Timber, 
against a man of Iron sides, refus'd the Combate, offring to
<P X,274>
divide the Kingdome; this offer pleasing both Armies,           #
(^Edmund^)
was not difficult to consent; and the decision was, that
he as his hereditary Kingdome should rule the (^West-Saxons^) ,
and all the (^South, Canute^) the (^Mercians^) , and the        #
(^North^) . (^Huntingdon^)
follow'd by (^Mat. West.^) relates, that the Peers on every
side wearied out with continuall warfare, and not refraining 
to affirm op'nly, that they two who expected to reign singly,
had most reason to fight singly, the Kings were content; the
Iland was thir lists, the Combate Knightly; till (^Knute^)      #
finding
himself too weak, began to parle, which ended as is said        #
before.
After which the (^Londoners^) bought thir peace of the
(^Danes^) , and permitted them to winter in the City. But King
(^Edmund^) about the Feast of St. (^Andrew^) , unexpectedly     #
deceas'd
at (^London^) , and was buried neer (^Edgar^) his Grandfather
at (^Glaston^) . The cause of his so sudden death is uncertain;
common fame, saith (^Malmsbury^) , laies the guilt therof
upon (^Edric^) , who to please (^Canute^) , allur'd with        #
promise of reward
two of the Kings Privy Chamber, though at first abhorring
the fact, to assassinate him at the stool, by thrusting a 
sharp Iron into his hinder parts. (^Huntingdon^) , and (^Mat.   #
West.^)
relate it done at (^Oxford^) by the Son of (^Edric^) , and      #
something
vary in the manner, not worth recital. (^Edmund^) dead,         #
(^Canute^)
meaning to reign sole King of (^England^) , calls to him all    #
the
Dukes, Barons, and Bishops of the Land, cunningly demanding
of them who were witnesses what agreement was made
between him and (^Edmund^) dividing the Kingdome, whether
the Sons and Brothers of (^Edmund^) were to govern the          #
(^West-Saxons^)
after him, (^Canute^) living? they who understood his
<P X,275>
meaning, and fear'd to undergo his anger, timorously answerd, 
that (^Edmund^) they knew had left no part therof to his Sons   #
or
Brethren, living or dying; but that he intended (^Canute^)      #
should
be thir Guardian, till they came to age of reigning. (^Simeon^)
affirms, that for fear or hope of reward they attested what     #
was 
not true: notwithstanding which he put many of them to
death not long after.

[}CANUTE, OR KNUTE.}]

   Canute having thus sounded the Nobility, and by
them understood, receav'd thir Oath of fealty, they
the pledge of his bare hand, and Oath from the (^Danish^)
Nobles; whereupon the House of (^Edmund^) was renounc't, and
(^Canute^) Crown'd. Then they enacted, that (^Edwi^) Brother of
(^Edmund^) , a Prince of great hope, should be banish't the
Realm. But (^Canute^) not thinking himself secure while         #
(^Edwi^) 
liv'd, consulted with (^Edric^) how to make him away; who told
him of one (^Ethelward^) a decay'd Nobleman, likeliest to do    #
the
work. (^Ethelward^) sent for, and tempted by the King in        #
privat,
with largest rewards, but abhorring in his mind the deed,
promisd to do it when he saw his opportunity; and so still
deferr'd it. But (^Edwi^) afterwards receav'd into favour as a
snare, was by him or some other of his false freinds,           #
(^Canute^)
contriving it, the same year slain. (^Edric^) also counsel'd    #
him to 
dispatch (^Edward^) and (^Edmund^) , the Sons of                #
(^Ironside^) ; but the
King doubting that the fact would seem too foul done in
(^England^) , sent them to the King of (^Sweden^) , with like   #
intent;
but he disdaining the Office, sent them for better safety to
(^Solomon^) King of (^Hungary^) ; where (^Edmund^) at length    #
dy'd,
<P X,276>
but (^Edward^) married (^Agatha^) Daughter to (^Henry^) the     #
(^German^)
Emperour. A digression in the Laws of (^Edward^) Confessor
under the Title of (\Lex Noricorum\) saith, that this           #
(^Edward^) for
fear of (^Canute^) , fled of his own accord to (^Malesclot^)    #
King of
the (^Rugians^) , who receav'd him honourably, and of that      #
Country
gave him a Wife. (^Canute^) settl'd in his Throne, divided
the Government of his Kingdom into fowr parts; the              #
(^West-Saxons^)
to himself, the (^East-Angles^) to Earl (^Turkill^) , the       #
(^Mercians^)
to (^Edric^) , the (^Northumbrians^) to (^Eric^) ; then made    #
peace
with all Princes round about him, and his former Wife being
dead, in (^July^) married (^Emma^) the Widow of King            #
(^Ethelred^) .
The (^Christmas^) following was an ill Feast to (^Edric^) , of  #
whose
Treason, the King having now made use as much as serv'd
his turn, and fearing himself to be the next betray'd, caus'd
him to be slain at (^London^) in the Palace, thrown over the    #
City
Wall, and there to lie unburied; the head of (^Edric^) fixt on  #
a
pole, he commanded to be set on the highest Tower of            #
(^London^) ,
as in a double sence he had promis'd him, for the murder
of King (^Edmund^) to exalt him above all the Peers of          #
(^England^) .
(^Huntingdon, Malmsbury^) , and (^Mat. West.^) write, that      #
suspecting
the Kings intention to degrade him from his (^Mercian^)
Dukedome, and upbraiding him with his merits, the King 
enrag'd, caus'd him to be strangl'd in the room, and out at a
Window thrown into the (^Thames^) . Another writes, that        #
(^Eric^)
at the Kings command struck off his head. Other great men 
though without fault, as Duke (^Norman^) the Son of (^Leofwin,
Ethelward^) Son of Duke (^Agelmar^) , he put to death at the    #
same
time, jealous of thir power of familiarity with (^Edric^) : and
<P X,277>
notwithstanding peace, kept still his Army; to maintain
which, the next year he squees'd out of the English, though
now his subjects, not his Enemies, 72, some say, 82 thousand
pound, besides 15 thousand out of (^London^) . Mean while great
War arose at (^Carr^) , between (^Uthred^) Son of (^Waldef^) ,  #
Earl of
(^Northumberland^) , and (^Malcolm^) Son of (^Kened^) King of   #
(^Scots^) ,
with whom held (^Eugenius^) King of (^Lothian^) . But heer      #
(^Simeon^)
the relater seems to have committed some mistake, having
slain (^Uthred^) by (^Canute^) two years before, and set        #
(^Eric^) in his
place: (^Eric^) therfore it must needs be, not (^Uthred^) ,     #
who manag'd
this War against the (^Scots^) . About which time in a          #
Convention
of (^Danes^) at (^Oxford^) , it was agreed on both parties to
keep the Laws of (^Edgar; Mat. West.^) saith, of (^Edward^)     #
the 
Elder. The next year (^Canute^) sail'd into (^Denmarke^) , and  #
there
abode all Winter. (^Huntingdon^) and (^Mat. West.^) say, he     #
went
thether to repress the (^Swedes^) , and that the night before a
Battel to be fought with them. (^Godwin^) stealing out of the
Camp with his English, assaulted the (^Swedes^) , and had got   #
the
victory ere (^Canute^) in the morning knew of any fight. For
which bold enterprise, though against Discipline, he had the
English in more esteem ever after. In the Spring at his return
into (^England^) , he held in the time of (^Easter^) a great    #
assembly
at (^Chirchester^) , and the same year was with (^Turkill^)     #
the (^Dane^)
at the dedication of a Church by them built at (^Assendune^) ,  #
in
the place of that great Victory which won him the Crown.
But suspecting his greatness, the year following banish'd him 
the Realm, and found occasion to do the like by (^Eric^) the
(^Northumbrian^) Earl upon the same jealousie. Nor yet content
<P X,278>
with his Conquest of (^England^) , though now above ten years
enjoy'd, he pass'd with 50 Ships into (^Norway^) , dispossess'd
(^Olave^) thir King, and subdu'd the land, first with great
summes of money sent the year before to gain him a party,
then coming with an Army to compell the rest. Thence returning
King of (^England, Denmarke^) , and (^Norway^) , yet not
secure in his mind, under colour of an Embassey he sent into
banishment (^Hacun^) a powerfull (^Dane^) , who had married the
Daughter of his Sister (^Gunildis^) , having conceav'd some     #
suspition
of his practices against him: but such course was tak'n, 
that he never came back; either perishing at Sea, or slain by
contrivance the next year in (^Orkney^) . (^Canute^) therefore  #
having
thus establish't himself by bloodshed and oppression, to
wash away, as he thought, the guilt therof, sailing again into
(^Denmark^) , went thence to (^Rome^) , and offerd there to     #
St. (^Peter^)
great guifts of Gold and Silver, and other pretious things;     #
besides
the usuall tribute of (^Romscot^) , giving great Alms by the
way, both thether and back again, freeing many places of
Custom and Toll with great expence, where strangers were
wont to pay, having vow'd great amendment of life at the
Sepulchre of (^Peter^) and (^Paul^) , and to his whole people   #
in a large
letter writt'n from (^Rome^) yet extant. At his return          #
therfore he
built and dedicated a Church to St. (^Edmund^) at (^Bury^) ,    #
whom
his Ancestors had slain, threw out the secular Preists who had
intruded there, and plac'd Monks in thir stead; then going
into (^Scotland^) , subdu'd and receav'd homage of              #
(^Malcolm^) , and
two other Kings there, (^Melbeath^) , and (^Jermare^) . Three   #
years
after having made (^Swane^) his suppos'd Son by (^Algiva^) of
<P X,279>
(^Northamton^) , Duke (^Alfhelms^) Daughter (for others say the
Son of a Preist whom (^Algiva^) barren had got ready at the     #
time
of her feign'd labour) King of (^Norway^) , and (^Hardecnute^)  #
his
Son by (^Emma^) King of (^Denmark^) , and design'd (^Harold^)   #
his
Son by (^Algiva^) of (^Northamton^) King of (^England^) , dy'd  #
at
(^Shaftsbury^) , and was buried at (^Winchester^) in the old    #
Monastery.
This King, as appears, ended better then he began, for
though he seems to have had no hand in the Death of             #
(^Ironside^) ,
but detested the fact, and bringing the murderers, who came
to him in hope of great reward, forth among his Courtiers, as
it were to receave thanks, after they had op'nly related the
manner of thir killing him, deliver'd them to deserved          #
punishment,
yet he spar'd (^Edric^) whom he knew to be the prime
Authour of that detestable fact; till willing to be rid of him,
grown importune upon the confidence of his merits, and          #
upbraided
by him that he had first relinquisht, then extinguisht
(^Edmund^) for his sake; angry to be so upbraided, therfore     #
said
he with a chang'd countnance, Traytor to God and to me,
thou shalt die; thine own mouth accuses thee to have slain thy
Master my confederate Brother, and the Lords Anointed.
Whereupon although present and privat Execution was in
rage done upon (^Edric^) , yet he himself in cool blood         #
scrupl'd
not to make away the Brother and Childern of (^Edmund^) , who 
had better right to be the Lords Anointed heer then himself.
When he had obtain'd in (^England^) what he desir'd, no wonder
if he sought the love of his conquerd Subjects for the love of
his own quiet, the maintainers of his wealth and state, for his
own profit. For the like reason he is thought to have married
<P X,280>
(^Emma^) , and that (^Richard^) Duke of (^Normandy^) her        #
Brother
might the less care what became of (^Elfred^) and (^Edward^) ,  #
her
Sons by King (^Ethelred^) . He commanded to be observ'd the 
antient (^Saxon^) Laws, call'd afterwards the Laws of           #
(^Edward^)
the Confessor, not that hee made them, but strictly observ'd
them. His Letter from (^Rome^) professes, if he had done aught
amiss in his youth, through negligence or want of due temper,
full resolution with the help of God to make amends, by         #
governing
justly and piously for the future; charges and adjures 
all his Officers and Vicounts, that neither for fear of him, or
favour of any person, or to enrich the King, they suffer        #
injustice
to be done in the land; commands his treasurers to pay
all his Debts ere his return home, which was by (^Denmarke^) ,
to compose matters there; and what his Letter profess'd, he
perform'd all his life after. But it is a fond conceit in many
great ones, and pernicious in the end, to cease from no         #
violence
till they have attain'd the utmost of thir ambitions and        #
desires;
then to think God appeas'd by thir seeking to bribe him
with a share however large of thir ill-gott'n spoils, and then
lastly to grow zealous of doing right, when they have no
longer need to do wrong. Howbeit (^Canute^) was famous 
through (^Europe^) , and much honour'd of (^Conrade^) the       #
Emperour,
then at (^Rome^) , with rich guifts and many grants of what 
he there demanded for the freeing of passages from Toll and
Custome. I must not omit one remarkable action done by him,
as (^Huntingdon^) reports it, with great Scene of circumstance,
and emphatical expression, to shew the small power of Kings
in respect of God; which, unless to Court-Parasites, needed no
<P X,281>
such laborious demonstration. He caus'd his Royal Seat to be
set on the shoar, while the Tide was coming in; and with all
the state that Royalty could put into his countnance, said thus
to the Sea: Thou Sea belongst to me, and the Land wheron I
sit is mine; nor hath any one unpunish't resisted my commands:
I charge thee come no furder upon my Land, neither
presume to wet the Feet of thy Sovran Lord. But the Sea, as
before, came rowling on, and without reverence both wet and
dash'd him. Whereat the King quickly riseing, wish'd all
about him to behold and consider the weak and frivolous
power of a King, and that none indeed deserv'd the name of a
King, but he whose Eternal Laws both Heav'n, Earth, and
Sea obey. A truth so evident of it self, as I said before, that
unless to shame his Court Flatterers who would not else be
convinc't, (^Canute^) needed not to have gone wet-shod home:
The best is, from that time forth he never would wear a
Crown, esteeming Earthly Royalty contemptible and vain.



