<B CETRAV2B>
<Q E2 NN TRAV COVERTE>
<N TRUE REPORT>
<A COVERTE ROBERT>
<C E2>
<O 1570-1640>
<M X>
<K X>
<D ENGLISH>
<V PROSE>
<T TRAVELOGUE>
<G X>
<F X>
<W WRITTEN>
<X MALE>
<Y X>
<H OTHER>
<U X>
<E X>
<J X>
<I X>
<Z NARR NON-IMAG>
<S SAMPLE X>


[^COVERTE, ROBERT.
A TRVE AND ALMOST INCREDIBLE REPORT
OF AN ENGLISHMAN, 1612.
THE ENGLISH EXPERIENCE, 302.  
AMSTERDAM: THEATRVM ORBIS TERRARVM
LTD. AND NEW YORK: DA CAPO PRESS,
1971 (FACSIMILE).
PP. 11.11 - 19.33   (SAMPLE 1)
PP. 36.33 - 45.37   (SAMPLE 2)^]

<S SAMPLE 1> 
<P 11>
   The 12. day our Pinnis went on shore to the same
place, with master (^Iordan^) , one of our Merchants. At
whose comming on shore, after some conference with
some that could speake (^Portugall^) , but not with those
(as it seemed) with whom we spake the day before,
for these told master (^Iordan^) the King was a (^Mallaibar^) ,
and after some other conference, master Iordan told
them, that although our ship were an English ship, yet
he was a (^Portugall^) Merchant, and the goods in the 
ship were (^Portugals^) goods. Then they told vs wee 
should not want for any thing they had, and hereupon
they sent a (^Moore^) into our boat to make search for a
conuenient watering place, who after some small
search, brought vs to a little hole at the bottome of
a hill, being hemmed in with the hill on the one side
and a dich on the other side, there we filled our Barreecoes,
and being ready to goe aboard, wee desired the 
(^Moore^) to goe aboard with vs, who willingly agreed
thereto, and we vsed him very kindly, till the next
morning that we went to water againe, and carried
him on shore with vs, by whose report of his kinde vsage
aboard, there came downe with him, another
that could speake a little (^Portugall^) , who (as hee said)
was one of the Kings Gentlemen, him wee also
brought aboard and vsed him very kindly, and set
him a shore the next day. Who promised at his deperture
to bring vs Hennes, Coquonuts, and Orenges,
<P 12>
which he did accordingly, and then our Master,
with master (^Reuet^) and my selfe went ashore with
some others of the Company, where wee dined,
and after dinner came two Cauelliers, and a (^Moore^)
being one of their slaues to the watering place, where
our men were filling of the Caske, and asked whether
there were any of the chiefe of our ship, or Company
there, to who~ (^Edward Churchman^) one of our Company
made answer, & said there was our Master, and one 
of the Merchants, whom (if it pleased them) he would
bring to parlee with them: and at their meeting,
they saluted each other after the (^Portugall^) maner. And
after some Conference, demanding what wee were,
we told them we were (^Englishmen^) , and they replied
that we were very welcome, and all that they had, or
the Iland could afford, was at our command and disposing; 
to whom we gaue harty thanks. 
   But these sugred words of theirs, was only in outward
shew, to cloake their treacherous practises, as
afterward we found it true.
   Then we demanded what they were, and it was
answered, that one of them was the Kings brother,
who instantly shewed vs a siluer ring, whereon was
ingrauen the number of villages, and houses, or cottages
in the Iland, and said he was Ruler and Gouernor
of all those places. Then we asked them, if there
were any (^Portugals^) in the Iland, they said no, for
they had banished them all because they would
haue reliefe there perforce, and would make slaues
of the people of the Iland, (which being not able to
indure) they made continuall warres with them at 
their comming thither.
   In the meane time, our Pinnis came on shore,
which had beene at an other place of the Iland for Cattell,
according to appointment, but were deferred of,
till they might get fitter opportunity for their intended
treacherie.
<P 13>
   Then our men told vs that they had heard of that
side of the Iland where they were for Cattell that 15.
saile of (^Hollanders^) had lately taken (^Mosembege^) , and
put all the (^Portugals^) to the sword, which newes they
had heard from (^Zinzibar^) to be true, whereat these           #
Cauelliers 
seemed outwardly to reioice, which was also
another subtill traine to bring vs within compasse of
their intended treachery. And when night drew on,
we intreated them to goe aboard with vs, which then,
they refused to doe, but promised to come aboard the 
next day being the seuenteenth day of December,
which the Kings brother (as he named himselfe) did
with two others, but before they came aboard, they
craued pledges, which they had, viz. (^Thomas Caue,
Gabriel Brooke^) , and (^Laurence Pigot^) our Surgeon.
The other three being then aboard, we vsed them verie 
kindly vntill they went on shore, on the eighteenth
day in the morning: And our General gaue the chiefe
of them two Goats, a paper Cartridge of Gunpowder
and some other small trifles to the other two, and
so went on shore, and master (^Reuec^) , master (^Iordan^) ,
(^M. Glascot^) & my selfe went with them for our pledges,
& at our comming on shore and fearing no treacherie,
we went sixe or eight vnaduisedly vp to the houses
for our pledges, whom we found garded with fifty
or sixty men armed with seuerall weapon, as Bowes
and Arrowes, Swords and Bucklers, Darts, and
Curltleaxes, yet at our comming thither, wee receiued
our pledges and without longer stay, departed
to the Sea side, accompanied with the Kings
brother, and immediatly most of those (^Moores^) came
also after vs, and sixe or eight of them came to our
Pinnis side and viewed her and so departed againe
to the rest of their fellowes.
   And we instantly entered our boat, and intreated the 
Kings brother to go aboard with vs, which he willingly
did, & we entertained him with all kindnes that we
<P 14>
could, vntill towards night that he was to depart, when
our Master offered him a knife, with some other odde
trifles, which he scornfully refused, and presently went        #
ashoare 
in our boat. Vpon this, we mistrusted some trechery, 
intended against vs, and therefore thought to bee
better armed at our next comming ashoare.
   The 19. day our Long boat went a shore in the morning
verie early, to fill our Caske with water, and hauing
filled the same, within a litle, they espied our sailes
out, being let downe to dry; but they imagined we were
going away: wherevpon the companion to the Kings brother
came to our boatswaine, and asked him if wee were
going away; The boat-swaine, as well as he could, both
by signes and otherwise, told him, it was only to dry
our sailes. And as they were thus talking, they espied our 
Pinnace comming, being then very well armed, and left
off making any further inquirie; which Pinnace had they
not then espied, it was likely they had intended to haue
cut off our men, and taken our boat; for there was two of
these Rogues at the least lying in ambush about the watering
place, readie to haue giuen the onset, if the watchword
had been giuen. By this time our Pinnace was
come to the shore, and our men standing on their gard
vpon the sands, not farre from her, then our Master sent
(^Nicholas White^) , one of our gang, to tell them of the Iland
that our Merchants were come on shoare, who passing by
one of their houses, might perceiue the same to be full of
people, & amongst the rest, Or Portugales, in long branched
damaske Coats, lined with blew taffata, and vnder
the same, white callico breeches. This (^Nicholas White^) , at
his returne, told vs, and presently came downe the companion
to the Kings brother, and told Master (^Reuec^) , the
Marchants were weary, and intreated them to go vp to
the~ to see the Cattell, which was only one bullock which
(^Nicholas White^) saw at his going vp, and no more. But 
Master Reuet craued pardon desiring him to send downe
the Bullocke, and their was commodities in the boat to
<P 15>
make satisfaction for the same. With this answer, and seeing
vs better armed then we were wont to bee, he went
away. The Kings brother being then on the sands, commanded
a Negro to gather Coquonuts to send to our
General, and made choise of (^Edward Churchman^) one of
our men, to fetch the same, whom we neuer saw after,
nor could euer know what became of him; But when
they saw that none of vs would come a shore, but stood
vpon our gard, they gaue the watchword and sounded a
horne, and presently set vpon our men at the watering
place and slew (^Iohn Harrington^) , the boat-swaines man,
and wounded (^Robert Buckler^) , Master (^Ellanors^) man very
sore, with 8. or 10. seuerall wounds, and had killed him,
but that we discharged a Musket or two, which (as it seemed)
hurt some of them; for then they retired and cried
out: and so (though weake and faint) he did at length recouer
our boat. Also two or three more of our men by creeping,
and lying close in the ditch, vntill they espied our
boat, got also safe aboard; and then counting our men, we
only missed (^Edward Churchman^) , and (^Iohn Harrington^) ,
that was slaine: and so comming aboard, we certified the 
company of all our proceedings on shoare; and our Surgeon 
dressed (^Robert Buckler^) , and after, did his best for
his cure and recouery of his health.
   The twentieth day in the morning we went on shoare
with our Pinnace and Long-boat, very wel armed to
fetch in our Dauid, (which is a piece of wood or timber
wherewith we hale vp our Ancor) and a little beyend the 
same, we found (^Iohn Harrington^) dead, and starke naked,
whom we buried at another Iland, hard by the maine
Iland.
   The naturall people of the Iland (^Pemba^) , seeme to bee 
louing and kind: for they made signes to me and others,
at our first comming, to beware of our throats cutting:
which then we tooke no heede or notice of, vntill this
their treachery put vs in minde thereof againe.
   The same day (being the 20. day) we waighed Ancor,
<P 16>
and about 12. of the  clocke at night, our ship was on
ground, on the shoulds of (^Meluidee^) , or (^Pemba^) , which
we certainely knew not: Yet God of his mercy, (as
formerly in the late pretended treacherie, so in that
extreamity) did mightily defend and preserue vs,
whose name bee praised and glorified now and 
euermore.
   The 21. day in the morning, wee espied three saile
being small boats, sleightly wrought together, called
(^Paugaias^) which we made after and tooke, which they
on shore espying, they sent out an Aduisor being also
a (^Paugaia^) , which perceiued that wee had taken the other 
and returned to the shore.
   Now of those which we had taken there were some
6. or 8. of the chiefest that were thought by our company
to be (^Portugals^) , the rest being certainely known
to be (^Moores^) , and were in all some fourty and odde
persons, and those sixe or eight were pale and white,
much differing from the colour of the (^Moores^) , Yet
being asked, what they were, they said, they were
(^Moores^) , and shewed vs their backes all written with
Characters; and when we affirmed them to be (^Portugals^) ,
they then told vs the (^Portugals^) were not 
circumcised.
   But to conclude; our Company would not be perswaded
but that they were (^Portugals^) : then some of
our Co~pany told them of al the intended treacheries
with the losse of two of our men, and wounding of the
the third, which made them fearefull of our reuenge,
(as it seemed) and then they talked together in their
owne language, which made vs also suspect, some villanous
and desperat attempt to be pretended by them,
and therefore, I kept my selfe still vpon the poope,
and looked carefully to the swords which stood nakedly
in the Masters Cabbin, which they also knew and
noted, and marked Master (^Glaskock^) , and my selfe
where we set our swords still expecting to haue the
<P 17>
place voided, which I perceiuing, kept good watch,
lest greater hurt should ensue thereby, and being thus
alone on the poope they beckoned me three or four seuerall
times to come to them vpon the spare Deck [^SOURCE TEXT:        #
D ck^] , which
I denied, lest they should so recouer the swords, whereby
far more harme might haue beene done, then afterwards
was done.
   Then our Master came vpon the spare decke and
demanded, which was their Pilot, whom hee tooke
downe into his Cabbin, and shewed him his plat,
which he at his comming downe did very earnestly
behold.
   But at his going from the rest with our Master, he 
spake in the (^Moores^) language, warning them (as we
thought) to looke to themselues and doe their best amongst
vs, and to giue eare when he gaue the watchword,
and then to giue the Onset.
   Also there were speaches vsed that the Pilot had a
knife about him, and being searched for it, he nimblie
conueied the same from the one side to the other, and
therwith suddenly stabbed the Master into the belly, &
then cried out, which (belike) was the Watchword:
For then they began the onset on the spare decke,
where Master (^Glascocke^) , Master (^Tindall^) , our           #
Generall, 
and one or two more with them chanched to kill
foure or fiue of the white Roagues, and made such hauocke
among the rest, that at length they had slaine almost
fourty of them, and brought the rest in 
subiection.
   Now, a little before our Master thus called the Pilot,
he entreated our Generall, that if they had any
garuances or peason (being their Country food) they
would let vs haue some, which they should be paid for,
& what was taken from them should be redeliuered,
with free liberty to go where they would, whereto the
General consented, & heereupon our Master called the
Pilot, to see if he had any skil in the Plat, and so to let
<P 18>
him depart, and all the rest. But when thus treacherously 
they offered vs the first abuse, we could doe no
lesse then we did, being in our owne defence, and for
the safegard of our liues.
   Yet did some fiue or sixe of these villaines, recouer
a (^Pangaia^) by their excellent swiftnesse in swimming,
and escaped to the shore, they swimming to windward,
faster then our Pinnis could rowe.
   In this skirmish were hurt but three of our Company,
namely, Master (^Glascocke^) , with two wounds,
whereof one was a deepe wound in his backe, Master
Tindals was aimed at his breast, he hauing nothing in
his hand to defend himselfe, yet by the assistance of the 
Almighty he turned himselfe about and receiued the
stabbe in his arme, and our Masters was in his belly,
as is formerly said, which (God be thanked) they all 
recouered and were well cured.
   The 19. day of January wee espied many Ilands,
which the (^Portugals^) call by the name of (^Almaisant^) ,     #
being
to the number of nine Ilands, al vnpeopled as the
(^Portugals^) write and affirme.
   The 20. day we sent our Pinnis in the morning to
one of those Ilands to seeke fresh water, but could finde 
none: yet they found there great store of Land Turtles,
and brought some sixe aboard, then wee sailed
to an other Iland, which seemed more likely for fresh
water then the first, where we cast Ancor.
   The 21. day about ten of the Clock in the forenoone
Riding there at twelue or thirteene fathome water,
and a reasonable good harbour, we staied there vntill
the first day of February, and then waighed Ancor,
and departed. Here we refreshed our selues very well
with fresh water, Coquonuts, fish, Palmitoes, and
Doues, great plenty.
   They first day of February, we set saile, and sailed
with a faire winde vntill the 19. day, that wee passed
the Equinoctiall line, and on the fifteenth day in the
<P 19>
morning betime, we came within ken of land, which 
was the coast of (^Melueidey^) vpon the maine.
   The 16. day we came to an Ancor, about nine of 
the Clocke in the morning, at 12. fathome water, and
some two leagues from the shore, and presently wee
sent our Pinnis to the shore to seeke some refreshing,
but they could by no meanes get on shore; nor would
the people of the Countrey (being fearefull) come
within parly, which at their returne they certified our
Master of, and so in the afternoone we set saile againe,
and departed.
   Now about this time it pleased God, (by the confession 
of (^William Acton^) , one of our ship boies) to reueale
a foule and detestable sinne committed amongst
vs; which being approued against him by a Jury, hee
was condemned to die, and was executed for the same
on the third day of March (being Friday) in the 
morning.
   The 21. day betimes in the morning, we espied an
Iland standing in the height of 12. Degrees and 17.
minutes, being barren and vnpeopled, ouer against
which Iland, some three leagues distant, stood foure 
hillocks or rocks, & for this Iland we bore vp a whole
day, and a night, and finding it to be barren and vnpeopled,
by sending our skiffe on shore, wee passed by
it, and the same day wee espied three Ilands more about
sunne setting standing in the height of 12. Degrees
and 29. minutes, to which Ilands we came the 
29. day of March, 1609. two of which Ilands were
within a league one of another, and the third we found
to be (^Sacatora^) , and standeth in 12. Degrees and 24.
minutes where we Ancored in a fine Bay the 30. day,
in the morning about ten of the Clocke.

<S SAMPLE 2>
<P 36>
   These are the names of his ten Viceroys, beeing all
Heathens, but very worthy men, and expert in the 
warres. Hee hath a great number of Noble men to
attend on him. An Earle is called a (^Nawbob^) , and
they are the chiefe men that attend on him, when he goeth
<P 37>
abroad: for at home none attend him but Euenuches
or gelded men.
   His Lord chiefe Justice is an Euenuch, and is called
(^Awlee Nawbob^) : hee is thought to bee woorth twenty
English millions: Hee keepeth twenty Elephants,
one hundreth and fifty Camels and Dromedaries, and
fiue hundreth Horse to attend on him.
   The Lord Treasurer is a mighty man, called Sultan
(^Carowdon^) : Hee hath forty Elephants to attend
him, two hundreth Camels and Dromedaries, and
one thousand Horse at his seruice. And when he commeth
to sit in his place of Justice, hee is brought vpon
an Elephant clad in cloth of gold or siluer, and sometimes
in a Pollankan, carried by foure slaues, he lying
in it, as if hee lay in a cradle, in as great pomp and ease
as may bee, and hath soar maces of siluer and gilt carried
before him, and ten banners, and as great attendance, 
as if hee were a King; yet on Twesdaies and
Thursdaies the King himselfe sits in Judgement of
all causes: He custometh all strangers goods himselfe,
the custome beeing but small at his pleasure, as sometimes,
the value of ten shillings, custometh goods
worth two hundreth pound. Also if a Merchant stranger, 
bring wares or merchandize from a farre Countrey:
as from (^Chyna, Bengalla^) , and thinketh hee shall
make a bad voiage, or lose thereby: if hee acquaint the
King therewith, and that the merchandize bee fit for
Kings, Princes, and Noble men, the King himselfe
will take part thereof, and cause his Nobles to take
the rest, at such rates as the Merchant, shall not only
bee a sauer, but a great gainer thereby.
   The (^Mogoll^) , lyueth in as great state and pompe as
may be deuised, both for Maiestie and princely pleasure;
for hee had brought before him euery day during our abode
there, 50. Elephants royall, clad in cloth of golde
and siluer, with drums fifes and trumpets, whereof,
some fight one with another, wounding one another very
<P 38>
deadly, and cannot be parted but with Rackets of 
wilde fier, made round like hoopes, and so run the same in
their faces, and some of them fight with wilde horses, as
one Elephant with 6. horses, whereof he hath killed 2.          #
instantly
by clasping his trunck about their neckes, and so 
pulling them to him, with his teeth breaketh their 
necks.
   Also there are tame Elephants that will take the viceroyes 
sonnes being the Kings pages with their
truncks, gaping as they would eat them, and yet verie
gently will set them vpon his owne head, and hauing sitten
there a good space, will set them downe againe one
their feet as tenderly as a mother would set downe her
owne childe, doing them no harme at all.
   The Elephant wil not goe out of the sight of his female,
nor will he be ruled if he doe, this I can speake by
experience hauing seene triall made thereof. Also euery he
Elephant, hath 3. or 4. females, and I saw one that had 
4. females and 12. yong ones of his owne begetting.
   There ingendring is strange, for the female
lieth downe on her backe, and he commeth vpon her, and
so ingender. But if he perceiue any man to beholde or
see him thus ingendring hee will kill him if he can.
   Also the King hath Deare, Rammes, Veruathoes or
Beazors, Lyons, Leopards, and Wolues, that fight before
him. Also if a Cauilier be condemned for any offence
and iudged to die, he may by the custom of the Country,
Craue combate with a Lion for his life, (which the
King denieth to none that crave it) as for example, I saw
one, that at the first incounter strooke the Lion with his
fist that he felled him, but the Lion recouering, returned
with great furie and violence, and caught such hold on
him that he rent out his guts, with the heart and liuer
and so tore him in peeces, and this was performed before
the King.
   Also there are horses that fight with Allegators or 
Crocodiles in Tancks or ponds of water where I also
<P 39>
saw one Allegator kill 2. stone horses at one time. There 
is also a faire Riuer called (^Indawe^) , running from thence
to (^Mesopotamia^) , & carrieth boats or lighters of 40. tun,
and is replenished with fish of all sorts.
   Also there are 4. Basars or markets euery day in the 
weeke, and great store of all things to be bought and sold
there, and at a very reasonable rate. As a hen for 2. pence,
a Turkey for 6. pence, a liue deare for a dollar, a sheep for
2. shillings, a goat for 2. shillings, a couple of oxen for 4.
dollars, being 16. shillings sterling, a good hogge for 2.      #
shillings,
but none buy them but Christians, and none sell
them but the Bannyans, who breed them, and as much 
fish for 3. pence as will serue 5. reasonable men at a 
meale.
   Also great store of fruit, as Limmons, Oranges, Apricocks,
Grapes, Peares, Apples and Plummes; But
with their grapes they make no wines because their
lawes forbid it: Also Raisons as great and faire as
Raisons of Damasko, with great store of cloth of golde
veluets and silkes out of (^Persia^) , and silkes and cloth of
gold from (^Chyna^) , but those are course and lowe prised;
but abundance are their vended; and Captaine Hawkins
thinketh that our Richer silkes, veluets, and such 
like would be excellent good commodities there.
   But especially our Cloth of light coulors. For there
is no Cloth, but a kind of course Cloth like Cotton, which
is made at (^Lyhore^) , and at a Towne called (^Esmeere^) :
and their finest and best, is a kind of course red cloth, like
a Venice red, and this is the vsuall wearing for the chiefest 
Cauiliers; and these are all the places of clothing that 
I could by any meanes heare of in all that Country.
   The word (^Mogoll^) , in their language is as much 
as to say, the great white King; for he is a white man and 
of the Race of the Tartares. He is King of many Kingdomes,
and writeth himselfe in his stile, (^Patteshaw Shelham
Shogh^) , that is, the King of all the great coynes. For
there is a seuerall coyne at (^Lahore^) , another at            #
(^Bramport^)
<P 40>
another at (^Surrot^) , another at (^Cambaia^) , another at     #
(^Sabbarton^) ,
and another at (^Awgru^) , And for his seuerall
Kingdomes, he is King, of the (^Guzarats^) , of the             #
(^Bannians^)
of the (^Bulloits^) of (^Callicot^) and (^Bengolla^) which are
(^Gentiles^) , of the (^Indestands^) of the (^Mogolles^) , of   #
the (^Hendouns^) ,
of the (^Moltans^) , of the (^Puttans^) , of the                #
(^Bullochies^) ,
and of the (^Alkeysors^) , with some others, which I cannot
particularly name. Also he writeth himselfe the nynthe
King from (^Iamberlaine^) . And to this his great stile he is
also of as great power, wealth and commande, yet will
he vrge none of what Nation soeuer to forsake their Religions, 
but esteemeth any man somuch the better, by
how much the more he is firme and constant in his Religion,
and of all other he maketh most accompt of Christians, 
and will allow them double the meanes that hee
giueth to any other nation, and keepeth continually two
Christians Friars, to conuerse with them in the Christian
Religion and manners of Christendome. He hath
also the picture of our Lady in the place of his prater or
Religious proceedings, and hath oftentimes said that
he could find in his heart to be a Christian, if they had
not so many Gods: There was at my being there an
Armenian Christian that in hope of gaine and preferment
turned More, which being told the King, he saide,
if he thought to saue his soule thereby, that was a sufficient
Recompence for him, but he would rather haue
giuen him preferment if he had kept himselfe still a 
Christian.
   The (^Mogoll^) is also verie bountifull, for to one that
gaue him a little deere he gaue 1000. Ruckees, being
100. pound sterling, also to another that gaue him a couple
of land spannels, he gaue the like reward, and to another
that gaue him two Cocks he gaue 2000. Ruckees.
   Also there be excellent faire Hawkes of all sorts from
the Goshauke to the Sparehauke, and great store of
game, as Phesants, Partriges, Plouers, Quailes,
Mallard, and of all other sorts of fowle in great plentie.
<P 41>
   There are no great dogges but a kind of Mungrels,
whereof two wil hardly kill a deare in a whole day, and
yet they are so choise ouer them, that they make them
coates to keepe them warme and cleane. Nor haue
they any parkes, but Forrests, and Commons, wherein
any man may hunt that will, saue only within 6. miles
of (^Agra^) round about which is lymitted and reserued for
the Kings priuate pleasure onely.
   The King hath there begun a goodly monument
for his Father, which hath been already 9. yeeres in building,
and will hardly be finished in 5. yeeres more, and 
yet there are continually 5000. workemen at worke
thereon.
   The substance therof, is very fine marble, curiously
wrought.
   It is in forme 9. square, being 2. English miles about
and 9. stories in height.
   Also, it was credibly reported vnto me by a Christian
Friar (who solemnly protested he heard the King him
selfe speake it) that hee intended to bestow a hundreth
millions of Treasure on that monument.
   And hauing viewed and seen this great and rich Citie
of (^Agra^) with the pleasures and Commodities thereof; 
on the 18. day of (^Ianuarie^) , my selfe with (^Ioseph         #
Salcbancke^)
and (^Iohn Frenchan^) , went to the King and craued
his Passe for (^England^) , who very courteously dema~ded
of vs if we would serue him in his wars, offering
vs what maintenance we would aske of him; which wee
humbly excused, both in regard of this our voiage, wherin
diuers others besids our selues, were partners, as
also, in regard we had Wiues and Children in our owne
Countrie, to whom both by Law and Nature wee were
bound to make returne if it were possible; whereupon
most graciously he granted vs his Passe, vnder his hand
and great Seale, for our safe conduct thorow al his Kingdomes
and Dominions. Then his chiefe Secretary,
went with vs to his third Queene (for it is said that hee
<P 42>
hath ten Queenes, one thousand Concubines, and two
hundreth Euenuches.) And this Queene is keeper of his
great Seale, where it was sealed and deliuered vnto vs.
Then I also went to the chiefe Friar, and craued his letters,
aswell to the Kings and Princes, whose Kingdoms
and Dominions we were to passe thorow, as also to the
Clergy and places of Religion, which he most willingly
granted, beeing a man of great Credit there, and greatly
esteemed and well knowne in other Kingdomes.
   Also hee gaue me his letters of commendations to one
(^Iohn Midnall^) an English Merchant or Factor, who had
lien in Agroe three yeeres: but before I came into England
(^Iohn Midnall^) was gone againe for the East Indies,
and I deliuered his letter to (^M=r=. Greenaway^) Deputy
gouernor in London for the Company of the East
Indian Merchants.
   The one and twentieth day, wee tooke our leaue of
Captaine (^Hawkins^) , whom wee left there in great credit
with the King, beeing allowed one hundreth Rackees a
day which is ten pound sterling, and is intituled by the 
name of a Can, which is a Knight, and keepeth company
with the greatest Noble men belonging to the King: and
hee seemeth very willing to doe his Country good. And
this is asmuch as I can say concerning him.
   The 22. day we tooke our iourney towards England,
being 5. Englishmen viz, my selfe, (^Ioseph Salebencke,
Iohn Frencham, Richard Martin^) , and (^Richard Fox^) , and
(^Guilliam Ashlee^) a More our guide, and trauelled towards
(^Ispahan^) in (^Persia^) , and so with 5. horses and 2.        #
Camels,
we tooke the way to (^Biany^) , because (^Iohn Midnall^)
had gone the way to (^Lahor^) before, also this way was
but two moneths iourney, though very dangerous and
that by (^Lahor^) was 4. moneths iourney and without danger,
viz.
   From (^Agra^) we came to (^Fetterbarre^) being 12. course.
And fro~ thence to (^Bianic^) being 12. course more. And this
is the chiefest place for Indico in all the East Indies,
<P 43>
where are 12. (^Indico^) Milles.
   The (^Indico^) groweth in small bushes like goosberry
bushes and carrieth a seede like Cabbege seed. And 
being cut down is laid on heapes for half a yeere to rot
and then brought into a vault to be troden with Oxen
to tread the Indico from the stalkes, and so to the
Milles to be ground very fine: and lastly, is boiled in
Furnaces, and very well refined and sorted into 
seuerall sorts.
   A seere of Indico in (^Biany^) is worth ten pence, which
seere doth containe twenty ounces at the least. This
I know to be true and brought a sample of the Indico
home with me. And for this Indico & the (^Anneele^) that
is made thereof, there is much trading of Merchants,
form (^Agro^) and (^Lahore^) .
   The 25. day, we came to (^Hendowne^) , being twenty
fiue course, this is an ancient faire City, where is also 
good store of course Indico.
   The 26. day, we came to (^Mogoll^) being 14. course.
This is a small market Towne, where are also course
Indico and Callicoes.
   The 27. day we went some 12. course to a small
Village called (^Halstot^) .
   The 28. day, we trauelled 12. course to a small 
Village called (^Chatsoe^) , where are sheepe and goats
great store, and very cheape.
   The 29. day, we went 12. course to a small Town
called (^Laddanna^) , and there are great store of Cotton
Wools.
   The 30. day, we went eight course to a small town
called (^Mosabad^) , where is great store of corne.
   The 31. day we went 12. course to (^Bandason^) a smal
Village.
   The first day of February we came to a faire Riuer
called (^Paddar^) that runneth to (^Guzarat^) , and this Riuer
parteth the Dominions of the (^Indestands^) and (^Hendownes^)
and falleth into the gulph of Persia. And from
<P 44>
thence we went to the City of (^Esmeere^) , being twelue
course from (^Bandason^) .
   Heere the great (^Mogol^) hath a stately house where
are continually kept 600. Elephants, and 1000. Horses, 
for the warres to bee ready at the Kings 
command.
   There is great store of wools, and much cloathing
for course cloth and cottens, also Iauelins, Bowes
and Arrowes, Armour, Swords, and other weapons
for the Warres, and two Basars or Markets euery
weeke.
   The (^Indestands^) are very gallant people, and great
Merchants into most parts of the world.
   The second day, wee went into the (^Hendownes^)
Countrey, some 12. course, and came to (^Richmall^) ,
where in great wore of Game, and a pleasant place for
hawking and hunting.
   The fourth day, we went 12. course, to (^Mearta^) ,
a faire City, where I saw three faire and ancient
Tombee or Monuments of the (^Hendownes^) , there are
three Basars or Markets euery weeke. Also great store
of Indico, cotten wooll, yarne, and cloth.
   This City in my iudgement is as big as the City 
of (^Exceter^) .
   The sixth day we went some twelue course to (^Hursallo^) ,
a small Village.
   The seuenth day we went 14. course to (^Lauara^) , a 
small village, where is great store of Corne, Cattell,
and Sheepe and very good cheape.
   The eight day, we went 12. course to (^Towry^) , a 
Towne of Garrison of the (^Hendownes^) .
   The ninth day, we went 11. course to (^Chummo^) a 
small Village.
   The tenth day, we went 13. course to (^Moulto^) a 
Village.       
   The 11. day, we went 10. course to (^Pucker^) a small 
Village.
<P 45>
   The 12. day, we went 12. course to (^Senawra^) a little
Towne.
   The 13. day, we went but fiue course to (^Basonpee^)
a small village.
   The 14. day, we went fiue course more to (^Gislemeere^) ,
a faire City, and hath in it a strong Castle, where
lyeth a grand Cauilier. Also there is great trading of
Merchandize by Land, and in the Castle are thirty
peeces of Ordinance.
   The 18. day, we went from thence some 14. course 
ouer the sands, that part the (^Hendownes^) and (^Multans^) ,
and lay in the fields.
   The (^Hendownes^) are naturally discended from the 
(^Gentiles^) , yet refuse no manner of meat, flesh, nor fish,
and are many of them very notable theeues. They
pray naked, dresse and eat their meat naked, and 
where they dresse and eat their meat, they make a circle,
within which circle none must enter, during
the time of their dressing and eating their meat. 
   Their women are brought vp of children with shackles,
some of siluer, some of brasse, and some of Iron
on their legs, and rings in their eares, all which
are still increased or made bigger as they grow in 
yeeres and bignesse, so that in time they haue holes in
their eares so great that a man may thrust his hand
thorow. Also they doe weare [^SOURCE TEXT: we re^] bracelets of #
Elephants
teeth about their armes from the wrist to the elbow.
   The 19. day, wee went eight course and lay in the 
Fields.
   The 20. day, wee went 12. course more, and lay 
in the fields.
   The twenty one day, we went 12. course and lay
by a well some 60. fathome deepe, where water was
very scarse.
   The 22. day, we trauelled 16. course, where wee
could get no better water then was almost halfe Cow
pisse.



